Rubrick indeed dyed with the blood of so many of both Nations slaine on that Occasion Our Author speakes this in Relation to the Scottish Tumults Anno 1637. In telling of which Story he runs as commonly elsewhere into many Errours For first those Miseries and that blood-shed was not caused by sending the Liturgy thither c. Fuller Seeing the Animadvertor denies the Liturgy to have had any Causall influence on the Scots War I must manifest my dissent from his Iudgement and here I crave the Reader 's leave to be his humble Remembrancer of the Kinds of Causes so far as they conduce to the clearing of the present Controversie Causes are twofold Solitary or Totall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Ioynt and fellow Causes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The latter againe is twofold Proegumena long leading before and inwardly disposing and inclining to Action or Procatarctica called also Causa irritatrix or Primitiva provocans which is outwardly impulsive to Action The former is tearmed by Physitians Causa Antecedens the latter Causa Evidens of a disease Thus in a Feaver corrupt humours bred within and without the Veines are the Antecedent cause thereof whilst being in the hot Sun walking in the South-wind c. stopping the Pores and stirring the ill Humours to heat may be the evident cause of a Feaver I thus apply it The inward discontents of the Scots on severall accounts which follow on the next Paragraph were the Antecedent causes of their War whilst the evident Cause thereof was the Obtruding the Liturgy upon them And so much for my cleare sense in this Controversie Dr. Heylyn The Plot had been laid long before upon other grounds that is to say Questioning of some Church Lands then in the hands of some great Persons of which they feared a Rovocation to the Crown And secondly the manumitting of some poor subjects from the tyranny and vassallage which they lived under in respect of their Tithes exacted with all cruelty and injustice by those whom they call the Lords of new erection Which Plot so laid there wanted nothing but some popular occasion for raising a Tumult first a Rebellion afterwards and this occasion they conceived they had happily gain'd by sending the new Liturgy thither though ordered by their own Clergy first as our Author tells us at the Assembly of Aberdeen Anno 1616. and after aâ— Perth Anno 1618. and fashioned for the most part by their own Bishops also But of this there hath so much been said between the Observator and his Antagonist that there is nothing necessary to be added to it Secondly there was no such matter as the passing of an Act of Revocation for the restoring of such Lands as had been alienated from the Crown in the minority of the Kings Predecessors of which he tells us fol. 192. The King indeed did once intend the passing of such an Act but finding what an Insurrection was likely to ensue upon it he followed the safer counsell of Sir Archibald Acheson by whom he was advis'd to sue them in his Courts of Justice Which course succeeding to his wish so terrified many of those great persons who had little else but such Lands to maintain their Dignities that they never thought themselves secure as long as the King was in a condition to demand his own Thirdly though it be true enough that some persons of honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired fol. 163. yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour which wrought these terrible effects but the denying of an honorary Title to a man of no honour If Colonel Alexander Lesly an obscure fellow but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany had been made a Baron when he first desired it the rest of the male-contents in Scotland might have had an heart though they had no head But the King not willing to dishonour so high a Title by conferring it on so low a person denyed the favour Which put the man into such a heat that presently he joyned himself to the faction there drove on the plot and finally undertook the command of their Armies Rewarded for which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King himself he could not so digest the injury of the first refusall but that he afterwards headed their Rebellions upon all occasions Fuller Little opposition against some variation from and more addition unto what I have written is herein contained Which if tending to the Reader his clearer information I am right glad thereof and wish him all happinesse therein Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their writings as innocent therein but charged Arch-bishop Laud as the principall and Dr. Cousins as the instrumentall compiler thereof This is no more then we had reason to expect from a former passage liâ— 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us that the Scotish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York in the time when George Nevil was Arch-bishop And then he adds Hence-forwards no Arch-bishop of York medled more with Church-matters in Scotland and happy had it been if no Arch-bishop of Canterbury had since interressed himsâ—lf therein His stomack is so full of choller against this poor Prelate that he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born Fuller What could more calmly be written Perchance some cold flegme but nothing of choller is in the expression I say again It had been happy for King Queen Royall Issue Church State the Arch-bishop himself Animadvertor Author Reader All England Dr. Heylyn Hence is it that he takes together all reports which makes against him and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History If Arch-bishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction the blame thereof was laid on Arch-bishop Laud as if not content to succeed he endeavoured to supplant him fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawfull Sports the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his account also some strong presumptions being urged for the proof thereof fol. 147. The reduction of the Church to her antient Rules and publick Doctrines must be nothing else but the enjoyning of his own private practises and opinions upon other men fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be compos'd for the use of the Church of Scotland Who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it Fuller If all the places here cited are passed already they have received their severall Answers if any of them be to come they shall receive them God-willing in due time that so for the present we may be silent to prevent repetition Dr. Heylyn But what proofs have we for all this Onely the malice of his enemies or our Authors own disaffection to him or some common fame And if it once be made a fame it shall pass for truth and as a truth find place
p. 173 ¶ 35 c. Sr. Tho. SMITH Benefactour generall to all Scholars Hist. of Camb. p. 81. ¶ 37 38. and also p. 144. ¶ 6 7 8. Henry SMITH commonly called the Silver-tongu'd b. 9. p. 142. ¶ 3 4. Rich. SMITH titularie Bishop of Chalcedon b. 11. ¶ 72. some write for others against him Episcopizeth in England b. 11. p. 137. ¶ 7. opposed by Nicholas Smith and defended by Dr. Kelison both zealous Papists ¶ 8 9 c. SOBRIQUETS what they were b. 3. p. 30. ¶ 52 fifteen principall of them ibid. SODOMITRY the beginning thereof in England b. 3. p. 19. ¶ 29. with too gentle a Canon against it ibid. SOUTH SAXONS their Kingdome when begun how bounded C. 5. ¶ 17. converted to Christianity by Wilfride C. 7. ¶ 98 c. taught by him first to fish ¶ 101. SPALATO his coming over into England with the whole story of his stay here departure hence and burning at Rome for a Heretick after his death b. 10. p. 93. unto the 100. King STEPHEN usurpeth the Crown b. 3. p. 24. ¶ 28. by the perjury of the Clergy p. 25. ¶ 29. variety of opinions and arguments pro and con about him ¶ 30 31 c. the Clergy revolt from him p. 27. ¶ 39. appeareth as some say in person summoned to a Synod in Winchester p. 28. ¶ 43. a founder of Religious houses p. 29. ¶ 46. his death p. 30. ¶ 51. STEWES suppressed by statute b. 5. p. 239. ¶ 38. their Original ¶ 39. and Constitution p. 140. ¶ 40. arguments pro and con for their lawfulness ¶ 41 42. STIGANDUS Arch-bishop of Cant. his Simony b. 3. ¶ 2. and covetousness ¶ 4. Simon STOCK living in a trunk of a tree esteemed a Saint b. 6. p. 272. ¶ 21. STONEHENGE the description and conceived occasion thereof C. 5. ¶ 26. Tho. STONE a conscientious Non-conformist discovereth the Anatomy of the disciplinarian meetings p. 207 c. his sixteen Reasons in his own defence against his accusers herein p. 209 c. J. STORY a most bloody persecutor b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 12. with a fine design trained into England b. 9. p. 84. ¶ 20. executed his revenge on the executioner ibid. STRASBURGH the congregation of English Exiles therein in the Reign of Q. Mary b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 41. Jack STRAW his rebellion b. 4. p. 138. ¶ 18. his rabble of Rebells in Rhythme p. 139. ¶ 19. their barbarous outrages p. 140. ¶ 20. and ruin ¶ 21. See Wat Tyler STURBRIDGE FAIRE the Originall thereof Hist. of Camb. p. 66. ¶ 36. SUBSCRIPTION first pressed by the Bishops b. 9. p. 76. ¶ 66. and more rigorously p. 102. ¶ 3. Simon SUDBURY Arch-bishop of Canterbury why silent in the conference at St. Paul's b. 4. p. 136. ¶ 10. slain by the rebells under Jack Straw ¶ 20. being one hundred thousand ¶ 21. founded whilst living Canterbury Colledge in Oxford b. 5. p. 169. ¶ 28. Matthew SUTCLIFFE Dean of Exeter his bounty to Chealsey Colledge b. 10. p. 51. ¶ 22. the Lands of that Colledge restored to his heirs generall p. 55. ¶ 27. Richard SUTTON his death b. 10. p. 75. ¶ 15. the severall mannours bestowed by him on Charter-house ¶ 16. the Cavils of Mr. Knot ¶ 17. his constant prayer p. 66. ¶ 20. SWEATING sicknesse in Cambridge the cause and cure thereof Hist. of Camb. p. 128. Edward SYMPSON an excellent Critick Hist. of Camb. p. 123. ¶ 20. enioyned a recantation before King James p. 160. ¶ 44. SYON nunnes their notorious wantonnesse b. 6. p. 318. ¶ 8. T. Adam TARLETON Bishop of Hereford his life and death letter b. 3. p. 107. ¶ 28. thrice arraigned for his life yet escapeth p. 108. Mr. TAVERNOUR high Sherâ—ff of Oxford part of his Sermon preached at St. Maries b. 9. p. 65. ¶ 35. TAVISTOCK in Devon the last mitred Abbot made by King Henry the eighth few years before the dissolution b. 6. p. 293. ¶ 5. TAURINUS how by mistake made the first Bishop of York C. 2. ¶ 1. TAXERS in Cambridge their original Hist. of Camb. p. 10. ¶ 36 37 c. St. TELIAU his high commendation C. 6. ¶ 12. TEMPLES of heathen Idols converted into Christian Churches C. 2. ¶ 11. our Churches succeed not to the holinesse of Solomons Temple but of the Jewish Synagogues b. 11. p. 150. ¶ 51. TENTHS their Original why paid to the Pope b. 5. p. 226. ¶ 1. commissioners being unquestioned Gentlemen imployed by King Henry the eighth to rate them ¶ 2. their Instructions ¶ 3. Tenths remitted by Q. Mary p. 228. ¶ 6. resumed by Q. Elizabeth ¶ 7. in vain heaved at at the present in our state ¶ 8. A TERRIER made of all Glebe Lands b. 3. p. 113. New TESTAMENT severall Bishops assigned to peruse the translation of the several Books thereof b. 5. p. 233. Gardiner gives in a List of Latine words which he would not have translated p. 238. why p. 239. ¶ 35. TEUXBURY Abbot in Glocestershire controverted whether or no a Baron in Parliament b. 6. p. 294. ¶ 12. THEODORUS Arch-bishop of Cant. C. 7. ¶ 95. settleth Easter according to the Romish Rite ¶ 96. the Canons of a Councill kept by him at Hartford ibidem Tho. THIRLEBY Bâ—shop of Ely sent to Rome to reconcile England to the Pope b. 8. ¶ 42. no great persecuter in his Diocess in the dayes of Q. Mary S. 2. ¶ 14. found favour under Q. Elizabeth b. 9. ¶ 18. being a Prisoner to be envied ibidem though reputed a good man wasted the lands of Westminster Church whereof he the first and last Bishop b. 9. ¶ 43. Thomas TISDALE founder of Pembrook Colledge in Oxford b. 11. ¶ 41. TYTHES first given to the Clergie C. 9. ¶ 8 c. by King Athelwolphus The objections against his grant answered c. ibidem confirmed by the Charter of King William the Conquerour b. 3. ¶ 12. three orders exempted from payment of them b. 6. p. 283. ¶ 3. THOR a Saxon Idol his name shape and office b. 2. C. 6. ¶ 6. John THRASK censured for his Iudaicall opinions b. 10. p. 76. ¶ 64. George THROGMORTON an Oxford man challengeth all Cambridge to dâ—spute on two questions Hist. of Cambridge p. 104. ¶ 44. the ill successe thereof ¶ 45 c. TOLERATION of Papists set a-foot in the Reign of King James with the arguments pro and con â— 10. p. 106 and 107. resumed and reiected in the Reign of K. Charles b. 11. ¶ 56 57 58. Rob. TOUNSON Bishop of Salisbury his death b. 10. p. 91. ¶ 35. TRANSLATOURS of the Bible their names and number b. 10. p. 45 46. instructions given by King James p. 47. their work finished p. 58. and defended against causelesse Cavils ibidem TRINITY COLL. in Oxford founded by Sir Tho. Pope b. 8. S. 3. ¶ 43. being the first that gaâ—ned by Abbey lands and made a publick acknowledgement in charitable uses ibidem The Presidents Bâ—shops Benefactours c. of that
that the King should never be restored to his place and Power by which he might be called to a reckoning for them Fuller It Seems Multa videntur quae non sunt The Inference is false and forced Titus Livius lived in Imperial yet wrote of Regal Consulatory Tribunitial at Rome without the least imputation of falshood I conceive Monarchical Aristocratical and Democralical truth to be One and the Same It followeth not that two-faced Ianus as beholding two worlds one before the other after the Flood had also two Hearts I did not attemper my History to the Palat of the Government so as to sweeten it with any Falshood but I made it Palatable thus far forth as not to give a wilful disgust to those in present Power and procure danger to my self by using any over-salt tart or bitter Expression better forborn than inserted without any prejudice to the Truth Dr. Heylyn For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket by which it appears not I am sure to have been written in the time of Kingly Government that being no expression sutable unto such a time Fuller Should I simply and absolutely call the Cross in Baptisme a Popish Trinket my fore-head Signed therewith would give my Tongue the lye and return the Popery in the teeth thereof I behold it as an Ancient and Significant Ceremony but in no degree essentiall to or completory of the Sacrament witness the wisdome of the Church of England which in private Baptism permitteth the omitting thereof But when Ceremonyes shall devour their distance and intrude themselves necessary and essential it is high time to term them Superstititious Trinkets The rest I referr to what I have written when this passage recurreth in the place cited by the Animadvertor Dr. Heylyn Secondly speaking of the precedency which was fixt in Canterbury by removing the Archiepiscopal See from London thither he telleth us that the matter is not much which See went first when living seeing our Age hath laid them both alike level in their Graves But certainly the Government was not changed into a State or Commonwealth till the death of the King and till the death of the King neither of those Episcopall Sees nor any of the rest were laid so level in their Graves but that they were in hope of a Resurrection the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government as the alienation of their Lands Thirdly In the latter end of the same Book he makes a great dispute against the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England in curing the disease comonly called the Kings Evil whether to be imputed to Magick or Imagination or indeed a Miracle next brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth as if she had disclaimed that power she daily exercised and finally manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies no inferior Crimes Are all these passages proper to that Government also Finally in the third Book he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the civil Rights of the Subjects not to the King but to the Lay-people of the Land assembled in Parliament which game he after followeth in the eighth and last And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth and last to derogate in this manner from the King's supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do nor proper for him so to write in the time of the Kingly Government unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spake of Fuller I desire the Reader to remember my late words as the Animadvertor recited them FOR THE MAIN I confess though these Books were written in the Reign of King Charles yet after his Death I interpolated some lines and amongst others that of levelling all Bishopricks I raised no dispute against the Kings curing the Evil it being raised before I was born and which I endeavoured to allay referring it to Miracle as to the peruser of my History in that place will appear I tell no old Wives Tale of Queen Elizabeth it being a Masculine Truth from most authentick Authors I derogate not in the least degree from the power of the Church but the Animadvertor doth arrogate unto it more then is due by the Lawes of God and Man maintaining that Church-men may go beyond Ecclesiastical Censures even to the Limbs and Lives of such as are Recusants to their Constitutions WRETCHED and what formerly he said DISLOYAL HOPES I defie and return them in the Teeth of him that wrote the words He had WRETCHED AND DISLOIAL HOPES who wrote that King Iames went to New-market as Tiberius to his Capreae he waved his Loyalty and Discretion together who so saucily and un-subject-like counted how often King Charles waved his Crown Here give me leave to tell the Animadvertor that such whom he slighteth for LOW-ROYALISTS were whilst they had a King in England as HIGH in their Loyalty to him Prayers and Sufferings for him as those HIGH-ROIALISTS who maintain that all goods of the Subjects are at the King 's absolute Dispose and yet since those Kings are departed this life can write of them in so base and disparaging Language that any one of the LOW-ROIALISTS would have his right hand cut off rather then write the like Reader pardon my too just passion when DISLOIALTY is laid to my charge It is with me Either now speak or else for ever hereafter hold your Peace Dr. Heylyn I must needs say that on the reading of these Passages and the rest that follow I found my self possest with much Indignation And I long expected when some Champion would appear in the Listes against this Goliah who so reproachfully had defied the whole Armyes of Israel And I must needs confess withal that I did never enter more unwillingly on any undertaking But beeing solicited thereunto by Letters Messages and several personal Addresses by Men of all Orders and Dignityes in the Church and of all degrees in the Universities I was at last overcome by that Importunity which I found would not be resisted Fuller Indignation is grief and anger boiled up to the height What just cause I have given for so great passion the Reader will judge If I be a Goliah in this point may I have his Success to be conquered killed and my head cut off even with my own Sword If I be none May the Animadvertor be graciously pardoned And it may be he shall never come off any undertaking more unhappily I could mate him with telling him that Men of all Sorts and Sizes their Equals in Number and Quality have likewise importuned me not tamely to sit down but to vindicate my own credit and conscience Dr. Heylyn
