this City received England the losse of that little Island named Providence by us and by the Spaniards Sta. Catalina which though but little might have been of a great nay greater advantage to our Kingdom than any other of our plantations in America which the Spaniards wel understood when they set al their strength of Carthagena against it but I hope the Lord hath his time appointed when we shall advantage our selves by it again To this City of Carthagena cometh every yeer also in small Frigots most of the Indigo Cochinil Sugar which is made in the country of Guatemala the Spaniards thinking it safer to ship these their goods in little Frigots upon the lake of Granada in Nicaragua from thence to send them to Carthagena to be shipped with the Galeons that come from Portabel with the treasure of Peru than to send them by the ships of Honduras which have often been a prey unto the Hollanders These frigots were thought by the Spaniards to come too neer the reach of Providence and therefore it hath been their care and providence to remove us from this reach of their Frigots The second great Towne of this Countrey of Carthagena is Abuida The third Sta. Martha which is a rich government of Spaniards and doth much fear our English and Holland ships it is seated on the river de Abuida otherwise called St. Iohn and Rio di Grand There is also Venezâ—…ela and New-Caliz great rich and strong Townes And these three last regions Andaluzia Nova Nova Granada and Carthagena are by the Spaniards called Tierra firme or firme land for that they are the strength of Peru from the North and the basis of this reversed Pyramis Thus have I brought thee Gentle Reader round about America and shewed thee the Continent of that biggest part of the world from the which thou mayst observe the power and greatnesse of the King of Spain who hath got under his Scepter and Dominion so many thousand miles which were they reckoned up would be found to be more then are about all Europe But not only is America great and spatious by land but also by sea glorying in more and some greater Islands then any other part of the world It would but cause tediousnesse and seem prolixity to number them all up which is a worke hard and difficult for that many as yet are not knowne nor inhabited and whose goodnesse and greatnesse is not discovered for the Islands called Lucâ—…idas are thought to be foure hundred at least Therefore I will omit to be over tedious and prolixe and will but briefly speake of the best and chiefe of them taking them in order from that part of the Continent Carthagena where even now I left thee But in the first place calls upon my pen the Jewel Island called Margarita which is situated in the sea nigh unto Castella aurea and not farre distant from two other Islands named Cubagâ—…a and Trinidadâ—… True it is this Island of Margarita is by some much slighted for want of corne grasse trees and water in so much that it hath been knowne sometime that an inhabitant of that Island hath willingly changed for a Tun of water a Tunne of wine But the great abundance of pretious stones in it maketh amends for the former wants and defects for from them is the name of Margarita imposed on that Island But especially it yeeldeth store of pearles those gemmes which the Latine writers call Uniones because nulli duo reperiuntur indiscreti they alwaies are found to grow in couples In this Island there are many rich Merchants who have thirty fourty fifty Black-more slaves only to fish out of the sea about the rockes these pearles These Black-mores are much made of by their Masters who must needs trust them with a treasure hidden in the waters and in whose will it is to passe by of those they find none few or many They are let downe in baskets into the Sea and so long continue under the water untill by pulling the rope by which they are let downe they make their sign to be taken up I have heard some say that have thus dealt in pearles that the chief meat they feed their Black-mores with is roast-meat which maketh them their wind breath longer in the water From Margarita are all the pearles sent to be refined and bored to Carthagena where is a faire and goodly street of no other shops then of these Pearledressers Commonly in the moneth of Iidy there is a ship or two at most ready in that Island to carry the Kings revenue and the Merchants pearles to Carthagena One of these ships are valued commonly at threescore thousand or fourscore thousand duckats and sometimes more and therefore are reasonable well manned for that the Spaniards much feare our English and the Holland ships The yeare that I was in Carthagena which was 1637. a ship of these laden with pearles was chased by one of our ships from the Island of Providence by some it was thought to be our ship called the Neptune which after a little fighting had almost brought the poore Spaniard to yeeld his pearies and had certainly carried away that great treasure as I was informed in Carthagena foure daies after the fight by a Spaniard who was in the ship of Margarita had not two other ships of Holland come between to challenge from our English man that prize alleadging their priviledge from the mighty States united for all prizes upon those seas and coast And whilst our English and Hollander did thus strive for the Pearles the Spanish ship ran on shore upon a little Island and speedily unladed and hid in the woods part of the treasures and perceiving the Hollander coming eagerly in pursuit of it the Spaniard set on fire the ship and neither Spaniard English nor Hollander enjoyed what might have been a great and rich prize to England From Carthagena was sent presently a man of Warre to bring home the pearles hid in the wood which were not the third part of what was in the ship Iamaica is another Island under the power of the Spaniards which is in length 280. miles and 70. in breadth which though it exceed Margarita in sweet and pleasant streames and fountaines of water yet is far inferiour to it in riches Some Hides some Sugar and some Tobacco are the chiefe commodities from thence There are only two Townes of note in it Oristana and Sevilli here are built ships which have proved as well at sea as those that are made in Spaine This Island was once very poulous but now is almost destitute of Indians for the Spaniards have sâ—…ain in it more then 60000 in so much that women as well here as on the Continent did kill their children before they had given them life that the issues of their bodies might not serve so cruell a nation But farre beyond the two former is the Island of Cuba which is three hundred miles long and seventy broad
which was first made knowne to Europe by Columbus his second navigation This Island is full of Forrests Lakes and mountaines The aire is very temperate the soile very fertill producing brasse of exact perfection and some gold though drossie hath formerly been found in it It aboundeth also with Ginger Cassia Masticke Aloes some Cinnamon Cana fistula Zarzaparilla and Sugar and hath of flesh fish and fowles great plenty but especially such store of sea Tortois and Hogs that the ships at their returne to Spaine make their chiefe provision of them My selfe chanced to take physicke there and whereas I thought that day I should have a fowle or rabbet after my physicks working they brought me a boyled peece of fresh young Porke which when I refused to eat they assured me it was the best dish the Doctors did use to prescribe upon such daies The chiefe Cities of this Island are Santiago on the Northerne shore built by Iames de Valaseo a Bishops seat and secondly Havana which is also on the Northerne shore and is a safe Rode for ships and the staple of merchandize and as the Spaniards call it the key of all the West-India's to lock up or unlock the doore or entrance to all America Here rideth the King of Spaines Navy and here meet all the Merchant ships from severall ports and Havens of all those Countries afore-named whether from the Islands or from the Continent in a word here commonly in the month of September is joyned all the treasure as I may say of America all the King of Spains revenews with as much more of Merchant goods which the yeer that I was there were thought to be in all the worth of thirty millions And the ships which that yeer there did meet to strengthen one another were 53. saile and set out sooner that yeer then any other upon the 16. of September having that day a faire wind to wafte them homewards through the Gulf of Bahama Havana therefore being the store-house of all Americaes treasure it hath been the Spaniards chiefe care to fortifie that and truely it is so strong that the Spaniards hold it impossible to be taken and doe boast of foure impregnable forts to wit at Antwerp Millan Pamplona and Havana This hath two strong Castles the one at the point or entrance of the Haven toward the Sea the other more within on the other side almost over against it which two Castles the passage in the mouth of the haven being so narrow that one onely ship in breast may enter will keep and defend the Port from many hundred saile I was my selfe in the great and chiefe Castle and truly found it very strong though by land I judged it might be as easily taken as other strong Castles here in Europe have been overpowerd by a great and powerfull army It hath in it besides many others twelve peeces of Ordnance of brasse exceeding great which they call The twelve Apostles But for all this strength of the Havana it could not once defend six or seven millions according to the Spaniards owne account which the one part of the Kings Navy brought from St. Iohn de Ulhua to the sight of this impregnable fort and protected with such twelve Apostles It was as I take it the yeer 1629. when that ever renowned Hollander whom like unto our Drake the Spaniards to this day fear and tremble at calling him Pie de Palo that is wooden leg waited at the Cape of St. Anthrny for the Spanish fleet of Nova Hispania which according to his expectation coming he manly set upon it saluting and welcoming the great treasure in it with a full side of roaring Ordnance the sound was more dolefull then joyfull and welcome to the Spaniards who thought it safer sleeping in a whole skinne then to be unquieted by fighting and with the sight of torne and mangled bodies by Mars his furious and fiery balls and so called a Councell of warre to resolve what they should doe to save the Kings great treasure which was intrusted to them in those ships The result of the Councell was to flie and with some discharging of their Ordinance to defend themselves untill they could put into a river in the Island of Cuba not far from Havana called Matanzos There were in that fleet of Spaine many gallants and Gentlemen and two Judges of the Chancery of Mexico which were that yeer sent to Madrid as guilty in the mutiny before mentioned there was in it of my acquaintance a Dominican Frier named Frier Iacintho de Hozes who had been sent to those parts to visit all the Dominican Cloisters of New-Spaine and had got of bribes at least eight thousand duckats as I was informed the yeer after by a Frier his compainon whom he sent from Havana to Guatemala to make knowne to his friends his losse of all that hee had got and to beg a new contribution to helpe him home there was also in that fleet Don Martin de Carillo who was the Inquisitor and Commissioner to judge the Delinquents in the fore-mentioned mutiny of Mexico who was thought to have got twenty thousand duckats cleer besides these a Bishop and many rich Merchants all under the command of Don Iuan de Guzman y Torres Admirall to all the fleet They all fled for their lives and goods but the gallant Hollanders chased them The Spaniards thinking the Hollanders would not venture up the river after them put into Matanzos but soone after they had entred they found the river too shallow for their heavy and great bellied Galeons and so run them up on ground which done the better and richer sort escaped to land endeavouring to escape with what wealth they could some got out Cabinets some bags which the Hollanders perceiving came upon them with bullet messengers which soone overtooke and stopt their flying treasures Some few Cabinets were hid all the rest became that day the gallant Pie de Palo or the wooden legd Captaines prize for the mighty States of Holland The Frier Hozes was got into a boat with his Cabinet under his habit which had in it nothing but chaines of gold diamonds Pearles and pretious stones and halfe a dozen Hollanders leapt into the boat after him and snatched it from him as his owne friend and companion related after to us in Guatemala Don Iuan de Guzman y Torres the Admirall when he came to Spaine was imprisoned lost his wits for a while and after was beheaded Thus in the sight of impregnable Havana and of those 12 brazen Apostles was Holland glorious and made rich with a seven million prize But before I end this Chapter I may not forget the chiefest of all the Islands of this new world which is called Hispaniola formerly by the natives Hatie which lamenteth the losse of at least three millions of Indians murthered by her new Masters of Spaine This Island is the biggest that as yet is discovered in al the world it is in compasse about 1500.
