Commaunder of the Sea Army had giuen charge to the Sea Captaines to draw vnto the Port assoone as the Vessels should be ready he went directly to Messina with seauenteene ships and left the rest vpon the Italian shore whereas hauing made prouision of things necessary for the equipage of his ships he sailes vpon necessity directly to Lipparo sooner then was needfull At that time Haniball Commaunder of the Carthaginians kept his Sea Army at Palermo who being aduertised of the Consuls comming sent one Boodes a Senator of Carthage with twenty ships to draw into that Quarter Who arriuing by night found the Roman ships and besieged them in the Port so as at the breake of day the multitude got to Land But Gneius Cornelius thus vnfortunately surprised could finde no other meanes but to yeild himselfe vnto the Enemy The Carthaginians after this prise returned to Haniball soone after this apparent and new defeate of Cornelius Haniball to whom Fortune was at that time gracious receiued as great a losse He had intelligence that the Romanes Army at Sea which coasted about Italy was not farre from Sicily Wherefore desiring wonderfully to see their number and their order and the manner of the trimming of their ships he takes fifty Vessells and sailes into Italy But for that he had a contrary VVind the which was fauourable to the Romanes by the reason of the Coast of Italy he fell vnaduisedly into their Army which was in order and in Battell where he was suddainly charged so as he lost in a manner all his ships and saued himselfe with very few contrary to his Hope and the opinion of all the VVorld The Romanes after this defeate approached neerer vnto Sicily and being aduertised by the Prisoners of the Consuls ouer-throw they sent speedily to Caius Duellius Consull hauing at that time the charge of the Army by Land Where hauing attended some space and receiued newes that the Enemies Army at Sea was not farre off they all prepared to battell They planted vpon euery one of their ships for that they were ill built and heauy a kind of Engine which was afterwards called a Rauen behold the fashion of this Engine They did set a Pillar or Mast of foure fathome long and nine inches thicke vppon the Prowe the which had also a pulley on the top and one the side was made an assent of boards all along the which was foure foot broade and foure fathome long the passage was turning about the pillar in the two first fathomes of the assent About the which were barres of eyther side to the height of a mans knee and they had set at the end of it an Iron like vnto a pestell which went vp streight the which had on the top of it a King so as altogether seemed as an Engine wherewith they pound things To this Ring was fastned a cord by meanes whereof at the encounter of the ships they fastned the Rauens by the pulley and let them fall vpon their Enemies ships Sometimes at the Prowe sometimes on the side in turning when as they could not assaile them by the flanke and after that the Rauens were fastned within the bands of the ships and that the Vessels were grapled and fast if they found themselues vpon the side they entred it of all sides And if it were by the Prowe they marcht by the bridge two and two to the Combate whereof the first couered their bodies with their Targets and they which followed defended the flankes and held their Targets euen with the bars When as this Equipage at Sea was ready they attended a conuenient time for the battell When as Caius Duelius had beene suddainly aduertised of the mis-fortune of the Commaunder at Sea he left that at Land to the Tribunes of the men of Warre and makes hast to that at Sea And being aduertised that the Carthaginians spoyl'd the Country of Myles hee drew thither with his whole Army But when the Enemy was certayne of his comming they were in great hope thinking the Romanes vnderstood not any thing in Sea-fights Wherefore they drew out to Sea with an Equipage of sixe score and ten Vessels thinking this War not worthy of any order of battell as if they had gone to a certaine booty Whereof this Haniball who as wee sayd retyred his Army by night and past ouer the Enemies Trenches was Commaunder He had a Vessell of seauen bankes which did sometimes belong to Pyrrhus King of the Epirotes When as the two Armies beganne to approach and that their Engines called Rauens were discouered the Carthaginians were a time in suspence for the nouelty Finally whatsoeuer it were without any further reckoning they charge with great fury The ships ioyn'd and grapled so as the Romane souldiers by meanes of their Engines called Rauens entred their enemies ships where there was a great slaughter made of the Carthaginians The rest being amazed at this kind of