such Obligation of particular respect to Dr Heylyn on the same account I could wish he had used a more cleanly Metaphor and forborn the phrase of Fluxing Such a cure appears not in Hippocrates as being a modern remedy for a modern malady However would I were but half so holy as he was of whom it was said An evill disease say they and they did but say it cleaveth fast unto him I will use no harsher Metaphor in relation of my answers to my two Antagonists than only That men may meddle with a Mallow with naked hands but need to put on their Hedging-gloves when to deal with a Thorn or Nettle Onely here I shall presume to request the Reader to take especial notice of those remarkable words of the Animadvertor tell them of their Errors in a MODEST WAY and keep them against a rainy-day I mean such a seasonable Time as we may make use thereof Dr. Heylyn But so it happeneth many times that some men are more impatient of the Cure then sensible of their Diseases and that in stead of giving thanks to to the Physitian for the great pains he took about them they pay him with nothing but displeasures Which being the worst that can befall me I am armed against it Fuller But so it happeneth many times that as in this case there may be plus periculi à Medico quà m à Morbo More danger of the Physitian than of the Disease A good belief and conceit of the Physitian is more than half a Cure and I confess I have none of the Animadvertor whom I behold but as an adventurous Emperick having seen and marked his practise on other Patients rather disgraceing their Persons than amending their Errors Give me a Physitian of my own Election not of his Intrusion especially when he usually wrappeth up his best Receipts in Poysoned Papers Dr. Heylyn If by the hazard of my Peace I shall procure this benefit to the present and succeeding times that men may prove more careful of what they write and not obtrude upon the Reader either through Ignorance inadvertency or somewhat worse such and so many falsities mistakes and errors as have been lately put upon him in some modern Histories It is that I aimed at and having gained that point I have gained my purpose Fuller But what if on the contrary which is more probable it commeth to pass that some having commendable Inclinations and proportionable Qualifications to write Histories perceiving their Books Damnatos antequam natos baned before born by the prejudice which this Animadvertor bears their Parents who is ready as soon as their Books shall peep out of the Press to assault them with causless cavills What I say if such persons on the tender resentment of the premises shall quit all their Intentions to write the Animadvertor can little comâ—ort himself and others will less commend him for this his over-activity so destructive to the publick Good But there are some who when they can no longer bewitch with their Beauty endevour to doe it with their Malice thereby to render themselves in any sort considerable to be feared when they are no more loved All I will add is this He who already having one of his feet in the Grave will spurn his brother with the other will find few to pitty him if falling all along for his pains Dr. Heylyn Non Partis Studiis agimur sed Sumpsimus Arma Consiliis Inimica tuis Ignavia fallax Peter Heylyn Fuller This Distick whereof the Animadvertor by the immediate subscription of his name thereunto may to some seem the Author is frequently cited by Mr. Selden and may thus be Englished We serve no Sides nor Parties seek to please But do defie Sloth thy deceiving Ease However I humbly conceive that what faults soever I am guilty of the sin of Sloth cannot justly especially in my Church-History be laid to my charge 1. All passages of Church-concernment from the Reign of Henry the third untill King Henry the sixth I got exactly written and attested out of the Records in the Tower 2. The most material transactions in all Convocations since the Reformation till the time of Queen Elizabeth save that sometimes the Journals be very defective which was no fault of mine I transcribed out of the Registers of Canterbury 3. I have by much labour procured many Letters and other Rarities which formerly never did see the light out of the Library of Sir Thomas Cotton and others 4. The learned Mr. Selden on his own desire honoured my first four Centuries with reading and returned them unto me some weeks after without any considerable alterations 5. The best Antiquaries of England amongst whom the Arch-Bishop of Armagh it being not then my happiness to be known to the Learned and religious Sir R. Twisden I consulted with These now I forbear to name lest I remove and derive the Animadvertors anger on them from my self who am though not the most able the best prepared to endure his displeasure Give me leave to add that a greater volume of general Church-Historie might be made with less time pains and cost for in the making thereof I had Straw provided me to burn my Brick I mean could find what I needed in printed Books Whereas in this Brittish Church-History I must as well as I could provide my own Straw and my pains have been scattered all over the Land by riding writing going sending chiding begging praying and sometimes paying too to procure manuscript materials These particulars seriously considered I hope it will appear that the Animadvertor unjustly chargeth Sloth on my account and Tyrannically crieth out with Pharoah Ye are idle Idle are you Yea I hope I may alter the property of the Animadvertors Distick and turn his Sword into my Shield after this manner Non Partis Studiis agimur sed sumpsimus arma Consiliis peramica tuis Industria Doctrix Thomas Fuller An ANSWER TO Dr. Heylyn's Necessary INTRODUCTION c. Dr. Heylyn INtending some short Animadversions on the Church-History of Brittain for Vindication of the Truth the Church and the injured Clergy I have thought good to prepare the way unto them by a plain but necessary Introduction touching the Quality and Nature of the Book which I have in hand Fuller Intending God willing to return a true clear and short Answer to the Introduction I conceived it requisite to premise these few lines following The Animadvertor like a Cunning Market-man hath put his best Corn in the top of his Sack to invite Chapmen to buy it His Preface hath a Decoction of his whole Book which was advisedly done by him hoping that those might read his Preface whom he suspected would never peruse his Book Reader As I am loath any thing in his Book should not be once Answered so be not offended if to avoid repetition I am loath it should be twice answered Each particular in the Preface will recurre in the body of the Book where by Gods
ancient evidence we must take his word which whether those of Cambridge will depend upon they can best resolve For my part I forbear all intermedling in a controversie so clearly stated and which hath lain so long asleep till now awakened by our Author to beget new quarrels Such passages in that History as come under any Animadversion have been reduced unto the other as occasion served which the Reader may be pleased to take notice of as they come before him Fuller Because omitted by Arch-Bishop Parker I have the more Cause and Reason to insert it Otherwise had he handled the Subject before the Animadvertor would have cryed out Crambe that there was nothing novel therein Call it I pray The FRINGE of my Book be it but for the Subjects sake whereof it treats my dear Mother the University of Cambridge I live in the same generation with the Animadvertor and I hope shall acquit my self as honest which truly is as wise as himself CHURCH-ROMANCE parciùs ista As I tell the Reader of the burning of those Original Charters so in the same place I charge my Margin with my Author Dr. Caius and thereby discharge my self Doth the Animadvertor now forbear all intermedling therein in this Controversy Why did he not forbear before when setting forth his last Geography some five years since And is it not as lawful for me to defend as for him to oppose my Mother When where and by whom was this Controversie so clearly stated Was it by the Animadvertor himself Such a Party is unfit for a Iudge Or was it stated by the Parliament mentioned by him 1 mo Iacobi when as he telleth us the Clerk was commanded to place Oxford first But it plainly appears it was not then so clearly decided but that the question was ever started again in the late long Parliament with Arguments on both Sides Witness the printed Speech of Sir Simonds D'EWES on that occasion Dr. Heylyn All these extravagancies and impertinencies which make up a fifth part of the whole Volume being thus discharged it is to be presum'd that nothing should remain but a meer Church History as the Title promiseth But let us not be too presumptuous on no better grounds Fuller The Animadvertor's Words mind me of a Memorable passage which hereafter he hath in his Animadversions on my Sixth Book or History of Abbeys The Intruder payeth to the Sequestred Minister but a NINETEENTH part in stead of a FIFTH But if the FIFTH-PART in relation to my Book be here stated to the same proportion for the NINETEENTH yet will not the Animadvertor's measure be reconciled to the Standard of Truth Dr. Heylyn For on a Melius inquirendum into the whole course of the Book which we have before us we shall find too little of the Church and too much of the State I mean too little of the Ecclesiastical and too much of the Civil History It might be reasonably expected that in a History of the Church of England we should have heard somewhat of the foundation and enlargement of Cathedral Churches if not of the more eminent Monasteries and Religious Houses and that we should have heard somewhat more of the succession of Bishops in their several and respective Sees their personal Endowments learned Writings and other Acts of Piety Magnificence and publick Interess especially when the times afforded any whose names in some of those respects deserv'd to be retain'd in everlasting remembrance Fuller I doubt not but the Reader who hath perused my Church-History will bear me witness that therein there is a competent Representation of all these particulars so far forth as the Proportion of the Book will bear Dr. Heylyn It might have been expected also that we should have found more frequent mention of the calling of National and Provincial Synods with the result of their proceedings and the great influence which they had on the Civil State sparingly spoken of at the best and totally discontinued in a manner from the death of King Henry the fourth until the Convâ—â—â—tion of the yeer 1552. of which no notice had been taken but that he had a mind to question the Authority of the Book of Articles which came out that year though publisht as the issue and product of it by the express Warrant and Command of King Edward the sixth Fuller All Councels before the Conquest with their Canons are compleatly and the most remarkable after it represented in my History With what face can the Animadvertor say that I have discontinued the Acts of the Convocation till the year 1552 The Acts of one critical Convocation in the 27 of Henry the eighth 1535. taking up no less than eight sheets in my Book and another in the same Kings Reign imploying more than a sheet Dr. Heylyn No mention of that memorable Convocation in the fourth and fifth years of Philip and Mary in which the Clergy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly passed by which the Subjects of the Temporality having Lands to the yearly value of five pounds and upwards were charged with finding Horse and Armour according to the proportion of their yearly Revenues and Possessions did by their sole authority as a Convocation impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land the finding of a like number of Horses Armour and other Necessaries for the War according to their yearly income proportion for proportion and rate for rate as by that Statute had been laid on the Temporal Subjects Fuller I am confident that this is the self-same Convocation which is thus entered in my Church-History Book 8. p. 39. Anno 1557. quinto Mariae The Clergy gave the Queen a Subsidie of eight shillings in the pound confirmed by Act of Parliament to be paid in four years In requital whereof by Poole 's procurement the Queen Priviledged them from shewing their horses with the Laily yet so that they should muster them up for the defence of the Land under Captains of their own own chusing I cannot therefore be justly charged with no mention of the Acts of this Convocation Dr. Heylyn And this they did by their own sole Authority as before was said Ordering the same to be levyed on all such as were refractory by Sequestration Deprivation Suspension Excommunication Ecclesiastical Censures all without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament which they conceiv'd they had no need of Fuller I took the less notice of and gave the less heed to the transactions of the Clergy therein because then they were in their Hufte and Height furious with Fire and Fagot so that all done by them de facto cannot be justified for Legal who sometimes borrowed a point of Law even with intent never to repay it in their proceedings It may be proved out of Mr. Fox that some at that time by a cruell Prolepsis antedated the burning of some Martyrs before the Writ de Haeretico Comburendo came unto them Wherefore all their actions