most puissant of the Tribes called Navatalcaâ—… elected a King to whom they submitted themselves The first King that was thus elected was called Vitzilovitli the second Acamopitzli the third Chimalpapoca the fourth Izchoalt the fifth Montezuma the first the sixth Acacis the seventh Axaiaca the eighth Antzlol the ninth Montezuma the second who reigned when Cortez came first the tenth was Quahutimoc who lost Mexico and in whom ended that Indian Empire The most fortunate of these Kings was Izchoalt who by his cousin Tlacacllec subdued the other six Tribes and brought them under the Mexican Kings And after the death of Izchoalt Tlacacllec was by the first electours which were six in number chosen King as a man of whose vertue they had formerly made try all But he very nobly refused it saying that it was more convenient for the Common-wealth that another should be King and that 〈◊〉 should execute that which was otherwise more fit for the necessity of the State then to lay the whole burthen upon his back and that without being King he would not leave to labour for the publike as well as if he were King Upon this generous refusall they made choice of Montezuma the first The most unhappy Kings of that nation at whose birth could not but â—…e some dysastrous aspect of the Planets were the two last Montezuma the second and Quahutimoc who were both vanquished by Ferdinando Cortez who tooke Montezuma prisoner out of his owne palace and with fair words and language carried him to his lodging in Mexico and kept him there knocking a paire of gyves on his legges untill the execution of Qualpopoca Lord of Nahutlan now called Almeria who was to be burnt for killing nine Spaniards was past But this imprisonment of their Emperour stirred up the hearts of all the Mexicans to conspire against Cortez and the Spaniards against whom they fought a most fierce and bloody battaile two or three daies together crying out for their Emperour and threatning them with the cruellest death that ever man suffered Whereupon Cortez desired Montezuma to goe up into the Sotie of his house which they were battering with stones and to command his subjects to cease from their heat and fury who at Cortez his request went up and leaned over the wall to talke with them and beginning to speake unto them they threw so many stones out of the street houses and windows that one happened to hit Montezuma on the temples of his head with which blow he fell down dead to the ground and this was his end even at the hands of his owne subjects and vassals against their wills in the City of his greatest glory and in the power and custody of a forain and strange nation The Indians affirm that he was of the greatest blood of all his linage and the greatest King in estate that ever was in Mexico And from hence it may very well be noted that when Kingdomes doe most flourish then are they nighest to a change or els to change their Lord as doth appeare in this History of Montezuma whose great glory and majesty presaged the downfall of that City and people who though after the death of Montezuma they made Quahutimoc their Emperour and persisting in their furious battery against Cortez his palace caused him and all his Spaniards to flie out of Mexico yet having strengthened themselves againe in Tlaxcallan and prepared sixteen or as others say eighteen Vergantines for the lake they soone after besieged Mexico so by water and land that the Citizens were in great necessity and so many dead with hunger and sicknesse that there were heapes of dead bodies in the houses only to keep close their extreme misery who would not yeeld even when they saw their King Quahutimoc his fair houses burned and the greatest part of their City consumed with fire and beaten downe plaine with the ground so long as they could injoy any one street Tower or Temple to defend themselves and oppose the Spaniards who after many fierce and bloody fights by land and with their boates by water having wonne the chief Market place and most of the City as they went walking in the streets found heapes of dead bodies in the houses streets and in the water and the very barkes of trees and roots gnawne by the hungry creatures and the men so leane and yellow that it was a pitifull sight to behold And with this Cortez yet required them to yeeld but they although they were so leane of body were strong in heart and answered that hee should not speak of any friendship to them nor yet hope of their spoile for when no fortune would favour them then they would either burne their treasure or throw it into the Lake where they should never profit thereby and that they would fight while one alone should remain alive Cortez desirous to see what remained of the City to win went up into a high Tower and having well viewed the City hee judged that of eight parts one remained yet to win And assaulting the same the sorrowfull Citizens bewailing their unfortunate fate and destiny beseeching the Spaniards to make an end and to kill them all out of hand others standing at the brim of the water neere unto a draw-bridge cried out Oh Captain Cortez seeing that thou art the Child of the Sun why dost thou not intreat the Sun thy Father to make an end of us Oh thou Sun that canst goe round about the World in a day and a night wee pray thee make an end of us and take us out of this miserable life for we desire death to goe and rest with our God Quetcavatlâ—… who tarrieth for us Cortez seeing the great extremity that these poor wretched people were in thinking now that they would yeeld unto him sent a message to Quahutimoâ—… desiring him to consider his Subjects great extremity which yet might be greater if hee yeelded not to Peace But when the stubborn King heard this ambassage hee was so moved with ire and choler that forthwith hee commanded Cortez his Ambassadour to bee sacrificed and gave the rest of the Spaniards that went with him for answer blowes with stones staves and Arrowes saying that they desired death and no Peace Whereupon Cortez seeing the King so stubborn and refractory after so much slaughter and misery of his subjects after so many Combates and skirmishes made with the losse of almost all the City sent forthwith Sandoval with his Vergantines one way and went himself another combating the houses and forts that yet remained where hee found small resistance so that hee might doe what hee pleased One would have thought there had not been five thousand left in all the City seeing the heapes of dead bodies that lay about the streets and in the houses and yet such was this last combate that there were that day slain and taken prisoners forty thousand persons The lamentable cry and mourning of the women and children would have made a strong heart
may hee game buy good Mules furnish his chamber with hangings and rich pictures and Cabinets yea and fill them with Spanish Pistols and peeces of eight and after all trade in the Court of Madrid for a Mitre and fat Bishoprick which commonly is the end of those proud worldly and lazy Lubbars After I was once setled in these my two Townes my first care was to provide my selfe of a good mule which might soon and easily carry mee as often as occasion called from the one Towne to the other I soon found out one which cost mee fourescore Crownes which served my turn very well to ride speedily the nine miles crosse the Valley which were between the two Townes Though my chief study here was to perfect my selfe in the Indian tongue that I might the better preach unto them and be well understood yet I omitted not to search out the Scriptures daily and to addict my selfe unto the Word of God which I knew would profit mee more then all those riches and pleasures of Egypt which for a while I saw I must enioy till my ten yeers were fully expired and Licence from Rome or Spain granted for me to return to England which I began speedily to sollicite by meanes of one Captain Iâ—…dro de Zepeda a Sevill Merchant and Master of one of the Ships which came that first yeer that I was setled in Mixco with Merchandize for Guatemala By this Captain who passed often through the Valley I writ unto my friends in Spain and had answers though at first to little purpose which did not a little increase the troubles of my Conscience which were great and such where of the wise man said A wounded Conscience who can bear My friendship with this Captain Zepeda was such that I broke my mind unto him desiring him to carry mee in his Ship to Spain which he refused to doe telling me the danger he might bee in if complaint should be made to the President of Guatemala and wishing me to continue where I was to store my self with mony that I might return with Licence and credit I resolved therefore with David in the 16 Psal. and the â—… Vâ—…to set the Lord alwayes before me and to choose him for my onely comfort and to relie upon his providence who I knew only could order things for my good and could from America bring me home to the House of Salvation and to the houshold of Faith from which I considered my self an exile and farre banished In the mean time I lived five full yeers in the two Townes of Mixco and Pinola Where I had more occasion to get wealth and money then ever any that lived there before mee for the first yeer of my abiding there it pleased God to send one of the plagues of Egipt to that Country which was of Locusts which I had never seen till then They were after the manner of our Grashoppers but somewhat bigger which did flye about in number so thick and infinite that they did truly cover the face of the Sun and hinder the shining forth of the beames of that bright planet Where they lighted either upon trees or standing Corn there nothing was expected but ruine destruction and barrennesse for the corn they devoured the leaves and fruits of trees they eat and consumed and hung so thick upon the branches that with their weight they tore them from the body The high waies were so covered with them that they startled the travelling Mules with their fluttering about their head and feet my eyes were often struck with their wings as I rid along and much a doe I had to see my way what with a Montero where with I was saine to cover my face what with the flight of them which were still before my eyes The Farmers towards the South Sea Coast cryed out for that their Indigo which was then in grasse was like to bee eaten up from the Ingenio's of Sugar the like moan was made that the young and â—…nder Sugar Canes would bee destroyed but above all grievous was the â—…ry of the husbandmen of the Valley where I lived who feared that their Corn would in one night be swallowed up by that devouring Legion The care of the Magistrate was that the Townes of Indians should all goe out into the fields with Trumpets and what other instruments they had to make a noise and so to affright them from those places which were most considerable and profitable to the Common-wealth and strange it was to see how the loud noise of the Indians and sounding of the Trumpets defended some fields from the feare and danger of them Where they lighted in the Mountaines and High wayes there they left behind them their young ones which were found creeping upon the ground ready to threateâ—… with a second yeers plagues if not prevented wherefore all the Townes were called with Spades Mattocks and Shovels to dig long Trenches and therein to bury all the young ones Thus with much trouble to the poore Indians and their great paines yet after much hurt and losse in many places was that flying Pestilence chased away out of the Country to the South Sea where it was thought to bee consumed by the Ocean and to have found a grave in the waters whilst the young ones found it in the Land Yet they were not all so burled but that shortly some appeared which not being so many in number as before were with the former diligence soon overcome But whilst all this feare was these outcries were made by the Country and this diligence performed by the Indians the Preists got well by it for every where Processions were made and Masses sung for the averting of that Plague In Mixco most of the idols were carryed to the field especially the pictures of our Lady and that of St. Nicolas Tolentine in whose name the Church of Rome doth use to blesse little Breads and Wafers with the Saint stamped upon them which they think are able to defend them from Agues Plague Pestilence Contagion or any other great and imminent danger There was scarce any Spanish Husbandman who in this occasion came not from the Valley to the Town of Mixco with his offering to this Saint and who made not a vow to have a Masse sung unto Saint Nicolas they all brought breads to bee blessed and carryed them back to their Farmes some casting them into their Corn some burying them in their hedges and fences strongly trusting in Saint Nicolus that his bread would have power to keepe the Locust out of their fields and so at the last those simple ignorant and blinded soules when they saw the Locusts departed and their Corn safe cried out to our Lady some others to Saint Nicolas Magro a Miracle judging the Saint worthy of praise more then God and performing to him their vows of Masses which in their feare and trouble they had vowed by which erroneous and idolatrous devotion of theirs I got that yeer many