Engines yeilded you would haue sayd it had beene a battell at Land where the danger is not lesse The thirty Vessells of the Carthaginians which gaue the first Charge were taken among the which was that of the Captayne which we haue sayd had belonged vnto King Pyrrhus Haniball whose Fortune was otherwise then he expected saued himselfe in a little Skiffe The rest of the Carthaginian Army came with great fury agaynst their Enemies as the former had done but when they were aduertised that their first ships had beene taken by the meanes of the Engines they did not charge in Front thinking to auoyde them but came vpon their flanke trusting to the lightnesse of their Vessels thinking by this meanes to auoyde the violence of their Engines but they were made in such sort as of what side soeuer the Enemy approached they could easily grapple with them Wherefore the Carthaginians amazed with the strangenesse of these Engines in the end fled after the losse of fifty of their ships The Romans being now become masters of the Sea contrary vnto their Hope sayl'd about the Sea towards Segestane and raysed the siege which lay before the Towne Then parting from thence they tooke the Towne of Macelle by assault After this battell at Sea when as Amilcar being then Captayne Generall in Sicily of the Army by Land was aduertised remayning at Panorme that there was a great quarrell betwixt the Romanes and their-Allies touching the prowesse and glory of the Combate and that the Allies after they had beene beaten were retired apart betwixt Prope and Termine hee marcht with all speed to the Allies Campe and slew foure thousand by surprize Haniball after all these Fortunes retyred to Carthage with those few ships which he had remaining at the battell Within few dayes after he was dispatch to goe with an Army into Sardinia with some excellent Sea Captaines but he was soone inclos'd in a Port by the Romans and in a manner lost his whole Army And as he had escaped the
Captaynes had held a Councell concerning the Affayres of the War they were of opinion that it was necessary to relieue the Prouince and not to indure so 〈◊〉 a pillage and spoyle of the Country Marcus Attilius some few dayes before marching into the Country razed the weaker Castles and besieged the stronger But when he was come to the Citty of Adis which was worthy of a siege he plants himselfe before it and indeauours to force it The Carthaginiansâ—â—uertised â—â—uertised hereof made hast to succour it desiring to Raise the siege And therefore they march with all their power against the Romans Recouering a little Hill to the preiudice of their Enemies and very commodious for themselues Whereon planting their Camp they hoped for an absolute Victory by the meanes of their Horse and Elephants Leauing therefore the playne they drew 〈◊〉 high and vneuen places as if they would aduertise the Enemy what they had to doe the which vndoubtedly they effected For when the Romanes had considered the little vse of Elephants for they were in a Mountainous and Hilly Country in the which the Enemies had setled their chiefe hope as of great effect and terrible they aduised not to attend their Descent into the playne Wherefore vsing the opportunity of the time they shut them vp at the breake of day in the Mountayne of all sides By this meanes their Cauallery and their Elephants were altogether vnprofitable Their aduenturers onely did their duties in â—ighting on the top and had already forced the Roman Leginaries to giue backe a little when as suddainly the rest which had gayned the top of the Mountayne shâ—wed themselues The Carthaginians seeing themselues inclosed of all sides abandoned their Fort and fled into the deserts of the Mountaines The Elephants and Horses recouered the Playne and saued themselues without danger The Romans made some little pursuite after the footemen then they spoyled the Campe and ouer-ran the whole Country wasting all and ruining the Towne Some few dayes after they besieged Tunes which they tooke by assault where they planted their Campe for that the place seemed conuenient vnto them to mannage the Warre being a frontier to Carthage and to the whole Prouince The Carthaginians hauing a little before beene defeated at Sea and now by Land not by the cowardize of their Souldiers but by the basenesse of the Commanders they fell into a miserable and desperate estate For after their last defeate and flight by the Romans a great Troupe of Numidians gaping after spoyle fell vpon them doing them in a manner as great harme as the Romans It is a wandering and vagabone Nation and great theeues carrying away all they finde The Carthaginians terrified by the Numidians abandoned the Country and retired to Carthage where