unto Phaleg the son of Heber and to his Posterity because not present with the rest at the bullding of Babel and consequently not within the curse of confounded Languages But against this it is disputed first that it is but a Tradition and therefore of no sure foundation to build upon Fuller Before we come to the serious examination of the point in hand I would sain be satisfied what means this marginal note Heylins Cosmographie page 19. What Doth he alledge himself to prove his own opinion my bad Heraldry was never guilty of such a fault metal upon metal Now that the Hebrew was the common Tongue of the world before the Confusion at Babel is more than a meer Tradition being backâ— with many Authorities and unanswerable Arguments Of Authorities we begin with St. Hierom one who is many Authors in this Point because of his great and general skil in Languages and who in his Comment on Zephany chapt 3.18 affirmeth Linguam Hebraicam omnium Linguarum esse Matricem that the Hebrew is the Mother of all Languages St. Augustine lib. 10. cap. 1 de Civitate Dei Quae prius humano generi non immerito creditur esse communis ideo deinceps Hebreae est nuncupata To these I will add a Iury of publike Professors all of Eminent note since the reviving of Languages in the Western world 1. Mercerus Professor Parisiensis Regis in Gen. 11. 1. 2. D. Pareus Prof. Heidelberg in eundum locum 3. Rivetus Prof. Leiden Isay c. 4. 4. Crinesius Prof. Aldorphini Noricor de confusione Linguarum pag. 4.17 5. Ioh. Buxtorfius senior in Epist. ded Thesauri Grammat 6. Ioh. Buxtorfius junior Prof. Basil. de origine Primigeniae Lingua in 410. 7. Glassius Prof. Ienae lib. 4. tract 3. de nomine proprio pag. 775. 8. Polyander Prof. Leid Orat. 18. in laudem linguae Hebraae pag. 296 297. 9. Tremellius Profess Heb. Linguae Cantabrigia 10. Fr. Iunius Prof. Heidelberg in Gen. 11.1 Urbis iisdem c. 11. Whitakerus Prof. Cantab. Controv 1. quaest 2. de script 12. Christ. Beckman de prop. voc significatione pag. 30. These Authorities are seconded with convincing Arguments Not to insist on some Ruines and Reliques of Hebrew scattered in all ancient Languages and therefore Io. Scaliger hath his last as surest recourse to it in his Quest after the originaiion of Words Names imposed on Persons before the Confusion of Tongues are by the Spirit in Scripture the best Interpreter made to speak pure Hebrew Not to instance in Adam notoriously known for red Earth we take notice of 1. Eve or Chavah so called by her husband Because she was the Mother of all living and there is life enough in her Name to justifie it 2. Cain so called by his Mother rejoycing that she had gotten a Man and the word signifieth a Possession though therein She with many other parents abused by their own over-affection promised her self more happiness than was performed 3. SETH so named by his mother for God said she hath APPOINTED me another seed c. and signifieth one put placed or constituted 4. Noah so named by his Father because this son said he shall comfort us c. as the word doth import 5. Peleg the son of Heber may be presumed born at or immediatly after the divisions of the World into Languages and Colonies and brooks division in his name It is not to be expected that all the whole sentence spoken by their parents should be completely contained in their name but onely that the most operative emphatical and expressive word should appear therein I am not ignorant that Goropius Becanus in his Book which is rather smiled at for the wit than approved for the judgement therein deriveth all words from the German or Dutch Tongue An handsome and prety Essay but I believe that the Animadvertor is not of his opinion It is one thing here and there to take a name and to make it countenance such a sense and another thing to charge through and through so as all names may be demonstrated Hebrew in persons born before the confusion of Babel How vain would He prove himself who from the name of AHIMAN one of the giant sons of Anak and from some correspondency of height in our Language would thence infer that English was the ancient Tongue spoken in the Land of Canaan But I have stayed too long on this discourse and refer the rest unto Doctor Brian Walton who in his Preface unto the last and very laborious and judicious Edition of the Hebrew and many-languag'd Bible hath no lesse learnedly than copiously handled this Subject Dr. Heylin And secondly that it is such a Tradition as holds no good coherence with the truth of Story it being a most clear and demonstrative truth that the Hebrew tongue was not the Language which Abraham brought with him out of Chaldea and Mesopotamia but that which he found spoken in the Land of Canaan at his coming thither to which both he and his posterity did conform themselves Or had it been the Language of Heber as they say it was but most undoubtedly was not yet thirdly had this been a priviledge conferred on Heber that he and his posterity should speak the Original Language without alteration or corruption it must have been extended to all those of the house of Iocktan which descend from him as also to the house of Laban in Padan-Aram and to the Moabites and the Ammonites as the seed of Lot and finally to the Madianites Ishmaelites and Idumaeans descended of Abraham and Esau and not be limited and confined onely to the House of Iacob Now that the language which afterwards was and still is called by the name of the Hebrew was spoken vulgarly in the Land of Canaan before the coming of Abraham thither is not affirmed by Brerewood onely but by Scaliger Grotius Vossius Bochartus all of them men of great renown for their learned studies and by many others of this age By most of which it is affirmed also that the name of Hebrews was given unto them by the people of Canaan not in regard of their descent from Heber the father of Phaleg but from Abrahams passing over the River Euphrates when he came out of Chaldaea with his Family to dwell amongst them that name in the Canaanitish language signifying as much as trajiciens or transfluvialis and therefore not unfitly given by them to Abraham at his first coming thiâ—her And if the Hebrew as we now call it was that Holy Language which was spoken in Paradise continued by the Patriarchs before the Flood and after to the building of Babel it must needs seem infinitely strange that it should be reserv'd onely amongst the Canaanites accursed in the person of Canaan their common Parent by his Grandfather Noah and so abominated by God for their filthy wickednesses that he resolv'd to spew them out of their Native Country as in fine he did Or
Countrey conquered to change the Laws alter the Language or new mould the Government or finally to translate the Scepter from the old Royal Family to some one of their own None of which things being done in the Invasions of the Scots and Picts they cannot properly be said to have subdued the South parts of the Island as our Author out of love perhaps to the Scots would perswade the Reader Fuller I confesse of all Five the Picts and Scots had the most short and uncertain abode in the South The distinction is very nice betwixt harrassing or depopulating of a Countrey and subduing it If I could but harrasse and depopulate that is but deargumentaâ—e the Animamadvertors Book against me I doubt not but I should be accounted to subdue it Why is not my Pen charged with a love to the Picts whom I also equally with the Scots intitle to this subduing and is a Nation now no where extant to be the object of my affection But this five-times subduing of the South of this Island is in all Authors as generally known and received as that a man hath five fingers on his hand Wherefore no more in Answer to just nothing THE THIRD BOOK From the time of the Norman Conquest to the first preaching of Wickliffe Dr. Heylin WE are now come unto the times of the Norman Government when the Church began to settle on a surer bottom both for power and polity the Bishops lesse obnoxious to the Kings than formerly because elected by the Monks and Canons of their own Cathedrals their Consistories free from the intermixture of Lay-assistance and their Synods manag'd by themselves Wherein though they had power of making such Synodicall Constitutions as did ipso facto binde all parties yet our Author is resolv'd to have it otherwise Fuller All this is but perfatary and therefore my Answer not necessary thereunto The Animadvertor seemeth to congratulate the Condition of the English Church as better hereafter in the following than in foregoing Ages He instanceth in two particulars POWER and POLITIE omitting a third worth Both Piety to which Purity in Doctrine may be reduced which now began more and more to be impaired Let me add that after the Kings of England had parted which indeed was wrested from them with the Investing of Bishops Bishops became lesse managable by and dutiful to their Prince and more insulting over the People and being lesse OBNOXIOUS to use the Animadvertors word to the Soveraign were more NOXIOUS to the Subjects Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 19. The Proceedings saith he of the Canon Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals to Secular Lawes and National Customes And the Laity as pleasure limited Canons in this behalf How false this is how contrary to the power and practice of the Church before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the eight and finally how dangerous a ground is hereby laid to weaken the Authority of Convocations will best appear by laying down the sum of a Petition presented by the House of Commons to the same King Henry together with the Answer of the Prelates and inferior Clergy then being Synodically assembled to the said Petition The substance of the Petition was as followeth viz. THat the Clergy of this your Realm being your Highnesse Subjects in their Convocation by them holden within this your Realm have made and daily make divers Sanctions or Laws concerning Temporal things and some of them be repugnant to the Laws and Statutes of your Realm not having ne requiring your most Royal assent to the same Laws so by them made nother any assent or knowledge of your Lay Subjects is had to the same nother to them published and known in their Mother tongue albeit divers and sundry of the said Laws extend in certain causes to your excellent Person your Liberty and Prerogative Royal and to the interdiction of your Laws and Possessions and so likewise to the Goods and Possessions of your Lay Subjects declaring the infringers of the same Laws so by them made not onely to incur the terrible censure of Excommunication but also to the detestable crime and sin of Heresie by the which divers of your humble and obedient Lay Subjects be brought into this Ambiguity whether they may doe and execute your Laws according to your jurisdiction Royal of this Realm for dread of the same Censures and pains comprised in the same Laws so by them made in their Convocations to the great trouble and inquietation of your said humble and obedient Lay Subjects c. the impeachment of your Jurisdiction and Prerogative Royal. The Answer thereunto was this TO this we say that forasmuch as we repute and take our Authority of making Laws to be grounded upon the Scripture of God and the determination of holy Church which must also be a rule and squier to try the justice and righteousnesse of all Laws as well Spiritual as Temporal we verily trust that considering the Laws of this Realm be such as have been made by most Christian religious and devout Princes and People how both these Laws proceeding from one fountain the same being sincerely interpretrd and after the good meaning of the makers there shall be found no repugnancy nor contrariety but that the one shall be found as aiding maintaining and supporting the other And if it shall otherwise appear as it is our duty whereunto we shall alwayes most diligently apply our selves to reform our Ordinances to Gods Commission and to conform our Statutes and Laws and those of our predecessors to the determination of Scripture and holy Church so we hope in God and shall daily pray for the same that your Highnesse will if there appear cause why with the assent of your People temper your Graces Laws accordingly Whereby shall ensue a most happy and perfect conjunction and agreement as God being Lapis angularis to agree and conjoyn the same And as concerning the requiring of your Highnesse Royal assent to the authority of such Laws as have been by our Predecessors or shall be made by us in such points and Articles as we have by Gods authority to rule and order by such Provisions and Laws we knowing your Highness wisdome and vertue and learning nothing doubt but the same perceiveth how the granting hereunto dependeth not upon our will and liberty And that we your most humble Subjects may not submit the execution of our charge and duty certainly prescribed by God to your Highnesse assent although in very deed the same is most worthy for your most Noble Princely and excellent vertues not onely to give your Royal assent but also to devise and command what we should for good order and manners by Statutes and Laws provide in the Church neverthelesse considering we may not so ne in such sort refrain the doing of our office in the feeding and ruling of Christs people your Graces Subjects we most
humbly desiring your Grace as the same hath heretofore so from henceforth to shew your Graces minde and opinion unto us what your high Wisdome shall think convenient which we shall most gladly hear and follow if it shall please God to inspire us so to doe with all submission and humility beseech the same following the steps of of your most Noble Progenitors and conformably to your our own Acts doe maintain and defend such Laws and Ordinances as we according to our calling and by Authority of God shall for his honour make to the edification of vertue and maintaining Christs faith of which your Highnesse is named Defender and hath been hitherto indeed a special Protector Furthermore whereas your said Lay Subjects say that sundry of the said Laws extend in certain causes to your excellent Person your Liberty and Prerogative Royal and to the interdiction of your Land and Possessions To this your said Orators say that having submitted the tryal and examining of the Laws made in the Church by us and our Predecessors to the just and straight Rule of Gods Laws which giveth measure of Power Prerogative and Authority to all Emperors Kings Princes and Potentates and all other we have conceiv'd such opinion and have such estimation of your Majesties goodnesse and vertue that whatsoever any persons not so well learned as your Grace is would pretend unto the same whereby we your most humble Subjects may be brought in your Graces displeasure and indignation surmising that we should by usurpation and presumption extend our Laws to your most noble Person Prerogative and Realm yet the same your Highnesse being so highly learn'd will of your own most bounteous goodnesse facilly discharge and deliver us from that envy when it shall appear that the said Laws are made by us or out Predecessors conformable and maintainable by the Scripture of God and determination of the Church against which no Laws can stand or take effect Somewhat to this purpose had been before endeavoured by the Commons in the last Parliament of King Edw. 3. of which because they got nothing by it but only the shewing of their teeth without hurting any body I shall lay nothing in this place reserving it to the time of the long Parliament in the Reign of King Charles when this point was more hotly followed and more powerfully prosecuted than ever formerly What sayes our Author unto this Findes he here any such matter as that the Laity at their pleasure could limit the Canons of the Church Or that such Canons in whatsoever touched temporals were subject unto secular Laws and National Customes And here of I desire the Reader to take special notice as that which is to serve for a Catholicon or general Antidote against those many venomous insinuations which he shall meet with up and down in the course of this History As for the case in which our Author grounds this pestilent Position it was the Canon made in a Synod at Westminster in the time of Anselm Anno 1102. prohibiting the sale of men and women like brute beasts in the open Market Which Canon not finding presently an universal obedience over all the Kingdome as certainly ill customes are not easily left when they are countenanced by profit occasioned our Author to adventure upon this bold assertion Fuller I conceived it uncivil to interrupt the Animadvertor in his long discourse until he had ended it and now professe I know not how it maketh in opposition to what I said and heartily wish that the Reader may understand it better than I doe It cannot be denyed but that the Clergy did claim and challenge a power and sometimes de facto executed it over the temporal Estates of the Laâ—ty for I behold the Clergy more bound because binding themselves by their representatives unto their Canons yet they never peaceably injoyed their Power as constantly checkt and controled by the Laws of the Land in such things wherein the Temporal Estate Life and Limb of Persons were concerned We have an eminent instance hereof in the Canon occasioning this discourse Anselme makes a Constitution and that indeed charitable and Christian against the sale of men and women like brute beasts in the open market place Now such persons sold slaves and Vassals as I understand it being the Goods and Chattels of their Masters the proprietaries and owners of their Bodies they would not part with their right in obedience to the Canon Suppose a Convocation some thirty years agoe should have made a Canon without any confirmation from Parliament That no Merchant living in England should by his Factors sell any Negroes or Blacks in the Barbadoes which formerly he had bought in Guinnie it would not oblige to the observation thereof because in such matters wherein propertie was concerned the Canon must say to the Common-Law By your leave Sir I have writen nothing in this point buâ— what I have a good Author for And seeing the Animadvertor in his Geography hath been pleased to tell a passage betwixt him and his fathers man let me relate another wherein my self was concerned knowing it to be as true and hoping it to be as well applyed Some three years since walking on the Lords day into the Park at Copthall the third son a child in coats of the Earl of Dorset desired to goe with me whereof I was unwilling fearing he should straggle from me whilest I meditated on my Sermon And when I told him that if he went with me he would lose himself he returned Then you must lose your self first for I will goe with you This rule I alwayes observe when medling with matters of Law because I my self am a child therein I will ever goe with a man in that faculty such as is most eminent in his profession à cujus latere non discedam so that if he lose me he shall first lose himself as hereafter when we grapple together in this Controversie will appear As for this particular case for I will engage no further for the present this Canon did not dispossesse Masters of their property in their Vassals and no meaner than Mr. Selden is my conductor herein stiled hereafter by the Animadvertor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that renowned Humanitian and Philologer Yea I entred my Author in the Margin had the Animadvertor been pleased to take notice thereof Spiceleg ad Edmerium page two hundred and eight Neque sane Canon hic aut alia apud nos lata Lex id juris hactenus adeo refixit quin in Iurisconsultorum nostratium Commentariis passim Legibus quibus utimur consonum agnoscatur Neither truly this Canon or any other Law made amongst us hath hitherto unfastened this right but that in the Comments or Reports of our Common Lawyers it is acknowledged consonant to those Laws which we use And though in processe of Time first conscientious then all Masters laudibly submitted themselves to this Canon forbearing such sales yet were they not by