man and so after two dayes I tooke post in company of some Spaniards and an Irish Colonel for Canterbury and so forward to Gravesend When I came to London I was much troubled within my selfe for want of my Mother tongue for I could onely speak some few broken words which made mee fearefull I should not bee accknowledged to bee an English man born Yet I thought my kinred who knew I had beene many yeers lost would some way or other acknowledge mee and take notice of mee if at the first I addressed my selfe unto some of them untill I could better expresse my selfe in English The first therefore of my name whom I had notice of was my Lady Penelope Gage widow of Sir Iohn Gage then living in St. Iones to whom the next morning after my arrivall to London I addressed my selfe for the better discovery of some of my kinred whom though I knew to bee Papists and therefore ought not to be acquainted with my inward purpose and resolution yet for feare of some want in the mean time and that I might by their means practice my selfe in the use of my forgotten native tongue and that I might enquire what Childs part had been left me by my father that I might learn some fashions and â—…astly that in the meane time I might search into the Religion of England and find how farre my conscience could agree with it and bee satisfied in those scruples which had troubled mee in America for all these reasons I thought it not amisse to looke and inquire after them When therefore I came unto my Lady Gage shee beleeved mee to bee her kinsman but laughed at mee telling mee that I spake like an Indian or Welch man and not like an English man yet shee welcomed mee home and sent mee with a servant to a Brothers lodging in Long Aker who being in the Country of Surrey and hearing of mee sent horse and man for mee to come to keepe Christmas with an Uncle of mine living at Gatton by whom as a lost and forgotten Nephew and now after foure and twenty yeeres returned home againe I was very kindly entertained and from thence sent for to Cheam to one Mr. Fromand another kinsman with whom I continued till after twelfth day and so returned againe to London to my brother Thus my good Reader thou seeâ—…t an American through many dangers by Sea and Land now safely arrived in England and thou maiest well with mee observe the great and infinite goodnesse and mercy of God towards mee a wicked and wretched sinner How I have answered to this Gods gracious calling mee from so farre and remote a Country to doe him service here I will shew thee in the Chapter following and so conclude this my long and tedious History CHAP. XXII Shewing how and for what causes after I had arrived in England I tooke yet another Iourney to Rome and other parts of Italy and returned againe to settle my selfe in this my Country NOw Reader as the stone that is falling the neerer it cometh to its Center more haste it maketh So I the neerer I am coming to the conclusion of this my History more haste I desire to make in this last Chapter for the compleating and finishing of it With brevity therefore I will relate some of my travels in Europe in which I will yeeld to many of my Nation but for America and my travels and experience there I dare boldly challenge all travellers of my Country After my return to London from Surrey I began to expostulate with my younger Brother knowing hee had been present at my Fathers death and had a chief hand in the ordering and executing his last Will and Testament concerning what childs part was left unto mee To which hee made mee answer that my father had indeed left him and my Brother the Colonell and two other sons by a second wife and my owne sister every one somewhat but to mee nothing nay that at his death he did not so much as remember mee which I could not but take to heart and called to minde the angry and threatning letter which I had received from him in Spain because I would not bee a Jesuite Though for the present I said nothing yet afterwards in many occasions I told my Brother I would have the Will produced and would by course of law demand a childs part but hee put me off assuring me I should never want amongst other my friends and kindred with whom hee knew I should bee well accommodated as long as I continued in England After few dayes that I had been in London my kinsman at Cheam desired me to come to live with him where I continued not long for my Uncle at Gatton invited mee to his house offering mee there meat drink lodging horse and man with twenty pound a yeare which hee promised in other waies to make as good as thirty Here I continued a twelve moneth refining my self in my native tongue and though altogether unknown to my Uncle and kindred searching into the Doctrine and truth of the Gospel professed in England for which cause I made many journeys to London and then privately I resorted to some churches and especially to Paulâ—… Church to see the service performed and to heare the Word of God Preached but so that I might not be seen known or discovered by any Papist When in Pauls Church I heard the Organs and the Musick and the Prayers and Collects and saw the Ceremonies at the Altar I remembred Rome againe and perceived little difference between the two Churches I searched further into the Common-Prayer and carryed with me a Bible into the Country on purpose to compare the Prayers Epistles and Gospels with a Masse Book which there I had at command and I found no difference but onely English and Latin which made mee wonder and to acknowledge that much remained still of Rome in the Church of England and that I feared my calling was not right In these my scruples coming often to London and conversing with one Dâ—…de Popham and Crâ—… Connel and Brown English and Irish Dominican Fryers I found their wayes and conversations base lewd light and wanton like the Spanish and Indian Fryers which made me againe reflect upon the Popish Church upheld by such Pillars I came yet to the acquaintaince of one Price Superiour to the Benedictine Monkes whom I found to be a meer States-man and a great Politician and very familiar private and secret with the Archbishop of Canterbury William Land in conversation with my Brother who belonged then unto one Signior Coâ—… the Popes Agent and was in such favour at the Court that hee was sent over by the Queen with a rich present to a Popish Idol named our â—…ady of Sichem in the Low Countries I heard him sometimes say that hee doubted not but to bee shortly Curate and Parish Preist of Coven Garden sometimes that he hoped to bee made Bishop in England and that then I
desirous to find some Land after many dayes sailing as wee were After this Island presently we discovered another called Marigalante then another called Dominica and lastly another named Guadalupe which was that wee aimed at to refesh our selves in to wash our foule cloathes and to take in fresh water whereof wee stood in great need By two or three of the clock in the afternoone wee came to a safe Rode lying before the Island where wee cast our Anchors no wayes fearfull of the naked Barbarians of that and the other Islands who with great joy doe yearly expect the Spanish Fleets comming and by the Moones doe reckon the Moneths and thereby make their guesse at their comming and prepare some their sugar Canes others the Plantin other the Tortois some one Provision some another to barter with the Spaniards for their small Haberdash or Iron Knives or such things which may help them in their Wars which commonly they make against some other Islands Before our Anchors was cast out came the Indians to meet us in their Canoa's round like Troughes some whereof had beene painted by our English some by the Hollanders some by the French at might appeare by their severall Armes it being a common Rode and harbour to all Nations that saile to America Before wee resoâ—… to goe to shore wee tasted of those Indian fruites the plantin above all pleasing our taste and Palate Wee could not but much wonder at that sight never yet seene by us of people naked with their haire hanging down to the middle of their backes with their faces cut out in severall fashions or flowers with thin plates hanging at their Noses like Hog-rings and fauning upon us like children some speaking in their unknowne tongue others using signs for such things as we imagined they desired Their signe for some of our Spanish Wine was easily perceived and their request most willingly granted to by our men who with one reasonable Cup of Spanish Sacke presently tumbled up their heeles and left them like swine tumbling on the Deck of our Ship After a while that our people had sported with these rude and Savage Indians our two Cock-Boates were ready to carry to shore such as either had clothes to wash or a desire to bathe themselves in a River of fresh Water which is within the Island or a mind to set their feet again upon unmoveable Land after so many daies of uncertain footing in a floating and reeling Ship But that day being farre spent our Fryers resolved to stay in the Ship and the next whole day to visit the Island many of the Mariners and Passengers of all the Ships went that evening to shore some returning at night and some without feare continuing with the Indians all night on shore The next morning my selfe and most of our Fryers went and having hired some Spaniards to wash our cloathes we wandred sometimes all together sometimes two and two and sometimes one alone about the Island meeting with many Indians who did us no hurt but rather like children fauned upon us offering us of their fruits and begging of us whatsoever toies of pins points or gloves they espied about us Wee ventured to goe to some of their houses which stood by a pleasant River and were by them kindly entertained eating of their fish and wild deeres flesh About noone wee chanced to meet with some of the Jesuites of Santa Gertrudis Ship in the midst of the Mountain who were very earnest in talke with a Mulatto all naked like the rest of the Indians This Mulatto was a Christian born in Sevill in Spain and had been slave there formerly to a rich Merchant his name was Lewis and spoke the Spanish Language very perfectly Some twelve yeeres before hee had run away from his Master by reason of hard and slavish usage and having got to Cales offering his service to a Gentleman then bound for America the Gentleman fearing not that his true Master should ever have more notice of him from a new World took him a Ship board with him as his slave The Mulatto remembring the many stripes which hee had suffered from his first cruell Master and fearing that from America hee might by sâ—…me intelligence or other be sentback again to Spain and also jealous of his second Master whose blowes hee had begun to suffer in the Ship that hee would prove as cruell as his first when the Ships arrived at Guadalupe resolved rather to die among the Indians which 〈◊〉 knew might be his hardest fortune then evermore to live in slavery under Spaniards So casting his life upon good or bad fortune hee hid himselfe among the trees in the Mountaine till the Ships were departed who after being found by the Indians and giving them some toyes which hee had got by stealth from his Master hee was entertained by them they liking him and hee them Thuâ—…â—…ontinued this poore Christian slave among those Barbarians from yeare to yeare wâ—…o had care to hide himselfe at the comming of the Spanish Fleet yearely In twelve yeares that hee had thus continued amongst them hee had learned their language was married to an Indian by whom hee had three children living The Jesuites by chance having met with him and perceiving more by the Wooll upon his head that hee was a Mulatto then by his black and tauny skin for those Indians paint themselves all over with a red colour they presently imagined the truth that hee could not come thither but with some Spaniard so entering into discourse with him and finding him to speak Spanish they got the whole truth of him Then wee joyning with the Jesuites began to perswade the poore Christian to forsake that heathenish life wherein his soule could never bee saved promising him if hee would goe along with us hee should bee free from slavery for ever Poore Soule though hee had lived twelve yeares without hearing a word of the true God worshipping stockes and stones with the other Heathens yet when hee heard again of Christ of eternall damnation in hells torments and of everlasting Salvation in Heavens joyes hee began to weep assuring us that hee would goe with us were it not for his Wife and Children whom hee tenderly loved and could not forsake them To this wee replyed that hee might be a meanes of saving likewise their Souls if hee would bring them with him and further that wee would assure him that care should bee taken that neither hee his Wife nor children should ever want meanes competent for the maintenance of their lives The Mulatto hearkned well to all this though a suddaine feare surprized him because certaine Indians passed by and noted his long conference with us The poore and timorous Mulatto then told us that hee was in danger for having been knowen by us and that hee feared the Indians would kill him and suspect that wee would steale him away which if they did and it were noised about the Island wee should soone see
