Selected quad for the lemma: land_n

Word A Word B Word C Word D Occurrence Frequency Band MI MI Band Prominent
land_n find_v great_a king_n 3,579 5 3.5272 3 true
View all documents for the selected quad

Text snippets containing the quad

ID Title Author Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication) STC Words Pages
A40689 The sovereigns prerogative and the subjects priviledge discussed betwixt courtiers and patriots in Parliament, the third and fourth yeares of the reign of King Charles : together with the grand mysteries of state then in agitation. England and Wales. Parliament.; Fuller, Thomas, 1608-1661. 1657 (1657) Wing F2467; ESTC R16084 264,989 306

There are 18 snippets containing the selected quad. | View lemmatised text

Loyalty may have such place in your Royall thoughts as to rest assured that all your Subjects will be ready to lay down their lives for the defence of your Sacred Person and this Kingdome Not going our selves into our Countreys this Easter we should think it a great happinesse to us and we know it would be a singular comfort and encouragement to them that sent us hither if we might but send them the newes of a gracious Answer from your Majesty in this particular which the reasons of the Petition we hope will move your most excellent Majesty graciously to vouchsafe us The King's Answer to the Petition concerning billetting of Souldiers 14 April 1628. M r Speaker and you Gentlemen WHen I sent you my last message I did not expect any Reply for I intended to hasten you not to find fault with you I told you at your first meeting that this time was not to be spent in words and I am sure it is lesse fit for disputes which if I had a desire to entertain M r Speaker's Preamble might give me ground enough The Question is not now what Libertie you have in disposing of matters handled in your House but rather what is fit to be done Therefore I hope you will follow my example in eschewing disputations and fall to your important businesse You make a protestation of your affections and zeal to my Prerogative grounded upon so good and just reasons that I must believe you But I look that you use me with the like charitie to believe what I have delivered more then once since your meeting which is That I am as forward as you for the preservation of your true Liberties yet let us not spend so much time in this that may hazzard both my Prerogative and your Liberties to our Enemies To be short go on speedily with your businesse without fear or more Apologies for time calls fast on you which will neither stay for me nor you Wherefore it is my dutie to presse you to hasten as knowing the necessity of it and yours to give credit to what I say as to him that sitteth at the Helme Sir Dudley Diggs his Introduction My Lords I Shall I hope auspiciously begin this Conference this day with an Observation out of Holy Story In the dayes of good King Iosiah when the Land was purged of Idolatry and the great men went about to repaire the House of God while money was sought for there was found a Book of the Law which had been neglected and afterwards being presented to the good King procured the blessing which your Lordships may read of in the Scriptures 2 Chro. cap. 34. 2 Kings cap. 22. My good Lords I am confident your Lordships will as cheerfully joyn with the Commons in acknowledgement of Gods great blessing in our good King Iosiah as the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons House by me their unworthy servant do thankfully remember your most religious and truly honourable invitation of them to the late Petition for clensing this Land from Popish Abominations which I may truly call a necessary and happy repairing of the House of God And to go on with the parallell while we the Commons out of our good affection were seeking for money we found I cannot say a book of the Law but many and those fundamentall points thereof neglected and broken which hath occasioned our desire of this Conference Wherein I am first commanded to shew unto your Lordships in generall that the Lawes of England are grounded on reason ancienter then bookes consisting much in unwritten Customes yet so full of Justice and true Equity that your most honourable Predecessours and Ancestours many times propugned them with a Nolumus Mutare and so ancient that from the Saxons daies notwithstanding the Injuries and Ruines of Time they have continued in most parts the same as may appear in old remaining Monuments of the Lawes of Ethelbert the first Christian King of Kent Ina King of the West-Saxones Offa of the Mercians In Bibliotheca Cottoniana and of Alfred the great Monarch who united the Saxon Heptarchie whose Laws are yet to be seen published as some think by Parliament as he sayes to that end ut qui sub uno Rege sub una Lege regerentur Liber Lichfield And though the book of Lichfield speaking of the troublesome times of the Danes saies that then Ius sopitum erat in Regno Leges consuetudines sopitae sunt and prava voluntas vis violentia magis regnabant quam Iudicia vel Iustitia yet by the blessing of God a good King Edward commonly called S. Edward did awaken these Lawes Excitatas reparavit reparatas decoravit decoratas confirmavit Liber de Chartsey sive Registrum de Chartsey which confirmavit sheweth that good King Edward did not give those Lawes which William the Conquerour and all his Successours sithence that have sworn unto And here my Lords by many Cases frequent in our Modern Lawes strongly concurring with those of the ancient Saxon Kings I might if time were not precious demonstrate that our Lawes and Customes were the same I will only intreat your Lordships leave to tell you that as we have now even in those Saxon times they had their Courts Barons and Courts Leets and Sheriffs Courts by which as Tacitus saith of the Germans their Ancestours Iura reddebant per pagos vicos And I believe as we have now they had their Parliaments where new Lawes were made cum consensu Praelatorum Magnatum totius Communitatis or as another writes cum consilio Praelatorum Nobilium sapientum Laicorum I will adde nothing out of Glanvile that wrote in the time of Henry the second or Bracton that writ in the time of Henry the third only give me leave to cite that of Fortescue the learned Chancellour to Hen. 6. who writing of this Kingdome saith Regnum illud in omnibus Nationum Regum temporibus De Dom. polit et regal eisdem quibus nunc regitur legibus consuetudinibus regebatur But my good Lords as the Poet said of Fame I may say of our Common Law Ingreditur solo caput inter nubila condit Wherefore the cloudy part being mine Virgil. I will make haste to open way for your Lordships to heare more certain Arguments and such as go on surer grounds Be pleased then to know that it is an undoubted and fundamentall point of this so ancient Common Law of England that the Subject hath a true Proprietie in his goods and possessions which doth preserve as sacred that meum and tuum that is the Nurse of Industrie the Mother of Courage and without which there can be no Justice of which meum and tuum is the proper object But this undoubted Birthright of free Subjects hath latelie not a little been invaded prejudiced by pressures the more grievous because they have been pursued by Imprisonments contrary to the Franchise of
this Land And when according to the Lawes and Statutes of this Realm redresse hath been sought for in a legall way by demanding Habeas Corpus from the Judges and a discharge or triall according to the Law of the Land successe hath failed which hath now inforced the Commons in this present Parliament assembled to examine by Acts of Parliaments Presidents and Reasons the truth of English Subjects Liberties which I shall leave to learned Gentlemen whose weightie Arguments I hope will leave no place in your Lordships memories for the errours and infirmities of your humblest Servant that doth thankfully acknowledge the great favour of your most honourable and patient attention The Argument made by M r Littleton at the command of the House of Commons out of Acts of Parliament and Authorities of Law expounding the same at the first Conference with the Lords concerning the Liberty of the Person of every Free-man My Lords UPon the occasions delivered by the Gentleman that last spake your Lordships have heard the Commons have taken into their serious Consideration the matter of Personall Libertie and after long debate thereof on divers dayes as well by solemn Arguments as single propositions of doubts and answers to the end no scruple might remaine in any mans breast unsatisfied they have upon a full search and cleer understanding of all things pertinent to the Question unanimously declared That no Free-man ought to be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the command of the King or the Privie Councell or any other unlesse some cause of the commitment detainer or restraint be expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained And they have sent me with some other of their Members to represent unto your Lordships the true grounds of such their resolutions and have charged me particularly leaving the reasons of Law and Presidents for others to give your Lordships satisfaction that this Libertie is established and confirmed by the whole State the King the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons by severall Acts of Parliament The authority whereof is so great that it can receive no answer save by interpretation or repeal by future Statutes And these that I shall mind your Lordships of are so direct to the point that they can bear no other exposition at all and sure I am they are still in force The first of them is the Grand Charter of the Liberties of England first granted in the 17 yeare of King Iohn and renewed in the 9 yeare of King Hen. 3. and since confirmed in Parliament above 30 times Cap. 29. the words are these Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur aut diseisietur de libero tenemento suo vel libertatibus vel liberis consuetudinibus suis aut utlagetur aut exuletur aut aliquo modo destruatur nec super eum ibimus nec super eum mittemus nisi per legale judicium parium suorum vel per legem terrae These words Nullus liber homo c. are expresse enough yet it is remarkable that Matthew Paris an Authour of speciall credit doth observe fo 432. that the Charter of the 9. H. 3. was the very same as that of the 17. of King Iohn in nullo dissimiles are his words and that of King Iohn he setteth down verbatim fol. 342. and there the words are directlie Nec eum in carcerem mittemus and such a corruption as is now in the print might easily happen 'twixt 9. H. 3. and 28. E. 1. when this Charter was first exemplified But certainly there is sufficient left in that which is extant to decide this question for the words are That no Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned but by the lawfull judgement of his Peeres which is by Jury Peeres for Pares ordinary Jurours for others who are their Peeres or by the Law of the Land Which words Law of the Land must of necessity be understood in this Nation to be by due processe of Law and not the Law of the Land generally otherwise it would comprehend Bond-men whom we call Villains which are excluded by the word liber for the generall Law of the Land doth allow their Lords to imprison them at pleasure without cause wherein they only differ from the Free-men in respect of their persons who cannot be imprisoned without a cause And that this is the true understanding of those words per legem terrae will more plainly appear by divers other Statutes that I shall use which do expound the same accordingly And although the words of this Grand Charter be spoken in the third person yet they are to be understood of Suites betwixt partie and partie at least not of them alone but even of the Kings Suites against his Subjects as will appear by the occasion of the getting of that Charter which was by reason of the differences betwixt those Kings and their people and therefore properlie to be applyed to their power over them and not to ordinarie questions 'twixt Subject and Subject The words per legale judicium parium suorum immediately precedeing the other per legem terrae are meant of trialls at the Kings Suit and not at the prosecution of a Subject And therefore if a Peer of the Realm be arraigned at the Suit of the King upon any Indictment of Murther he shall be tried by his Peeres that is Nobles But if he be appealed of Murther by a Subject his triall shall be by an ordinarie Jury of 12 Free-holders as appeareth in 10. Edw. 4. It is said such is the meaning of Magna Charta By the same reason therefore as per judicium parium suorum extends to the Kings Suit so shall these words per legem terrae And in 8. E. 2. Rot. Parliam num 7. there is a Petition that a Writ made under the Privie Seal went to the Guardians of the Great Seal to cause lands to be seized into the Kings hands by force of which there went a Writ out of the Chauncery to the Exchequer to seize against the forme of the Grand Charter That the King or his Ministers shall out-law no man of Free-hold without reasonable Judgement And the partie was restored to his land Which sheweth the Statute did extend to the King There was no invasion upon this personall liberty till the time of King Edw. the 3. which was soon restrained by the Subject For in the 5. E. 3. cap. 9. it is ordained in these words It is enacted that no man from henceforth shall be attached by any accusation nor forejudged of life or limbe nor his lands tenements goods nor cattells seized into the Kings hands against the forme of the great Charter And the Law of the Land 25. E. 3. cap. 4. is more full and doth expound the words of the Grand Charter and it is thus Whereas it is contained in the great Charter of the Franchises of England That no Free-man be imprisoned or put out of his Free-hold nor of