they suffered much aswell by famine as for their owne cowardize and moreouer the multitude being great they feared a long siege And although that Marcus Attillius was perswaded that the Carthaginians were wonderfully weakned aswell by Land as Sea being in hope that the City would be in short time deliuered vnto him yet fearing that the new Consull whom they expected soone in Affricke would reape the honour of his prowesse and valour he began to treate of a peace with them whereunto they willingly 〈…〉 Wherefore they sent the chiefe of their City in Embassie to the Consull to make this treaty But when as they were arriued they were so farre from agreeing as they could hardly without choller heare the vnreasonable things that were enioyn'd them Make your account that Marcus Attilius did hope that his offer would bee accepted as a thing of grace for that he had preuayled in all his affaires The Carthaginians on the other side thought that when as fortune should reduce them to extremity the Consull could not make them a more bitter answere Their Embassadours therefore returned not onely without any agreement but dâ—â—â—ting wonderfully the Consuls answere as to hard and proud The which being heard by the Senate of the Carthaginians they entered into so great an indignation vpon the Consuls demaund and resumed such courage that although formerly they were out of hope yet then they resolued to attend all extremities and rather to trye their fortune and to attend the time then to suffer so ignominious a thing and vnworthy of their valour It happened aâ— the same time that some one of those which had beene sent into Greece in the beginning of the warre to Leuie Men returned and brought with them a good number of Souldiers among the which there was one Xantippus a Lacedemonian a man of Iudgement and practised in the warre who after that hee had heard a relation of the defeat of the Carthaginians and the manner the place and that what time it happened hauing also considered the equipage of the Carthaginians with the number of their Horses and Elephants he returned suddainly to his Companions saying that the ignorance of the Captaines not the Romans had defeated the Carthaginians This speech ran presently thoroughout the whole Citty and came vnto the Princes The Carthaginians caused him to be called and resolued to vse his Councell who in their presence deliuered plainly the Reasons of his speech and the cause of their Defeate and if they would follow his Councell and hereafter keepe the Plaines leauing the hilly Country and there plant their battell hee would teach them how their Army should be out of danger and their Enemies Vanquished The Captaines mooued with the words of Xantippus presently Resigned vnto him the Conduct of all this Warre and now there ranne a bruite throughout the whole Campe of Xantippus speech with great Hope and Ioy. But after that all the Companies of the Army were drawne into the field and that hee had put them is order there was so great a difference betwixt his and that of the other Captaines who vnderstood not the Art of Warre that presently the common cry demanded nothing but to fight so much they were assured vnder the leading of Xantippus This done the Carthaginian Captaines seeing the courage of their Men exhorted them a little according to the opportunity of the time and within few dayes after they marched to find out the Enemy There were in the Carthaginians Army aboue twelue thousand foote foure thousand Horse and neere a hundred Elephants When as Marcus Attilius heard of the comming of the Enemy and that the Carthaginians kept their Horses vpon an euen Country camping contrary vnto their custome on the plaines hee wondred as at a new accident Yet hee marcht directly to them desiring battell and lodged within twelue hundred paces of their Campe. Three dayes after the Carthaginian Captaines held a Councell what was to be done But the multitude desiring the combate turned towards Xantippus calling him by his name with a countenance seeâ—â—ing to be willing and ready to vndergo all dangers and intreated him to lead them speedily vnto the battell When as the Carthaginian
