Selected quad for the lemma: land_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
land_n	find_v	great_a	king_n	3,579	5	3.5272	3	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A58844	Scrinia Ceciliana, mysteries of state & government in letters of the late famous Lord Burghley, and other grand ministers of state, in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth, and King James, being a further additional supplement of the Cabala.; Scrinia Ceciliana.	Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626.; Burghley, William Cecil, Baron, 1520-1598.; Sidney, Philip, Sir, 1554-1586.; Throckmorton, Nicholas, Sir, 1515-1571.	1663 (1663)	Wing S2109; ESTC R10583	213,730	256

Queens Service mine own Fortune and in a sort my Vocation I did nothing but devise and ruminate with my self to the best of my understanding Propositions and Memorials of any thing that might concern his Lordships Honour Fortune or Service And when not long after I entred into this course my Brother Mr. Anthony Bacon came from beyond the Seas being a Gentleman whose abilities the World taketh knowledge of for matter of State specially Forreign I did likewise knit his Service to be at my Lords disposing And on the other side I must and will ever acknowledge my Lords love trust and favour towards me and last of all his liberality having enfeoffed me of land which I sold for 1800 l. to Mr. Reynold Nicholas and I think was more worth and that at such a time and with so kind and noble circumstances as the manner was as much as the matter Which though it be but an idle digression yet because I will not be short in commemoration of his benefits I will presume to trouble your Lordship with the relating to you the manner of it After the Queen had denied me the Sollicitors place for the which his Lordship had been a long and earnest Suitor on my behalf it pleased him to come to me from Richmond to Twilknam Park and brake with me and said Mr. Bacon the Queen hath denied me the place for you and hath placed another I know you are the least part of your own matter but you fare ill because you have chosen me for your mean and dependance you have spent your time and thoughts in my matters I die these were the very words if I do not somewhat towards your Fortune you shall not deny to accept a piece of land which I will bestow upon you My answer I remember was That for my Fortune it was no great matter but that his Lordships offer made me call to mind what was wont to be said when I was in France of the Duke of Guise That he was the greatest Usurer in France because he had turned all his Estate into Obligations meaning that he had left himself nothing but only had bound numbers of persons to him Now my Lord said I I would not have you imitate this course nor turn your state thus by greatest gifts into obligations for you will find many bad Debtors He bade me take no care for that and pressed it whereupon I said I see my Lord that I must be your Homager and hold land of your gift but do you know the manner of doing Homage in Law alwayes it is with a saving of his faith to the King and his other Lords and therefore my Lord said I I can be no more yours than I was and it must be with the ancient savings and if I grow to be a rich man you will give me leave to give it back a gain to some of your un-rewarded followers But to return Sure I am though I can arrogate nothing to my self but that I was a faithful Remembrancer to your Lordship that while I had most credit with him his fortune went on best and yet in too many points we always directly and condradictorily differed which I will mention to your Lordship because it giveth light to all that followed The one was I alwayes set this down That the only course to be held with the Queen was by obsequiousness and observance and I remember I would usually gage confidently that if he would take that course constantly and with choice of good particulars to express it the Queen would be brought in time to Ahasuerus Question to ask What should be done to the man that the King would honour meaning that her goodness was without limit where there was a true concurrence which I knew in her nature to be true My Lord on the other side had a setled opinion that the Queen should be brought to nothing but by a kind of necessity and authority and I well remember when by violent Courses at any time he had got his Will he would ask me Now Sir whose Principles be true and I would again say to him My Lord these Courses be like to hot waters they will help at a pang but if you use them you shall spoil the stomack and you shall be fain still to make them stronger and stronger and yet in the end they will lose their operation with much other variety wherewith I used to touch that string Another point was That I alwayes vehemently perswaded him from seeking greatness by a Military dependance or by a Popular dependance as that which would breed in the Queen Jealousie in himself Presumption and in the State Perturbation and I did usually compare them to Icarus two wings which were joined on with wax and would make him venture to soar too high and then fail him at the height And I would further say unto him My Lord stand upon two feet and flie not upon two wings The two feet are the two kinds of Justice commutative and distributive use your greatness for advancing of merit and vertue and relieving wrongs and burthens you shall need no other art of sineness but he would tell me that opinion came not from my mind but from my robe But it is very true that I that never meant to enthrall my self to my Lord