his Franchise nor Free Custome unlesse it be by the Law of the Land it is accorded assented and established that from henceforth none shall be taken by petition or suggestion made unto our Lord the King or to his Councell unlesse it be by indictment or presentment of his good and lawfull people of the same neighbourhood where such deeds be done in due manner or by processe made by Writ originall at the Common Law nor that none be out of his Franchises or of his Free-hold unlesse he be duely brought into answer and forejudged of the same by course of Law and if any thing be done against the same it shall be redressed and held for null Out of this Statute I observe that what in Magna Charta and the Preamble of this Statute is termed by the Law of the Land is in the body of this Act expounded to be by processe made by Writ originall at the Common Law which is a plain interpretation of the words Law of the Land in the grand Charter And I note that this Law was made upon the commitment of divers to the Tower no man yet knoweth for what The 28. E. 3. is yet more direct this Libertie being followed with fresh suite by the Subject where the words are not many but very full and significant That no man of what estate or condition he be shall be put out of his lands or Tenement nor taken nor imprisoned nor disinherited nor put to death without he be brought into answer by due processe of the Law Here your Lordships see the usuall words of the Law of the Land are rendered by due processe of the Law 36. E. 3. Rot. Parliam num 9. amongst the Petitions of the Commons one of them being translated into English out of the French is thus First that the great Charter and the Charter of the Forrest and the other Statutes made in his time and the time of his Progenitours for the profit of him and his Commonaltie be well and firmly kept and put in due execution without putting disturbance or making arrest contrarie to them by speciall command or in any other The answer to the Petition which makes it an Act of Parliament is Our Lord the King by the assent of the Prelates Dukes Earles Barons and the Commonaltie hath ordained and established that the said Charters and Statutes be held and put in execution according to the said Petition which is that no arrest should be made contrarie to the Statutes by speciall command This concludes the Question and is of as great force as if it were printed For the Parliament Roll is the true warrant of an Act and many are omitted out of the books that are extant 36. E. 3. Rot. Parliament num 20. explaineth it further for there the Petition is Whereas it is contained in the Grand Charter and other Statutes that none be taken or imprisoned by speciall command without indictment or other due processe to be made by the Law yet oftentimes it hath been and still is that many are hindred taken and imprisoned without indictment or other processe made by the Law upon them as well of things done out of the Forrest of the King as for other things That it would therefore please our said Lord to command those to be delivered which are so taken by speciall Command against the forme of the Charters and Statutes aforesaid The answer is The King is pleased if any man find himself grieved that he come and make his complaint and right shall be done unto him 37. E. 3. cap. 18. agreeth in substance when it saith Though that it be contained in the great Charter that no man be imprisoned nor put out of his Freehold without processe of the Law neverthelesse divers people make false suggestions to the King himself as well for malice as otherwise whereat the King is often grieved and divers of the Realme put in damage against the forme of the said Charter Wherefore it is ordained that all they which make such suggestions be sent with the suggestions before the Chauncellour Treasurer and the grand Councell and that they there find suretie to pursue their suggestions and incurre the same paine that the other should have had if he were attainted in case that their suggestions be found evil and that then processe of the Law be made against them without being taken and imprisoned against the forme of the said Charter and other Statutes Here the Law of the Land in the grand Charter is explained to be without processe of the Law 42. E. 3. ca. 3. At the request of the Commons by their Petitions put forth in this Parliament to eschew mischiefs and damage done to divers of his Commons by false accusers which oftentimes have made their accusation more for revenge and singular benefit then for the profit of the King or of his people which accused persons some have been taken and sometimes caused to come before the Kings Councell by writ and otherwise upon grievous paine against the Law It is assented and accorded for the good governance of the Commons that no man be put to answer without presentment before Justices or matter of Record or by due processe or writ originall according to the old Law of the Land And if any thing henceforth be done to the contrary it shall be void in Law and holden for errour But this is better in the Parliament Roll where the Petition and Answer which make the Act are set down at large 42. E. 3. Rot. Parliament num 12. The Petition Because that many of the Commons are hurt and destroyed by false accusers who make their accusations more for their revenge and particular gaine then for the profit of the King or his people and those that are accused by them some have been taken and others have been made to come before the Kings Councell by writ or other Commandment of the King upon grievous paines contrary to the Law That it would please our Lord the King and his good Councell for the just government of his people to ordain that if hereafter any accuser propose any matter for the profit of the King that the same matter be sent to the Justices of the one Bench or the other or the affaires to be enquired and determined according to the Law And if it concern the accuser or partie that he take his suit at the Common Law and that no man be put to answer without presentment before Justices or matter of Record and by due processe originall writ according to the ancient Law of the Land And if any thing henceforward be done to the contrarie that it be void in Law and held for errour Here by due processe and originall writ according to the Law of the Land is meant the same thing as per legem terrae in Magna Charta and the abuse was they were put to answer by the commandment of the King The Kings Answer is thus Because that this
hither that by a timely provision against those great imminent dangers our selves may be strengthened at home our Friends and Allies incouraged abroad and those great causes of feare scattered and dispelled And because in all warlike preparations Treasure bears the name and holds the semblance of the nerves and finewes and if a finew be too short or too weak if it be either shrunk or strained the part becomes unusefull it is needfull that you make a good and timely supply of treasure without which all counsells will prove fruitlesse I might presse many reasons to this end I will but name few First for his Majesties sake who requires it great is the duty which we owe him by the law of God great by the law of Nature and our own Allegeance great for his own merit and the memory of his ever blessed Father I do but point at them but me thinks our thoughts cannot but recoyle on our consideration touched by his Majestie which to me seemes to sound like a Parliamentarie part or Covenant A Warre was advised here Assistance professed yea and protested here I do but touch it I know you will deeply think on it and the more for the example the King hath set you his Lands his Plate his Jewells he hath not spared to supply the War what the People hath protested the King for his part hath willingly performed Secondly for the Cause sake it concernes us in Christian Charity to tender the distresses of our Friends abroad it concernes us in honour not to abandon them that have stood for us and if this come not close enough you shall finde our Interest so woven and involved with theirs that the Cause is more ours then theirs If Religion be in perill wee have the most flourishing and orthodoxe Church if Honour be in question the steps and monuments in former ages will shew that our Ancestours have left us as much as any Nation if Trade Commerce be in danger we are Islanders it is our life all these at once lye at stake and so doth our safety and being Lastly in respect of the manner of his Majesties demand which is in Parliament the way that hath ever best pleased the subjects of England and good cause for it for Aides granted in Parliament work good effects for the People they be commonly accompanied with wholesome Lawes gracious Pardons and the like Besides just and good Kings finding the love of their people and the readinesse of their supplies may the better forbear the use of their Prerogatives and moderate the rigour of the Lawes towards their Subjects This way as his Majestie hath told you he hath chosen not as the onely way but as the fittest not as destitute of others but as most agreeable to the goodnesse of his own most gracious disposition and to the desire and weale of his people If this be deferred Necessity and the Sword of the Enemy make way to the others Remember his Majesties admonition I say remember it Let me but adde and observe Gods mercy towards this land above all others the torrent of Warre hath overwhelmed other Churches and Countries but God hath hitherto restrained it from us and still gives us warning of every approaching danger to save us from surprize And our gracious Sovereign in a true sense of it calls together his High Court of Parliament the lively representation of the wisdome wealth and power of the whole Kingdome to joyn together to repell those hostile attempts which have distressed our Friends and Allies and threatned our selves And therefore it behoves all to apply their thoughts unto Counsell and Consultations worthy the greatnesse and wisdome of this Assembly to avoid discontents which may either distemper or delay and to attend that unum necessarium the common Cause propounding for the scope and work of all the debates the generall good of the King and Kingdome whom God hath joyned together with an indissoluble knot which none must attempt to cut or untie And let all by unity and good accord endeavour to pattern this Parliament by the best that have been that it may be a pattern to future Parliaments and may infuse into Parliaments a kinde of multiplying power and faculty whereby they may be more frequent and the King our Sovereign may delight to sit on this Throne and from hence to distribute his graces and favours amongst his people His Majestie hath given you cause to be confident of this you have heard from his royall mouth which neverthelesse he hath given me expresse command to redouble If this Parliament by their dutifull and wise proceedings shall but give this occasion his Majestie will be ready not onely to manifest his gracious acceptation but to put out all memory of those disasters that have troubled former Parliaments I have but one thing to adde and that is As your consultations be serious so let them be speedy The Enemy is beforehand with us and flies on the wings of Succese we may dallie and play with the houre-glasse that is in our powers but the houre will not stay for us and an opportunity once lost cannot be regained And therefore resolve of your Supplies that they may be timely and sufficient serving the occasion Your Counsel your Aid all is but lost if your Aid be either too little or too late And his Majestie is resolved that his affaires cannot permit him to expect it overlong And now having delivered what his Majestie hath commanded me concerning the cause of this Assembly his Majestie willeth that you of the House of Commons repaire to your owne House to make choice of a Speaker whom his Majestie will expect to be presented unto him on Wednesday next at two of the clock The Speaker Sir John Finches Speech March 19. 1627. Most Gracious Sovereign YOur obedient and loyall Subjects the Knights Citizens and Burgesses by your royall Summons here assembled in obedience to your gracious direction according to their antient usage and priviledge have lately proceeded to the choice of a Speaker and whether sequestring their better Judgements for your more weighty affairs or to make it known that their honour and wisdome can suffer neither increase nor diminution by the value or demerits of any one particular Member in what place soever serving them omitting others of worth and ability they have fixed their eyes of favour and affection on Mee Their long knowledge of my unfitnesse every way to undergo a charge of this important weight and consequence gave mee some hope they would have admitted my just excuse yet for their further and clearer satisfaction I drew the curtains and let in what light I could upon my owne inmost thoughts truely and really discovering to them what my self best knew and what I most humbly beseech your royall Majestie to take now into consideration that of so many hundreds sitting amongst them they could have found few or none whose presentation to your Majestie would have been of lesse repute
King is as an Angel of God of a quick of a noble and just apprehension he straines not at gnats he will easily distinguish between a vapour and a fogg between a mist of errour and a cloud of evill right he knowes if the heart be right Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speakes You proceed to a survey of the lustre of this great and glorious Assemblie and in that as in a curious Crystall you observe the true happinesse which we all here enjoy You have distributed and divided aright and whosoever sees it otherwise hath an evill eye or a false glasse We have enjoyed it long through the happy meanes of gracious and good Princes and the way to enjoy it still is to know and heartily to acknowledge it and that God hath not done so to any other Nation It is a prime cause or meanes of this our happinesse You mention the forme of Government under which we live a Monarchie and the best of Monarchies where Sovereignty is hereditarie no Inter-Regnum nor competition for a Crown Descent and Succession are all one The Spirit of God by the mouth of the wisest of Kings long since proclaimed this happinesse Blessed art thou O Land where thy King is the son of Nobles The frames of other States are subject some to inconstant Levitie some to Faction some to Emulation and Ambition and all to manifold Distempers in which the People go to wrack The Monarchie is most naturall and in it Unity is the best cement of all government principally in respect of the unity of the Head which commands the rest And therefore other States when they have tryed a while doe for the most part resolve into this as into the best for Peace for Strength and for Continuance But formes of other governments though never so exact move not of themselves but are moved of their governours And therefore our Monarchie as you have truly said this glorious Assemblie the lively image and representation of our Monarchie is made happy and perfect by the Royall Presence that sits here in his highest Royal Throne the Throne of the Law-giver glorious in it selfe glorious by those happy Lawes and Oracles which have issued from it and most glorious by them that sit on it his Majestie and his Royall Progenitours incomparable Kings that with so much honour have swayed the Sceptre of this Kingdome so many successions of Ages In the next place after the Throne of Majestie you look into the Chaire of Doctrine the reverend Prelates and upon the state of Religion their proper charge This is the blessing of all blessings the priviledge and assurance that secures us of all the rest that as our Religion is most sincere and orthodoxe so our Clergie is eminent both for purity of Doctrine and integritie of Life our Priests are clothed with