the Canon devested of the power of Doing it such vendition and emption being by the Common-Law preserved unto them though now very commendably long disused And whereas the Clergy in their Answer pretend all their Canons grounded on the Word of God I would fain be informed where they finde in the New-Testament which ought to regulate their proceedings that the power of the Church extendeth to life limb or estate Sure I am her censures appear spiritual on the soul by those expressions Binde on Earth Cast out Deliver to Satan c. But because the Reader reserveth a lager prosecution of this point for another time we will also respit our larger answer hereunto Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 24. Indeed 1. Davids had been Christian some hundred of years whilest Canterbury was yet Pagan Not many hundred years I am sure of that nor yet so many as to make a plural number by the Latin Grammer Kent being conquered by the Saxons who brought in Paganism Anno 455. Converted unto Christianity by the preaching of Austin Anno 569. Not much more than 140. years betwixt the one and the other Fuller The Christian Antiquity of St. David bare a double Date one native or inherent the other adopted and Reputative 1. The Inherent from the time that St. David fixed there on which account I believe it was no more than 140. years senior to Canterbury 2. The Reputative from the first founding of a Bishoprick at Carleon by King Lucius which indifferently stated was about the year of our Lord 169 which was four hundred years before Canterbury Now it is notoriously known that the antiquity of Carleon whence the See was removed in computation of the seniority is adjected to St. Davids her adopted Daughter Hence was it that the Abbot of Bancar in his Answer unto Austin acknowledged himself and his Convent under the Government of the Bishop of Carleon upon Uske though then no Bishop therein meaning St. Davids thereby as Dr. Hammond and others doe unanimously allow Thus grafting St. Davids as it ought on the Stock of Carleon it is senior in Christianity to Canterbury four hundred years and FOUR may be termed Some in the stricktest propriety of Language Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 29. To whose honour he viz. King Stephen erected St. Stephens Chappel in Westminster neer the place where lately the Court of Requests was kept Our Author is here mealy mouth'd and will not parler le tout as the French men say For otherwise he might have told us that this Chappel is still standing and since the surrendry of it to King Edward the sixth hath been used for a Parliament House imployed to that purpose by the Commons as it still continueth What might induce our Author to be thus reserved I can hardly tell unless it be to prevent such inferences and observations which by some wanton wits might be made upon it Fuller I hope rather some gracious hearts will make pious improvement thereupon praying to God that seeing so many signal persons are now assembled therein the very place once dedicated as a Chappel to St. Stephen may be their more effectual Remembrancer to imitate the purity and piety of that renowned Saint That so God may be invited graciously to be present amongst them to over-rule all their consultations to his Glory the Good of the Church and State and the true honour of the Nation And to this let every good man say Amen Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 40. By the same title from his Father Jeffery Plantagenet be possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine I had thought he had possessed somewhat more in Anjou and Maine than some fair Lands onely his Father Ieffrey Plantagenet being the Proprietary Earl of Anjou Maine and Toureine not a titular onely succeeded in the same by this King Henry and his two sons Richard and Iohn till lost unhappily by the last with the rest of our Estates on that side of the Sea From this Ieffery descended fourteen Kings of the name of Plantagenet the name not yet extinguished though it be improverished Our Author speaking of one of them who was found not long since at the Plow Lib. 2. p. 170. Another of that name publishing a Book about the Plantation of New-Albion Anno 1646. or not long before Fuller The frequent and familiar figure of MOISIS will rectifie all wherby lesse is said than meant and therefore more must be understood than is said Besides it made me mince my expression being loath to exceed because this Ieffery did not to me appear though the Earl so intire in those Dominions but that the Kings of France and England had Cities and Castles interposed therein Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 53. King John sent a base degenerous and unchristian Embassage to Admitalius Mutmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco then very puissant and possessing a great part of Spain This Admiralius Murmelius as our Author and the old Monks call him was by his own name called Mahomet Enaser the Miramomoline of Morocco to whom if King Iohn sent any such Message it was as base unchristian and degenerate as our Author makes it Fuller I will ingenuously confesse that the first time I found this Story was in the Doctors Miâ—ro-cosm the novelty making me take the more notice thereof Though since I have met with it in M. Paris the fountain and other Authors the channels thereof I conceive it was as lawfull for me to relate it as for the Animadvertor who epitheis this Embassy BASE DEGENEROUS and UNCHRISTIAN the words which in me he reproveth Dr. Heylin But being the credit of the Tale depends upon the credit of the Monkish Authors to which brood of men that King was known to be a prosessed Enemy hating and hated by one another it is not to be esteemed so highly as a piece of Apocrypha and much lesse to be held for Gospel Fuller Here he rather speaks aliter than alia from what I had written on the same Subject who thus concluded the Character of King Iohn Church-Hist Book 3. pag. 54. We onely behold him Him thorough such a Light as the Friers his foes shew him in who so hold the candle that with the Shadow thereof they darken his virtues and present onely his Vices yea and as if they had also poysoned his memory they cause his faults to swell to a prodigious greatnesse making him with their pens more black in conditions than the Morocco King whose aid he requested could be in complexion Here I desire to give the Reader a â—aste of what doth frequently occur in this Book and of what I justly did complain viz. the Animadvertor sometimes not liking my language as not proper and expressive enough substituteth his own with little or no variation of matter I confesse he is not bound to use my words and such variations simply in it self is no wrong unto me but it becometh
alive to present it intire defecated from the calumniations of his Adversaries and therefore impossibilities are not to be expected from me Yet am I not such an Admirer of Wickliffe but that I beleeve he did defend some grosse Errors and it had been no wonder if it were but had been a miracle if it had not been so considering the frailty of flesh darknesse of the Age he lived in and difficulty of the Subject he undertook But because the Animadvertor referres to something following in my fifth Book I will also reserve my self for his Encounter in time and place appointed Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 152. He lies buried in the South Isle of St. Peters Westminster and since hath got the company of Spencer and Drayton Not Draytons company I am sure whose body was not buried in the South-Isle of that Church but under the North wall thereof in the main body of it not far from a little dore which openeth into one of the Prebends houses This I can say on certain knowledge being casually invited to his Funeral when I thought not of it though since his Statua hath been set up in the other place which our Author speaks of Fuller I follow the Information in his Epitaph on his Tombe near the South dore in Westminster Abbey Doe Pious Marble let the Readers know What they and what their Children owe To DRAITONS name whose sacred Dust We recommend unto thy trust Preserve his Memory and protect his Story Remain a lasting Monument of his Glory And When thy Ruine shall disclaim To be the Treasurer of his name His name which cannot dye shall be An Everlasting Monument to thee Have Stones learnt to Lye and abuse posterity Must there needs be a Fiction in the Epitaph of a Poet If this be a meer Cenotaph that Marble hath nothing to doe with Draitons Dust but let us proceed Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 153. The right to the Crown lay not in this Henry but in Edmund Mortimer Earl of March descended by his Mother Philippa from Lionel Duke of Clarence elder son to Edward the third I shall not now dispute the Title of the House of Lancaster though I think it no hard matter to defend it Fuller I think it is not onely difficult but impossible except the Animadvertor can challenge the Priviledge of the Patriarch Iacob to crosse his Hands and prefer the younger before the Elder Child in succession Again the Title of Lancaster may be considered either 1. As it was when Henry the fourth first found it 2. As it was when Henry the sixth last left it The latter of these was countenanced with many Laws corroborated with three descents and almost threescore years possession Know Reader my words are of the right where it was when Henry the fourth first seized the Crown and then he had not a Rag of Right to cover his Usurpation Instead of justifying whereof let us admire Gods free Pleasure in permitting the House of Lancaster to last so long his Iustice in assisting York afterwards to recover their Right and his Mercy at last in uniting them both for the happinesse of our Nation Dr. Heylin And much lesse shall I venture on the other controversie viz. whether a King may Legally be depos'd as is insinuated by our Author in the words foregoing Fuller If seems the Animadvertor finds little in my Book above ground for his purpose to cavil at because fain to Mine for my insinuations But let the Reader judge whether any man alive can from those my words the right lay not in this Henry but in Mortimer Earl of March infer an INSINUATION that Kings may legally be deposed This Insinuation must be in Sinu in the Bosom of the Animadvertor which never was in the breast of the Author More perspicacitie must be in the Organ than perspicuity in the Object to perceive such an Insinuation Dr. Heylin But I dare grapple with him in a point of Heraldry though I finde him better studied in it than in matter of History And certainly our Author is here out in his own dear Element Edmund Mortimer Earl of March not being the Son but Husband of the Lady Philippa Daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence and Mother of Roger Mortimer Earl of March whom Richard the second to despite the house of Lancaster declared Heir apparent to the Kingdome of England 'T is true this Edmund was the Son of another Philippa that is to say of Philip Montacute wife of a former Roger Earl of March one of the founders of the Garter So that in whomsoever the best Title lay it lay not in this Edmond Mortimer as our Author makes it Fuller It is a meer casual slip of my Pen Edmund for Roger and this is the first time I crave the Benefit of this Plea in my defence Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 154. This is one of the clearest distinguishing Characters betwixt the Temporal and Spiritual Lords that the former are to be tryed per Pares by their Peers being Barons of the Realm Not shall I here dispute the point whether a Bishop may not challenge to be tryed by his Peers but whether the Bishops were not Barons and Peers of the Realm Our Author intimates that they were not but I think they were Fuller From a late Insinuation the Animadvertor now proceeds to a new Intimation of mine utterly unextractable from my words But know it never came into my minde to think that Bishops were not Peers who to my power will defend it against any who shall oppose it Dr. Heylin And this I think on the authority of the learned Selden in whom we finde that at a Parliament at Northampton under Henry the second the Bishops thus challenge their own Peerage viz. Non sedemus hic Episcopi sed Barones Nos Barones vos Barones Pares hic sumus that is to say We sit not here as Bishops onely but as Barons We are Barons and you are Barons here we sit as Peers Which last is also verified in terminis by the words of a Statute or Act of Parliament wherein the Bishops are acknowledged to be Peers of the Land And for further proof hereof Iohn Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury if I remember it aright being fallen into the displeasure of King Edward the third and denyed entrance into the House of Peers made his Protest that he was Primus par Regni the first Peer of the Realm and therefore not to be excluded from his place and Suffrage Fuller This indeed is one of the most ancient and pregnant Evidence of our Bishops sitting as Peers in Parliament But I suspect it may be mis-improved by the Back-friends to Bishops that they sate there onely in the Capacity of Peers and not a THIRD ESTATE Dr. Heylin But of this Argument enough if not too much as the case now stands it being an unhappy thing to consider what they have been formerly and what they are