any paine or danger They are also very profitable to the other Cities of Greece And therefore the Grecians did honour and esteeme them worthy to whom they not onely giue thanks but they are bound to giue them Succours against the Barbarians as doing good to all men We haue thought good to shew the cause why this Citie is so happy for that there are many which know not the nature and property of the place and it hath beene alwayes our desire that such things might come to the knowledge of many and that if it might be they might be visible to the eye if not yet at the lest as much as should be possible they might be comprehended in the vnderstanding The Sea then which they call Pontique hath in circuit two and twenty thousand furlongs or there-abouts hauing two mouthes opposite one to the other whereof the one comes from Propontis and the other from the blacke Sea the which hath in circuit eight thousand furlongs But for that diuers great Riuers fall from Asia into it and more out of Europe it sometimes flowes into the Pontique Sea by its mouth and from thence into Propontis The Mouth of the blacke Sea is called Bosphorus Cimeriques and is thirty furlongs broad and threescore in length As for the mouth of the Pontique Sea it is called the streight of Constantinople whose length is not in euery place equall for from the Propontis the space betwixt Chalcedon and Constantinople containes foureteene furlongs and from the Pontique Sea the which they call Fanum scituated in Asia whereas Iason first as they sacrificed to the twelue Gods returning from Cholchos is distant from Europe tenne furlongs Moreouer they deliuer two reasons why the blacke Sea and the Pontique runne continually whereof the one is well knowne for that the water encreaseth by the multitude of Riuers which fall continually into it and hauing no other meanes to voide it it must of necessity encrease so as it is forced to passe away by its mouth The other is that the bottome is fill'd with aboundance of sand which the Riuers bring continually into it so as the water is forced to swell and so to passe away These are the true causes of their course which neede not the relation of Marchants to purchase credit but onely of naturall reason which is the truest testimony that can be found But seeing wee are fallen vpon this discourse wee must not omit any thing as many Historiographers doe to seeke out the secrets of Nature and wee must vse as much as possibly wee may a demonstratiue relation to the end wee may leaue nothing in doubt to those which desire to vnderstand Neither were it sitting in these times when as all things haue beene discouered to seeke the testimony of Poets or fabulous Writers in doubtfull things the which former Historiographers haue done By this meanes as Heraclides saith they haue not propounded testimonies worthy of credit in doubtfull things and which are in debate Wee therefore say that the Pontique Sea fills it selfe continually with sand which the Riuers bring into it and that in time it will be made euen with the land The like we say of the blacke Sea so as the scituation of places continue as wee see them at this day and that the causes of the sand which fall continually into it cease not For seeing the time is infinite and the bottomes whereof wee speake are enclosed with certaine limits it is manifest that by a long succession of time they would be fill'd vp by the descent of that which falls into them bee it neuer so little so as it continues And for that the sands which are brought into them are of no small quantity but in a manner infinite it is apparent that what wee say will soone happen and wee see it partly already for that the blacke Sea is in a manner fill'd vp for the greatest depth hath not aboue fiue fathome or seauen at the most wherefore they cannot saile without great Ships vnlesse the Marriners towe them off by their Masts And although in the beginning the blacke Sea was like vnto the Pontique in taste as the Ancients confesse Yet it is now a very sweete Marish for that the sea hath beene surmounted by aboundance of sands and the many sweete Riuers which fall into it The like will happen to the Pontique and begins already But it cannot be so easily discouered by reason of the great depth And yet if we shall obserue it well we shall finde it euident for there are made within it by the substance which by the descent is carryed for that the Danowe enters by many mouthes hills which the Marriners call Shelfes a daies iourney from the shore where many times in the night they suffer Shipwracke Behold the cause why these Shelfes are rather made farre within the Sea then neere the shore for the greater force the Riuer hath in their course driuing the waues into the sea it is necessary that the sand and other substance should be carried farre into it And whereas the violency of the Riuers ceaseth by reason of the depth of the Sea rather then by a naturall reason all the sands sinke and findes a bottome where it stayes Wherefore it happens that the shelfes of swiftest Riuers are found farthest into the Sea and their depth neere vnto the shore where as they which haue a slow course are not farre from the mouth Finally wee must not wonder at the great quantity of wood stone and sand which is carried into the