is supposed to bee the yeerly revenues of the Governour and Tezcuco it self this day judged to consist onely of a hundred Spaniards and three hundred Indian Inhabitants whose chiefe riches come by gardening and sending daily in their Canoa's Herbes and Salets to Mexico Some wealth likewise they get by their Cedar trees which grow there and are ready timber for the buildings of Mexico Yet now also are these Cedars much decayed by the Spaniards who have wasted and spoiled them in their too too sumptuous buildings Cortez onely was accused by Pamfilo de Narvaâ—…z for that hee had spent seven thousand beames of Cedar trees in the worke of his owne house Gardens there were in Tezcuco formerly that had a thousand Cedar trees for walls and circuite some of them of a hundred and twenty foot long and twelve foot in compasse from end to end but now that Garden that hath fifty Cedar trees about it is much regarded At the end of this plain wee passed through Mexicalcincâ—… which formerly was a great Town but now not of above an hundred Inhabitants and from thence to Guetlavac a petty Village yet most pleasant for the shade of many fruit trees Gardens and stately houses which for their recreation some Citizens of Mexico have built there being at the foot of the Cawsey which from this Town through the Lake reacheth about five English miles to Mexico And thus upon the third day of October 1625. wee entred into that famous and gallant City yet not abiding in it but onely passing through it till we came to a house of recreation standing among the Gardens in the way to Chapultepec named Saint Iacintho belonging to the Dominicans of Manila in the East-India's whither our course was intended where wee were stately entertained and abode till after Candlemasse day the time of our second shipping at Acoapuleo 80. leagues from Mexico by the South-Sea to Manila the chief City of the Islands named Philippinas CHAP. XII Shewing some particulars of the great and famous City of Mexico in former times with a true description of it now and of the State and condition of it the yeare 1625. IT hath been no small peece of Policy in the Fryers and Jesuites of Manila and the Islands of Philippinas to purchase neere about Mexico some house and Garden to carry thither such Missionary Preists as they yeerly bring from Spain for those parts For were it not that they found some rest and place of Recreation but were presently closed up in the Cloisters of Mexico to follow those Religious duties which sore against their wills most of them are forced to they would soone after a tedious journey from Spain by Sea and land relent of their purposes of going forward and venturing upon a second voiage by the South-Sea and would either resolve upon a returne to Spain or of staying in some part of America as my selfe and five more of my company did though secretly and hiddenly and sore against the will of Fryer Calvo and others who had the tutoring and conducting of us Therefore that all such as come from Spain to bee shipped againe at Acoapulâ—…o for Philippinas may have all manner of incouragement rest and recreations becomming their Professions whilst they doe abide in America and may not bee disheartned by those that live about Mexico who doe truely envy all that passe that way to Asia the Fryers and Jesuites have purchased for their Missions houses of Recreation among the Gardens which are exempted from the power and command of the Superiors of Mexico and are subordinate unto the Government of the Provincials of Philippinas who send from thence their substitute Vicars to rule and to looke to the forementioned houses and Gardens To the Dominicans belonged this house called St. Iacintbo whither wee were carried and where wee did abide neere five moneths having all things provided that were fit and necessary for our Recreations and for our better encouragement to a second voiage by Sea The Gardens belonging to this house might bee of fifteen Acres of ground divided into shady walkes under the Orange and Lemmon trees there wee had the Pomegranates Figges and Grapes in abundance with the Plantin Sapotte Chicosapotte Pine-fruit and all other fruits that were to bee found in Mexico The Herbes and Salets and great number of Spanish Cardoes which were sold out brought in a great Rent yeerely for every day there was a Cart attended to bee filled and sent to the Market of Mexico and this not at seasons of the yeere as herein England and other parts of Europe but at all times and seasons both Winter and Summer there being no difference of heat cold frosts and snow as with us but the same temper all the whole yeer the Winter differing onely from the Summer by the raine that falls and not by excessive frosts that nip This wee enjoyed without dores but within wee had all sorts and varieties both of fish and flesh What most wee wondred at was the abundance of sweet-Meats and especially of Conserves that were provided for us for to everyone of us during the time of our abode there was brought on Munday morning halfe a dozen Boxes of Conserve of Quinces and other fruits besides our Biskets to stay our stomackes in the mornings and at other times of the day for in our stomackes we found a great difference betweene Spain and that Countrey For in Spain and other parts of Europe a mans stomack will hold out from meale to meale and one meale here of good cheer will nourish and cherish the stomack foure and twenty houres But in Mexico and other parts of America wee found that two or three houres after a good meale of three or foure severall dishes of Mutton Veale or Beefe Kid Turkies or other Fowles our stomackes would bee ready to faint and so wee were faine to support them with either a cup of Chocolatte or a bit of Conserve or Bisket which for that purpose was allowed us in great abundance This seemed to mee so strange whereas the meat seemed as fat and hearty excepting the Beefe as ours in Europe that I for some satisfaction presently had recourse to a Doctor of Physick who cleared my doubt with this answer That though the meat we fed on was as faire to looke on as in Spain yet the substance and nourishment in it came farre short of it by reason of the pasture which is dryer and hath not the change of springs which the pastures of Europe have but is short and withers soone away But secondly hee told mee that the Climate of those parts had this effect to produce a faire shew but little matter or substance As in the flesh wee fed on so likewise in all the fruits there which are most faire and beautifull to behold most sweet and luscious to taste but little inward virtue or nourishment at all in them not halfe that is in Spanish Camuesa or English Kentish Pippin And as in
skulles and found a hundred thirty and six thousand skulles on the poles staves and steps The other Towers were replenished out of number and there were men appointed that when one skull fell to set up another in his place so that the number might never want But all these Towers and Idols were pulled down and consumed with fire when the Spaniards wanne that City And certainly they had beene more renowned in destroying those Altars of the devill and those Idoll Gods if in their stead they had not set up new Idols and Saints of stockes and stones and built unto them as many more Churches as they found at their comming thither All therefore that hath been mentioned hitherto of Montezuma his houses and Gardens of the spacious Market place and Temples of that City was utterly destroyed and brought downe to the very ground But Cortez reedified it againe not onely for the situation and majesty but also for the name and great fame thereof Hee divided it among the Conquerours having first taken out places for Churches Market places Towne house and other necessary plots to build houses profitable for the Common-wealth Hee separated the dwellings of the Spaniards from the Indians so that now the water passeth and maketh division betwixt them Hee promised to them that were naturalls of the City of Mexico pâ—…otts to build upon inheritance freedome and other liberties and the like unto all those that would come and inhabit there which was a meanes to allure many thither Hee set also at liberty Xihuaco the Generall Captaine and made him chief over the Indians in the City unto whom hee gave a whole street He gave likewise another street to Don Pedro Montezuma who was sonne to Montezuma the King All this was done to winne the favour of the people Hee made other Gentlemen Seniors of little 〈◊〉 and streets to build upon and to inhabit and in this order the whole situation was reparted and the work began with great joy and diligence And when the fame was blowne abroad that Mexico should bee built again it was a wonâ—… to â—…et the people that resorted thither hearing of liberty and freedome The number was so great that in three miles compasse was nothing but people men and women They laboured â—…ore and did eate little by reason whereof many sickned and pestilence ensued whereof died an infinite number Their paines was great for they â—…re on their backes and drew after them stones earth timber lyme brick and all other things necessary in this sort And by little and little Mexico was built againe with a hundred thousand houses more strong and better then the old building was The Spaniards built their houses after the Spanish fashion and Cortez built his house upon the plot where Montezuma his house â—…ood which renteth now yeerely foure thousand duckats and is called now the Palace of the Marques Del Valle the King of Spain having conferred upon Cortez and his heires this title from the great Valley of Guaxaca This Palace is so stately that as I have observed before seven thousand beames of Cedar Trees were spent in it They built faire Dockes covered over with Arches for the Vergantines which Dockes for a perpetuall memory doe remaine untill this day They dammed up the streets of water where now faire houses stand so that Mexico is not as it was wont to bee and especially since the yeare 1634. the water cometh not by farre so neere the City as it was wont to come The Lake sometimes casteth out a vapour of stench but otherwise it is a wholesome and temperate dwelling by reason of the Mountaines that stand round about it and well provided through the fertility of the Countrey and commodity of the Lake So that now is Mexico one of the greatest Cities in the World in extention of the situation for Spanish and Indian houses Not many yeeres after the Conquest it was the Noblest City in all India as well in Armes as Policy There were formerly at the least two thousand Citizens that had each of them his horse in his stable with rich furniture for them and Armes in readinesse But now since all the Indians farre and neer are subdued and most of them especially about Mexico consumed and there is no feare of their rising up any more against the Spaniards all armes are forgotten and the Spaniards live so secure from enemies that there is neither Gate Wall Bulwarke Platforme Tower Armory Ammunition or Ordnance to secure and defend the City from a Domestick or forraine enemy from the latter they thinke St. Iohn de Ulhua sufficient and strong enough to secure them But for Contractation it is one of the richest Cities in in the World to the which by the North Sea commeth every yeer from Spain a Fleet of neere twenty ships laden with the best Commodities not onely of Spain but of the most parts of Christendome And by the South Sea it enjoyeth Traffique from all parts of Peru and above all it Trades with the East-India's and from thence receiveth the Commodities as well from those parts which are inhabited by Portingals as from the Countries of Iapan and China sending every yeere two great Caracas with two smaller Vessels to the Islands of Philippinas and having every yeere a returne of such like ships There is also in Mexico a Mint house where Money is dayly coyned and is brought thither in wedges upon Mules from the Mines called St. Lewis de Sacatecas standing fourescore Leagues from Mexico Northward and yet from Sacatecas forward have the Spaniards entred above a hundred Leagues conquering daily Indians where they discover store of Mines and there they have built a City called Nova Mexico new Mexico The Indians there are great Warriers and hold the Spaniards hard to it It is thought the Spaniard will not bee satisfied untill hee subdue all the Country that way which doubtlesse reacheth to our plantations of Virginia and the rest being the same continued continent laâ—…d There is yet more in Mexico a faire schoole which now is made an University which the Viceroy Don Antonio De Mendoza caused to be built At the rebuilding of this City there was a great difference betwixt an Inhabitant of Mexico and a Conquerour for a Conquerour was a name of honour and had lands and rents given him and to his posterity by the King of Spain and the Inhabitant or onely dweller payed rent for his house And this hath filled all those parts of America with proud Dons and Gentlemen to this day for every one will call himselfe a descendent from a Conquerour though hee bee as poore as Iob and aske him what is become of his Estate and fortune hee will answer that fortune hath taken it away which shall never take away a Don from him Nay a poore Cobler or Carrier that râ—…ns about the Countrey farre and neere getting his living with half a dozen Mules if hee bee called Mendoza or Guzman will sweare that