righteousnesse and their lips preserve knowledge and therefore God's Saints may and doe sing with joyfulnesse I must joyn with you in attributing this transcendent blessing to us as in the first place to God's goodnesse so in the second to his Majestie 's piety who following the steps of his ever-blessed Father is carefull that all the Lamps of the Church may be furnished with Oyle and especially those which are set on golden Candle-sticks with the purest and best oyle The Schools also and nurceries of Learning never so replenished especially with Divinity as in this last Age as they all shew his Majestie 's Piety so are they infallible Arguments of his Constancy The triall which you call the fierie triall undergone by his Majestie in the place of danger and again the power and policie of Rome and Spaine hath approved his resolution inimitable and his own remarkable example in his closet and his chamber his strict over-sight of and command to his Houshold servants and his charge to his Bishops and Judges his Edicts his Proclamations and Commissions and the like for the execution of the Lawes and his general care to preserve the fountain pure both from Schisme and Superstition are faire fruits and effects of a pious and zealous resolution From the chaire of Doctrine you turn to the state of Honour unto the Nobles and Barons of England These are Rob●r belli who for the service of the King and Kingdome are to make good with their Swords what the Church-men must hallow and blesse by their Prayers And therefore as the Prelates are the great Lights of the Church so the Nobility are the Starres of the State and you know that the starres have fought and fought powerfully against the enemies of God From the state of Honour you come to the state of Justice and to the twelve Lyons under Solomon's Throne the Iudges and Sages of the Law and as their peculiar charge intrusted to them by our Sovereigne the Lawes of the Kingdome Lawes undoubtedly fitted to the constitution of this people for Leges Angliae and Consuetudines Angliae are Synonyma and Consuetudo est altera natura so as besides the justnesse and rightnesse of the Lawes they are become naturall to our people and that is one of the powerfullest meanes which begetteth obedience and such Lawes in the mouthes of learned and upright Judges are like waters in a pure chanel which the fairer it runs the clearer they run and produce that whereof Solomon speaks Prov. 29.2 When the righteous are in authority the People rejoyce From the Law you passe to the Knights Citizens and Burgesses and the third Estate who represent the Commons of England in whom the Scripture is verified In the multitude of People is the Kings honour and therefore you may be sure that distance of place and order breeds no distance in affection for wise Kings ever lay their honour next to their hearts Kings are Pastores populi and the Shepherds care is nothing lesse to the furthest then to the next part of his Flock and it is asmuch towards the least of his Lambs as towards the greatest Cattel And as in the Natural bodie no member is so remote but it is still within the care of the head so in this great Politick bodie of the Kingdome no ranck or order of People so low is at such distance from the Throne but it dayly feeles the influence and benefit of the Kings care and protection And to say the truth in a well-governed Kingdome the superiour rancks of Nobles of Judges and of Magistrates are not ordained for themselves but as conduits for the Kings justice protection and goodnesse to the lower rancks of his People And as the People are so its just cause they should be constant to the Poles of Love and Loyalty And thus having perused both Houses by divided parts joyn them together and in that juncture you believe truly and materially that the greatest denyal of their joynt requests is The King will advise A note very remarkable It shewes the indulgence of Kings it shews also the wisdom and judgement of the Houses the
But yet our Eden in this garden of the Common-wealth as there are the flowers of the Sun which are so glorious that they are to be handled onely by royall Majestie so are there also some Daisies and wholsome herbs which every common hand that lives and labours in this garden may pick and gather up and take comfort and repose in them Amongst all which this oculus diei this bona libertas is one and the cheif one Thus much in all humblenesse I presume to speak for the occasion I will now descend to the Question wherein I hold with all dutifull submission to better Iudgments that these Acts of power in imprisoning and confining of his Majesties Subjects in such manner without any declaration of the cause are against the fundamentall Lawes and Liberties of this Kingdome And for these reasons thus briefly drawn I conclude 1. The first from the great favour which the Law doth give unto and the great care which it hath ever taken of the liberty and safety of this Kingdome I should not need to take the question in pieces nor handle it in parts dividedly but as one intire because I hold no other difference between imprisonment and confinement then only this that one hath a lesse and streighter the other a greater and larger Prison And this word Confinement not being to be found in any one case of our law if therefore it is become the language of State it is too difficult for me to define To proceed therefore in maintenace of my first reason I find our Law doth so much favour the Subjects liberty of his Person that the body of a man was not liable to be arrested or imprisoned for any other cause at the Common Law but for force and things done against the peace For the Common Law being the preserver of the land so abhorreth force that those that commit it she accompts her capitall enemies therefore did subject their bodies to imprisonment But by the statute of Marlebridge Cap. 24. which was made 35. Hen. 3. who was the eighth King from the Conquest because Bailiffs would not render accounts to their Lords it was enacted that their bodies should be attached And afterwards by the statute 23. Edw. 3.17 who was the 11 King after the Conquest because men made no Conscience to pay their debts it was enacted that their bodies should likewise be attached But before those statutes no many body was subject to be taken or imprisoned otherwise then as aforesaid Whereby it is evident how much the Common Law favoured the Liberty of the Subject and protected his body form imprisonment I will inforce the reason futher by a Rule in law and some cases in Law upon that Rule The Rule is this That Corporalis injuria non recipit aestimationem fuluro So as if the question be not for a wrong done to the person the Law will not compell him to sustain it and afterwards except a remedy for the Law holds no damage a sufficient recompence for a wrong which is corporall The cases in Law to prove this rule shall be these If one menace me in my goods or that he will burn the evidence of my land which he hath in his custody unlesse I make unto him a Bond there I cannot avoyd the Bond by pleading of this menace But if he restrains my person or threatens me with battery or with burning my house which is a protection for my person or with burning an instrument of manumission which is an evidence of my enfranchisement upon these menaces these or dares I shall avoid the bond by plea. So if a Trespassour drives my beast over another Mans ground and I pursue to rescue it there I am a Trespassour to him on whose ground I am But if a man assault my person and I for my safety fly over into another man's ground there I am no Trespassour to him for Quod quis in tuitione sui corporis fecerit jure id fecisse existimatur Nay which is more the Common Law did favour the Liberty not only of Freemen but even of the persons of Bondmen and Villains who haue no right of propriety either in lands or goods as Freemen have And therefore by the Law the Lord could not maim his Villain nay if the Lord commanded another to beat his Villain and he did it the Villain should have his action of Battery against him for it If the Lord made a Lease for yeares to his Villain if he did plead with his Villain if he tendred his Villain to be Champion for him in a Writt of Right any of those acts and many other which I omit were in Law infranchisements and made these Villains Freemen Nay in a suite brought against one if he by Attorney will pleade that he is a Villain the Law is so carefull of Freedome that it dissallowes this plea by Attorny but he must doe it propria persona because it binds his Posterity and bloud to the Villains also And thus much in the generall for my first reason 2. My next reason is drawn by an Argument à majori ad minus I frame it thus If the King have no absolute power over our Lands or Goods then à fortiori not over our Persons to imprison them without declaring the cause for our Persons are much more worth then either Lands or Goods which is proved by what I have said already and Christ himself makes it clear where he saith An non est corpus supra vestimentum Is not the Body more worth then Raiment where the Canonists say that Vestimentum comprehendeth all outward things which are not in the same degree with that which is corporall And our Law maketh it also plain for if a Villain purchase frank-Frank-land this maketh it villain-Villain-land according to the nature of his person but it holds not è converso frank-Frank-land shall not free the person Now that the King hath no absolute power either over our Lands or Goods I will onely at this time but put a case or two for without proof of the Premisses my Conclusion would not follow First for Land The King cannot by his Letters pattents make the son of an Alien heir to his father nor to any other for he cannot disinherit the right heir saith the book nor do no prejudice to the Lord of his Escheat The King by his Prerogative shall pay no toll for things bought in Fairs and Markets but a custome for paying toll to go over the soil and free-holds of another shall bind the King for this toucheth the inheritance of the Subject and therefore the King shall not have so much as a way over his lands without paying and if not a way then certainly not the land it self Next for Goods If a man hath a Jewell in gage for ten pound c. and is attainted for Treason the King shall not have this Jewell if he payes not the ten pound So if Cattel be distreined and the owner of them
That divisions have weakned our party and our attempts united the two greatest Princes of Christendome against us whom we have provoked That the State is desperately diseased and this Parliament the way that it may yet be recovered if soveraigne and proper remedies be speedily applyed 1. To trust the King whose Kingly nature is to yield it prevails 2. To supply the King and that without condition which is fewel of Jealousie 3. To present our grievances to his Majesty personall and reall humbly moderately and briefly 4. To do all this speedily and in order whereby the King may be strengthened the Kingdome recovered our Allies relieved and the Laws and Liberties of the Subject preserved in a legall propriety for he that is not master of his goods dwells not at home Sir Robert Philips his Speech March 22. 1627. Mr. Speaker I Reade of a custome amongst the old Romans that once every year they had a solemn Feast for their Slaves at which they had liberty without exception to speak what they would thereby to ease their afflicted minds which being finished they severally returned to their former Servitude This may with some resemblance and distinction well set forth our present state where now after the revolution of some time and grievous sufferance of many violent oppressions we have as those Slaves had a day of liberty of speech but shall not I trust be hereafter slaves for we are free yet what new illegall proceedings our states and persons have suffered under my heart yearns to think my tongue falters to utter They have been well represented by divers worthy Gentlemen before me yet one and the maine as I conceive hath not been touched which is our Religion Religion M r. Speaker made vendible by Commission and men for pecuniary annuall rates dispenced withall whereby Papists may without feare of Law practice Idolatry For the Oppressions under which we grone I draw them into two heads Acts of Power against Law and Judgements of Law against our Liberty Of the first sort are strange instructions violent exactions of money thereupon imprisonment of the persons of such who to deliver over to posteritie the liberty they have received from their Fore-fathers and lawfully were in possession of refused so to lend and this aggravated by reason of the remedilesse continuance and length thereof and chiefly the strange vast and unlimited power of our Lieutenants and their Deputies in billetting of Souldiers in making rates in granting warrants for taxes as their discretions shall guide them and all against the Law These last are the most insupportable burthens that at this present afflict our poor Country and the most cruel oppression that ever yet the Kingdome of England endured These upstart Lieutenants of whom perhaps in some cases and times there may be good use being regulated by Law are the worst of grievances and the most forward and zealous executioners of those violent and unlawfull courses which have been commended unto them Of whose proceedings and for the qualifying of whose unruly power it is more then time to consult and determine Judgements of Law against our Liberty have been three each latter stepping forwarder then the former upon the right of the Subject aiming in the end to tread and trample under foot our Law and that in the form of Law The first was the Judgement of the Post-nati whereby a Nation which I heartily love for their singular zeal in our Religion and their spirit to preserve our Liberties far beyond many of us is made capable in any the like favours priviledges and immunities as our selves enjoy and this specially argued in the Exchequer Chamber by all the Judges of England The second was the Judgement upon the impositions in the Exchequer Court by the Barons which hath been the source and fountain of many bitter waters of affliction unto our Merchants The third was that fatall late Judgement against the Liberty of the Subject imprisoned by the King argued and pronounced but by one alone I can live although another without title be put to live with me nay I can live although I pay excises and impositions more then I doe but to have my Liberty which is the soul of my life taken from me by power and to have my body pent up in a gaole without remedy by Law and to be so adjudged Oh improvident Ancestors Oh unwise Fore-fathers to be so curious in providing for the quiet possession of our Laws and the Liberties of Parliament and to neglect our Persons and Bodies and to let them ly in prison and that durante b●neplacito remedilesse If this be Law what do we talk of Liberties why do we trouble our selves with the dispute of Law franchises propriety of goods and the like What may any man call his if not Liberty I am weary in treading these waies and conclude to have a select Committee deputed to frame a Petition to his Majestie for redress of these things which being read examined and approved by the House may be delivered to the King of whose gracious answer we have no cause to doubt our desires being so reasonable our intentions so loyall and the manner so humble Neither need we feare this to be the Critical Parliament as was insinuated or this a way to distraction but assure our selves of a happie issue Then shall the King as he calls us his great Councell find us his true Councell and owne us his good Councell Which God grant c. The Kings Propositions March 28 1628. 1. TO furnish man and victuall 30. ships to guard the Narrow seas and along the Coasts 2. To set out 10. other ships for the preservation of the Elve and the Baltick sea 3. To set out 10. other ships for the relief of the Town of Rochel 4. To leavy arme cloth victuall pay and transport an army of 1000. horse and 10000. foot for forrain service 5. To pay and supply 6000. men for the assistance of the King of Denmark 6. To supply the stores of the Office of the Ordinance 7. To supply the stores of the Navy 8. To build 20. ships yearly for the increase of the Navy 9. To repair the Forts within the Land 10. To pay the Arriers of the Office of the Ordinance 11. To pay the Arriers of the Victuallers Office 12. To pay the Arriers of the Treasurer of the Navy 13. To pay the Arriers due for the fraight of divers Merchants ships imployed in his Majestie 's service 14. To provide a Magazine of Victualls for Land and Sea-service Three grand Questions 1. NO Free-man ought to be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the command of the King of the Privy Councel or any else unlesse some cause of the commitment detainment or restraint be expressed for which by law he ought to be committed detained or restrained 2. A Writ of habeas corpus may not be denyed but ought to be granted to every man that is committed or detained in prison