of Essex nor any other man more than stood with the publick good did though I could little prevail divert him by all means possible from Courses of the Wars and Popularity for I saw plainly the Queen must either live or dye if she lived then the times would be as in the declination of an old Prince if she died the times would be as in the beginning of a new and that if his Lordship did rise too fast in these Courses the times might be dangerous for him and he for them Nay I remember I was thus plain with him upon his Voyage to the Islands when I saw every spring put forth such actions of charge and provocation that I said to him My Lord when I came first to you I took you for a Physitian that desired to cure the diseases of the State but now I doubt you will be like to those Physitians which can be content to keep their Patients long because they would alwayes be in request which plainness he nevertheless took very well as he had an excellent care and was patientissimus veri and assured me the case of the Realm required it and I think this speech of mine and the like renewed afterwards pricked him to write that Apology which is in many mens hands But this dfference in two points so main and material bred in process of time a discontinuance of privateness as it is the manner of men seldom to Communicate where they think their courses not approved between his Lordship and my self so as I was not called nor advised with for some year and a half before his Lordships going into Ireland as in former time yet

to both the shipping of both in conjuncture being so powerful by Gods blessing as no Forrainers will venture upon This League and Friendship must inviolably be observed 15. From Scotland we have had in sormer times some Alarms and Inro esinto the Northern parts of this Kingdom but that happy Union of both Kingdoms under one Sovereign our gracions King I hope hath taken away all occasions of breach between the two Nations let not the cause arise from England and I hope the Scots will not adventure it or if they do I hope they will find that although to our King they were His first-born Subjects yet to England belongs the Birth-right But this should not be any cause to offer any injury to them nor to suffer any from them 16. There remains then no danger by the blessing of God but a Civil War from which God of his mercy defend us as that which is most desperate of all others The Kings Wisdom and Justice must prevent it if it may be or if it should happen quod absit he must quench that Wild-fire with all the diligence that possibly can be 17. Competition to the Crown there is none nor can be therefore it must be a fire within the bowels or nothing the cures whereof are these Remedium praeveniens which is the best physick either to a natural body or to a State by just and equal Government to take away the occasion and Remedium puniens if the other prevail not The service and vigilancy of the Deputy Lieutenants in every County and of the High Sheriff will contribute much herein to our security 18. But if that should not prevail by a wise and timous Inquisition the peccant humours and humorists must be discovered and purged or cut off mercy in such a case in a King is true cruelty 19. Yet if the Heads of the Tribes can be taken off and the mis-led multitude will see their error and return to their obedience such an extent of mercy is both honourable and profitable 20. A King against a storm must fore-see to have a convenient stock of treasure and neither be without money which is the sinewes of war nor to depend upon the courtesie of others which may fail at a pinch 21. He must also have a Magazine of all sorts which must be had from forreign parts or provided at home and to commit them to several places under the custody of trusty and faithful Ministers and Officers if it be possible 22. He must make choice of expert and able Commanders to conduct and manage the War either against a forreign invasion or a home rebellion which must not be young and giddy which dare not only to fight but to swear and drink and curse neither fit to govern others nor able to govern themselves 23. Let not such be discouraged if they deserve well by mis-information or for the satisfying the humors or ambition of others perhaps out of envy perhaps out of treachery or other sinister ends A steddy hand in governing of Military affairs is more requisite then in times of peace because an error committed in war may perhaps prove irremediable 24. If God shall bless these endeavours and the King return to His own House in Peace when a Civil war shall be at an end those who have been found faithful in the Land must be regarded yea and rewarded also the traiterous or treacherous who have mis-led others severely punish'd and the neutrals and false-hearted friends and followers who have started aside like a broken bowe be noted Carbone nigro and so I shall leave them and this part of the work VI. I come to the sixth part which is Trade and that is either at home or abroad And I begin with that which is at home which enableth the Subject of the Kingdom to live and layeth a foundation to a forreign trade by traffique with others which enableth them to live plentifully and happily 1. For the Home-trade I first commend unto your consideration the encouragement of Tillage which will enable the Kingdom for Corn for the Natives and to spare for Exportation And I myself have known more than once when in times of Dearth in Queen Elizabeths dayes it drained much Coyn of the Kingdom to furnish us with Corn from Forrain Parts 2. Good