Soveraign having learnt primum in unoquoque Genere est excipiendum The Animadvertor hath here taken occasion to write much but thereof nothing to confute me and little to informe others He deserved to be this King Henry's Chaplain if living in that Age for his exactnesse in the distinct enumeration of all his Dignities and Estate before he came to the Crown Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 190. That States-men do admire how blinde the Policy of that Age was in keeping King Henry alive there being no such sure Prison as a Grave for a Capâ—ive King whose life though in restraint is a fair mark for the full Aim of mal-contents to practise his enlargement Our Author might have spar'd this Doctrine so frequently in practise amongst the worldly Politicians of all times and ages that there is more need of a Bridle to holde them in than a Spur to quicken them Parce precor stimulis fortiùs utere loris had been a wholesome caveat there had any friend of his been by to have advis'd him of it The murthering of depos'd and Captive Princes though too often practised never found Advocates to plead for it and much lesse Preachers to preach for it untill these latter times First made a Maxim of State in the School of Machiavel who layes it down for an Aphorisme in point of policy viz. that great Persons must not at all be touched or if they be must be made sure from taking Revenge inculcated afterwards by the Lord Gray who being sent by King Iames to intercede for the life of his Mother did underhand solicite her death and whispered nothing so much in Queen Elizabeths eares as Mortua non mordet if the Scots Queen were once dead she would never bite But never prest so home never so punctually appli'd to the case of Kings as here I finde it by our Author of whom it cannot be affirm'd that he speaks in this case the sense of others but positively and plainly doth declare his own No such divinity preach'd in the Schools of Ignatius though fitter for the Pen of a Mariana than of a Divine or Minister of the Church of England Which whether it passed from him before or since the last sad accident of this nature it comes all to one this being like a two-hand-sword made to strike on both sides and if it come too late for instruction will serve abundantly howsoever for the justification Another note we have within two leaves after as derogatory to the Honour of the late Archbishop as this is dangerous to the Estate of all Soveraign Princes if once they chance to happen into the hands of their Enemies But of this our Author will give me an occasion to speake more in another place and then he shall heare further from me Fuller My words as by me laid down are so far from being a two-handed sword they have neither hilt nor blade in them only they hold out an Handle for me thereby to defend my self I say States-men did admire at the preserving King Henry alive and render their reason If the Animadvertor takes me for a Statesman whose generall Judgement in this point I did barely relate he is much mistaken in me Reason of State and Reason of Religion are Stars of so different an Horison that the elevation of the One is the depression of the other Not that God hath placed Religion and Right Reason diametrically opposite in themselves so that where-ever they meet they must fall out and fight but Reason bowed by Politicians o their present Interest that is Achitophelesme is Enmity to Religion But the lesse we touch this harsh string the better musick Dr. Heylin Now to goe on Fol. 197. The Duke requested of King Richard the Earldome of Hereford and Hereditary Constableship of England Not so it was not the Earldom that is to say the Title of Earl of Hereford which the Duke requested but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been formerly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster Concerning which we are to know that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford left behinde him two Daughters onely of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodsâ—ock Duke of Gloster Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby Betwixt these two the Estate was parted the one moity which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby the other which drew after it the Office oâ— Constable to the Duke of Gloâ—ester But the Duke of Glocester being dead and his estate coming in fine unto his Daughter who was not able to contend Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division laying one half of her just partage to the other moity But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extinct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster remained in possession of the Crown but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford This was the sum of his demand Nor doe I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable or that he needed so to doe he being then Constable of England as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family was after him Fuller The cause of their variance is given in differently by several Authors Some say that at once this Duke requested three things of King Richard 1. Power 2. Honor 3. Wealth First Power to be Hereditary Constable of England not to hold it as he did pro arbitrio Regis but in the right of his descent Secondly Honor the Earldome of Hereford Thirdly Wealth that partage of Land mentioned by the Animadvertor I instanced onely in the first the pride of this Duke being notoriously known to be more than his covetousnesse not dâ—nying but that the Kings denyal of the Land he requested had an effectual influence on his discontent Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 169. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side Our Author is out in this also It was not the Lord Stanley but his Brother Sir William Stanley who came in so seasonably and thereby turn'd the Scale and chang'd the fortune of the day For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates but finally beheaded by that very King for whom and to whom he had done the same But the King look'd upon this action with another eye And therefore when the merit of his service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure and preserve the maâ— the King remembred very shrewdly that as he came soon enough to win
have thought that to call him an Advocate for the Stews had not been enough But that Doctor was not half so wise as our Author is and doth not fit each Argument with a several Antidote as our Author doth hoping thereby but vainly hoping that the arguments alledged will be wash'd away Some of our late Criticks had a like Designe in marking all the wanton and obscene Epigrams in Martial with a Hand or Asterism to the intent that young Scholars when they read that Author might be fore-warn'd to passe them over Whereas on the contrary it was found that too many young fellows or wonton wits â—s our Author calls them did ordinarily skip over the rest and pitch on those which were so mark't and set out unto them And much I fear that it will so fall out with our Author also whose Arguments will be studied and made use of when his Answers will not Fuller The commendable Act of King Henry the eighth in suppressing the Stews may well be reported in Church-History it being recorded in Scripture to the eternal praise of King Asa that he took away the Sodomites out of the Land I hope my collection of arguments in confutation of such Styes of Lust will appear to any rational Reader of sufficient validity Indeed it is reported of Zeuxes that famous Painter that he so lively pictured a Boy with a Rod in his hand carrying a Basket of Grapes that Birds mistaking them for real ones peckt at them and whilest others commended his Art he was angry with his own work-manship confessing that if he had made the Boy but as well as the Grapes the Birds durst not adventure at them I have the same just cause to be offended with my own indeavors if the Arguments against those Schools of Wantonnesse should prove insufficient though I am confident that if seriously considered they doe in their own true weight preponderate those produced in favour of them However if my well-intended pains be abused by such who onely will feed on the poisons wholy neglecting the Antidotes their destruction is of themselves and I can wash my hands of any fault therein But me thinks the Animadvertor might well have passed this over in silence for fear of awaking sleeping wontonnesse jogged by this his Note so that if my Arguments onely presented in my Book be singly this his Animadversion is doubly guilty on the same account occasioning loose eyes to reflect on that which otherwise would not be observed Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 253. Otherwise some suspect had he survived King Edward the sixth we might presently have heard of a King Henry the ninth Our Author speaks this of Henry Fitz Roy the Kings natural Son by Elizabeth Blunt and the great disturbance he might have wrought to the Kings two daughters in their Succession to the Crown A Prince indeed whom his Father very highly cherished creating him Duke of Somerset and Richmond Earl of Nottingham and Earl Marshal of England and raising him to no small hopes of the Crown it self as appears plainly by the Statute 22 H. 8. c. 7. But whereas our Author speaks it on a supposition of his surviving King Edward the sixth he should have done well in the first place to have inform'd himself whether this Henry and Prince Edward were at any time alive together And if my Books speak true they were not Henry of Somerset and Richmond dying the 22 of Iuly Anno 1536. Prince Edward not being born till the 12 of October Anno 1537. So that if our Author had been but as good at Law or Grammar as he is at Heraldry he would not have spoke of a Survivor-ship in such a case when the one person had been long dead before the other was born Fuller Terms of Law when used not in Law-Books nor in any solemn Court but in common Discourse are weaned from their critical sense and admit more latitude If the word surviving should be tied up to legal strictnesse Survivour is appliable to none save onely to such who are Ioint-tenants However because co-viving is properly required in a Survivor those my words had he survived shall be altered into had he lived to survive Prince Edward and then all is beyond exception Dr. Heylin These incoherent Animadversions being thus passed over we now proceed to the Examination of our Authors Principles for weakning the Authority of the Church and subjecting it in all proceedings to the power of Parliaments Concerning which he had before given us two Rules Preparatory to the great businesse which we have in hand First that the proceedings of the Canon Law were subject in whatsoever touched temporals to secular Laws and National Customes And the Laitie at pleasure limited Canons in this behalf Lib. 3. n. 61. And secondly that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in cases of Heresie Lib. 4. n. 88. And if the Ecclesiastical power was thus curbed and fettered when it was at the highest there is no question to be made but that it was much more obnoxious to the secular Courts when it began to sink in reputation and decline in strength How true and justifiable or rather how unjustifiable and false these two principles are we have shewn already and must now look into the rest which our Author in pursuance of the main Design hath presented to us But first we must take notice of another passage concerning the calling of Convocations or Synodical meetings formerly called by the two Archbishops in their several Provinces by their own sole and proper power as our Author grants fol. 190. to which he adds Fol. 190. But after the Statute of Premunire was made which did much restrain the Papal power and subject it to the Laws of the Land when Arcbishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command but at the pleasure of the King In which I must confesse my self to be much unsatisfied though I finde the same position in some other Authors My reasons two 1. Because there is nothing in the Statuâ—e of Praemunire to restrain the Archbishops from calling these meetings as before that Act extending onely to such as purchase or pursue or cause to be purchased or pursued in the Court of Rome or elsewhere any such Translations Processes Sentences of Excommunication Bulls Instruments or any other things whatsoever which touch the King against him his Crown and his Regality or his Realm or to such as bring within the Realm or them receive or make thereof notification or any other Execution whatsoever within the same Realm or without c. And secondly because I finde in the Statute of the submission of the Clergy that it was recognized and acknowledged by the Clergie in their Convocation that the Convocation of the said Clergie is alwaies hath been and ought to be assembled alwaies by the Kings Writ And if they had been alwaies call'd by the Kings Writ then
dissent from him rendring my reason for the same Dr. Heylin But whereas he tels us in the following words that the name of Puritan in that notion began this year viz. 1564. I fear he hath anticipated the time a little Genebrard a right good Chronologer placing it ortos in Anglia Puritanos about two years after Anno 1566 c. Fuller I answer First Let the Animadvertor keep his fears for me to himself and not be solicitous in my behaâ—f Secondly If the time be anticipated but a little these necessary Animadversions needed not to take notice thereof Thirdly Genebrards placing the beginning of the Name Puritan about two years after intimates a latitude in his Computation Fourthly Genebrard Anno 1566. calleth them ortos but not orientes in Anglia Puritanos And when I speak of the beginning of the name I relate to it rising not risen Fifthly Genebrard is so disaffected to our Religion he is not to be credited taking all implicitly out of rayling Saunders Witnesse this eminent Note amongst the rest Anno 1570. UNCTI in Surria Comitatu Angliae è Calvinii Schola oâ—iuntur qui docent peccare neminem nisi qui veritatem ab ipsis praedicatam non recâ—pit The ANOINTED Scholars of Calvin did rise this year in Surry an English County who teach that every man must sin that will not imbrace their Doctrine all which is a notorious untruth Lastly The Animadvertor cannot justly be angry with me if I antedated the Puritans by two years seeing he findeth the Lineaments of the Puritan Platform in the Reign of King Henry the eighth twenty years at least beâ—ore my mention of them Dr. Heylin But why our Author should call the Bishop of Londons House by the name of the Popes Palace I doe very much wonder unlesse it were to hold conformity with the style of Martin Mar-Prelate and the rest of that Faction Amongst whom nothing was more common than to call all Bishops Petty-Popes and more particularly to call the Archbishop of Canterbury the Pope of Lambeth and the Bishop of London Pope oâ— London But I hope more charitably than so being more willing to impute it to the fault of the Printers than the Pen of our Author c. Fuller It falls out happily for me that Grindal was then Bishop oâ— London one so far from Popery that he is beheld under an opposite notion I wonder the Animadvertor will lay so much weight on a plain mistake of the Presse Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 98. Against covetous Conformists it was provided that no spiritual Person Colledge or Hospital shall let Lease other than for twenty one years or three lives c. No mention in the Statute of Covetous Conformists I am sure of that and therefore no provision to be made against them the Covetous Conformist is our Authors own c. Fuller I say in the same place that in this Parliament Laws were enacted against Poiniards with three Edges Conformists they must needs be who enjoyed so great Church-preferment and Covetous I may call them who made so unreasonable Leases But of this I have largely spoken in my Answer to the Introduction Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 121. These Prophecyings were founded on the Apostles Precept For ye may all Prophesie one by one that all may learn and all be comforted but so as to make it out they were fain to make use of humane prudential additions Not grounded but pretended to be grounded on those words of St. Paul c. Fuller Grounded shall be altered God willing into pretended to be grounded and then I hope no shadow of offence Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 135. A loud Parliament is alwaies attended with a silent Convocation as here it came to passe The Activity of the former in Church matters lâ—st the latter nothing to doe A man would think by this that the Parliament of this year being the 23 of the Quâ—en had done great â—eats in matters of Religion as making new Articles of Faith or confirming Canons or something else of like importance c. Fuller It lyeth not in the Power of Parliament to make new ARTICLES of FAITH nor did they ever pretend unto it Nor lyeth it in the Power of the Church to make any new ARTICLES Canons they may make for the Descipline and may declare and publish Articles of faith But God alone in Scripture hath made them to which man under an heavy curse may make no Addition Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 187. That since the High Commission and this Oath it is that ex officio which he meaneth were taken away by the Act of Parliament it is to be hoped that if such swearing were so great a grievance nihil analogum nothing like unto it which may amount to as much shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof What could be said more plain to testifie his disaffections one way and his zâ—al another The High-Commission and the Oath reproached as Grievances because the greatest â—urbs of the Puritan party and the strongest Bulwarks of the Church a congratulation to the times for abolishing both though as yet I finde no Act of Parliament against the Oath except it be by consequence and illation onely and finally a hope exprest that the Church never shall revert to her former power in substituting any like thing in the place thereof by which the good people of the Land may be stopt in their way to the fifth Monarchy so much sought after And yet this does not speak so plain as the following passage Fuller God restore the Church in his good time to her just rights and give her wisdome moâ—e raâ—ely to use it I am â—oâ— no fift Monarchy or Anarchyâ—heâ— â—heâ— but desire from my heart that no such analogical Oath may be offered to me and let the Animadvertor if desirous thereof have it to himself and much good may it doe him Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 193. Wits will be working and such as have a Satyrical vein cannot better vent it than in lashing of sin This spoken in defence of those scurrilous Libels which Iob Throgmorton Penry Fenner and the rest of the Puritan Rabble published in print against the Bishops Anno 1588. thereby to render them ridiculous both abroad and at home Fuller I am most disingeniously dealt with by the Animadvertor obtruding on me such words In defence I defie it these me words immediatly following But 〈…〉 and devouâ— sort of men even of such as were no great friends to the 〈◊〉 upon solemn debaâ—e then resolved I speak on certain knowledge from the mouthes of such whom I must believe that for many foul falshoods therein suggestâ—d altogether â—â—â—eseeming a pious spirit to print publish or with pleasure peruse which â—â—posed true both in matter and measure rather conceal than discover The best of men being so conscious of their own badnesse that they are more carefull to wash their own faces than