as it is called also The first two are Writs to be directed to the Sheriff of the Countie and lye only in some particular cases with which it would be untimely for me to trouble your Lordships because they concern not that which is committed to my charge But that Writ of habeas Corpus or Corpus cum causa is the highest remedy in Law for him that is imprisoned by the speciall command of the King or of the Lords of the Councell without shewing cause of the commitment Neither is there any such thing in the Lawes of this Land as a Petition of Right to be used in such cases for the Liberty of the person nor is there any other legall Course to be taken for enlargement in such cases howsoever the contrary hath upon no ground or colour of Law been pretended Now my Lords if any man be so imprisoned by any such command or otherwise in any prison whatsoever through England and desire either by himself or any other in his behalf this Writ of habeas Corpus for the purpose in the Court of King's Bench the Writ is to be granted to him and ought not to be denied him no otherwise then any ordinary originall Writ in the Chauncery or other common processe of Law may be denyed Which amongst other things the House of Commons hath resolved also upon mature deliberation and I was commanded to let your Lordships know so much This Writ is to be directed to the Keeper of the Prison in whose custody the Prisoner remaines commanding him that at a certain day he bring in the body of the Prisoner ad subjiciendum recipiendum juxta quod Curia consideraverit una cum causa captionis detentionis and oftentimes una cum causa detentionis only captionis being omitted The Keeper of the Prison thereupon returnes by what Warrant he detaines the Prisoner and with his Return filed to his Writ brings the Prisoner to the Barre at the time appointed When the Return is thus made the Court judgeth of the sufficiency or insufficiency of it only out of the body of it without having respect to any other thing whatsoever that is they are to suppose the Return to be true whatsoever it be For if it be false the party may have his remedy by action on the case against the Gaoler that brings him Now my Lords when this Prisoner comes thus to the Barre if he desires to be bailed and that the Court upon view of the Return think him in Law to be bailed then he is alwayes first taken from the Keeper of the Prison that brings him and committed to the Marshall of the Kings Bench and afterwards bailed and the Entrie perpetually is Committitur Marr. postea traditur in ballium For the Court never bailes any man untill he becomes their own Prisoner and be in custodia Marescalli of that Court. But if upon return of the habeas Corpus it appears to the Court that the Prisoner ought not to be bailed nor discharged from the Prison whence he is brought then he is remanded or sent back again there to remain untill by Course of Law he may be delivered And the Entrie in such case is Remittitur quousque secundum legem deliberatus fuerit or Remittitur quousque c. which is all one and is the highest award or Judgement that ever was or can be given upon a habeas Corpus But if the Judges doubt only whether in Law they ought to take him from the prison whence he came or give daie to the Sheriff to amend his Return as often they do then they remand him only during the time of their debate or untill the Sheriff hath amended his Return and the Entrie upon it is Remittitur only or Remittitur prisonae predict without any more And so remittitur generally is of farre lesse moment in the award upon the habeas Corpus then remittitur quousque howsoever vulgar opinions raised out of the fame of the late Judgement be to the contrary All these things are of most known and constant use in the Court of Kings Bench as it cannot be doubted but your Lordships will easily know also from the grave and learned my Lords the Judges These two causes the one of the Entrie of Committitur Marescallo postea traditur in ballium and the other Remittitur quousque and Remittitur generally or Remittitur prisonae predict together with the nature of the habeas Corpus being thus stated it will be easier for me to open and your Lordships to observe whatsoever shall occurre to this purpose in the Presidents of Record to which I shall come in particular But before I come to the Presidents I am to let your Lordships know the resolution of the House of Commons touching the enlargement of any man committed by the command of the King or of the Privie Councell or of any other without cause shewed of such commitment It is thus That if a Free-man be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the Command of the King the Privie Councell or any other and no cause of such commitment detainer or restraint be expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained and the same be returned upon a habeas Corpus granted for the partie that then he ought to be delivered or bailed This resolution as it is grounded upon those Acts of Parliament already shewed and the reason of the Law of the Land which is committed to the charge of another and an one to be opened unto you is strengthened also by many Presidents of Record But the Presidents of Record that concerne this point are of two kinds for the House of Commons hath informed it self of such as concern it either way The first such as shew expresly that persons committed by the Command of the King or of the Privie Councell without any cause shewed have been enlarged upon Baile when they prayed it Whence it appeares cleerly that by Law they were bailable and so by habeas Corpus to be set at liberty For although they ought not to have been committed without cause shewen of their commitment yet it is true that the reverend Judges of this Land in former Ages did give such a respect to such commitment by Command of the King or of the Lords of the Councell as also to the commitments sometimes of inferiour persons that upon the habeas Corpus they rarely used absolutely to discharge the prisoners instantly but to enlarge them only upon Baile which sufficiently secures and preserves the Liberty of the Subject according to the Lawes that your Lordships have already heard Nor in any of these cases is there any difference made between any such commitments by the King and commitments by the Lords of the Councell that are incorporated with him The second kind of Presidents of Record are such as have been pretended to prove the Law to be contrarie and that persons so committed ought not
please your Lordship I shall humbly move you that this Gentleman may also be bailed for under favour my Lord there is no cause in the return why he should be any farther imprisoned and restrained of his liberty My Lord I shall say something to the form of the writ and of the return but very little to them both because there is a very little left for me to say My Lord to the form I say it expresseth nothing of the first caption and therefore it is insufficient I will adde one reason as hath been said the Habeas Corpus hath onely these words quod habeas corpus ejus una cum causa detensionis non captionis But my Lord because in all imprisonment there is a cause of caption and detention the caption is to be answered as well as the detention I have seen many writs of this nature and on them the caption is returned that they might see the time of the caption and thereby know whether the party should be delivered or no and that in regard of the length of his imprisonment The next exception I took to the form is that there is much incertainty in it so that no man can tell when the writ came to the keeper of the prison whether before the return or after for it appears not when the Kings command was for the commitment or the signification of the Councell came to him It is true that it appears that the warant was dated the seventh of November but when it came to the keeper of the prison that appears not at all and therefore as for want of mentioning the same time of the caption so for not expressing the same time when this warrant came I think the return is faulty in form and void And for apparent contradiction also the return is insufficient for that part of the return which is before the warrant it is said quod detentus est per speciale mandatum domini Regis the warrant of the Lords of the Councel the very syllables of that warrant are that the Lords of the Councell do will and require him still to detain him which is contrary to the first part of the return Besides my Lord the Lords themselves say in another place and passage of the warrant that the King commanded them to commit him and so it is their commitment so that upon the whole matter there appears to be a clear contradiction in the return and there being a contradiction in the return it is void Now my Lord I will speak a word or two to the matter of the return and that is touching the imprisonment per speciale mandatum domini Regis by the Lords of the Councell without any cause expressed and admitting of any or either of both of these to be the return I think that by the constant and settled Laws of this kingdome without which we have nothing no man can be justly imprisoned be either of them without a cause of the commitment expressed in the return My Lord in both the last Arguments the statutes have been mentioned and fully expressed yet I will adde a little to that which hath been said The statute of Magna Charta cap. 29. that statute if it were fully executed as it ought to be every man would enjoy his liberty better then he doth The Law saith expresly no Free-man shall be imprisoned without due processe of the Law out of the very body of this Act of Parliament besides the explanation of other statutes it appears Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur nisi per legem terrae My Lord I know these words legem terrae do leave the question where it was if the interpretation of the Statute were not But I think under your Lordships favour there it must be intended by due course of Law to be either by presentment or by indictment My Lords if the meaning of these words Per legem terrae were but as we use to say according to the lawes which leaves the matter very uncertain and per speciale mandatum c. be within the meaning of these words according to the law then this Act had done nothing The Act is No Free-man shall be imprisoned but by the law of the land if you will understand these words per legem terrae in the first sense this statute will extend to Villains as well as to Free-men for if I imprison another man Villain the Villain may have an action of false imprisonment But the Lords and the King for then they both had Villains might imprison them and the Villain could have no remedy but these words in the statute per legem terrae were to the Free-man which ought not to be imprisoned but by due processe of law and unlesse the interpretation shall be this the Free-man shall have no priviledge above the Villain So that I conceive my Lord these words per legem terrae must be here so interpreted as in 42 Eliz. the Bill is worth the observing it reciteth that divers persons without any writ or presentment were cast into prison c that it might be enacted that it should not be so done hereafter the answere there is that this is an Article of the great Charter this should be granted so that it seemes the statute is not taken to be an explanation of that of Magna Charta but the very words of the statute of Magna Charta I will conclude with a little observation upon these words nec super eum mittimus which words of themselves signifie not so much a man cannot finde any fit sense for them But my Lord in the seventh year of King Iohn there was a great Charter by which this statute in the ninth of Henry the third whereby we are now regulated was framed and there the words are nec eum in Carcerem mittimus we will not commit him to prison that is the King himself will not and to justifie this there is a story of that time in Matthew Paris and in that Book this Charter of King Iohn is set down at large which Book is very authentique and there it is entred and in the ninth of Henry the third he saith that the statute was renewed in the same words with the Charter of King Iohn and my Lord he might know it better then others for he was the Kings Chronologer in those times and therefore my Lord since there be so many reasons and so many presidents and so many statutes which declare that no Free-man whatsoever ought to be imprisoned but according to the laws of the land and that the liberty of the subject is the highest inheritance that he hath my humble request is that according to the ancient laws and priviledges of this Realm this Gentleman my Client may be bailed The Argument of Master Calthrop upon the Habeas corpus Sir Iohn Corbet being brought to the Kings Bench Bar with Sir Edmond Hampden Sir Walter Earl and Sir Iohn Henningham who were also