Husbands will find the means by good Husbandry to improve their Lands by Lime Chalk Marl or Sea-sand where it can be had But it will not be amiss that they be put in mind thereof and encouraged in their Industries 3. Planting of Orchards in a Soyl and Air fit for them is very prositable as well as pleasurable Sider and Perry are notable Beverage in Sea-Voyages 4. Gardens are also very profitable if planted with Artichokes Roots and such other things as are fit for food whence they be called Kitchin-Gardens and that very properly 5. The planting of Hop-yards sowing of Woad and Rape-seed are sound very profitable for the Planters in places apt for them and consequently profitable for the Kingdom which for divers years was furnished with them from beyond the Seas 6. The planting and preserving of Woods especially of Timber is not only profitable but commendable therewith to furnish posterity both for building and shipping 7. The Kingdom would be much improved by draining of drowned lands and gaining that in from the over-flowing of salt waters and the sea and from fresh waters also 8. And many of those grounds would be exceeding fit for Daries which being well houswived are exceeding commodious 9. Much good land might be gained from Forrests and Chases more remote from the Kings access and from other commonable places so as always there be a due care taken that the poor Commoners have no injury by such improvement 10. The making of navigable Rivers should be profitable they would be as so many in-draughts of wealth by conveying the commodities with ease from place to place 11. The planting of Hemp and Flax would be an unknown advantage to the Kingdom many places therein being as apt for it as any forreign parts 12. But add hereunto that it be converted into Linnen-cloth or Cordage the commodity thereof will be multiplied 13. So it is of the Wools and Leather of the Kingdom if they be converted into manufactures 14. Our English Dames are much given to the wearing of costly Laces and if they be brought from Italy or France or Flanders they are in great esteem whereas if the like Lace were made by the English so much thred as would make a yard of Lace being put into that manufacture would be five times or perhaps ten or twenty times the value 15. The breeding of cattel is of much profit especially the breed of Horses in many places not only for travel but for the great saddle the English horse for strength and courage and swiftness together not being inferiour to the horses of any other Kingdom 16. The Minerals of the Kingdom of Lead Iron Copper and Tynn

trust in a business of that nature and recommend it to one or more of them to inform you of their opinions and of their reasons for or against the granting of it and if the matter be of great weight indeed then it would not be amiss to send several Copies of the same Petition to several of your Friends the one not knowing what the other doth and desire them to return their Answers to you by a certain time to be prefixed in writing so shall you receive an impartial Answer and by comparing the one with the other you shall both discern the Abilities and Faithfulness of your Friends and be able to give a judgment thereupon as an Oracle But by no means trust not your own judgment alone for no man is omniscient nor trust only to your Servants who may mislead you or misinform you by which they may perhaps gain a few Crowns but the Reproach will lie upon yourself if it be not rightly carried For the facilitating of your dispatches my Advice is further that you divide all the Petitions and the matters therein contained under several Heads which I conceive may be fitly ranked into these eight sorts 1. Matters that concern Religion and the Church and Church-men 2. Matters concerning Justice and the Laws and the Professors thereof 3. Councellors and the Councel-table and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom 4. Forrain Negotiations and Embassies 5. Peace and War both Forrain and Civil and in that the Navy and Forts and what belongs to them 6. Trade at home and abroad 7. Colonies or Forrain Plantations 8. The Court and Curiality And whatsoever will not fall naturally under one of these Heads believe me Sir will not be worthy of your thoughts in this capacity we now speak of And of these sorts I warrant you you will find enough to keep you in business I begin with the first which concerns Religion 1. In the first place be you your self rightly perswaded and setled in the true Protestant Religion professed by the Church of England which doubtless is as sound and orthodox in the Doctrine thereof as any Christian Church in the World 2. In this you need not be a Monitor to Your gracious Master the King the chiefest of His imperial Titles is to be The Defender of the Faith and His Learning is eminent not only above other Princes but above other men be but his Scholar and you are safe in that 3. For the Discipline of the Church of England by Bishops c. I will not positively say as some do that it 's Jure Divino but this I say and think ex animo that it is the nearest to Apostolical Truth and confidently I shall say it is fittest for Monarchy of all others I will use no other Authority to you than that excellent Proclamation set out by the King Himself in the first Year of His Reign and annexed before the Book of Common-Prayer which I desire you to read and if at any time there shall be the least motion made for Innovation to put the King in mind to read it Himself It is most dangerous in a State to give ear to the least alterations in Government 