likewise fear that the Animadvertor will lay so much weight of ill words upon me that the profit I shall reap will not countervail the pain I must endure in my rectification Dr. Heylyn Our Author saith Ibid. It would be of dangerous consequence to condemn him by the Canons of forrain Councils which were never allowed any Legislative power in this Land Which words are very ignorantly spoken or else very improperly Fuller Did I not foretell aright that my rectification would cost me dear even the burden of bad words Here I have a dolefull Dilemma presented unto me to confesse my self speaking either very ignorantly or very improperly But might not one of these two VERY's have very well been spared Well è malis minimum if it must be so that my choice must be of one of these let it be rather but Impropriety than Ignorance But Reader I see no necessity of acknowledging either but that my words are both knowingly and properly spoken and now to the triall Dr. Heylyn For if by Legislative power he means a power of making Lawes as the word doth intimate then it is true That the Canons of forrain Councells had never any such power within this Land But if by Legislative power he means a Power or Capability of passing for Lawes within this Kingdom then though he use the word improperly it is very fals that no such Canons were in force in the Realm of England The Canons of many forrain Councells Generall Nationall and Provinciall had been received in this Church and incorporated into the body of the Canon-Law by which the Church proceeded in the exercise of her Jurisdiction till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the Eighth And in the Act confirmative of that submission it is said expresly That all Canons Constitutions Ordinances and Synodals Provinciall as were made before the said Submission which be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws Statutes and Customs of this Realm nor to the dammage or hurt of the Kings Prerogative Royall were to be used and executed as in former times 25 H. 8. c. 19. So that unlesse it can be proved that the proceedings in this case by the Canons of forrain Councels was either contrary or repugnant to the Laws and Customs of the Realm or to the dammage of the Kings prerogative Royall There is no dangerous consequence at all to be found therein Fuller By Legislative power of the Canons of forrain Councels I understand their power to subject the People of our Nation to Guiltiness and consequently to Penalties if found infringing them Now I say again such forrain Canons though not against but onely besides our Common Law and containing no repugnancy but disparateness to the Lawes of our Land either never had such power in England since the Reformation or else disuse long since hath antiquated it as to the rigid exercise thereof For instance a Bishop I am sure and I think a Priest too is in the old Canons rendred irregular for playing a game at Tables Dice being forbidden by the Canons Yet I conceive it would be hard measure and a thing de facto never done that such irregularity should be charged on him on that account We know it was the project of the Pope and Papall party to multiply Canons in Councels meerly to make the more men and men the more obnoxious unto him that they might re-purchase their innocence at the price of the Court of Rome I believe the Animadvertor himself would be loth to have his canonicalness tried by the Test of all old Canons made in rigorem disciplinae yet not contrariant to our Laws and Customs seeing they are so nice and numerous that Cautiousnesse it self may be found an offendor therein I resume my words That it would be of dangerous consequence to condemn the Arch-Bishop by Canons of forrain Councels which never obtained power here either quoad reatum or poenam of such as did not observe them Dr. Heylyn But whereas our Author adds in some following words That eversince he means ever since the unhappy accident he had executed his jurisdiction without any interruption I must needs add That he is very much mistaken in this particular Dr. Williams Lord Elect of Lincoln Dr. Carew Lord Elect of Exeter and Dr. Laud Lord Elect of St. Davids and I think some others refusing to receive Episcopall Consecration from him on that account Fuller Must the Animadvertor needs add this I humbly conceive no such necessity being but just the same which I my self had written before Church-History Book 10. Pag. 88. Though some squemish and nice-conscienced Elects scrupled to be consecrated by him But I beheld this as no effectuall interrupting of his Jurisdiction because other Bishops more in number no whit their inferiour received Consecration Dr. Davenant Dr. Hall and King Charls himself his Coronation from him Dr. Heylyn Far more mistaken is our Author in the next when he tells us fol. 128. Though this Arch-bishop survived some years after yet hence-forward he was buried to the world No such matter neither For though for a while he stood confined to his house at Ford yet neither this Confinement nor that Commission were of long continuance for about Christmas in the year 1628. he was restored both to his Liberty and Jurisdiction sent for to come unto the Court received as he came out of his Barge by the Arch-Bishop of York and the Earl of Dorset and by them conducted to the King who giving him his hand to kiss enjoyned him not to fail the Councill-Table twice a vveek After which time we find him sitting as Arch-Bishop in Parliament and in the full exercise of his Iurisdiction till the day of his death which happened on Sunday August the 4th 1633. And so much of him Fuller An Historian may make this exception but not a Divine my words being spoken in the language of the Apostle The world is crucified unto me and I unto the world I had said formerly that the Keeper's death was this Arch-Bishop's mortification But from this his Suspension from the exercise of his Iurisdiction he was in his own thoughts buried it reviving his obnoxiousness for his former casuall Homicide so that never he was seen hartily if at all to laugh hereafter though I deny not Much Court-savour was afterwards on designe conferred on him Here I hope it will be no offence to insert this innocent story partly to shew how quickly tender guiltiness is dejected partly to make folk cautious how they cast out gaulling speeches in this kind This Archbishop returning to Croidon after his late absence thence a long time many people most women whereof some of good quality for good will for novelty and curiosity crouded about his Coach The Archbishop being unwilling to be gazed at and never fond of Females said somewhat churlishly What make these women here You had best said one of them to shoot an arrow at us I need not tell the Reader
some of the Kings Councill learned in the Laws of this Realm caus'd the said Canons to be read and considered of the King being then present By all which upon due and mature deliberation the Canons were approv'd and being so approv'd were sent back to the Clergy in the Convocation and by them subscribed And certainly it had been strange that they should pass the approbation of the Judges and learned Lawyers had they contained any thing against the fundamentall Laws of the Land the Property of the Subject and the Rights of Parliament or been approv'd of by the Lords of his Majesties Councill had any thing been contained in them derogatory to the Kings Prerogative or tending to faction and sedition So that the foundation being ill laid the superstructures and objections which are built upon it may be easily shaken and thrown down To the first therefore it is ansvvered that nothing hath been more ordinary in all former times than for the Canons of the Church to inflict penalties on such as shall disobey them exemplified in the late Canons of 1603. many of which extend not onely unto Excommunication but even to Degradation and Irregularity for which see Can. 38.113 c. To the second that there is nothing in those Canons which determineâ—h or limiteth the Kings Authority but much that makes for and defendeth the Right of the Subject for which the Convocation might rather have expected thanks then censure from ensuing Parliaments To the third That when the Canon did declare the Government of Kings to be founded on the Law of Nature it was not to condemn all other Governments as being unlawfull but to commend that of the Kings as being the best Nor can it Logically be inferr'd that because the Kingly Government is not receiv'd in all places that therefore it ought not so to be or that the Government by this Canon should be the same in all places and in all alike because some Kings do and may lawfully part with many of their Rights for the good of their Subjects which others do and may as lawfully retain unto themselves To the fourth That the Doctrine of Non-Resistance is built expresly on the words of St. Paul Rom. 13. v. 2. and therefore to condemn the Canon in that behalf is to condemn the Word of God upon vvhich it is founded Finally to the fifth and last That the Statute of 5 6 Edw. 6. declaring that the daies there mentioned shall be kept for Holy-daies and no other relates onely to the abolishing of some other Festivalls which had been formerly observ'd in the Realm of England and not to the disabling of the Church from ordaining any other Holy-dayes on emergent causes in the times to come Fuller DORMIT SECURUS Dr. Heylyn Assuredly that able Lawyer would have spoke more home unto the point could the cause have born it Eloquentem facit causae bonitas in the Orator's language And therefore looking on the heads of the Arguments as our Author represents them to us I must needs think that they were rather fitted to the sense of the House than they were to his own Fuller I now begin to awake and rub my Eyes hearing somewhat wherein I am concerned as if I had unfaithfully related these Arguments I confesse it is but a Breviat of them accommodated to the proportion of my Book and had they been at large much lustre must be lost whilst related seeing none but Mr. Mainard can repeat the Arguments of Mr. Mainard to equal advantage However I had them from as observant and judicious a Person as any in house of Lords and if I should name Him the Animadvertor would believe me herein Dr. Heylyn What influence these Arguments might have on the House of Peers when reported by the Bishop of Lincoln I am not able to affirm But so far I concur with our Author that they lost neither life nor lustre as they came from his mouth who as our Author sayes was a back friend to the Canons because made during his absence and durance in the Tower A piece of ingenuity which I did not look for Fuller There are some Pens that if a Man do look for Ingenuity from them he may look for it Dr. Heylyn The power of Convocation being thus shaken and endangered that of the High Commission and the Bishops Courts was not like to hold the one being taken away by Act of Parliament and the other much weakned in the coercive power thereof by a clause in that Act of which our Author tell us that Fol. 182. Mr. Pim triumphed at this successe crying out digitus Dei it is the finger of God that the Bishops should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised in their power And well might Mr. Pim triumph as having gain'd the point he aim'd at in subverting the coercive power and consequently the whole exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction But he had no reason to impute it to the finger of God or to the carelesnesse of the Bishops in suffering themselves to be so supinely surpris'd For first the Bishops saw too plainly that those general words by which they were disabled from inflicting any pain or penalty would be extended to Suspension Excommunication and other Ecclesiastical censures But secondly they saw withall that the stream was too strong for them to strive against most of the Lords being wrought on by the popular party in the House of Commons to passe the Bill Thirdly they were not without hope that when the Scots Army was disbanded and that Nation satisfied by the Kings condescensions to them there might be such an explication made of those general words as to restrain them unto temporal pains and civill penalties by which the censures of the Church might remain as formerly And fourthly in order thereunto they had procured a Proviso to be entred in the House of Peers That the general words in this Bill should extend onely to the High Commission Court and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdiction for which consult our Author fol. 181. Having thus passed over such matters as concern the Church we will now look upon some few things which relate to the Parliament And the first is that Fuller I said not Mr. Pim had just cause to triumph yea somewhat followeth in my History to the contrary shewing He had no reason to rejoyce and condemn the Bishops herein seeing not Supinesse but Prudentiall condescention for the time made them rather sufferers then surprized herein Onely I say there are many alive who heard him sing aloud this his Victoria and the Eccho thereof it still soundeth in their Eares The Animadvertor himselfe sometimes triumpheth over my mistakes and carrieth me away in his own conceit whilst still I am sensible of my owne Liberty that I am in a free condition Dr. Heylyn Fol. 174. Dr. Pocklinton and Dr. Bray were the two first that felt the displeasures of it the former for preaching and printing the latter for licensing two Books
and Author's Joynt-desires might have taken Effect there had been no difference about this passage in my Book Tuque domo proprià nos Te Praesul Poteremur Thou hadst enjoy'd thy house and we Prelate had enjoyed Thee But alas it is so He is still and still when all other Bishops are released detained in the Tower where I believe he maketh Gods Service his perfect freedom My words as relating to the time when I wrote them containe too much sorrowfull truth therein Dr. Heylyn Fourthly Archbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty â—ent not into the Kings Quarters as our Author saith but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Oxford not that he found the North too cold for him or the War too hot but to solicit for renâ—wing of his Commendam in the Deanry of Westminster the time for which he was to hold it drawing towards an end Fuller Nothing false or faulty The Arch-bishop of York stayed some weeks after his enlargement at Westminster thence he went privately to the house of Sir Thomas Hedley in Huntingon shire and thence to his Palace at Caâ—ood nigh York where he gave the King a magnificent Intertainment King James setled the Deanry of Westminster under the great Seal on Dr. Williams so long as he should continue Bishop of Lincoln Hinc illa Lacrimae hence the great heaving and hussing at Him because He would not resigne it which was so signal a Monument of his Master's favour unto him Being Arch-bishop of York King Charls confirmed his Deanry unto him for three years in lieu of the profits of his Arch-bishoprick which the King had taken Sede vacante So that it is probable enough the renuing that Tearm might be a Joynt-Motive of his going to Oxford But I see nothing which I have written can be cavilled at except because I call Yorkshire the King's Quarters which as yet was the Kings WHOLE when the Arch-bishop first came thither as being a little before the War began though few Weeks after it became the King's Quarters Such a Prolepsis is familiar with the best Historians and in effect is little more then when the Animadvertor calleth the Gag and Appello Caesarem the Books of Bishop Montague who when they were written by him was no though soon after a Bishop Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate that more then once they ran on that reputed Rock in their speeches for which they were publickly shent and enjoyned an acknowledgment of their mistake By whom they were so publickly shent and who they were that so ingenuously acknowledged their mistake as my Author telleth us not so neither can I say whether it be true or false Fuller I tell you again It is true The Earl of Essex and the Lord Say were two of the Lords though this be more then I need discover who checked them And of two of those Bishops Dr. Hall late Bishop of Norwich is gone to God and the other is still alive Dr. Heylyn But I must needs say that there was small ingenuity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they had not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of Scandall Fuller Their brief and generall acknowledgment that they vvere sorry that they had spoken in this point vvhat had incurred the displeasure of the Temporall Lords was no trespass on their own ingenuity nor had shadovv of scandall to others therein I confess men must not bear fals-witness either against themselves or others nor may they betray their right especially when they have not onely a personall concernment therein but also are in some sort Feoffees in trust for Posterity However vvhen a predominant Power plainly appears which will certainly over-rule their cause against them without scandall they may not to say in Christian prudence they ought to wave the vindication of their priviledges for the present waiting wishing and praying for more moderate and equall times wherein they may assert their right with more advantage to their cause and less danger to their persons Dr. Heylyn For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third Estate and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clergy in all other Christian Kingdoms of these Northwest parts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. In Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Repub. lib. 3. For which consult also to the Generall History of Spain as in point of practise lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hungary as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In Poland as is verified by Thunus also lib. 56. In Denmark as Pontanus telleth us in Historia rerum Danicarum l. 7. The Swedes observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we find in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spirituall viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerfull body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they do elsewhere But secondly not to stand onely upon probable inferences we find first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble togeâ—her and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight months old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spirituall did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true