reason of the unhealthfulnesse of the aire and noisome savour of the standing pooles The chief places belonging to the Spaniards are first Theonimay or Nombre de Dios on the East the second which is six leagues from Nombre de Dios is Portabel now chiefly inhabited by the Spaniards and Mulattoes and Blackmores and Nombre de Dios almostutterly forsaken by reason of its unhealthfulnesse The ships which were wont to anchor in Nombre de Dios and there to take in the Kings treasure which is yeerly brought from Peru to Panama and from thence to the North Sea now harbour themselves in Portabel which signisyeth Porto bello a faire and goodly Haven for so indeed it is and well fortified at the entrance with three Castles which can reach and command one another The third and chiefe place belonging to the Spaniards in Castella del oro is Panama which is on the Westside and upon the South Sea This City and Nombre de Dios were both built by Didacus de Niquesa And Nombre de Dios was so called because Niquesa having been crossed with many mischances and misadventures at Sea when hee came to this place greatly rejoyced and bad his men now goe on shore in Nombre de Dios in the name of God in the name of God But as I have before observed the aire being here very unhealthy the King of Spain in the yeare 1584. commanded the houses of Nombre de Dios to be pulled downe and to be rebuilt in a more healthy and convenient place which was performed by Peter Aâ—…ias in Portabel But being now upon Nombre de Dios I should wrong my Country if I should not set out to the publike view the worth of her people shewed upon this place and to this day talked on and admired by the Spaniards who doe not only remember Sir Francis Drake teach their children to dread and fear even his name for his attempts upon Carthagena and all the coast about and especially upon Nombre de Dios and from it marching as farre as the great mountaine called St. Pablo towards Panama but furthermore keep alive amongst them and in this my History it shall not die the name of one of Sir Francis Drake his followers and Captains named Iohn Oxenham whose attempt on this Coast was resolute and wonderfull This Noble and gallant Gentleman arriving with threescore and ten souldiers in his company as resolute as himselfe a little above this Towne of Nombre de Dios drew a land his ship and covering it with boughes marched over the land with his Company guided by Black-mores untill he came to a river Where he cut downe wood made him a Pinnace entred the South-sea went to the Island of Pearles where hee lay ten daies waiting for a prize which happily he got though not so happily after kept it for from that Island he set upon two Spanish ships and finding them unable to fight he speedily made them yeeld and intercepted in them threescore thousand pound weight of gold and two hundred thousand pound weight in barres or wedges of silver and returned safely again to the maine land And though by reason of a mutiny made by his owne Company he neither returned to his country nor to his hidden ship yet was it such a strange adventure as is not to be forgotten in that the like was never by any other attempted and by the Spaniards is to this day with much admiration recorded Much part of this Castella aurea as yet is not subdued by the Spaniards and so doubtlesse a great treasure lieth hiâ—… in it for that people and nation whose thoughts shall aspire to find it out In the year 1637. when I chanced to be in Panama returning homewards to my Country there came thither some twenty Indians Barbarians by way of peace to treate with the President of the Chancery concerning their yeelding up themselves to the government of the King of Spaine But as I was informed afterwards at Carthagena nothing was concluded upon for that the Spaniards dare not trust those Indians whom they have found to have rebelled often against them for their hard usage and carriage towards them These Indians which then I saw were very proper tall and lusty men and well complexioned and among them one of as red a haire as any our nation can shew they had bobs of gold in their eares and some of them little pieces of gold made like a halfe moone hanging upon their neither lips which argues store of that treasure to be amongst them Unto this country is joyning Nova Andaluzia which hath on the North side Castella del oro and on the South Peru The best Cities in it are Tocoio now by the Spaniards called St. Margarets and another called â—… Espiritu Nova Granada is situated on the South side of Carthagena and from the abundance and fertility of Granada in Spaino it hath taken its name The chiefe Townes and Cities in it are six First Tungia which is supposed to be directly under the Aequatâ—…r The second is Tochaimum The third Popaian the richest of them all The fourth Sta. Fee or St. Faith an Archbishops seat and a Court of Justice and Chancery governed like Panama and Guatemala by a President and six Judges and a Kings Attorney and two high Justices of Court who have six thousand duckats a yeer allowed them out of the Kings treasure The fifth City is Palma and the sixth Merida From Carthagena through this countrey of Granada lieth the rode way to Lima in Peru all by land This Country is very strong by reason of the situation of it much amongst stony rockes which compasse and environ it and through which there are very narrow passages Yet it is full of pleasant valleys which do yeeld much fruit Corne and Indian Maiz. There are also in it some Mines of silver and many golden sanded rivers Carthagena which is the last Province of Castella aurea hath also a very fruitfull soil in the which groweth a tree which if any one do touch he will hardly escape a poysoning The chiefe Cities in it are first Carthagena which Sir Francis Drake in the yeer 1585. surprised and as the Spaniards affirme burned most part of it and besides inestimable sums of money took with him from thence 230. peeces of Ordnance I dare say now it hath not so many yet it is reasonable well fortified though not so strong as Portabel It is a faire and gallant City and very rich by reason of the pearles which are brought to it from Margarita and the Kings revenues which from all Nova Granada are sent thither It is a Bishops seat and hath many rich Churches and Cloisters It is not governed by a Court of Justice and Chancery as S ta Fee is but onely by one Governour It hath been often moved to the Councell of Spaine to have some Galleys made to runne about those Seas and that Carthagena bee the chiefe harbour of them From
cool the heat which there is great by reason it is a low and Marsh kind of ground lying neer the South Sea The next chief Town and most considerable after Capalita is Tecoantequepete this is a Sea Town upon Mar del Zur and a harbour for small vessels such as Trade from those parts to Acapulco and Mexico and to Realejo and Guatemala and sometimes to Panama Here upon some occasions Ships which come from Peru ' to Acapulco doe call in It is a port no farthet safe then that no English or Holland Ships doe come thereabouts which if they did they would there find no resistance but from thence would finde an open and easie Rode over all the Countrey Upon all this South Sea side from Acapulco to Panama which is above two thousand miles by land there is no open harbour but this for Guaxaca and La Trinidad for Guatemala and Realejo for Nicaragua and Golfo de Salinas for small vessels in Costa Rica and all these unprovided of Ordnance and Ammunition all open dores to let in any Nation that would take the pains to surround the World to get a treasure This port of Tecoantepeque is the chiefe for fishing in all that Countrey wee met him in the wayes sometimes with fifty sometimes with a hundred mules together laden with nothing but salt fish for Guaxaca City of the Angels and Mexico There are some very rich Merchants dwell in it who trade with Mexico Peru and Philippinas sending their small vessels out from Port to Port which come home richly laden with the Commodities of all the Southerne or Easterne parts From hence to Guatemala there is a plaine Rode along the Coast of the South Sea passing through the Provinces of Soconuzco and Suchutepeques but wee aiming at Chiapa tooke our journey over the high Rocks and Mountaines called Quelenes travailing first from Tecoantepeque to Estepeque and from thence through a desert of two dayes journey where wee were faine to lodge one night by a spring of water upon the bare ground in open wide fields where neither Town nor house is to bee seene yet thatcht lodges are purposely made for travailers This plain lyeth so open to the Sea that the wind from thence blow so strongly and violently that travailers are scarce able to â—…it their horses and mules which is the reason no people inhabit there because the windes teare their houses and the least fire that there breaks out doth a great deale of mischief This plaine yet is full of Cattell and Horses and Mares some wild some tame and through this windy Champaigne Country with much adoe we travailed though my self thought I should even there end my daies for the second day being to reach to a Towne and my three friends riding before thinking that I followed them evening now drawing on they made more hast to find the Town But in the meane while my horse refused to goe any further threatning to lie downe if I put him to more then hee was able I knew the towne could not be far and so I lighted thinking to walke and lead my horse who also refused to bee led and so lay downe With this a troop of thoughts beset mee and to none I could give a flat answer I thought if I should goe on foot to finde out the Towne and my company and leave my horse there sadled I might both lose my selfe and my horse and saddle and if I should find the Towne and come in the morning for my horse the plain was so wide and spatious that I might seeke long enough and neither finde him nor know the place where I left him for there was nothing neere to marke the place nor where to hide the saddle neither hedge tree shrub within a mile on any side Wherefore I considered my best course would bee to take up my lodging in the wide and open wildernesse with my horse and to watch him lest hee should wander and stray away untill the morning or untill my friends might send from the towne to see what was become of mee which they did not that night thinking I had taken my way to another Town not far from thence whither they sent in the morning to enquire for me I looked about therefore for a commodious place to rest in but found no choice of lodgings every where I found a bed ready for mee which was the bare ground a bolster onely or pillow I wanted for my head and seeing no bank did kindly offer it selfe to ease a lost stranger and pilgrime I unsadled my weary Jade and with my saddle fitted my head in stead of a pillow Thus without a supper I went to bed in my Mothers owne bosome not a little comforted to see my tired horse pluck up his spirits and make much of his supper which there was ready for him of short dry and withered grasse upon which hee sed with a greedy and hungry stomack promising mee by his feeding that the next day he would performe a journey of at least thirty or forty miles The poor beast fed apace my careful eye watched him for at least an houre when upon a suddain I heard such an hideous noise of howling barking and crying as if a whole Army of dogs were come into the wildernesse and howled for want of a prey of some dead horse or mule At first the noise seemed to be a pretty way off from mee but the more I hearkened unto it the nigher it came unto mee and I perceived it was not of dogs by some intermixt shriekings as of Christians which I observed in it An observation too sad for alone man without any helpe or comfort in a wildernesse which made my haire to stand upright my heart to pant my body to bee covered with a fearfull sweat as of death I expected nothing else not knowing from whence the noise proceeded sometimes I thought of Witches sometimes of devils sometimes of Indians turned into the shape of beasts which amongst some hath beene used sometimes of wild and savage beasts and from all these thoughts I promised my self nothing but sure death for the which I prepared my selfe recommending my soule to the Lord whilst I expected my body should bee a prey to cruell and mercilessesse beasts or some instruments of that roaring Lion who in the Apostle goeth about seeking whom he may devoure I thought I could not any waies prevaile by flying or running away but rather might that way runne my selfe into the jawes of death to hide there was no place to lie still I thought was safest for if they were wild beasts they might follow their course another way from mee and so I might escape Which truly proved my safest course for while I lay sweating and panting judging every cry every howling and shrieking an alarm to my death being in this agony and fearfull conflict till about midnight on a suddain the noise ceased sleep though but the shadow of death seized upon my wearied