4. Take heed I beseech you that you be not an instrument to countenance the Romish Catholicks I cannot flatter the world believes that some near in blood to you are too much of that perswasion you must use them with fit respects according to the bonds of nature but you are of kin and so a Friend to their Persons not to their Errours 5. The Arch-bishops and Bishops next under the King have the Government of the Church and Ecclesiastical Affairs be not you the mean to prefer any to those places for any by-respects but only for their Learning Gravity and Worth their Lives and Doctrine ought to be exemplary 6. For Deans and Canons or Prebends of Cathedral Churches In their first institution they were of great use in the Church they were not only to be of councel with the Bishop for his revenue but chiefly for his Government in causes Ecclesiastical use your best means to preferre such to those places who are fit for that purpose men eminent for their learning piety and discretion and put the King often in minde thereof and let them be reduced again to their first institution 7. You will be often sollicited and parhaps importuned to preferre Scholars to Church-living you may further your friends in that way caeteris paribus otherwise remember I pray that these are not places meerly of favour the charge of souls lies upon them the greatest account whereof will be required at their own hands but they will share deeply in their faults who are the instruments of their Preferment 8. Besides the Romish Catholicks there is a generation of Sectaries the Anabaptists Brownists and others of their kinds they have been several times very busie in this Kingdom under the colour of zeal for reformation of Religion The King your Master knows their disposion very well a small touch will put him in mind of them he had experience of them in Scotland I hope he will beware of them in England a little countenance or connivency sets them on fire 9. Order and decent ceremonies in the Church are not only comely but commendable but there must be great care not to introduce innovations they will quickly prove scandalous men are naturally over-prone to suspition the true Protestant Religion is seated in the golden mean the enemies unto her are the extreams on either hand 10. The persons of Church-men are to be had in due respect for their works sake and protected from scorn but if a Clergie man be loose and scandalous he must not be patronized nor winck't at the example of a few such corrupt many 11. Great care must be takan that the patrimony of the Church be not sacrilegiously diverted to lay uses His Majesty in his time hath religiously stopped a leak that did much harm and would else have done more Be sure as much as in you lies stop the like upon all occasions 12. Colledges and Schools of learning are to be cherished and encouraged there to breed up a new stock to furnish the Church and Common-wealth when the old store are transplanted This Kingdom hath in latter ages been famous for good literature and if preferment shall attend the deservers there will not want supplies Next to Religion let your care be to promote Justice By Justice and mercy is The Kings throne established 1. Let the rule of Justice be the Laws of the Land an impartial arbiter between the King and his people and between one Subject and another I shall not speak superlatively of them lest I be suspected of partiality in regard of my own profession but this I may truly say they are second to none in the Christian world 2. And as far as it may lie in you let no Arbitrary power be intruded the people of this Kingdome love

swadled in the infancy as the Roman was by the vertue of their first Kings which was a principal cause of the wonderful growth of that State in after-times The Decemvirs Laws were Laws upon Laws not the Original For they graffed Laws of Graecia upon the Roman stock of Laws and Customs But such was their success as the twelve Tables which they compiled were the main body of the Laws which framed and welded the great Body of that State They lasted a long time with some supplementals and the Pretorian Edicts in Albo which were in respect of Laws as Writing-tables in respect of Brass the one to be put in and out as the other is permanent Lucius Cornelius Sylla reformed the Laws of Rome For that man had three singularities which never Tyrant had but he That he was a Law-giver that he took part with Nobility and that he turned private man not upon fear but upon confidence Caesar long after desired to imitate him only in the first for otherwise he relied upon new men and for resigning his power Seneca describeth him right Caesar gladium cito condidit nunquam posuit And himself took it upon him saying in scorn of Sylla's resignation Sylla nescivit liter as dictare non potuit But for the part of a Law-giver Cicero giveth him the Attribute Caesar si ab eo quaereretur quid egisset in Toga leges se respondisset multas praeclar as tulisse His Nephew Augustus did tread the same steps but with deeper print because of his long Reign in peace whereof one of the Poets of his time saith Pace data terris animum ad Civilia vertit Jura suum legesque tulit justissimus Author From that time there was such a race of Wit and Authority between the Commentaries and Decisions of the Lawyers and the Edicts of the Emperours as both Laws and Lawyers were out of breath whereupon Justinian in the end re-compiled both and made a Body of Laws such as might be wielded which himself calleth glorious and yet not above truth the edifice or structure of a sacred Temple