but on this condition to have all the Land he sued for with the full profits thereof to a minute past and his own costs and charges to a farthing Such and no other agreement will the court of Rome condescend unto Dr. Heylyn But as our Author sayeth that many of the Arch-bishops Equals adjudged that designe of his to be impossible so I may say without making any such odious Comparisons that many of our Author's betters have thought otherwise of it Fuller Amongst which many of his Betters the Animadvertor undoubtedly is one of the Principal Be it so I will endeavour to be as good as I can and will not envy but honour my Betters whose number God increase Sure I am amongst these many of my Betters the difference betwixt us and the Papists is made never a whit the better there remaining still 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and though many may manifest much good wil to advance nothing hath taken Effect to compleate such a composition Dr. Heylyn It was the Petulancy of the Puritans on the one side and the pragmaticalness of 〈◊〉 Jesuits on the other side which made the breach wider than it was at 〈◊〉 first and had these hot Spirits on both sides been charmed a while moderate Men might possibly have agreed on such equal tearms as vvould have laid a sure foundation for the peace of Christendome Fuller Let us behold the Originall breach betvvixt the Church of Rome and Us. I name the Church of Rome first because confident they caused it so that vve may say unto them Pharez The breach be upon them This breach vvas made before either Puritans or Iesuits ever appeared in England As the Animadvertor skill'd in their dates knovveth full vvell It is therefore suspitious that the Wound vvhich vvas made before these parties vvere in being vvill continue if both of them vvere extinct I behold the Colledge of Sorbonists in Paris as far from Jesuitical pragmaticalness and Dr. I. Cosens as one free from puritanical petulancy Yet though the said Doctor hath complyed vvith them so far as he could doe vvith Christian prudence salâ—â conscientiâ And though the Sorbonists are beheld as the most learned and moderate Papists yet I cannot hear of any Accommodation betvvixt them but rather the contrary even in the point of the Apocrypha a controversie so learnedly canvased by the Doctor they being as unvvilling to allovv so few as he so many Books in the Bible to be Canonical And here let me be the Animadvertor's Remembrancer of vvhat perchance he vvould vvillingly forget hovv it vvas not long since he tvvitted me for saying that the difference about the posture of the Communion Table might be accommodated vvith mutual moderation and novv he holdeth By the same means an expedient betvvixt us and the Papists may be advanced Dr. Heylyn Moderate Men might possibly have agreed on such equall termes as would have laid a sure foundation for the Peace of Christendome Fuller My name is Thomas It maketh me the more distrust thereof because I see at this day most cruel Wars betwixt the Crowns of Spain and France both which agree to the heighth in the same Romish Religion I am sorry their differences are paralleled with a sadder instance of the deadly Wars betwixt the Swede and Dane both Lutherans alike And our Sea Wars betwixt us and the Hollander both wel paied for are not yet forgotten All I collect is this that if the agreement betwixt us and Papists were expedited to morrow yet so long as there be severall Greatnesses in Christendome there will be â—â—stlings betwixt them And although they are pleased to score their differences for the greater credit on the account of Conscience and Religion yet what saith St. Iames From whence comes Warres and fightings amongst you Come they not hence even of your Lusts that war in your members And it is a sad truth Such the corruption of the humane Nature that Mens Lives and Lusts will last and end together Dr. Heylyn Now that all these in the Church of Rome are not so stiffely wedded to their own Opinions as our Author makes them appears first by the Testimony of the Archbishop of Spaâ—ato declaring in the high Commission a little before his going hence that He acknowledged the Articles of the Church of England to be true or profitable at the least and none of them Heretical Fuller The Animadvertor hath instanced in an ill Person and in an ill time of the same Person It was just when he was a taking his return to his vomit and to leave the Land When knowing himselfe obnoxious and justly under the lash for his covetous compliance with forreign Invitations of King Iames to get leave to be gone he would say any thing here and unsay it againe elsewhere As little heed is to be given to such a Proteus as hold is to be taken of Him Dr. Heylyn It appears secondly by a Tractate of Franciscus de Sancta Clara as he calleth himself in which he putteth such a Glosse upon the nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England as rendreth them not inconsistent with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome Fuller By that Parenthesis as he calleth himselfe it is left suspitious that his true Name was otherwise And he who would not use his own but a false Name might for ought I know put a false Glosse upon our Articles and though he PUTTETH such a sense upon them it is questionable whether our Articles will accept thereof To PUT something upon sometimes answers to the Latin Word IMPONERE which is to deceive and delude and sometimes is Equivalent to our English Word IMPOSE which soundeth the forceable or fraudulent Obtruding of a thing against the Will and Mind of Him or That whereon it is imposed Lastly the Animadvertor cannot warrant us that the rest of the Church of Rome will consent to the Iudgement of Franciscus de Sancta Clara and if not then is the breach betwixt us left as wide as it was before Dr. Heylyn And if without Prejudice to the Truth the Controversies might have been composed it is most probable that other Protestant Churches would have sued by their Agents to be included in the Peace Fuller The Animadvertor's Prudent and Politick Probability that other Protestant Churches would by their Agents sollicite an Inclusion into such a peace mindeth me of the Distich wrot on the sumptuous Cradle gorgiously trimmed for the Child of Queen Mary by Philip King of Spain Quam Mariae Sobolem Deus Optime Summe dedisti Anglis incolumem redde tuere rege O may the Child to Mary God hath given For ENGLANDS good be guarded safe by Heaven Whereas indeed this Child pretended at White-hall may be said born at Nonsuch proving nothing but a Mock-mother-Tympany I cannot but commend the kindnesse and care of the Animadvertor for keeping this Babe when born I mean the agreement betwixt Us and the Papists But let us behold it born see
by Pope Adrian the fourth b. 3. p. 29. ¶ 49. ALL-SOULS Colledge in Oxford founded by Hen. Chichely Arch-bishop of Cant. b. 4. p. 182. ARROW a small city in Switzerland where a Congregation of English Exiles in the Reign of Q. Mary b. 8. p. 26. ¶ 41. ALCUINUS or Albinus an eminent Scholar and opposer of Image-worship Cent. 8. ¶ 40. ALFRED the Saxon Monarch his admirable act Cent. 9. ¶ 25. c. foundeth an University at Oxford ¶ 29. c. a solemn Councill kept by him ¶ 42. with the Canons made therein ibidem his death ¶ 44. ALIEN Priors b. 6. p. 33. ¶ 1.2 of two natures ¶ 3. shaken by other Kings ¶ 4. but dissolved by King Henry 5. ¶ 5. William ALLEN Cardinal his death and character b. 9. p. 229. ¶ 12. William AMESE his bitter Sermon against Cards and Dice Hist. of Cam. p. 159. ¶ 41.42 leaveth Christs Colledge for his non-Conformity ¶ 43. AMPHIBALUS so named first by I. Munmoth Cent. 4. ¶ 6. Martyred at Redbourn in Hartfortshire ¶ 7. The fancies about his stake confuted ibidem ANABAPTISTS their beginning in England b. 5. p. 249. ¶ 11. discovered in London b. 9. p. 104. ¶ 12. eleven condemned and two burnt ¶ 13. Lancelot ANDREWS his death and character b. 11. ¶ 46 47 48 49. ANNA King of the East-Saxons happy in his children Cent. 7. ¶ 82. Q. ANNE Wife to King Iames her signal letter to the Town of Rippon b. 10. ¶ 15. ANSELME Arch-bishop of Cant. b. 3. p. 11. ¶ 30. refuseth to lend King Rufus a 1000. pounds ¶ 32. Variance betwixt him and King Rufus p. 12. ¶ 36. c. holdeth a Synod at Westminster p. 16. ¶ 3. the constitutions thereof p. 16 17 18 19. sent to Rome p. 20. ¶ 5. forbids Priests marriage ¶ 7. but dyeth re infecta p. 23. ¶ 18. Io. ARGENTINE challengeth all Cambridge to dispute with him Hist. of Cam. p. 64. ¶ 28. c. ARIMINUM British Bishops present at the Councell kept therein Cent. 4. ¶ 20. And why they refused to receive a Salary from the Emperour ibidem ARLES British Bishops present at the Councell kept therein Cent. 4. ¶ 20. ARISTOBULUS fabulously made by Grecian writerâ— a Bishop of Britain Cent. 1. ¶ 8. ARMES la noble Families still extant relating to the Atchievements of their Ancestours in the holy Land b. 3. p. 40 41 42 43. ARRIANISME infected England as appeares by Gildas his complaint Cent. 4. ¶ 21. King ARTHUR a real worthy of Britain though his actions be much discredited with Monkish fictions Cent. 6. ¶ 2. The SIX ARTICLES contrived by Bishop Gardiner b. 5. p. 203 ¶ 17. to the great trouble of poore Protestants ¶ 18. The 39. ARTICLES composed b. 9. p. 72. ¶ 51. why drawn up in generall terms ¶ 52. by those who had been Confessours 53. confirmed by Statute 55. imposed onely on the Clergy ¶ 56. The 20th ARTICLE concerning the Authority of the Church questioned b. 9. p. 73. inserted in some omitted in other Editions p. 74. ¶ 85. defended by Bishop Laud against Mr. Burton ¶ 59. ARTICLES of Lambeth see Lambeth Thomas ARUNDEL when Arch-bishop of York a cruel persecutour b. 4. p. 151. ¶ 42. when Arch-bishop of Cant. active in deposing King Rich. the second p. 153. ¶ 54. visiteth the Vniversity of Cambridge and all the Colledges therein Hist. of Cam. p. 59 60 c. Affronted at Oxford b. 4. p. 164. ¶ 125. but by the Kings help too hard for the Students p. 165. ¶ his wofull death p. 166. ¶ 30. St. ASAPH his pious Expression Cent. 6. ¶ 13. Iohn ASCHWELL challengeth all Camb. Hist. of Camb. p. 104. ¶ 44. his bad successe ¶ 45. c. Anne ASCOUGH b. 5. p. 242. ¶ 44. Plea for leaving her Husband ¶ 45. first wracked then burnt 46. her prose and poetry 47. Mr. ASHLEY his difference at Frankford with Mr. Home book 8. p. 32 33. ¶ 11. The sad consequences occasioned thereby ¶ 12.13 ASSEMBLEY of Divines their first meeting b. 11. ¶ 1. consisteth of four English quarters p. 198. ¶ 2. besides the Scotish Commissioners p. 199. ¶ 3. the reasons of the Royalists why they would not joyne with them b. 11. p. 199. ¶ 5. first petition for a fast p. 200. ¶ 8. troubled with Mr. Selden b. 11. p. 213. ¶ 54. and with the Erasâ—ians ¶ 55. c. shrewdly checkt for exceeding their bounds p. 214. ¶ 58. their Monuments p. 215. ¶ 66. rather sinketh then endeth ¶ 67. King ATHELSTAN his principle Laws enacted at Greatlea Cent. ¶ 9.10 ATHELWOLPHUS Monarch of the Saxons maketh equivalently a Parliament act for the paying of Tithes Cent. 9. ¶ 8. Objections against the validity thereof answered ¶ 9 10. et sequentibus Granteth Peter-Pence to the Pope ¶ 15. St. AUDRE her chastity Cent. 7. ¶ 108. twice a Wife still a Maid ¶ 109. c. her miraculous monument confuted ¶ 111. c. St. AUGUSTINE the worthy Father Bishop of Hippo said to be born on the same day with Pelagius the Heretick Cent. 5. ¶ 2. AURELIUS AMBROSIUS erecteth a monument in Memory of his Conquest over the Britans Cent. 5. ¶ 25. Causelesly slandered by an Italian writer ¶ 28. AUGUSTINE the MONK sent by P. Gregory to Convert England b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶ 2. by him shrinking for fear is encouraged ¶ 3. mocked by women in his passage ¶ 4. landeth in England ¶ 5. why chusing rather to be Arch-bishop of Cant. then London C. 7. ¶ 1. summons a Synod under his AKE ¶ 2. his proud carriage therein towards the British Clergy ¶ 3. c. his prophesy ¶ 8. arraigned as guilty of murderâ—ng the Monks of Bangor ¶ 10. c. acquitted by the moderation of Mr. Fox ¶ 14. baptiseth ten thousand in one day ¶ 19. his ridiculous miracle ¶ 22. death and Epitaph ¶ 24. without the date of the year ¶ 25. a farewell to him with his character ¶ 26. AUGUSTINEAN Monks b. 6. p. 268. ¶ 67. Colcheâ—er their chief seat ibidem AUGMENTATION court the erection use cause name abolishing thereof b. 6. p. 348 349. AUGUSTINEAN Friers b. 6. p. 273. ¶ 1. The same in Oxford turned into Wadham Coll. b. 10. p. 68. ¶ 30. learned writers of their Order bred in Cambridge Hist. of Camb. p. 30. B. Gervase BABINGTON Bishop of Worcester his death and praise b. 10. p. 56. ¶ 32 33. Roger BACON a great School-man and Mathematician falsly accused for a Conjurer C. 14. p. 96. ¶ 17. many of that name confounded into one ¶ 18. John BACONTHORP a little man and great Scholar p. 97. ¶ 20. BAILIOL COLL. founded by J. Bailiol b. 3. p. 67. and 68. Philip BAKER Provost of Kings an honest Papist Hist. of Cam. p. 142. ¶ 4. John BALE Bishop of Ossory his death character and excusable passim b. 9. p. 67. ¶ 37 38 39. Bishop BANCROFT causlesly condemned for keeping Popish Priests in his house b. 10. ¶ p. 1. his behaviour