or fountaine of the great River of Chiapa of the Indians which is the onely remarkable thing in that Rode Cuchumatlan grande is a Towne a little bigger then St. Martin and of Indians very curteous who are used and beaten to daily travellers and so make very much of them Here I was entertained as the night before and found the poore Indians willing to give mee whatsoever I demanded for my better and safer guiding and conducting the next day and that night for my supper what I pleased to call for without any pay but onely writing down my name and expences with the day and moneth in their common booke of accounts This are those poore wretches brought to by the Fryers and commanding Justices though of themselves they have no more then a Milpa of Maiz as they terme it or a little Indian Wheat Plantation with as much Chile as will suffice them for the yeer and what the Merchants and Travellers give them voluntarily which is little enough From this Town I would not follow the Rode to the next which was a long journy of seven or eight leagues without baiting by the way and also because I had beene informed at Chiapa and at Copanabastla of a strange picture of our Lady which was amongst these Mountaines in a little Towne of Indians called Chiantla which in this dayes journy being not above a league out of my way I was resolved to see The wayes were bad lying out of the Rode yet by noon I got to Chiantla which is a Town belonging unto Mercenarian Fryers who doubtlesse would not be able to subsist in so poore a place had they not invented that loadstone of their picture of Mary and cried it up for miraculous to draw people farre and neere and all travellers from the Rode to pray unto it and to leave their gifts and almes unto them for their prayers and Masses Such an income of treasure and riches hath beene from deluded and ignorant soules to this beggerly Towne that the Fryers have had wherewith to build a Cloister able to maintaine foure or five of them The Church is richly furnished but especially the high Altar where the picture standeth in a Tabernacle with half a dozen curtaines of Silk Sattin cloth of gold with borders of golden lace before it wearing a rich Crowne of gold thickly beset with Diamonds and other pretious stones There hang before it at least a dozen rich lampes of silver and in the vestry of the Church are many gownes Candlestickes of silver Censers to burn Frankincense before it besides rich Copes Vestments Ornaments for the Altar and hangings for all the Church To conclude here is a treasure hid in the Mountaines Oh that it could bee found out to doe the Lord service I was welcomed to this place by those Fryers who were strangers unto mee my head was filled that day by them with relations of strange and many miracles or lies which they told mee of that picture but the heavinesse of my head did mee good in something for it made mee more drowsie at night and apter to take good rest The next day I got into the Rode againe and went to the last Town of these Cuchumatlanes called Chautlan where I stayed all that day and night and sent before a letter to the Prior of Sacapula of my going thither the next day In Chautlan I was very kindly used by the Indiâ—…s and liked the Towne the better for the excellent grapes which there I found not planted like vineyards but growing up in harbours which shew that if that land were planted it would certainly yeeld as good grapes for wine as any are in Spain They are carried from that place to Guatemala which stands from it neer forty leagues and are sold about the streets for rarities and great dainties and well may they for from Mexico to Guatemala there are none like them The next morning I made haste to be gone that I might come sooner to Sacapula where I was to finde those of mine owne profession with whom I knew I might stay and rest a whole weeke if I pleased I had not rid above three leagues when I began to discover at a low and deep bottome a pleasant and goodly valley laced with a River whose waters receiving the glorious brightnesse of Pâ—…aebus beames reverberated up to the top of the Mountaine a delightsome prospect to the beholders the more I hasted to that seeming Paradise the more did the twinkling and wanton streame invite mee downe the hill which I had no sooner descended but I found in an harbour by the water side the Prior of Sacapula himselfe with a good traine of Indians waiting for mee with a cup of Chocolatte At the first sight I was a little daunted to behold the Prior who looked most fearfully with a bladder from his throat swelled almost round his necke which hung over his shoulders and breast and stayed up his chin and lifted up his head so that hee could scarce looke any whither but up to heaven In our discourse he told mee that disease had beene upon him at least ten yeers and that the water of that River had caused it in him and in many others of that Town This made mee now as much out of love with the River as above the hill I had liked the goodly sight of it and therefore resolved not to stay so long in that place as I had thought lest the waters should marke me for all my life as they had done this Prior whose name was Fryer Iohn De la Cruz a Biscaine borne and like some of that Nation a little troubled with the simples but a good hearted man humble and well beloved over all the Country both by Spaniards and Indians When I came to the Towne I discovered many men and women with bladders in their throats like the poore Prior which made mee almost unwilling to drink there any Chotolatte made with that water or eat any thing dressed with it untill the Prior did much incourage mee and told mee that it did not hurt all but onely some and those who did drink it cold wherewith I resolved to stay there foure or five daies because of the old Priors importunity who would faine have had mee continue to live with him promising to teach mee the Indian language in a very short time But higher matters calling mee to Guatemala I excused my selfe and continued there five dayes with much recreation The Town though it be not in the generall very rich yet there are some Indian Merchants who trade about the country and especially to Suchutepeques where is the chief store of Cacao and thereby some of this Towne of Sacapula have inriched themselves the rest of the people trade in pots and pans which they make of an earth there fit for that purpose But the principall Merchandize of this place is salt which they gather in the morning from the ground that lyeth neere the River The aire
when they have killed it they let it lie in the woodin in some hole or bottom covered with leaves for the space of about a week untill it stinke and begin to be full of wormes then they bring it home cut it out into joynts and parboil it with an herbe which groweth there somewhat like unto our Tanzy which they say sweetneth it again and maketh the flesh eat tender and as white at a peice of Turkey Thus parboiled they hang up the joynts in the smoke for a while and then boyle it again when they eat it which is commonly dressed with red Indian pepper and this is the Venison of 〈◊〉 whereof I have sometimes eaten and found it white and short but never durst be too bold with it not that I found any evill taste in it but that the apprehension of the wormes and maggots which formerly had been in it troubled much my stomack These Indians that have little to doe at home and are not employed in the weekly service under the Spaniards in their hunting will looke seriously for Hedge hogs which are just like unto ours though certainly ours are not meat for any Christian. They are full of pricks and brisles like ours and are found in woods and fields living in holes and as they say feed upon nothing but Amits and their egs and upon dry rotten sticks herbes and roots of these they eat much the flesh being as white and sweet as a Rabbit and as fat as is a Ianuary hen kept up and fatted in a Coope Of this meat I have also eaten and confesse it is a dainty dish there though I will not say the same of a Hedge-hog here for what here may be poyson there may be good and lawfull meate by some accidentall difference in the creature it selfe and in that which it feeds upon or in the temper of the air and climate This meat not only the Indians but the best of the Spaniards feed on it and it is so much esteemed of that because in Lent they are commonly found the Spaniards will not be deprived of it but do eat it also then alleadgging that it is no flesh though in the eating it be in fatnesse and in taste and in all like unto flesh for that it feeds not upon any thing that is very nourishing but chiefly upon Amits egs and dry sticks It is a great point of controversie amongst their Divines some hold it lawfull others unlawfull for that time it seems the pricks and brisles of the Indian Hedge-hog prick their consciences with a foolish seruple Another kind of meat they feed much on which is called Igâ—…ana of these some are found in the waters others upon the land They are longer then a Rabbit and like unto a Scorpion with some green some black scales on their backes Those upon the land will run very fast like Lizards and will climbe up trees like Squerrils and breed in the roots of trees or in stone walls The fight of them is enough to affright one and yet when they are dressed and stewed in broth with a little spice they make a dainty broth and eat also as white as a Rabbit nay the middle bone is made just like the backe bone of a Rabbit They are dangerous meat if not throughly boiled and they had almost cost mee my life for eating too much of them not being stewed enough There are also many water and land Tortoi's which the Indians find out for themselves and also relish exceeding well unto the Spaniards palate As for drinking the Indians generally are much given unto it and drinke if they have nothing else of their poore and simple Chocolatte without Sugar or many compounds or of Atolle untill their bellies bee ready to burst But if they can get any drink that will make them mad drunk they will not give it over as long as a drop is left or a penny remaines in their purse to purchase it Among themselves they use to make such drinks as are in operation far stronger then wine and these they confection in such great Jarres as come from Spain wherein they put some little quantity of water and fill up the Jar with some Melasso's or juyee of the Sugar Cane or some hony for to sweeten it then for the strengthning of it they put roots and leaves of Tobacco with other kinde of roots which grow there and they know to bee strong in operation nay in some places I have known where they have put in a live Toad and so closed up the Jarre for a fortnight or moneths space till all that they have put in him be throughly steeped and the toad consumed and the drink well strengthned then they open it and call their friends to the drinking of it which commonly they doe in the night time lest their Preist in the Towne should have notice of them in the day which they never leave off untill they bee mad and raging drunke This drink they call Chicha which stinketh most filthily and certainly is the cause of many Indians death especially where they use the toads poyson with it Once I was informed living in Mixco of a great meeting that was appointed in an Indians house and I took with mee the Officers of Justice of the Town to search that Indians house where I found foure Jarres of Chicha not yet opened I caused them to be taken out and broken in the street before his doore and the filthy Chicha to be poured out which left such a stinking sent in my nostrils that with the smell of it or apprehension of its loath somenesse I fell to vomiting and continued sick almost a whole week after Now the Spaniards knowing this inclination of the Indians unto drunkennesse doe herein much abuse and wrong them though true it is there is a strict order even to the forfeiting of the wine of any one who shall presume to sell wine in a Towne of Indians with a mony mulct besides Yet for all this the baser and poorer sort of Spaniards for their lucre and gaine contemning authority will goe out from Guatemala to the Towns of Indians about and carry such wine to sell and inebriate the Natives as may bee very advantagious to themselves for of one Jarre of wine they will make two at least confectioning it with hony and water and other strong drugs which are cheap to them and strongly operative upon the poore and weak Indians heads and this they will sell for currant Spanish wine with such pint and quart measures as never were allowed by Justice Order but by themselves invented With such wine they soone intoxicate the poore Indians and when they have made them drunk then they will cheat them more making them pay double for their quart measure and when they see they can drinke no more then they will cause them to ly down and sleep and in the meane while will pick their pockets This is a common sinne among those Spaniards of Guatemala