of Justice built indeed out of the former ruines of Books as materials and some novel constitutions of his own In Athens they had sex viri as AEschines observeth which were standing Commissioners who did watch to discern what Laws were unproper for the times and what new Law did in any branch cross a former Law and so ex officio propounded their Repeal King Edgar collected the Laws of this Kingdom and gave them a strength of a Faggot bound which formerly were dispersed which was more glory to him than his sailing about this Island with a great Fleet for that was as the Scripture saith Via Navis in Mari it vanished but this lasteth Alphonso the Wise the Ninth of that Name King of Castile compiled the Digest of the Laws of Spain intituled The six Partidas an excellent Work which he finished in seven years And as Tacitus noteth well That the Capitol though built in the beginnings of Rome yet was sit for the great Monarchy that came after so that building of Laws sufficeth the greatness of the Empire of Spain which since hath ensued Lewis the Eleventh had in his mind though he performed it not to have made one constant Law of France extracted out of the Civil Roman Law and the Customes of Provinces which are various and the Kings Edicts which with the French are Statutes Surely he might have done well if like as he brought the Crown as he said himself hors de Page so he had brought his people from Lacquay not to run up and down for their Laws to the Civil Law and the Ordinances of Courts and Discourses of Philosophers as they use to do King Henry the Eighth in the Twenty seventh year of his Reign was authorized by Parliament to nominate Thirty two Commoners part Ecclesiastical part Temporal to purge the Common Law and to make it agreeable to the Law of God and the Law of the Land but it took not effect For the Acts of that King were commonly rather proffers and fames then either well grounded or well pursued But I doubt I err in producing so many examples for as Cicero said to Caesar so may I say to Your Majesty Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit though indeed this well understood is far from vulgar for that the Laws of both Kingdoms and States have been like buildings of many pieces and patched up from time to time according to occasions without frame or model Now for the Laws of England if I shall speak my opinion of them without partiality either to my profession or Countrey for the matter and nature of them I hold them wise just and Moderate Laws they give to God they give to Caesar they give to the Subject what appertaineth It is true they are as mixt as our Language compounded of British Roman Saxon Danish Norman customs and surely as our Language is thereby so much the richer so our Laws are likewise by that mixture the more compleat Neither both this attribute the less to them then those that would have them to stand out the same in all mutations For no tree is so good first set as by transplanting and graffing I remember what happened to Calisthenes that followed Alexders Court and was grown into some displeasure with him because he could not well brook the Persian adoration At a Supper which with the Grecians was a great part he was desired the King being present because he was an eloquent man to speak of some Theme which he did and chose for his Theme the praise of the Macedonian Nation Which though it were but a filling thing to praise men to their faces yet he performed it with such advantage of truth and avoidance of flattery and with such life as was applauded by the Hearers The King was the less pleased with it not loving the man and by way of discountenance said It was easie to be a good Orator in a pleasing Theme But saith he to him turn your stile and tell us now of our faults that we may have the profit and not the praise only Which he presently did with such quickness that Alexander said That Malice made him Eloquent then as the Theme had done before I shall not fall into either of these extreams iu this Subject of the Laws of England I have commended them before for the matter but surely they ask much amendment for the Form which to reduce and perfect I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries that can be conferred upon this Kingdom which Work for the Excellency as it is worthy Your Majesties Acts and Times so it hath some Circumstance of propriety agreeable to Your person God hath blessed Your Majesty with posterity and I am not of opinion that Kings that are barren are fittest to supply perpetuity of generations by perpetuity of noble acts but contrariwise that they that leave posterity are the more

a matter to be pitied to have any such disorder to be begun yet with Gods goodness there is great likelihood of due avenge to be had of them all and no small profit to grow to the Queens Majestie by the forfeitures and escheats of their Lands wherewith the better subjects may be rewarded The French Ambassador hath been here this day and shewed the Queens Majesty that the King is come to Paris to levy mony for increase of his Army and that there are coming six thousand more Switzers to his service The 25. of the last the Earl of Murray began a convention at St. Iohns Town and meaneth to send as I think the Lord Lydlington hither with his minde concerning the Queen of Scots and so I end with my hearty commendations both to your self and my Lady Yours assuredly W. Cecil Otlands 3. Aug. 1569. Postscript here is very desirous that might be hither To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France SIR YOur last letters brought