and not by way of information out of another mans mouth may not be good as appeareth by the severall books of our law 23 Ed. 3. Rex vic 181. upon a Homine replegiando against the Abbot of C. the Sheriffe returneth that he had sent to the Bailiffe of the Abbot that answered him that he was the villain of the Abbot by which he might not make deliverance and a Sicut alias was awarded for this return was insufficient insomuch that he had returned the answer of the Bailiffe of the Abbot where he ought to have returned the answer of the Abbot himself out of his own mouth Trin. 22. Ed. 2. Rot. 46. parent vill Burg. Evesque de Norwich repl 68. Nat. Br. Case 34. Fitz. Nat. Br. 65. 34. Ed. 3. Excom 29. the case appeareth to be such in a trespasse the defendant pleadeth the plaintiffe is excommunicate and sheweth forth the letter of the Bishop of Lincoln witnessing that for divers contumacies c. and because he had certified no excommunic done by himself but by another the letter of excommunication was annulled for the Bishop ought to have certified his own act and not the act of another Hillarii 22 Hen. 8. Rot. 37. it appeareth by the return of an Habeas corpus that Iohn Parker was committed to prison for security of the peace and for suspicion of felony as per mandatum Domini Regis nunciatum per Robertum Peck de Cliffords Inne and upon his return Iohn Parker was bailed for the return Commiss fuit per speciale mandatum domini Regis nunciatum per Robertum Peck was not good insomuch that it was not a direct return that he was committed per mandatum Domini Regis And for the first point I conclude that this return is insufficient in form insomuch that it doth not make a precise and direct return that he was committed and detained by the speciall command of the King but onely as he was signified by the warrant of the Lords of the Councell which will not serve the turn and upon the book of 9 Hen. 6.44 the return of the cause of a mans imprisonment ought to be precise and direct upon the Habeas corpus insomuch as thereby to be able to judge of the cause whether it be sufficient or not for there may not any doubt be taken to the return be it true or false but the Court is to accept the same as true and if it be false the party must take his remedy by action upon the case And as concerning the matter of the return it will rest upon these parts First whether the return be that he is detained in prison by speciall commandment of our Lord the King be good or not without shewing the nature of the commandment or the cause whereupon the commitment is grounded in the return The second is whether the time of the first commitment by the commandment of the King not appearing to the Court is sufficient to detain him in prison Thirdly whether the imprisonment of the subjects without cause shewed but onely by the commandment of the King be warantable by the laws and statutes of this Realm As unto the first part I find by the books of our law that commandments of the King are of severall natures by some of which the imprisonment of a mans body is utterly unlawfull and by others of them although the imprisonment may be lawfull yet the continuance of him without bail or mainprise will be utterly unlawfull There is a verball command of the King which is by word of mouth of the Kings onely and such commandment by the King by the books of our law will not be sufficient either to imprison a man or to continue him in prison 16.6 Monstrans de faict si upon an action of trespasse brought for cutting of trees the defendant pleadeth that the place where he cut them is parcell of the Manor of D. whereof the King is seised in fee and the King commanded him to cut the trees and the opinion of the Court there is that the plea in barre was ill because he did not shew any speciall commandment of the King and there it is agreed by the whole Court that if the King commandeth one to arrest another and the party commanded did arrest the other an action of trespasse or false imprisonment is maintainable against the party that arrested him although it were done in the presence of the King 39 H. 6.17 where one justifieth the seisure of the goods of a person that is outlawed by the commandment of the King such a party being no Officer may not in an action brought against him have any aid of the King for such a commandment given to one that is not an Officer will not any wayes avail him that is to justifie himself by the return of that commandment 37 Hen. 6.10 If the king give me a thing and I take the same by his commandment by word of mouth it is not justified by law nothing may passe without matter of Record 10 Hen. 7.7 17.18 it is agreed that Justices may command one to arrest another that is in their view or presence but not one that is out of their view or presence And Keble 10 Hen. 7.13 said that where one is arrested by a parroll command in their view or presence it is fitting that a record may be made of it insomuch that without such a record there can hardly be a justification in another Term. Secondly there is a commandment of the King by his Commission which according unto Calvins case in the seventh Report it is called by him breve mandatum non remediabile and by virtue of such a commandment the King may neither seise the goods of his subject nor imprison his body as it is resolved in 42 Ass. pl. 5. where it is agreed by all the justices that a Commission to take a mans goods or imprison his body without indictment or suit of the party or other due processe is against the Law Thirdly there is a commandment of the King which is grounded upon a suggestion made to the King or to his Councell and if a man be committed to prison by such a suggestion by commandment of the King it is unlawfull and not warranted by the Law of the Realm The 25 of Edward the third cap. 4. de Provisoribus whereas it is contained in the great Charter of the Franchises of England that none shall be imprisoned or arrested of his Free-hold or of his Franchises nor of his free customes but by the Law of the land It is awarded consented and established that from henceforth none shall be taken by petition or suggestion made to our Soveraign Lord the King or to his Councell untill it be by indictment or presentment of his good and lawfull neighbours where such deeds are done in due manner or by processe made by writ originall at the common law nor of his free-hold unlesse he be duely brought
grievances breeds hate and dislike And because we have not to give what is asked Yet to give freely what we intend to give and so by this freeness we shall win the Kings heart M r. KERTON HE desires to know the Rock to the end we may avoid it and not to go back but forward in our conclusion S r. ROBERT PHILIPS HIs good hopes are in his Majesties royal care and wisdom That the free and great Councel is the best but time and hope of change is coming towards us Rome and Spain trench deeply into our Councels That heretofore there hath been a fair progress on both parts according to the saying of the late King If the Parliament did or should give more then the Countrey could bear they gave him a purse with a knife in it Serjant HOSKINS THat knowing our own rights we shall be better enabled to give Two legs go best together ' our just grievances and our supply which he desires may not be seperated for by presenting them together they shall be both taken or both refused Serjant ASHLEYS Argument seconding M r. ATTORNEY in the behalf of his MAJESTIE I Hope it will be neither offensive nor tedious to your Lordships if I said somewhat to second M r. Attorney which I the rather desire because yesterday it was taken by the Gentlemen of and argued on the behalf of the Commons that the cause was as good as gained by them and yielded by us in that we acknowledged the Statute of Magna Charta and the other subsequent Statutes to be yet in force for on this they inforced this general conclusion That therefore no man could be committed or imprisoned but by due process presentment or indictment Which we say is a non sequitur upon such our acknowledgement for then it would follow by necessary consequence that no imprisonment could be justified but by process of Law which we utterly deny For in the cause of the Constable cited by M r. Attorney it is most clear that by the ancient Law of the Land a Constable might ex officio without any Warrant Arest and restrain a man to prevent an affray or to suppress it And so is the Authority 38. Hen. 8. Brooks abstract So may he after the affray apprehend and commit to Prison the Person that hath wounded a man that is in peril of death and that without Warrant or Process as it is in 38. E. 3. fol. 6. Also any man that is no Officer may apprehend a Fellon without Writ or Warrant or pursue him as a Wolf and as a common enemy to the Common-wealth as the Book is 14. H. 8. fol. 16. So might any one arrest a Night-walker because it is for the common profit as the reason is given 4. Hen. 7. fol. 7. In like manner the Judges in these several Courts may commit a man either for contempt or misdemeanour without either Process or Warrant other then take him Shrief or take him Marshall or Warden of the Fleet. And the Adversaries will not deny but if the King will alleadge cause he may commit a man per mandatum as the Judges do without Process or Warrant And various are the cases that may be instanced wherein there may be a Lawfull commitment without Process Wherefore I do possitively and with confidence affirm that if the imprisonment be Lawfull whether it be by Process or without Process it is not prohibited by the Law Which being granted then the question will aptly be made whether the King or Councel may commit to Prison per legem terrae were onely that part of the Municipal Law of this Realm which we call the Common Law for there are also divers Jurisdictions in this Kingdom which are also so reckoned the Law of the Land As in Kendrick's Case in the report fol. 8. the 1. Ecclesiastical Law is held the Law of the Land to punish Blasphemies Schismes Heresies Simony Incest and the like for a good reason there rendred viz. That otherwise the King should not have power to do Justice to his Subjects in all Cases nor to punish all Crimes within his Kingdom The Admiral 's Jurisdiction is also Lex terrae for things done upon the Sea but if they exceed their Jurisdiction a prohibition is awarded upon the Statute of nullus liber homo by which appears that the Statute is in force as we have acknowledged The Martial likewise though not to be exercised in times of peace when recourse may be had to the Kings Courts yet in times of invasion or other times of Hostility when an Army Royal is in the field and offences are committed which require speedy reformation and cannot expect the solemnity of legal Trials then such imprisonment execution or other Justice done by the Law Martial is Warrantable for it is then the Law of the Land and is Ius gentium which ever serves for a supply in the defeat of the Common Law when ordinary proceeding cannot be had And so it is also in the case of the Law of the Merchant which is mentioned 13. E. 4. fol. 9.10 where a Merchant stranger was wronged in his goods which he had committed to a Carrier to convey to Southampton and the Carrier imbezelled some of the goods for remedy whereof the Merchant sued before the Councel in the Star-Chamber for redress It is there said thus Merchant strangers have by the King safe conduct for coming into this Realm therefore they shall not be compelled to attend the ordinary Trial of the Common Law but for expedition shall sue before the Kings Councel or in Chancery de dic in diem de horâ in horam where the Case shall be determined by the Law of Merchants In the like manner it is in the Law of State when the necessity of State requires it they do and may proceed to natural equity as in those other Cases where the Law of the Land provides not there the proceeding may be by the Law of natural equity and infinite are the Occurrences of State unto which the Common Law extends not And if these proceedings of State should not also be accounted the Law of the Land then we do fall into the same inconveniency mentioned in Cawdries Case that the King should not be able to do Justice in all Cases within his own Dominions If then the King nor his Councel may not Commit it must needs follow that either the King must have no Councel of State or having such a Councel they must have no power to make Orders or Acts of State Or if they may they must be without means to compell obedience to those Acts and so we shall allow them Jurisdiction but not compel obedience to those Acts but not correction which will be then as fruitless as the Command Frustra potentia quae nunquam redigitur in statutum Where as the very Act of Westminster first shews plainly that the King may commit and that his commitment is lawfull or else that Act would never