and some small villages but after the two daies we drew neer unto the Heathens Frontiers where there was no more open way for Mules but we must trust unto our feet We went up and down mountaines amongst woods for the space of two daies being much discouraged with the thickets and hardnesse of the way and having no hope of finding out the Heathens In the night we kept watch and guard for feare of enemies and resolved yet the third day to goe forward In the mountaines we found many sorts of fruits and in the bottomes springâ—… and brookes with many trees of Cacao and Achiotte The third day we went on and came to a low valley in the miâ—…st whereof ran a shallow river where we found some Milpa's or plantations of Maiz. These were a testimony unto us of some Indians not far off and therefore made us keep together and be in readinesse if any assault or onset should be made upon us by the Heathens Whilst we thus travelled on we suddenly fell upon halfe a dozen poore cottages covered with boughes and plantin leaves and in them wee found three Indian women two men and five young children all naked who faine would have escaped but they could not We refreshed our selves in their poore cottages and gave them of our provision which at the first they refused to eat howling and crying and pulling till Moran had better incouraged and comforted them whose language they partly understood We clothed them and tooke them along with us hoping to make them discover unto us some treasure or some bigger plantation But that day they were so sullen that we could get nothing out of them Thus we went on following some tracks which here and there we found of Indians till it was almost evening and then we did light upon above a dozen cottageâ—… more and in them a matter of twenty men women and children from whom we tooke some bows and arrowes and found there store of plantins some fish and wild Venison wherewith we refreshed our selves These told us of a great Towne two daies journey off which made 〈◊〉 be very watchfull that night Here I began with some more of our company to be sick and weary so that the next day I was not able to goe any further whereupon we resolved to set up our quarters there and to send out some scouts of Indians and Spaniards to discover the country who found further more cottages and plantations of Maiz of Chile of Turkey beans and Cotton-wooll but no Indians at all for they were all fled Our scouts returned and gave us some incouragement from the pleasantnesse of the Country but withall wished us to be watchfull and carefull for that certainly the flight of those Indians was a signe that our coming was noised about the Country The next day we purposed to move forward to that plantation which our scouts had discovered being as we were informed safer and more open to foresee any danger ready to befall us All these plantatioâ—… lay along by the river where the sun was exceeding hot which had caused feavers and a flux in some of us With much wearinesse and faintnesse I got that day to our journeys end beginning now to â—…epent mee of what I was ingaged in and on foot and â—…ring some suddain dangeâ—… by reason our coming was now known by the Indians The prisoners we had with 〈◊〉 began to tell us of some gold that they did sometimes find in that river and of a grâ—… lake yeâ—… forward about which did inhabit many thousand Indians who were very warlike and skilfull in their bows and arrows The one incouraged some the other much discouraged the rest who wished themselves out of those woods and unknown places and began to murmur against Moran who had been the cause of their ingagement in that great danger Our night was set and I and the rest of the sick Spaniards went to rest some upon the bare ground but my self and others in hamacca's which are of net work tied at two posts or trees and hanging in the aire which with the least stirring of the body rocke one asleep as in a Cradle Thus I tooke my rest till about midnight at which time our watches gave an alarm against our approaching enemies who where thought to be about a thousand They came desperately towards us and when they saw they were discovered and our drums beat up and our fowling peeces and muskets began to shoot they hollowed and cried out with a hideous noise which uproar and suddain affrightment added sweat and fear to my feaver But Moran who came to confesse with mee and to prepare himselfe for death or for some deadly wound comforted me wishing me to fear nothing and to lie still for that I could doe them no good and that lesse was my danger then I apprehended because our Souldiers had compassed me about so that on no side the Heathens could come in and flie we could not without the losse of all our lives The skirmish lasted not above an hour and then our enemies began to flie back We tooke ten of them and in the morning found thirteen dead upon the ground and of ours five onely were wounded whereof one died the next day In the morning our Souldiers began to mutiny and to talke of returning back fearing a worse and more violent onset that day or the night following for some of the Indians who were taken told them plainly that if they went not away there would come six or seven thousand against them They told us further that they knew well that the Spaniards had all the country about except that little portion of theirs which they desired to enjoy quietly and peaceably and not to meddle with us but rather if we would see their countrey and goe through it as friends they would let us without doing us any hurt but if we came in a warlike manner to fight and to bring them into slavery as we had done their neighbours they were all resolved to die fighting rather then to yeeld With these words our Souldiers were divided some with Moran were of opinion to try the Indians and to go peaceably through their Country til they could come to some Towne of Iucatan others were of opinion to fight others to return back again considering their weakenesse against so many thousands of Indians as were in the Country But that day nothing was agreed upon for that we could not stir by reason of the sick and wounded So we continued there that night and as the night before much about the same time the enemies came againe upon us but finding us ready and watching for them they soone fled In the morning we resolved to returne back and Moran sent the Heathens word that if they would let him goe through their country quietly to discover some land of Iucatan he would after a few monthes come peaceably unto them with halfe adâ—…en Indians no more trusting his life upon
some mule or man for his straight forward flight was as swift as our Mules could run but whilst he turned and wheeled about his heavy body we got ground and advantage till we left him far behind us and by this experience we came to know the nature and quality of that beast whose greatnesse of body is no hinderance to run forward as swift as a Mule but otherwise as the Elephant once laid down is troubled to get up so this monster is heavy and stiffe and therefore much troubled to turne and wind about his body We praised God who had that day delivered us and riding for a while by the side of the lake we were watchful that we might not fall again into the like danger But the greatnesse of this lake of Granada may from hence be knowne in that the second and third day of our journey being at least threescore miles from whence we set out we now and then found our way lying by it After that wee had wholly lost the sight of it we began to enter into rough and craggy wayes declining more to the South then to the North sea And in all the rest of our journey to Carthago we observed nothing worth committing to posterity but onely mighty woods and trees on the South sea fide very fit for to make strong ships and many mountaines and desert places where we lay sometimes two nights together either in woods or open fields far from any Town or habitation of Indians yet for our comfort in these so desert places we had stil a guide with us and found lodges which by the command of the neerest Justices had been set up for such as travelled that way We came at last through thousand dangers to the city of Carthago which we found not to be so poor as in richer places as Guatemala and Nicaragna it was reported to be For there we had occasion to inquire after some Merchants for exchange of gold and silver and wee found that some were very rich who traded by Land and Sea with Panama and by Sea with Portobelo Carthagena and Havana and from thence with Spain This City may consist of foure hundred Families and is governed by a Spanish Governour It is a Bishops Sea and hath in it three Cloisters two of Fryers and one of Nuns Here wee began to enquire after that which had brought us through so many Mountaines Woods and deserts to wit after some speedy occasion of shipping our selves for Portobelo or Carthagena and according to our desires wee understood of one Frigat almost ready to set out from the River called De los Anzuelos and another from the River Suere and being well informed that Suere would bee the best place for us to Travaile unto by reason of more provision in the way more Towns of Indians and Estancia's of Spaniards we resolved within foure dayes after wee had rested in Carthago to undertake a new journey towards the North Sea Wee found that Country mountainous in many places yet here and there some Valleys where was very good corn Spaniards living in good Farmes who as well as the Indians bred many hogs but the Townes of Indians we found much unlike to those which wee had left behind in Nicaragua and Guatemala and the people in curtesie and clvility much differing from them and of a rude and bold carriage and behaviour towards us yet they are kept under by the Spaniards as much as those whom I have formerly spoken of about Gnatemala Wee came in so good a time to the River Suere that wee stayed there but three dayes in a Spanish Farm neere unto it and departed The Master of the Frigat was exceeding glad of our company and offered to carry mee for nothing but for my prayers to God for him and for a safe passage which hee hoped would not bee above three or four daies sailing What hee carried was nothing but some Hony Hides Bacon meal and fowles The greatest danger he told us of was the setting out from the River which runs in some places with a very strong stream is shallow and full of rocks in other places till wee come forth to the maine Sea Whither we got out safely and had not sailed on above twenty leagues when we discovered two ships making towards us our hearts began to quake and the Master himselfe of the Frigat wee perceived was not without feare who suspected that they were English or Holland Ships wee had no guns nor weapons to fight with save onely foure or five Muskets and half a dozen Swords wee thought the wings of our nimble Frigat might be our best comfort and flying away our chiefest safety But this comfort soon began to fail us and our best safety was turned into neer approaching danger for before wee could flie on five leagues towards Portobel wee could from our Top Mast easily perceive the two Ships to be Hollanders and too nimble for our little Vessell which presently one of them which being a Man of Warre was too much and too strong for our weaknesse fetcht up and with a thundring Message made us strike Saile Without any fighting wee durst not but yeeld hoping for better mercy But O what sed thoughts did here run to and fro my dejected heart which was struck down lower then our Saile How did I sometimes look upon Deaths frighting visage But if again I would comfort and incourage my selfe against this feare of Death how then did I begin to see an end of all my hopes of ever more returning to my wished and desired Country How did I see that my treasure of Pearles pretious Stones and 〈◊〉 of Eight and golden Pistols which by singing I had got in twelve yeers space now within one halfe houre ready to be lost with weeping and become a sure prey to those who with as much ease as I got them and with laughing were ready to spoile 〈◊〉 of all that with the sound of Flutes Waits and Organs I had so long been hoâ—…ding up Now I saw I must forcedly and fainedly offer up to a Hollander what supersticious yea also forced and fained offerings of Indians to their Saints of Mixes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Petapa had for a while enriched mee My further thoughts were soone interrupted by the Hollanders who came abord our Frigat with more speed then wee desired Though their Swords Muskets and Pistols did not a little terrifie yet wee were somewhat comforted when wee understood who was their chief Captaine and Commander and hoped for more mercy from him who had been born and brought up amongst Spaniards then from the Hollanders who as they were little bound unto the Spanish Nation for mercy so did wee expect little from them The Captain of this Holland Ship which took us was a Mulatto born and bred in Havana whose Mother I saw and spoke with afterwards that same yeer when the Galeons struck into that Port to expect there the rest that were to come from Vera