hither to my hands came by Mr. Huddleston whom surely I think you shall finde an honest servitor I have no matter presently to write of but to take occasion to send away this bearer your servant and I wish to hear from you of some good success at Pcictiers I do lye in wait for the Italian of whom you lately made mention in your letters that is sent hither to attempt his devillish conclusions Out of Ireland since my last I have heard nothing of any moment but I trust all shall be in quiet there and so is the state of this Realm also howsoever any other shall report having a disposition of malicious prophesying In Suffolk a lewd Varlet not disposed to get his living by labor moved a number of light persons to have made a rout in manner of Rebellion to have spoiled the richer sort but the matter was discovered and the offenders taken before they did attempt any thing more then had passed by words so as thereby they are punishable but as conspirers by words and not as actual Rebels The convention of St. Johns-Town in Scotland was dissolved about the second of this moneth and one Wednesday last came hither one Alexander Hume from the Regent with letters declaring that he had an universal obedience in Scotland and that the States there would not consent to any thing concerning the Queen of Scots restitution by any manner of Degree wherewith her Majesty is not well pleased because she hath a disposition to have her out of the Realm with some tollerable conditions to avoid perill which is a matter very hard at the least to me to compass I think you shall hear someways of an intention of and Certainly if the Queens Majesty may or shall be thereto perswaded I think it likely to succeed it hath so many weighty circumstances in it as I wish my self as free from the consideration thereof as I have been from the intelligence of the devising hereof I thought not good to have you ignorant I know Ê’ hath not allowed of it Sir I thank you for the French story which you lately sent me by Huddleston the next that shall come to you I think will be Mr. William Norris Yours assuredly W. Cecil Fernham 13. August 1569. Postscript Immediately after your last servant departed with letters to you making mention of our accord with the French Ambassador came the two Merchants Patrick and Offly to London with an accord propounded by the Marshall de Cross but not accepted for that thereby was required a general restitution of all things which on our part indeed cannot be and now the French Ambassador will not be here on Wednesday to eater into a new communication I send you a late Proclamation which you may impart there as you list SIR ALthough the bearer hereof Mr. Norris your Son is well able to satisfie you of all our Occurrents here both because of his continual attendance about the Court and for his understanding yet in one onely thing I am most fit to inform you That his stay here of long time hath been principally by my occasion whom I have at all times of late when he hath desired to come over unto you moved to stay upon expectation to have some matter of more weight to be by him imparted unto you but finding the same not so to fall out and perceiving him the more importune to resort unto you since the repair of Harcourte by whom he understood of your sickness I have thought it good no longer to defer him and therefore without any other great matter but to send him where he would be he now cometh and if I should enter into writing of any particular things here past he is as well able to express the same of his own knowledge as I am by writing and therefore you shall justly hold me excused if I forbear my writing having so sufficient a person to make report of all things as well such as are meet for letters as also not meet for some respects Of the matters of Ireland he shall make you full report Of Scotland he can do the like of our Trade to Hamburgh he is not ignorant of the matters betwixt us and France for Arrests of Merchandizes I have made him Privy and for the matters in this Court he hath seen and understands as much thereof as I doubt not but shall satisfie so as he shall serve you at this time in stead of many long letters And so I end with a good hope that he shall finde you well amended whereof I shall also be glad to hear wishing that the same might be joyned with the winning of Poictiers of which we here live on all sides in no small expectation though with sundry meanings Your assured friend at command W. Cecil Southampton 9. Sept. 1569. To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France SIR SInce your Sons departing from Southampton I have deferred to write untill this time perceiving some likelihood of some greater matters to ensue and yet the event thereof draws out at some length which hath moved me to defer the same untill now and doubting that otherwise rumors may be brought unto you I have thought good to send away this bearer You shall understand that according as your Son was able to inform you the Duke of Norfolk departed towards London about the 16. of this moneth promising to return to the Court within 8. days the Queens Majesty having shewed her self towards him offended with his dealing in the marriage was newly offended with his departure but being by me assured as I earnestly thought that he would return her Majesty was quieted contrary hereunto notwithstanding that he wrote on Thursday the 23. that he would be at the Court before Munday yet he went away secretly from London to Reninghale that same night whereof we had no knowledge untill Sunday in the morning that his own