is said that bayl is ex gratia he answers that if the Prisoner comes to Habeas Corpus then it is not ex gratia Yet the Court may advise but mark the words ad subjiciendum recipiendum prout Curia consideraverit now it is impossible the Judges should do so if no cause be expressed for it they know no cause he may bring the 1.2.3 and fourth Habeas Corpus and so infinite till he finde himself a perpetual Prisoner so that no cause expressed is worse for a man then the greatest cause or Villany that can be imagined and thus far proceeded that learned Gentlemen M r. GLANVILES Argument HE said that by favour of the House of Commons he had liberty to speak if opportunity were offered he applies his answer to one particuler of M r. Attorney who assigned to the King 4. great trusts 1. of War 2. Coins 3. Denizens 4. Pardons Is assented unto that the King is trusted with all these 4. legal Prerogatives but the Argument followeth not the King is trusted with many Prerogatives Ergo in this non sequitur non est sufficiens enumeratio partium he said he could answer these particulars with 2. rules whereof the first should wipe of the first and the second and the other the third and fourth The first rule is this there is no fear of trusting the King with any thing but the fear of ill Councel the King may easily there be trusted where ill Councel doth not ingage both the King and Subjects as it doth in matter of War and Coin If he miscarry in the Wars it is not alwayes pecuum Achiro but he smarts equally with the people If he abase his Coin he looseth more then any of his people Ergo he may safely be trusted with the flowers of the Crown War and Coin The second rule he began was this when the King is trusted to confer grace it is one thing but when he is trusted to infer an injury it is another matter The former power cannot by miscouncelling be brought to prejudice another The latter may if the King pardoneth a guilty Man he punisheth not a good subject if he denizen never so many strangers it is but damnum sine injuria we allow him a liberty to confer grace but not without cause to infer punishment and indeed he cannot do injury for if he command to do a Man wrong the command is void alter fit Author and the Actor becomes the wrong doer Therefore the King may be safely trusted with War Coin Denizens and Pardons but not with a power to imprison without expression of Cause or limmitation of time because as the Poet tells us Libertas potius auro The Answer of the Judges for matter of Fact upon the HABEAS CORPUS 21. April THe Chief Justice saith they are prepared to obey our Command but they desire to be advised by us whether they being sworn upon penalty of forfeiting Body Lands and Goods into the Kings hands to give an account to him may without Warrant do this The Duke said he had acquainted the King with the business and for ought he knoweth he is well content therewith But for better assurance he hath sent his brother of Anglesey to know his pleasure Devonshire saith if a complaint be made by a mean Man against the greatest Officer in this place he is to give an account of his doings to this House Bishop of Lincoln saith this motion proceeded from him and so took it for clear that there was an appeal from the Chancery to a higher Court then the Kings-bench and in that Court hath ever given an account of their doings The Lord Say saith he wondred there should be any question made of this business because in his opinion this being the highest Court did admit of no appeal The President said the Judges did not do this by way of appeal but as the most common way for them this being a matter concerning the Kings prerogative Lord Say saith if they will not declare themselves we must take into consideration the point of our priviledge The Duke saith this was not done by the Judges as fearing to answer but of respect to the King And now his brother was come with answer from the King that they might proceed Order was taken that this passage should not be entered into the Journal Book and so Judge WHITLOCK spake MY Lords we are by your appointment here ready to clear any aspersion of the House of Commons in their late presentment upon the Kings-bench that the Subject was wounded in this Judgement there lately given If such a thing were my Lords your Lordships not they have the power to question and Judge the same But my Lords I say there was no Judgement given whereby either the prerogative might be inlarged or the eight of the subject trenched upon It is true my Lords in Michaelmas Term last fower Gentlemen petitioned for a Habeas Corpus which they obtained and Councel was assigned unto them the return was per spialem mandatum Domini Regis which likewise was made known unto us under the hands of eighteen privy Councellours Now my Lords if we had delivered them presently upon this it must have been because the King did not shew cause wherein we should have judged the King had done wrong and this is beyond our knowledge for he might have committed them for other matters then we could have imagined But they might say thus they might have been kept in Prison all their dayes I answer no but we did remit them that we might better advise of the matter and they the next day might have had a new Writ if they had pleased but they say we ought not to have denied bayl I answer if we had done so it must needs have reflected upon the King that he had unjustly imprisoned them and it appears in Dyer 2. Eliz. that divers Gentlemen being committed and requireing Habeas Corpus some were bayled others remitted whereby it appears much is left to the discretion of the Judges For that which troubleth so much remittitur quousque this my Lords was onely as I said before to take time what to do and whereas they will have a difference betwixt remittitur and remittitur quousque my Lords I confess I can finde none but these are new inventions to trouble old Records And herein my Lords we have dealt with knowledge and understanding for had we given a Judgement the party must thereupon have rested every Judgement must come to an issue in matter in fact or demur in point of Law here is neither therefore no Judgement For endeavouring to have a Judgement entered it is true Mr. Attorney pressed the same for his Masters service but we being sworn to do right betwixt the King and his subjects commanded the Clark to make no entry but according to the old form and the rule was given by the Chief Justice alone I have spent my time in this Court and I
till his pleasure be first known Thus did the Lord Chief Justice Coke in Raynards Case They say this would have been done if the King had not written but why then was the Letter read and published and kept and why was the Town Clark sent carefully to enquire because the Letter so directed whether these men offered for bayl were subsedy men the Letter sheweth also that Beckwith was committed for suspition of being acquainted with the Gun-Pouder-Treason but no proof being produced the King left him to be bayled The Earle of WARVVICKS speech 21. April 1628. MY Lords I will observe something out of the Law wherein this liberty of the Subjects Person is founded and some things out of Presidents which have been alleadged For the Law of Magna Charta and the rest concerning these points they are acknowledged by all to be of force and that they were to secure the Subjects from wrongfnll imprisonment as well or rather more concerning the King then the Subject why then besides the grand Charter and those 6. other Acts of Parliament in the very point we know that Magna Charta hath been at least 30. times confirmed so that upon the matter we have 6. or 7. and thereby Acts of Parliament to confirm this liberty although it was made a matter of derision the other day in this House One is that of 36. E. 3. No. 9. and another in the same year No. 20. not printed but yet as good as those that are and that of 42. E. 3. cap. 3. so express in the point especially the Petition of the Commons that year which was read by M r. Littleton with the Kings answer so full and free from all exception to which I refer your Lordships that I know not have any thing in the World can be more plain and therefore if in Parliament ye should make any doubt of that which is so fully confirmed in Parliament and in case so clear go about by new glosses to alter the old and good Law we shall not onely forsake the steps of our Ancestors who in Cases of small importance would answer nolumus mutare leges Angliae but we shall yield up and betray our right in the greatest inheritance the Subjects of England hath and that is the Laws of England and truely I wonder how any man can admit of such a gloss upon the plain Text as should overthrow the force of the Law for whereas the Law of Magna Charta is that no Free-man shall be imprisoned but by lawfull judgement of his Peers or the Law of the Land the King hath power to commit without Cause which is a sence not onely expresly contrary to other Acts of Parliament and those especially formerly cited but against Common sence For Mr. Attorney confesseth this Law concerns the King why then where the Law saith the King shall not commit but by the Law of the Land the meaning must be as M r. Attorney would have it that the King must not commit but at his own pleasure and shall we think that our Ancestors were so foolish to hazard their Persons Estates and labour so much to get a Law and to have it 30. times confirmed that the King might not commit his Subjects but at his own pleasure and if he did commit any of his Subjects without a Cause shewen then he must lie during pleasure then which nothing can be imagined more ridiculous and contrary to true reason For the Presidents I observe that there hath been many shewen by which it appears to me evidently that such as have been committed by the Kings Councel they have been delivered upon Habeas Corpus and that constantly It is true that some Presidents were brought on the Kings part that when some of these persons desired to be delivered by Habeas Corpus the King or his Councel signified his Majesties pleasure that they should be delivered or the Kings Attorney hath come into the Court and related the Kings Command but this seems to make for the Subject For that being in his Majesties power to deliver them who by his special Command were imprisoned May not we well think that his Majesty would rather at that time have stayed their deliverance by Law then furthered it with his Letters and made the Prisoners rather beholding to him for his grace and mercy then to the Judges for Justice had not his Majesty known that at that time they ought to have been delivered by Law I think no man would imagine a wise King would have suffered his Grace and Prerogative if any such Prerogative were to be so continually questioned and his Majesty and his Councel so far from commanding the Judges not to proceed to deliver the Prisoner by them committed without Cause shewn as that on the other side which is all the force of these Presidents the King and the Councel signified to the Judges that they should proceed to deliver the parties certainly if the King had challenged any such Prerogative that a Person committed without any cause shewn ought not to be delivered by the Judges without his consent it would have appeared by one President or other amonst all that have been produced that his Majesty would have made some claim to such a Prerogative But it appears to the contrary that in many of these cases the King or his Councel did never interpose and where they did it was alwayes in affirmation and incouragement to that Court to proceed And besides the writing of Letters from his Majesty to the Judges to do Justice to his Majesties Subjects may with as good reason be interpreted that without those Letters they might not do Justice also the King signified his willingness that such such Persons which were committed by him should be delivered therefore they could not be delivered without it which is a strange reason So that findeing the Laws so full so many and so plain in the point and findeing that when ever any were committed without cause shewn brought their Habeas Corpus they were delivered and no Command ever given to the contrary or claim made on the Kings part to any such Prerogative I may safely conclude as the House of Commons have done and if any one President or two of late can be shewn that the Judges have not delivered the Prisoners so committed I think it is their fault and to be enquired of but contrary it seems to me to be an undoubted Liberty of the Subject that if he be committed without cause or without cause shewn yet he may have some speedy course to bring himself to Trial either to justifie his own innocencie or to receive punishment according to his fault for God forbid that an innocent man by the Laws of England should be put in worse case then the most grievous Malefactors are which must needs be if this should be that if a cause be shewed he may have his Trial but if none he must lie and pine in Prison during pleasure
that the Prisoner must sustain all without satisfaction or knowing the cause The onely reason given by those of the other opinion That it is requisite the King and Councel should have power to command the detainer of a man in Prison for sometime without expressing the cause is because it is supposed that the manifestation of the cause at first may prevent the discovery of a Treason The reason is answered by the remedy proposed by this Act it being proposed that it shall be provided by this Bill that upon our commitment we may have instantly recourse to the Chancery for an Habeas Corpus retornable in that Court which is alwayes open that partly upon the receipt thereof the Writ must be returned and the cause thereupon expressed If then this remedy be really the cause of commitment must partly appear which contradicts the former reason of State And in my own opinion we ought not onely to take care that the Subject should be delivered out of Prison but to prevent his imprisonment The Statute of Magna Charta and the rest of the Acts providing that no man should be imprisoned but by the Law of the Land And although the King or Councel as it hath been objected by might may commit us without cause notwithstanding any Laws we can make Yet I am sure without such an Act of Parliament such commitment can have no Legal colour and I would be loath we should make a Law to endanger our selves for which reasons I conceive that there being so many wayes to evade from this Act we shall be in worse case by it then without it providing no remedy to prevent our imprisonment without expressing the cause to be Lawfull and administers excuses for continuing us in Prison as I have before declared and thus for providing for one particuler out of reason of State which possibly may fall out in an age or two we shall spring a leak which may sinck all our Liberties and open a gap through which Magna Charta and the rest of the Statutes may issue out and vanish I therefore conclude that in my poor understanding which I submit to better Judgements I had rather depend upon our former resolutions and the Kings gracious Declarations then to pass an Act in such manner as hath been proposed The Speakers speech to his MAJESTY in the Bancketting-House 5. May 1628. Most gracious and dread Soveraign YOur Loyal and dutifull Subjects the Commons assembled in Parliament by several Messages from your Majesty especially by that your must Royal Declaration delivered by the Lord Keeper before both Houses have to their exceeding joy and comfort received many ample expressions of your Princely care and tender affection towards them with a gracious promise and assurance that your Majesty will govern according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm and so maintain all your Subjects in the just freedom of their Persons and safety of their Estates that all their Rights and Liberties may be by them enjoyed with as much freedom and security in your time as in any age heretofore by their Ancestors under the best of your Royal Progenitors For this so great and gracious a favour enlarged by a continual intimation of your Majesties confidence in the proceeding of this House they do by me their Speaker make a full return of most humble thanks to your Majesty withall dutifull acknowledgement of your grace and goodness herein extended to them And whereas in one of these Messages delivered from your Majesty there was an expression of your desire to know whether this House would rest upon your Royal word and promise assuring them if they would it should be Royally and really performed As they again present their humble thanks for this seconding and strengthning of your former Royal expressions so in all humbleness they assure your Majesty that their greatest confidence is and ever must be in your gracious favour