Lord. And thus for curiosities sake and by the intreaty of some speciall friends I have furnished the Presse with a language which never yet was printed or known in England A Merchant Mariner or Captaine at Sea may chance by fortune to be driven â—…n some Coast where he may meet with some Pecoman Indian and it may bee of great use to him to have some light of this Poconchi tongue Whereunto I shall be willing hereafter to add something more for the good of my Countrey and for the present I leave thee Reader to study what hitherto hath briefely been delivered by mee FINIS A Table of the Chapters of this Booke with the Contents of the most Remarkeable things in them CHAP. I. HOw Rome doth yeerely visit the American and Asian Kingdomes page 1. Contents The Popes Policy in maintaining constantly some poore Pensionary Bishops in Rome page 1. Without great Sums of Mony and new Purple Clothing given to the Cardinals Suits are not Canonized at Rome pag. 2. Monies sent out of England to Rome for Indulgencies to bee granted to private Altars in Papists private chambers page 2. More power granted to the Kings of Spain over the Clergy in the West-India's then to other Princes in Europe upon condition that they maintain there the Popes Authority and Preists to preach page 2. 3. The Iesuites challenge from Francis Xavierius the Preaching of the Gospel as due onely to them page 3. Missions of Preists Fryers or Iesuites are yeerely sent at the King of Spaine his charge to the India's page 3. CHAP. II. Shewing that the Indians wealth under a pretence of their Conversion hath corrupted the hearts of poore begging Fryers with strife hatred and ambition page 3. Contents Hatred grounded upon difference in Religion is most bitter Page 3. 4. Iesuites and Fryers but especially Dominicans deadly enemies Page 4. A Iesuiticall trick well acted at Venice page 4. Doctor Smith Bishop of Chalcedon sent by the Pope into England as private Head over all the Romish Clergy chiefly by the cunning subtilty of Iesuites was banished page 4. A Colledge privately intended to bee built in England by Iesuites at Winifreds Well as also the Sope houses at Lambeth with the Sope Patentee belonging to them page 5. More 〈◊〉 prankes discovered page 5. Why Iesuites and Dominicans are dead enemies page 5. 6. Valentia the Iesuite his death most shamefull for causing a false Print upon Augustins workes page 5. 6. Iesuites excellent Musicians Fencers Dancers Vaulters Painters Bribers and Merchants p. 6. CHAP. III. Shewing the manner of the Missions of Fryers and Iesuites to the India's pag. 7. Contents Distinction of severall Provinces amongst the Fryers and Iesuites under head at Rome named Generall page 7. West-India Fryers rich prizes to the Hollanders page 7. Popes indulgence granted to such Fryers as goe to the India's and his excommunication to such as oppose them page 8. Liberty draws most of the Fryers to the India's page 8. The death of an unchast wife murthered by her owne husband caused by the too much liberty of a wanton Fryer in Guatemala Anno 1635. p. 9. CHAP. IV. Shewing to what Provinces of the East and West-India's belonging to the Crowne of Castilia are sent Missions of Fryers and Iesuites And especially of the Missions sent in the yeer 1625. page 9. Contents Two sorts of Spaniards in the India's deadly enemies to one another viz. the Natives borne there and such as goe from Spain thither page 9. 10. What Religious Orders are the chief Preachers in the Province of Guatemala page 10. The Spaniards chief trading from Spain to Philippinas is first by their ships to St. John de Ulhua upon the North Sea and secondly from Acapulco upon the South Sea to Manila page 11. A vaine and worldly discourse of a Fryer of the India's page 11. 12. The chief cause of the Authors resolution to goe to East and West-India's page 12. 13. Foure poore Mendicant Fryers as Apostles entertained by Don Frederique de Toledo and the Gallies in Puerto de Santa Maria. page 14. CHAP. V. Of the Indian Fleet that departed from Cales Anno Dom. 1625. And of some remarkable passages in that voiage page 14. Contents The love of Nuns too powerfull over Fryers page 14. The Author hid in an empty barrell on shipboard in the Bay of Cales page 15. The pleasure of the Indian Navigation 1625. untill the first land was discovered page 16. CHAP. VI. Of our discovery of some Islands and what trouble befell ut in one of them p. 16. Contents The Islands called Desseada Marigalante Dominica Guadalupe are the first discovered in America in the Spanish Navigation page 17. A Christian Mulatto having lived twelve yeeres among Heathens with an Infidell wife and Children found in Guadalupe page 18. A suddaine uproare and mutiny of the Indians of Guadalupe who slow and wounded many of the Spanish Fleet 1625. page 25. CHAP. VII Of our further sailing to St. John de Ulhua alià s Vera Crux of our landing there page 19. Contents A Fryer wounded at Guadalupe died and was solemnly cast to the Sea pag. 20. A Spaniard swimming in the sound of Mexico cruelly slain and partly devoured by a Sea Monster page 21. The Virgin Mary called upon more then God in a suddain apprehensiou of a storme page 21. CHAP. VIII Of our landing at Vera Crux otherwise St. John de Ulhua and of our entertainment there page 22. Contents The vanity and worldlinesse of a Religious Dominicnn Superiour in St. John de Ulhua page 23. The houses and Churches of St. John de Ulhua builded with boards and timber and therefore easily and often fired page 23. 24. A further relation of the towne of St. John de Ulhua with the rich trading of it from most parts of the West-India's as also from the East-India's page 24. CHAP. IX Of our journey from St. John de Ulhua to Mexico and of the most remarkable Townes and Villages in the way page 25. Contents Our Fryers first entertainment by the Indians of the old Vera Crux page 25. A Franciscan Fryers vow and profession contrary to the vanity carding dicing and swearing practised by them of Xalappa in the India's page 26. Abundance of Gnats in the Rinconada taketh away the comfort of the great abundance of provision that is there page 27. From whence the Towne called Segura de la Frontera had its beginning page 27. 28. CHAP. X. Wherein is set downe the Estate and Condition of the great Towne of Tlaxcallan when the first Spaniards entered into the Empire of Mexico Cortez his first encounter with the Tlaxcalteca's their League with him with a description of the Towne and of the state and condition of it now page 29. Contents A wall of stone without Lime or Morter of a fadome and a halfe high and twenty foot brâ—…d built by the Indian for a defence in time of Warres before the comming of the Spaniards page 29. Fourescore thousand
Galeons for fear of Turkes and Hollanders whom the Spanish Dons shake and tremble at set forward our fleet with a pleasant and prosperous gale with a quiet and milken sea untill we came to the Golfe called Golfo de Yeguâ—… or of kicking Mares whose waves and swelling surges did so kick our ships that wee thought they would have kicked our St. Anthonies gilded image out of our ship and bereaved my Antonio Melendez of his gilt and painted idol to whom hee daily bowed and prayed against the mercilesse element and that all our ships galleries would have been torn from us with these spurnings and blowes of that outragious Golfe But at last having overcome the danger of this Golfe the eight Galeons took their leave of us and left our Merchant ships now to shift for themselves The departure of these Galeons was most solemnly performed on each side saluting each other with their Ordnance visiting each other with their Cock-boates the Admirall of the Fleet feasting with a stately dinner in his ship the Admirall of the Galeons and the like performing most of the other ships to the severall Colonells and Captains and other their allied friends that were of the Roiall Fleet. Here it was worth noting to heare the sighes of many of our Indian Apostles wishing they might return again in any of those Galeons to Spain their zeal was now cold and some endeavoured many waies for Calvo his licence to returne which could not be granted others imployed themselves most of that day in writing letters to their friends and Sisters in Cales Thus dinner being ended and the two Admiralls solemnly taking their leaves the warning piece being shot off for the Galeons to joyn together and turne their course to Spain we bad mutuall adieu crying one to another Buen Viaie Buen passage we kept our course towards America sailing before the wind constantly till we came to America a thing worth noting in that voiage from Spain to the Indies that after the Islands of Canaria are once left there is one constant wind continuing to America still the same without any opposition or contrariety of other winds and this so prosperous and full on the sailes that did it blow constantly and were it not interrupted with many calmes doubtlesse the voiage might be ended in a moneth or lesse But such were the calmes that many times we had that we got not to the sight of any land till the twentieth day of August so that neer six weeks we sailed as on a river of fresh water much delighting and sporting our selves in fishing many sorts fishes but especially one which by the Spaniards is called Dorado the golden fish for the skin and scales of it that glitter like gold of this sort we found such abundance that no sooner was the hooke with any small bait cast into the sea when presently the Dorado was caught so that we tooke them many times for pleasure and cast them againe into the sea being a fish fitter to be eaten fresh then salted Many were the feasts and sports used in the ships till wee discovered the first land or Island called Desseada The last day of Iuly being according to the Jesuites Order and Romes appointment the day of Ignatius their Patron and founder of their Religion the gallant ship called S ta Gertrudis wherein went 30 Jesuites for theirs and their Saints sake made to all the rest of the Fleet a most gallant shew shee being trimmed round about with white linnen her flags and top gallants representing some the Jesuites arms others the picture of Ignatius himself and this from the evening before shooting off that night at least fifty shot of Ordinance besides four or five hundred squibs the weather being very calme and all her masts and tacklings hung with paper Lanthornes having burning lights within them the waits ceased not from sounding nor the Spaniards from singing all night The daies solemne sport was likewise great the Jesuites increasing the Spaniards joy with an open procession in the ship singing their superstitions Hymnes and Anthemes to their supposed Saint and all this seconded with roaring Ordnance no powder being spared for the compleating of that daies joy and triumph The fourth of August following being the day which Rome doth dedicate to Dominick the first the founder of the Dominicans or Preachers Order the ship wherein I was named St. Ambony strived to exceed S ta Gertrudis by the assistance of the 27 Dominicans that were in her All was performed both by night and day as formerly in S ta Gertrudis both with powder squibs lights Waits and musick And further did the Dominicans joy and triumph exced the Jesuites in that they invited all the Jesuites with Don Iohn Nino de Toledo the President of Manila with the Captaine of the ship of S ta Gertrudis to a stately dinner both of Fish and Flesh which dinner being ended for the afternoones sport they had prepared a Comedy out of famous Lope de Vega to be acted by some Souldiers Passengers and some of the younger sort of Fryers which I confesse was as stately acted and set forth both in shewes and good apparell in that narrow compasse of our ship as might have been upon the best stage in the Court of Madrid The Comedy being ended and a banquet of sweet meates prepared for the closing up of that daies mirth both ours and S ta Gertrudis Cock-boat carried backe our invited friends bidding each other adieu with our Waits and chiefest Ordnance Thus went we on our Sea Voiage without any storme with pleasant gales many calmes dayly sports and pastimes till we discovered the first land called Desseada upon the twentieth day of August CHAP. VI. Of our discovery of some Islands and what trouble befell us in one of them THe Admirall of our Fleet wondring much at our slow sailing who from the second of Iuly to the 19 of August had seen nor discovered any land save only the Islands of Canaria the same day in the morning called to Councell all the Pilots of the ships to know their Opinions concerning our present being and the neernesse of Land The Ships therefore drew neere unto the Admirall one by one that every Pilot might deliver his opinion Here was cause of laughter enough for the passengers to heare the wise Pilots skil One saying we were three hundred miles another two hundred another one hundred another fifty another more another lesse all erring much from the truth as afterward appeared save onely one old Pilot of the smallest Vesseâ—… of all who affirmed resolutely that with that small gale wherewith wee then sailed wee should come to Guadalupe the next morning All the rest laughed at him but he might well have laughed at them for the next morning by Sun-rising wee plainly discovered an Island called Desseada by the Spaniards or the desired Land for that at the first discovery of the India's it was the first Land the Spaniards found being then as