by Parsons to die a Jew ¶ 38. his bones burnt by Card. Poole p. 135. ¶ 54. BUCKINGHAMSHIRE paramount for Martyrs b. 5. p. 163. ¶ 2. Dr. Cernelius BURGES his speech against Deans and Chapters b. 11. p. 179. ¶ 73 74. Henry BURTON his character b. 14. p. 152. ¶ 59. cause of disconsent ¶ 60. degradea p. 143. ¶ 68. his words on the Pillory ¶ 69 70. brought back from Exile in Triumph p. 172. ¶ 32. C. Jack CADE his rebellion b. 4. p. 186. ¶ 22. CADOCUS his discreet devotion C. 6. ¶ 7. CADVVALLADER last K. of VVaks foundeth at Rome a Hospitall for the VVelch C. 7. ¶ 104. since injuriously taken from them ¶ 105. CAIUS Colledge in Cambridge founded by Dr. Caius Hist. of Camb. p. 133. ¶ 45. who bestowed good Lands building statutes Name and Armes thereon ¶ 46 47 c. fruitfull with famous Physicians ¶ 52. CAMBRAY a Nunnery therein founded for English women by the Spanish Ambassadour b. 6. p. 363. CAMBRIDGE reported to have received divers privileges from King Lucius C. 2. ¶ 12. her Christian Students reported slain by the Pagan Britans C. 4. ¶ 9. persecuted to the dissolution of the University by Pelagius C. 5. ¶ 2. reputed first founded by King Sâ—gebert C. 7. ¶ 46. Arguments to the contrary answered ¶ .47 c. called Schola which was in that Age the same with an Academy ¶ 54. restored by King Edward the Elder C. 10. ¶ 6 7. mistaken by John Rouâ—e for the founder thereof ¶ 8. renounceth the Popes supremacy in a publick instrument Hist. of Camb. p. 106. ¶ 50. the first generall visitation thereof jure Regio Hist. of Camb. p. 109. ¶ 55. King Henry his Injunctions thereunto p. 112. ¶ 56. Edmund CAMPIAN sent over by the Pope to pervert England B. 9. p. 114. ¶ 41. his journall letter p. 115 116 117. catch'd by secretary Walsingham ibid. falsly pretends to be cruelly racked p. 117. ¶ 117. ¶ 2. is at last executed CANONS made in the last Convocation with the c. Oath therein b. 11. p. 168 169. severall opinions about them p. 171. Mr. Maynard his speech against them p. 180. ¶ 77. the Clergy are judged in a Praemunire for making them ¶ 78. King CANUTUS his cruelty C. 11. ¶ 5. conversion and charity ibidem c. Jo. CAPON Bishop of Salisbury a cruell persecuter under Q. Mary b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 5. the bane of his Bishoprick b. 9. ¶ 21. Nic. CARR his Epitaph Hist. of Camb. p. 141. George CARLTON Bishop of Landaf sent by K. James to the Synod of Dort B. 10. p. 77. ¶ 63. dieth Bishop of Chichester b. 11. ¶ 67. CARMELITES their first coming into England p. 271. ¶ 18. great priviledges ¶ 19. most carefull keepers of the Records of their order ¶ 20. a Catalogue of their Provincials p. 272. their first coming to Cambridge Hist. of Camb. p. 20. ¶ 5. where they would not commence Doctors and why ibid. till Humphry Necton first brake the ice ¶ 6. learned writers of their order which were Cambridge-men Hist. Camb. p. 30. ¶ 27. CARTHUSIAN Monks b. 6. p. 269. ¶ 9. Tho. CARTWRIGHT presents his admonition to the Parliament b. 9. p. 102. ¶ 5. bandying betwixt him and Dr. Whitgift ¶ 6 7. examined in the high Commission on 29. Articles b. 9. p. 198 c. sent to the Fleet for refusing to answer p. 203. discharged the Star-Chamber by favour of Arch-bishop Whitgift p. 204. ¶ 31. groweth rich at Warwick b. 10. ¶ 7. and very moderate ¶ 8. The reasons thereof ibid. His character ¶ 9. dedicates a Book to King James ¶ 18. His strange infirmity and death ¶ 19. his first cause of discontentment Hist. of Camb. p. 139. ¶ 2. clasheth with Dr. Whitgift p. 140. ¶ 3. by whom he is summoned p 141. and banished the University p. 142. John CASE Dr. of Physick b. 8. S. 3. ¶ 45. the great favour done by the University to his Scholars at Oxford ibidem CAURSINES what they were b. 3. p. 59. ¶ 6. the form of their cruell Obligations p. 60. with some notes thereon ibidem why they were called Caursines p. 61. ¶ 8. St. CEDDE his difference from St. Chad C. 7. ¶ 84. St. CHAD his difference from St. Cedde C. 7. ¶ 84. teacheth Wulfade the Christian faith ¶ 86. CHANTEREYES given to the King b. 6. p. 250. ¶ 3. what they were ¶ 5. Fourty seven founded in St. Pauls Church in London p. 351 352 c. vast though uncertain their number in England p. 354. ¶ 18. Free CHAPPELS given to the King b. 6. p. 354. ¶ 15. King CHARLES his solemn coronation b. 11. ¶ 19 c. restoreth Impropriations of Ireland to the Church p. 149. ¶ 45. unwillingly consenteth to the taking away of Bishops votes in Parliament p. 195. ¶ 29 and 30. his severall papers in the Isle of Wight in defence of Episcopacie p. 230 231 c. his death which endeth the eleventh Book CHARLES eldest Son to Kâ—ng Charles hâ—s short life b. 11. p 135. ¶ 1. an excellent Tetrastâ—ck on his death ¶ 2. CHARTER-HOUSE founded by Mr. Sutton b. 10. p. 65. in some respect exceeding the Annuntiata at Naples p. 66. ¶ 21. Thomas CHASE cruelly martyred b. 5. p. 164. ¶ 3. Geffery CHAWCER the famous Poet b. 4. p. 151. ¶ 46. his Parentage Armes and praise p. 152. ¶ 47 48. his enmity to Friers ¶ 49. Student sometimes in Cambridge Hist. Camb. p. 52. ¶ 38. as also in Oxford ibidem CHEALSEY Colledge a large dâ—scourse of the foundation thereof b. 10. p. 51 52 53 c. Sr. J. CHEEK Tutour to King Edward the sixth b. 7. p. 422. ¶ 12. restored to health by King Edward's prayers p. 424. ¶ 13. A prime Exile in the Reign of Q. Mary b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 24. his sad return into England ¶ 30. orally recanteth ¶ 31. and dyeth for the grief thereof ibidem vindicated from slandring and mistaking Pens in his Parentage Parts and Posterity ¶ 32. Henry CHICHELEY Arch-bishop of Canterbury foundeth All-Souls Colledge b. 4. p. 181. ¶ 10. soberly returneth a tart jear p. 182. ¶ 11. saveth Abbies by sending King Henry the fifth into France b. 6. p. 205. ¶ 5. CHRIST-CHURCH in Oxford b. 5. p. 169. ¶ 28 c. confirmed by King Henry the eighth ¶ 30. the Deans Bishops Benefactours c. thereof ¶ 32. John CHRISTOPHERSON Bishop of Chichester a learned man but great persecuter under Q. Mary b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 8. CHRISTS COLLEDGE founded by Margaret Countesse of Darby Hist. of Camb. p. 90. ¶ 55. endowed it with richlands ¶ 56. augmented by King Edward the sixth p. 91. ¶ 7. Their numerous worthies of this foundation ¶ 9. CIRCUMSPECTE AGATIS the form thereof b. 3. p. 79. ¶ 15. both a statute a writ grounded thereon p. 80. a large discourse of the severall branches thereof p. 81 82 83. CISTERTIANS being refined Benedictines b. 6. p. 266. ¶ 2. exempted by
them ¶ 42 c. Sr. Th. DOCKWRAY Lord Prior of St. Joanes B. 6. p. 359. ¶ 4. and p. 361. in the dedication John DOD his birth and breeding b. 11. p. 219. â— 85. his peaceable disposition ¶ 86. improving of piety p. 220. ¶ 87 c. an innocent deceiver ¶ 90. excellent Hebrician ¶ 91. last of the old Puritans ¶ 92. DOGGES meat given to men b. 3. p. 29. ¶ 46 DOMINICAN Friers their first coming over into England b. 6. p. 270. ¶ 15. after their expulsion set up again by Q. Mary p. 357. the learned men of this order who were bred in Cambrid Hist. of Cam. p. 30. De DOMINIS Marcus Antonius see SPALATO John DONNE Dean of St. Pauls prolocutour in the Convocation b. 10. p. 112. ¶ 15. his life excellently written by Mr. Isaack Walton ¶ 16. DOOMES-DAY Book composed by the command of Will the Conquerour b. 3. ¶ 3. DORT Synod b. 10. p. 77. ¶ 63. four English Divines sent thither ibidem King James his Instructions unto them p. 77 78. Oath at their admission into it p. 78. ¶ 66. liberall allowance from the State p. 77. ¶ 77. various censures on the decisions thereof p. 84. ¶ 5 c. The DOVE on King Charles his Sceptre ominously broken off b. 11. ¶ 16. Thomas DOVE Bishop of Peterborough his death b. 11. p. 41. ¶ 17. DOWAY COLL. in Flanders for English fugitives b. 9. p. 85. A Convent there for Benedictine Monks b. 6. p. 365. And another for Franciscan Friers 366. DRUIDES their office and imployment amongst the Pagan Britans C. 1. ¶ 3. The DUTCH Congregation first set up in London b. 7. p. 407. ¶ 33. priviledges allowed them by King Edward the sixth ibidem under Queen Mary depart with much difficulty and danger into Denmark b. 8. p. 8. ¶ 13. DUBLIN University founded by Queen Elizabeth b. 9. p. 211. ¶ 44. the severall benefactours whereof Mr. Luke Chaloner a chief p. 212. no rain by day during the building of the Colledge ibidem The Provosts thereof p. 213. ¶ 47. DUBRITIUS Arch-bishop of Caer-lion a great Champion of the truth against Pelagius C. 6. ¶ 3. A DUCATE worth about four shillings but imprinted eight b. 5. p. 196 ¶ 37. Andrew DUCKET in effect the founder of Queens Colledge in Cambridge Hist. of Cambridge p. 80. ¶ 33. St. DUNSTAN his story at large Cent. 10. ¶ 11. c. his death and burial in Canterbury ¶ 44. as appeared notwithstanding the claim of Glassenbury by discovery ¶ 45 46. DUNWOLPHUS of a swine-heard made Bishop of VVinchester C. 9. ¶ 41. DURHAM the Bishoprick dissolved by King Edward the sixth b. 7. p. 419. ¶ 2. restored by Queen Mary ¶ 3. VVil. DYNET the solemn abjuration injoyned him wherein he promiseth to worship Images b. 4. p. 150. E. EASTER-DAY difference betwixt the British Romish Church in the observation thereof Cent. 7. ¶ 5. the Controversie stated betwixt them ¶ 28. reconciled by Laurentius ¶ 30. the antiquity of this difference ¶ 31. spreads into private families ¶ 89. A counsell called to compose it ¶ 90. setled by Theodorus according to the Romish Rite ¶ 96. EATON COLLEDGE founded by K. Henry the sixth b. 4. EDGAR King of England Cent. 10. ¶ 24. disciplined by Dunstan for viciating a Nun. ¶ 26. The many Canons made by him why in this book omitted ¶ 29. A most Triumphant King ¶ 30. his death ¶ 34. EDMUND King of the East Angles cruelly Martyred by the Danes Cent. 9. ¶ 22. EDWARD the Elder calls a Councell to confirm his Fathers acts Cent. 10. ¶ 5. gives great Priviledges to Cambridge ¶ 6. EDWARD the Martyr Cent. 8. ¶ 34. Barbarously murthered ¶ 42. EDWARD the Confessour his life at large Cent. 11. ¶ 11 c. King EDWARD the first his advantages to the Crown though absent at his Fathers death b. 3. p. 74. ¶ 3. his atchievements against the Turkes ¶ 4. Casteth the Iews out of England p. 87. ¶ 47. chosen arbitratour betwixt Baliol Bruce claiming the Kingdome of Scotland p. 88. ¶ 49. which Kingdome he conquereth for himself ¶ 50. stoutly maintaineth his right against the Pope p. 90. ¶ 2. humbled Rob. Winchelsey Arch-bishop of Cant. ¶ 4 5. the Dialogue betwixt them 6. his death and character p. 92. ¶ 11. his Arme the standard of the English yard ibid. King EDWARD the second his character b. 3. p. 93. ¶ 13. fatally defeated by the Scots ¶ 14. his vitiousnesse p. 100. ¶ 28. accused for betraying his Priviledges to the Pope ¶ 29. his deposing and death p. 103. King EDWARD the third a most valiant and fortunate King both by Sea and Land foundeth Kings Hall in Cambridge Hist. of Camb. p. 39. ¶ 36. his death and Character b. 4. p. 136. ¶ 12. King EDWARD the fourth gaineth the Crown by Conquest b. 4. p. 190. ¶ 46. Beaten afterwards in Battel by the Earle of VVarwick p. 191. ¶ 31. escapeth out of prison flyeth beyond the Seas returneth and recovereth the Crown ¶ 32 33. A Benefactour to Merton Coll. in Oxford b. 3. p. 75. ¶ 7. but Malefactour to Kings Coll. in Cambridge Hist. of Camb. p. 76. ¶ 19. his death b. 4. p. 199. ¶ 42. King EDWARD the fifth barbarously murthered by his Vncle Richard Duke of York b. 4. p. 196. ¶ 5. King EDWARD the sixth his Injunctions b. 7. ¶ 3. observations thereon p. 374. his severall proclamations whereof one inhibiteth all Preachers in England for a time p. 388 389. his TEXT ROYAL and our observations thereon p. 397 398. c. Giveth an account by letter to B. Fitz-Patrick of his progresse p. 412 413. severall letters written by him p. 423 424. his diary p. 425. ¶ 14. quâ—ck wit and pious prayer ¶ 17. at his death ibid. EDWIN King of Northumberland and in effect Monarch of England after long preparatory promises Cent. 7. ¶ 39 c. at last converted and baptised ¶ 43. slain by the Pagans in Battel ¶ 60. EGBERT Arch-bishop of York famous in severall respects b. 2. p. 101. ¶ 23. his beastly Canons ¶ 24. EGBERT first fixed Monarch of England Cent. 8. ¶ 41. First giveth the name of England Cent. 9. ¶ 5 6. Is disturbed by the Danes ¶ 7. ELEUTHERIUS Bishop of Rome his Letter to King Lucius Cent. 2. ¶ 6. pretendeth to an anâ—câ—enter date then what is due thereunto ¶ 7. sends two Divines into Britain ¶ 8. ELIE Abbey made the See of a Bishop b. 3. p. 23. ¶ 23. the feasts therein exceed all in England b. 6. p. 299. ¶ 11. Q. ELIZABETH proclaimed b. 8. p. 43. ¶ 56. assumeth the title of supream head of the Church b. 9. p. 152. ¶ 4. defended therein against Papists p. 53. ¶ 5 6. c. Excommunicated by Pope Pius quintus b. 9. p. 93 94. Her farewell to Oxford with a Latine Oration b. 9. p. 223. ¶ 7 8. Her well-come to Cambridge with a Latine Oration Hist. of Cambridge p. 138. her
Colledge TRINITY COLL. in Cambridge founded by King Henry the eighth Hist. of Cambridge p. 121. ¶ 17. enriched by Queen Mary p. 122. ¶ 18. and enlarged by Dr. Nevile ¶ 19. the Masters Bâ—shops Benefactours c. thereof ibidem States-men Divines Criticks p. 123. ¶ 20. James TURBER VILL Bishop of Exeter no active persecutor b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 2. findeth fair usage after his deprivation b. 9. ¶ 19. TURNAMENTS their ill effects History of Camb. p. 11. ¶ 39. forbidden within five mile of Camb. ¶ 40 c. Wat TYLER his rebellion b. 4. p. 138. ¶ 18 c. parallelled with Judas of Galilee p. 140. ¶ 21. the Wicklivites defended from having any hand in causing his Rebellion p. 141. ¶ 23. see Jack Straw William TYNDAL his story at large b. 5. p. 224 225. TUYSC a Saxon Idol his shape and office b. 2. C. 6. ¶ 6. William TWISSE prolocutor in the Assembly b. 11. p. 199. ¶ 4. his death p. 213. ¶ 53. V. VALLADOLIT COLL. in Spain for English fugitives b. 9. p. 87. Richard VAUGHAN Bishop of London his death b. 10. p. 49. ¶ 11. Master UDAL King James his letter for him b. 9. p. 203. ¶ 30. arraigned and condemned p. 221. ¶ 1. Richard VINES his argument at Vxbridge treaty to prove the sufficiency of ordination by Presbyters b. 11. p. 215. ¶ 65. Polydore VIRGIL Collector of Peter-Pence in England b. 5. p. 198. ¶ 51. Benefactour to the Church of Wells malefactour to the Church of England ¶ 52 53. Eight forrain UNIVERSITIES conclude it unlawfull to marry a Brothers Wife b. 5. p 183. ¶ 19. UNIVERSITY COLL. in Oxon founded by King Alfred C. 9. ¶ 30. the maintenance paid out of the Kings Exchequer ¶ 38. exhibitions allowed to the Scholars thereof why detained by William the Conqueror b. 3. ¶ 16. re-founded and endowed p. UNIVERSITY Hall in Cambridge founded by Richard Badew Hist. of Cam. p. 37. ¶ 40. burnt down ibidem see Clare Hall Conradus VORSTIUS his dangerous opinions b. 10. p. 60. opposed by King James p. 61. in his letter to the States ¶ 3 c. K. VORTIGER his incestuous match condemned by Germanus C. 5. ¶ 13. calleth in the Saxons ¶ 16. burning in lust is burnt to Ashes ¶ 27. URSULA her fabulous Martyrdome at Colen with 11000. Virgins attending her confuted C. 5. ¶ 21. USURPERS how far they are to be obeyed in the case of King Stephen b. 3. p. 25 26 27. UXBRIDGE treaty the fruitlesse fruits thereof b. 11. p. 214. ¶ 61. Conference about Church-matters therein ¶ 63. c. W. WADHAM COLLEDGE in Oxford founded by Nicholas Wadham b. 10. p. 68. ¶ 29 30. Peter of WAKEFIELD prophesied against K. John b. 3. p. 50. ¶ 12. hanged p. 52. ¶ 16. whether justly or unjustly disputed ibidem WALTHAM ABBEY why so named Hist. of Walt. p. 5. ¶ 2. the scituation thereof ¶ 3. excused for its bad aire p. 6. ¶ 1. the Town first founded by one Tovy ¶ 2. but Abby by Earle Harold ¶ 4. refounded by King Henry the second p. 7. Nicholas abbot of WALTHAM most eminent Hist. of Wal. p. 20. toward the end John de WALTHAM keeper of the privy seale to K. Richard the second Hist. of Wal. p. 30. near the end Roger de WALTHAM a great Scholar Hist. of Wal. p. 20. at the bottome William WARHAM Arch-bishop of Canterbury his death and character b. 5. p. 184 ¶ 26. John WARNER Bishop of Rochester chosen to sollicite the Bps. cause when charged with a premunire b. 11. p. 183. ¶ 7. pleadeth stoutly for their votes in Parliament p. 194. ¶ 25. William WATSON a Secular Priest his notorious railing against the Jesuites b. 10. ¶ 5 6. his Treason against K. James ¶ 14. and silly plea at his Execution ¶ 17. WEASEL the English Exiles under Q. Mary why quickly removing thence b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 41. WELCH two grand mistakes therein b. 11. p. 170. ¶ 21. committed to Welch Bps. to amend it ibidem WESTMINSTER pretends to a Massacre of primitive Monks therein Cent. 4. ¶ 9. a Church therein built by Edward the Confessor said to be consecrated by St. Peter himself C. 11. ¶ 22. five alterations in St. Peters therein within 30. yeares b. 9. p. 70. ¶ 43. Herbert WESTPHALING Bishop of Hereford sâ—â—dome seen to laugh b. 10. ¶ 10. WEST-SAXONS their Kingdome when begun how bounded C. 5. ¶ 17. William WHITACRE Master of St. Johns in Camb. kindly resents are proofe from one of the fellowes Hist of Camb. p. 97. ¶ 18. his sicknesse and death p. 151. ¶ 18. his sad solemn funerall ¶ 19. John WHITE swalloweth Simony to get the Bishoprick of Winchester b. 8. S. 3. ¶ 42. preacheth a satyricall yet flattering Sermon at the Funeralls of Q. Mary ¶ 52. stirred against Q. Eliz. b. 9. ¶ 17. Sr. THO. WHITE Lord Maior of London foundeth St. Ionns Colledge in Ox. b. 8. S. 3. ¶ 44. Iohn WHITGIFT Dr. of D. after much clashing with Mr. Cartwright Hist. of Camb. p. 140. expelleth hâ—m ibid. his Letters when Archb. of Cant. to the L. Burleigh and other Lords in defence of Conformity â— 9. p. 145. c. his death b. 10. p 25. ¶ 2. just defence against the exceptions of Mr Pâ—in ¶ 2 3 4 c. William WHITTINGHAM head of the English non-conformists at Frankford b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 7. with whom he departeth to Geneva ¶ 10. a fierce Non-conformist though Dean of Durham in the beginning of Q. Eliz. b. 9. ¶ 71. John WICKLIFF his parentage learning and opinions b. 4. p. 130. ¶ 3. c. marvelously spread and why p. 142. ¶ 25. his quiet death ¶ 26. Richard WIGHTWICK an eminem Benefactor to Pembrook Colledge in Oxford b. 11. ¶ 41. Edward WIGHTMAN burnt for a Heretick b. 10. p. 64. ¶ 13. WILFRIDE a Champion for the Romish Easter C. 7. ¶ 90. his prevailing argument ¶ 91. envyed by Theodorus Arch-bishop ¶ 97. converteth the South-Saxons ¶ 98 c. persecuted by King Alfride C. 8. ¶ 1. appealeth to Rome ¶ 2. dyeth ¶ 3. WILLIAM the first conquereth King Harold in sight C. 11. ¶ 40. rebateth his conquering sword with composition ¶ 41. calleth a Synod of his Bishops at Winchester b. 3. ¶ 4. is civill to the Pope ¶ 5. yet so as he is true to his own interest ¶ 6. refuseth to do fealty to Pope Gregory the seventh ¶ 7 8. suffers none of his Barons to be excommunicated without his consent ¶ 9. divides the jurisdiction of the Bishops from the Sheriffs ¶ 10 11. quits the Crown by Conquest but kept it by composition ¶ 13. his death and buriall ¶ 25. WILLIAM Rufus crowned b. 11. p. 10. ¶ 27. his covetuousness ¶ 28 29. contests with Anselme p. 11. ¶ 3. John WILLIAMS Bishop of Lincoln made Lord keeper b. 10. p. 89. ¶ 24 25 c. preacheth King James his funerall Sermon b. 11. ¶ 3. exceptions thereat ¶ 4. excluded attendance at the