and goodness without which they well know nothing they can frame or desire will be of safety and value to them and therefore are all humble Suitors to your Majesty that your Royal heart would graciously accept and believe the truth of theirs which they humbly present and full of truth and confidence in your Royal word and promise as ever House of Commons reposed in any of their best Kings True it is they cannot but remember the publick trust for which they are accomptable to present and future times and their desires are that your Majesties goodness in fruit and memory be the blessing and joy of posterity They finde also that of late there hath been publick violation of your Laws and the Subjects Liberties by some of your Majesties Ministers and thence conceive that no less then a publick remedy will raise the dejected hearts of your loving Subjects to a cheerfull supply of your Majesty or make them receive content in the proceeding of this House From these considerations they must humbly beg your Majesties leave to lay hold of that gracious offer of yours which gave them assurance that if they thought fit to secure themselves in their Rights and Liberties by way of Bill or otherwise so it might be provided for with due respect to his Honour and publick good he would graciously be pleased to give way unto it Far from their intentions it is to incroach upon your Soveraignty or Prerogative nor have they the least thought of straining or inlarging the former Laws in any sort by any new interpretations or additions The bounds of their desire extend no further then to some necessary explanation of what is truely comprehended within the just sence and meaning of those Laws with some moderate provision for execution and performance as in times past upon like occasions have been used The way how to accomplish these their humble desires is now in serious consideration with them wherein they humbly assure your Majesty they will neither loose time nor seek any thing of you Majesty but what they hope may be fit for dutifull and Loyal Subjects to ask and for a gracious and a good King to grant The KINGS Answer to the House of Commons delivered by the Lord Keeper 5. May 1628. MR. Speaker and the Gentlemen of the House of Commons his Majesty hath commanded me to tell you that he expected an answer by your actions and not delay by discourse You acknowledge his trust and confidence in your proceedings but his Majesty sees not how ye requite him by your confidence of his word and actions for what need explanations if you doubt not performance of the true meaning for the explanation will hazard an incroachment upon his Prerogative and it may well be said what needs a new Law upon any old if you repose confidence in the Declaration his Majesty lately made by me to both Houses and your selves acknowledge that the greatest trust and confidence must be in his Majesties grace and goodness without which nothing that you can frame will be of
and free Customes of the Realm from your Majestie or your privy Councel And where also by the Statute called the great Charter of the Liberties of England It is declared and enacted That no Freeman may be taken nor imprisoned nor be disseised of his Freehold nor Liberties nor his free Customes nor be outlawed or exiled or in any manner destroyed but by the Lawfull judgement of his Peers or by the Law of the Land And in the 28. year of the Raign of King Edw. 3. it was declared and enacted by Authority of Parliament that no man of what Estate or condition he be shall put out of his Land or Tenement nor taken nor imprisoned nor disinherited nor put to death without being brought to answer by due process of Law Nevertheless against the Tenour of the said Statutes and other the good Laws and Statutes of your Realm to that end provided divers of your Subjects have of late been imprisoned without any cause shewed and when for their deliverance they were brought before your Justices by your Majesties Writ of Habeas Corpus there to undergo and receive as the Court should order and the Keepers commanded to certefie the causes of their detainer no cause was certified but that they were detained by your Majesties special command signified by the Lords of your privy Councel and yet were returned back to several Prisons without being charged with any thing the which they might make answer to and to Law And whereas of late great Companies of Souldiers and Marriners have been dispersed into divers Countreys of the Realm and the Inhabitants against their wills have been compelled to receive them into their houses and there to suffer them to sojourn against the Laws and Customes of this Realm and to the great grievance and vexation of the people And whereas also by Authority of Parliament in the 25. E. 3. it is declared and enacted that no man shall be fore-judged of Life or Limb against the form of the great Charter and the Law of the Land and by the said great Charter and other the Laws and Statutes of this your Realm no man ought to be adjudged to death but by the Laws established in this your Realm Nevertheless of late times divers Commissions under your Majesties great Seal have issued forth by which certain Persons have been assigned and appointed Commissioners with power and Authority to proceed within the Land according to the Justice of Martial Law against such Souldiers or Marriners or other dissolute Persons joyning with them as should commit any Murther Robbery Fellony Mutiny or other outrage or misdemeanour whatsoever and by such summary course and order as is agreeable to Martial Law and is used in Armies in time of War to proceed to the trial and condemnation of such offenders and them to cause to be executed and put to death according to the Law Martial By pretext whereof some of your Majesties Subjects have been by some of the said Commissioners put to death when and where if by the Laws and Statutes of the Land they had deserved death by the same Laws and Statutes also they might and by none other ought to have been adjudged and executed And also sundry grievous offenders by colour thereof claiming and exemption have escaped the punishment due to them by the Laws and Statutes of this your Realm By reason whereof divers of your Officers and Ministers of Justice have unjustly refused or forbore to proceed against such offenders according to the same Laws and Statutes upon pretence that the said offenders were punishable onely by Martial Law and by Authority of such Commissions as aforesaid which Commissions and all other of like nature are directly contrary to the said Laws and Statutes of this your Realm They do therefore humbly pray your most Excellent Majesty that no man hereafter be compelled to make or yield any Guift Loan Benevolence Tax or such like charge without common consent by Act of Parliament And that none be called to make answer or to take such an Oath or to give attendance or to be confined or otherwise molested or disquieted concerning the same or for refusal thereof And that no Freeman may man such manner as is before mentioned be imprisoned or detained And that your Majesty would be pleased to remove the said Souldiers and Marriners and that your people may not be so burthened in time to come And that the aforesaid Commissions for proceeding by Martial Law may be revoked annulled and that hereafter no Commissions of like nature may issue forth to any Person or Persons whatsoever to be executed as aforesaid least by colour of them any your Majesties Subjects be destroyed and put to death contrarie to the Laws and Franchises of the Land All which they most humbly pray of your most Excellent Majestie as their Rights and Liberties according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm And that your Majestie would also vouchsafe to declare that the Awards doings and proceedings to the prejudice of your people in any the premises shall not be drawn hereafter into consequence or example And that your Majestie would be pleased gratiously for the further comfort and safety of your people to declare your Royal will and pleasure that in the things aforesaid all your Officers and Ministers shall serve you according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm as they tender the Honour of your Majestie and the prosperity of this Kingdom S r. BENJAMIN RUDDIERDS Speech Mr. Pym I Did not think to have spoken again to this Bill because I was willing to believe that the forwardness of this Committee would have prevented me but now I hold my self bound to speak and to speak in earnest In the first year of the King and the second convention I first moved for the increase and inlarging of poor Ministers liings I shewed how necessarie it was that it had been neglected this was also commended to the House by his Majestie there were as now many accusations on foot against scandalous Ministers I was bolde to tell the House that there were scandalous livings which were much the cause of the other livings of 5. Marks of 5. l. a year that men of worth and of parts would not be musled up to such pittances that there were some places in England which were scarce in Christendom where God was little better known then amongst the Indians I exampled it in the utmost skirts of the North where the prayers of the common people are more like Spells and Charms then devotions the same blindeness and ignorance is in divers parts of Wales which many of that Countrey doth both know and lament I declared also that to plant good Ministers was the strongest and surest means to establish true Religion that it would prevail more against Papistry then the making of new Laws or executing of old that it would counterwork Court Conivence and Luke-warm accommodation that though the calling of Ministers be never
his pestilent wit and deep learning our strong designes in Holland and was a great Friend to that old Rebell and Heretick the Prince of Orange now we have planted that Soveraign drug Arminianisme which we hope will purge the Protestans from their Heresie and it flourishes and bears fruit in due season The materials which builds up the other Bulwarks are the projectors and beggerers of all ranks and quallities whatsoever both those factions copulated to destroy the Parliament and introduce a new species and form of government which is Oligarchal Their factions serve as direct medicines and instruments to our ends which is the universall Catholick Monarchy our foundation is imitation this Immitation will cause a relaxation as so many violent diseases in the body as the Stone Gout and to the speedy destruction or perpetuall and insufferable anguish of the body which is worse then death it self We proceed with counsel and mature deliberation when and where to work upon the Dukes jealousie and revenge In this we give the honour to those that merit it which are the Church Catholicks There is another matter of consequence which we take much into our consideration and tender care which is to stave the Puritans that they hang not upon the Dukes ears they are impudent subtill people and 't is to be feared least they should negotiate a reconciliation betwixt the Duke and the Parliament It is certain the Duke would have reconciled himself to the Parliament at Oxford and Westminster but now we assure our selves we have so handled the matter that both the Duke and the Parliament are irreconciliable For the better preventing of the Puritans the Arminians have already blockt up the Dukes ears and we have those of our own Religion which stand continuall Centinel at the Dukes Chamber dore to see who goes in and out we cannot be two carefull and circumspect in this regard I cannot chuse but laugh to see how some of our coat have accooted themselves you would scarce know them if you saw them and it is admirable how in speech gesture they act the Puritans the Cambridge Schollers to their wofull experience shall see how we can ect the Puritans a little better then they have acted the Iesuites they abused our Patron S. Ignatius in jeast but we will make them smart for it in earnest I hope you will excuse my merry digression for I confess unto you I am at this instant transported with joy to see how happily all instruments and means as well great as less operate to our purposes But to return to the maine Fabrick our foundation is Arminianisme Arminians and projectors as it appears in the premisses affect mutation this we see in force by all probable Arguments we can in the first place take into our consideration the Kings Honour and his present necessity and we shew how the King may free himself of his wardships as Lewis the 11. did and for his great splender he may raise a vast revenew and not beholding to his Subjects which is by way of imposition and excise we instance in the low Countries and shew what a mass of monies they raised to pay their Armies by Sea and Land meerly out of excise Then our Church Catholicks shewed the means of this excise which must be by a mercinary Army of Horse and Foot For the Horse we have made it sure they shall be forraigners and Germans who will eat up the Kings revenews and spoil the Countrie wheresoever they come though they should to be paid what havock will they make then when they are not dayly paid surely they will do much more mischief Then the Catholick Army of 10000. Horse and 20000. Foot shall be taken over and in pay before the mercinary Army suffocate the Country Then the Souldiers and projectors shall be paid out of the confiscation of the Country to be had of the Souldiers then they must consequently mutiny which is equall advantagious to our superlative design which is to work the Protestans as well as the Catholicks to wellcome a conquest and this is by this means we hope instantly to dissolve Trade hinder the building of shipping in propounding probable designs and putting the stay upon expedition as that of Cales taking away the Merchants ships and feeding them with hope to take the West-Indies Fleet which is to seek a needle in a bottle of hay his Catholick Majestie shall not want our best intelligence besides he hath so many pistashawes and carvils which are spread abroad to discover so you cannot be surprized in any harbor when Trade is ruined and shipping decayed What will become of Noblemens and Gentlemens revenews the Yeamen and Formers in which consists the infantry of this Kingdom they will turn Rogues and resemble the object peasants in France who are little better then slave Trade and shipping is so much decayed already that London is as it were beseiged for want of fewel Sea coles are at 30 shillings the chaldren When things are brought to this perfection which we hope will be by that time his Sacred Majestie hath setled his affairs in Germany all the people in general will linger for a conquest missing their means and revenews which should maintain and support them according to their several ranks and qualities Then we assure our selves that the Lands which were rent and torn from the Church by that ravenous Monster Hen. 8. shall be restored by our mighty Protector his Catholick Majestie to the recalling of those that are exiled and deliver thousand of souls which suffer persecution at home for the testimony of a good conscience Joyn your prayers with ours importuning the blessed Virgin and all the hoast of Angels and holy Martyers to intercede for us and we doubt not God will make hast to help us Thus hoping to see the Count Tillies and Marquess Spinola here about Iuly come twelve-moneth I rest In the mean time we pray for a happy success in Germany and the Low-Countries Your loving friends I. W. I. I. From the County c. TOUCHING BARRONETS Motives to induce the KNIGHTS CITTIZENS and BURGESSES of the Commons House of Parliament to Petition his Majestie for the revokeing and abollishing of the degree of BARRONETS lately erected by his Highnesses Letters patents FIrst because this new degree is offensive to the Nobility of the Realm whose descendants in all reason ought to have prime eminency amongst the Gentry of this Kingdom yet Barronets by these patents are to have precedency before the descendants from the younger children of Barronets Earles Dukes c. And to the order of Knight-hood because that degree brings a personal dignity and springing out of virtue and desert ought to be rancken next and imediately unto Barrony Nevertheless the degree of Barronets is interposed between Barrony and Knight-hood And unto the Gentry of this Kingdom because many of the Barronets and their descendants being meanly descended must have precedency before Gentry of Auncient Family