Pontique Sea for that many times wee see a torrent or land flood ouerflowe a great Countrey in a short time carrying away earth and stone So as it sometimes happens there is such an alteration made of a great Countrey as in seeing it soone after we doe scarce know it Wherefore wee must not wonder if so many and such great Riuers fall continually into the Pontique Sea in the end fill it vp for this is not onely likely but also necessary if wee will diligently examine the reason the likelihood it should proue so is great for as much as the Pontique Sea differs from ours for that the blacke Sea is sweeter Wherefore it followes that when as the Pontique Sea hath past as much more time as the blacke for that it is of a greater depth it will be sweet and moorish like vnto it and the sooner for that there are more Riuers and greater fallen into it Wee haue spoken these things for those which thinke that the Pontique Sea cannot bee fill'd vp nor become moorish being now a full Sea Wee haue likewise done it for that Saylors report such variety of lyes to the end that like children we should not alwayes giue credit vnto them for that wee haue not visited the places and that hauing some knowledge of the trueth we may discouer whether that which they relate be true or false But let vs returne to the commodity
Asia but likewise on the other drawing his Army to Land they did carefully fortifie that part which is inuironed by the Sea leauing a good Guard there to keep the Enemy from landing for the place is of a small Circuit and requires no great guard This is all which past at that time in Synope King Philip parting with his Army from Macedony for there wee left our former Discourse caused it to march by Thessaly and Epirus making hast to passe by those Regions into Etolia Alexander and Dorimache resolving at the same time to take Egirus hauing drawne together twelue hundred Etoliens at Oeanthy which is one of their Townes opposite vnto that whereof wee now speake and their shippes being ready to passe they only attended an opportunity to put their enterprize is Execution It happened that an Etolian hauing liued long at Egire and finding that the Guard at the Gate kept no good Watch by reason of their Drunkennesse hee acquaints Dorimache therewith soliciting him to take the Towne by night he being a man accustomed vnto such Actions Egire is a Towne of Morea scituated neere vnto the Gulfe of Corinthe betwixt Egia and Sicyon vpon a certaine Hill which is rough and difficult drawing towards Parâ—ase and about seauen Furlongs distant from the Sea When the time was come Dâ—rimache hauing imbarqued his Army and prouided carefully for all things necessary he came before the breake of day to a Riuer which runs neere vnto the Hill whereon the Towne stands From thence he with Alexander and Archidamus the sonne of Pantaleon accompanied with a great number of Etoliens marcht directly vnto the Towne along the way which leads to Egia The Fugitiues was gone before with twenty of their best foote-men for the knowledge he had of the places And had gotten the Walls by Rockes which seemed inaccessible Where as entring the Towne by a sincke he found the Guards a sleepe Who being slaine and hauing broken the barres of the Gate without discouery they made way for the Etoliens who entred with great fury and carried themselues simply and without discretion which was an occasion of the Egirates Victory and of their defeate and shame For thinking that all had beene lost for the Egirates they suddainly Armed and put themselues in Battaile within the Towne where they staied for a certaine time But at the breake of day euery man thought of his owne priuate profit and gaine And dispersing themselues throughout the whole Towne they fell vppon the Burgesses houses and rifled their goods Finally they had no care at all but of spoile and Rapine The Egirates mooued at this strange accident some fled out of the Towne amazed with feare whose houses the Enemies had forced for that the Etoliens were apparently masters of the Towne But they who hearing the sound of the Trumpet were gone foorth with their seruants to aide and succour the City retired vnto the Fort Wherefore their number and force augmented continually and the Etoliens grew weaker For that the Egirates repaired still to the Fort and the others dispersed themselues in houses for spoile And although that Dorimache saw the apparent danger yet without any amazement he assaults the Fort with a wonderfull Resolution imagining that they which were retired into it being amazed at his comming would presently yeild vnto the Etoliens But the Egirates incouraging one another defended the Fort with incredible resolution and assurance By this