the Pardons were all drawn by Mr. Attorney before there was any Warrant Mr. Cromwell saith he had by relation from one Doctor Beard that Beard said Doctor Allablaster had preached flat Poperie at Pauls Cross the Bishop of Winchester commanded him as he was his Diocesan that he should preach nothing to the contrarie Sir Robert Philips saith One Doctor Marshall will relate as much said to him by the Bishop of Winchester as the Bishop said to Doctor Moor. Mr. Kirton That Doctor Marshall and Doctor Beard may be sent for This Bishop though he hath leapt through many Bishopricks yet he hath left Poperie behind him That Cosens frequenting the Printing-house hath caused the Book of Common-Prayer to be new printed and hath changed the word Minister into Priest and hath put out in another place the word Elect thus Cosens and his Lord go hand in hand Sir Miles Fleetwood saith We are to give Mountague his Charge and by his books charge him with Schisme in error of Doctrine Faction in point of State Thirdly matter of Aggravation Sir Walter Earl QUi color albus erat nunc est contrarius albo saith Doctor White hath sold his Orthodox books and bought Jesuiticall books moves that Bishop White may go arm in arm with Mountague Ordered a select Committee to be named to digest these things that have been alreadie agitated concerning the Innovation of Religion the Cause of the Innovation and the Remedie Thursday 12. THe Sheriff of London upon his submission at the Barre is released his imprisonment in the Tower Sir Iohn Elliot made the Report for the Committee in the examination of the complaint of Merchants and delivered the Orders and Injunctions into the Exchequer At a great Committee for Tonnage and Poundage Mr. SHERVIL in the Chair MAster Waller delivered a Petition from Chambers Felke and Gilborn in complaint of an information against them in the Star-chamber about Tonnage and Poundage that by the restraint of their goods they are like to be undone Sir Iohn Elliot THe Merchants are not onely kept from their goods by Customers but by a pretended Justice in a Court of Justice as the Exchequer I conceive if the Judges of that Court had their understanding enlightened of their error by this House they would reform the same and thereby the Merchants suddenly come to their goods Mr. Transtort conceiveth this to be a difficult way for us to go Mr. Corington Let it be done which way the House shall think fit but I conceive the Merchants shall have their goods before we can think of the Bill Kings ought not by the Law of God thus to oppress their Subjects I know we have a good King and this is the advice of his wicked Ministers but there is nothing can be more dishonorable unto him Mr. Stroud That it may be Voted That the Merchants may have their goods before we enter on the Bill Chancellor of the Dutchie I shall speak my opinion because I know not whether I shall have libertie to speak or you to hear any more All the proceedings of the King and his Ministers was to keep the Question safe untill this House should meet and you shall find the proceedings of the Chequer were Legal and thus much not knowing whether I shall have a days libertie to speak any more here again Mr. Thesaurer There is none here but would think it a hard thing that a Possession should be taken from us without any order for Sequestration that therefore it was not to be suffered that these few men should so unjustly disturb the Government of the State Desires there may be no interruption but that we may proceed to settle the Tonnage Mr. Corington I hope we may speak here as I hope we may speak in heaven and do our duties and let no fear divert us Mr. Waller It is not so few as 500 Merchants are threatened in this Sir Robert Phillips moveth we may go to the King and satisfie him of these interruptions Mr. Noy We cannot safely give unless we be in possession and proceedings in the Exchequer nullified and information in the Star-chamber and the Annexion to the Petition of Right and other Records I will not give my voice to this untill these things be made void for it will not be a Guift but a Confirmation Neither will I give unless these interruptions be removed and a Declaration in the Bill That the King hath no Right but by our free guift If it will not be accepted as is fit for us to give it we cannot help it If it be the Kings alreadie as by these new Records then we need not to give it Mr. Selden secondeth the Motion of sending a Message to the Exchequer declareth a President of a Message sent into the Chancerie for stay of proceedings in a Cause and it was obtained and whatsoever the Judges return it cannot prejudice us the Law speaks by Record and if these Records remain it will to posteritie explain the Law Mr. Littleton For the Right there is no Lawyer so ignorant to conceive it nor any Judge in the Land to affirm it is against giving to the King or going on the Bill In this case by the Law a man cannot be put to a Petition of Right but shall recover without Right Ordered that a Message shall be sent to the Court of the Exchequer That whereas certain goods of the Merchants have been stayed by Injunction from that Court by a false Affidavit and that the Customers that made the Affidavit have upon examination of this House confessed that the goods were stayed onely for duties contained in the book of Rates that therefore that Court would make void the orders and Affidavits in this business Friday 13. A Petition against one Burges a Priest who was here complained of the last Session some new Articles complained against him that he could not get a Copie of his Articles out of the house untill he was fain to get one counterfeit himself a Puritan to get the same and other new misdemeanors He is Ordered to be sent for Sir Iohn Elliot A Motion for Priviledge of Merchants Order is That any man having a Complaint depending here in the mean time intimation shall be given to my Lord Keeper That no Attachment shall go forth against the Merchants Chancellor of the Dutchie reported the Message to the Chequer Court that the Treasurer and the Barons will forthwith take the same into consideration and return answer It is Ordered Mr. Secretarie Cook shall take care that intimation shall be given to the Citie about the Fast. Doctor More called in saith he was referred to the Bishop of Winchester to be censured for preaching a Sermon the Bishop said he had heard him preach and deliver many prettie passages against the Papists which pleased King Iames but he must not do so now That you have a brother that preacheth against Bowing at the high Altar or at the name of Iesus and that
I conceive it plain these Customers took the goods in their own right not in the Kings In this Priviledge is plainly broken wherein it is easily determined Mr. Banks In this case there is no interposing of the Kings Right and the King this Parliament hath declared as much That the Courts at Westminster do grant 12 days priviledge to any man to inform his Councel much more the Court of Parliament are to have their Priviledge The Kings Command cannot extend to authorize any man to break the Priviledges no more than it will warrant an entrie upon any mans Land without process of Law Mr. Soliciter If the King have no Right how can he make a Lease then this pretended interest of the Customers must needs be void and therefore the goods must not be taken on their own right but in the right of the King Mr. Selden If there were any right the pretended right were in the Subject First whether Priviledge in goods Secondly whether the right were in the Customers onely Thirdly whether priviledge against the King 1. If the Lords have no priviledge in Parliaments for their goods then have they no priviledge at all for they are priviledged in their persons out of Parliament 2. For the point of interest it is plain no kind of Covenant can alter the interest and questionless had the cause in the Exchequer appeared to the Barons as it doth to us they would never have proceeded as they did 3. If our goods may be seized into the Exchequer be it right or wrong we were then as good have nothing Sir Nath. Ritch 〈…〉 recorded the last Session and citeth other presidents in this House that a servant of a Member in Parliament ought to have priviledge in his goods Mr. Noy saith that these Commissioners had neither Commission nor Command to seize Therefore without doubt we may proceed safely to the other question That the priviledge is broken by the Customers without relation to any Commission or Command of the King Secretarie Cook saith It is in the Commission to seize but the Commission being read it is not found to be there Chancellor of the Dutchie saith Mr. Dawes mentioned that he seized these goods by virtue of a Commission and other Warrants remaining in the hands of Sir Iohn Elliot that therefore these Warrants may be seen whether there be no command to seize these goods Sir Nathaniel Ritch This days debate much joyeth me specially the motion made by Mr. Noy whereby it is plain we have a way open to go to this question without relation to the Kings Commission or Command and desire it in respect there appears nothing before us to incumber the question Chancellor of the Dutchie desires again these Warrants may be look into before we go to the question Mr. Kirton In respect this Honorable Gentleman presseth this so far that it may appear with what judgement this House hath proceeded Mr. Glanveil I consent these Warrants be sent for and read but withall if any thing arise that may produce any thing of ill consequence let it be considered from whence it doth come The Privie Councellers are contented with this Motion The Warrants being sent for and read it is plain there is no Warrant to seize Mr. Kirton If now there be any thing of doubt I desire those Honorable persons may make their objections Chancellor of the Dutchie I rejoyce when I can go to the Court able to justifie your proceedings I confess I see nothing now but that we may safely proceed to the Question Mr. Secretarie Cook saith as much Mr. Hackwell argueth against Priviledge in time of Prorogation Mr. Noy saith he had no doubt but that Priviledge was in force in time of Prorogation untill he heard this Argument of Prorogation of Mr. Hackwell and saith that he hath nothing from him yet that doth alter his opinion and citeth a cause wherein the Lords House hath this verie Prorogation adjudged the Priviledge Mr. Hackwell saith he is glad to hear it is so and he is now of the same opinion Decided by Question That Mr. Rolles ought to have Priviledge of Parliament for his goods seised 30 Octob. 5 Iac. and all sithence This Committee is adjourned untill Munday and the Customers to attend The Protestation of the COMMONS in Parliament on Munday 2. Mar. 1628. 1. WHosoever shall bring in an Innovation in Religion or by favour or countenance seek to extend or introduce Poperie or Arminianisme or other Opinion differing from the true and orthodox profession of our Church shall be reputed a Capital enemie to this Kingdom and Common-wealth 2. Whosoever shall counsel or advise the taking or leavying of the Subsedies of Tonage and Poundage not being granted by Parliament or shall be an Actor or an Instrument therein shall likewise be reputed an Innovator in the Government and a Capital enemie to the Kingdom and Common-wealth 3. If any Merchant or other person whatsoever shall voluntarily yield or pay the said Subsedie of Tonnage or Poundage not being granted by Parliament he shall likewise be reputed a Betrayer of the Liberties of England and an enemie to the same THE KINGS SPEECH in the House of PARLIAMENT Mar. 10. 1628. to Dissolve it My LORDS I Never came here upon so unpleasing occasion it being for the Dissolving of a PARLIAMENT therefore many may wonder why I did not rather choose to do this by my Commission it being the general Maxim of Kings to lay harsh commands by their Ministers themselves onely executing pleasing things But considering that Justice is as well in Commanding of Virtue as Punishing of Vice I thought it necessarie to come here to day to declare to you my Lords and all the world That it was onely the disobedient carriage of the Lower House that hath caused this Dissolution at this time and that you My Lords are so far from being causers of it that I have as much comfort in your Obedience manifested by all your carriage towards me as I have cause to distaste their proceedings Yet that I may be clearly understood I must needs say they do mistake me wondrously that think I lay this fault equally on all the Lower House for I know there are many there as dutifull Loyal Subjects as any are in the world I know that it was onely some Vi●pers among them that did cast this mist of disobedience before their eyes although there were some there that could not be infected with this Contagion insomuch that some by their speaking which indeed was the general fault on the last day of the House did shew their obedience To conclude my Lords as those ill-affected persons must look for their reward so you that are here of the Higher House may justly claim from me that protection and favour that a good King bears to his Loyal and Faithfull Subjects and Nobilitie Now my Lords execute that which I Command you Lord KEEPER MY Lords and Gentlemen of the House of Commons the KINGS Majestie