meanes the Combat was furious of either side But for that the Fort was not inclosed with wals they fought man to man and the Combat for a time was furious and equall For that the one fought for their Country and children and the other for their liues But the Etoliens in the end beganto flie shamefully whom the Egirate growing more couragious pursued so as a great part of the Etoliens died in fallying out at the Gate oppressing one another in the throng Alexander was slaine fighting valliantly Dorimache striuing to get forth died in the presse The rest were presently slaine or kill'd themselues falling into Pits There were few saued who abandoned their Armes and fled to the ships By this meanes the Egirates by their incredible courage recoueted their Countrey in a manner lost by negligence At the same time Euripides who had beene sent by the Etoliens to be Chiefe of the Elienses who after he had ouer-run the Countries of the Dimenses Pharences and Tritenses tooke his way through the Elienses Countrey chasing before him a great Booty whereof Micchus of Dime being aduertised who by chance was at that time subrogated in the place of the Commander of the Acheins and following the Enemy vpon the retreate with the helpe of the Dimenses Pharenses and Tritenses fell vnaduisedly into their Ambushes and was defeated with the great losse of his men whereof there died forty Foot and there were two hundred taken Euripides glorious of this good fortune soone after went againe to Field and tooke a Castle from the Dimenses which was of consequence the which the people of the Countrey called Mure and they say that Hercules built it in old time making Warre against the Elienses to vse it as a Fort and retreate in the time of Warre The Dimenses Pharenses and Triteâ—ses hauing made this losse and fearing for the future by the taking of the Castle by Euripides they first sent Letters to the Chiefe of the Acheins to aduertise them of their misfortune and to demand succours against the Etoliens And afterwards they sent some of the Chiefe of their Towne in Embassie Arate could not raze any mercenary Souldiers for that during the Warre of Cleomenes the Acheins had payed them ill and withall hee mannaged the affaires fearefully and without consideration And therefore Lycurguâ— tooke Athence a Towne of the Megalopolitains the like Euripides did besides the former prize to Gorgon and Telphusia The Dimenses Pharences and Tritenses being frustrate of the hope they had in the Chiefe of the Acheins resolued among themselues not to contribute any more money to supply the necessities of their Warre And that they would leuie at their owne charge about three hundred Foote and fifty Horse to defend their Countrey Whereby they seemed to haue taken good order for their priuate affaires but they had no great respect to the profit of a Comminalty For they haue giuen a very bad example to others to make a new enterprize vpon any occasion whereof the blame may well be layd vpon the Commander who by his sloth and negligence had frustrated his men of their expectance It is a common course that all they which are in danger hold that Friendship is to be entertained and kept so long as there is any hope to draw succours from them and when that ceaseth then they are to prouide for their owne affaires And therefore the Dimenses Pharenses and Tritenses are to be pardoned for that in the
and being discontented at the insolency of the Magistrates in choosing Lycurguâ— he began to plot an enterprize of reuolte Hoping therefore to gaine the loue and fauour of the people if doing like vnto Cleemenes he put them in hope to diuide the Lands againe hee doth his indeauour to bring it to effect And communicating his practice to his Friends he had 200. Confederates of his enterprize But knowing that Lycurgus and the Magistrates which had made him King would make a great opposition he studied first how to preuent it When as by chance all the Magistrates supt together he assailes them by surprize and kills them cruelly Behold how Fortune prepared a punishment worthy the deedes which they had committed Beleeue me there is not any man but will say that they had well deserued to be punished by him and for the cause for which they suffered As soone as Chylon had done this Execution he transports himselfe to Lycurgus house And although he were there yet he could not come at him for hee was preserued by his Houshold Seruants and by his neighbours and retired vnto Pellene by vnknowne wayes Chylon frustrated of so great an opportunity being wonderfully discontented was forced to doe that which necessity required and transporting himselfe to the place he seazed vpon all his enemies and gaue courage to his friends labouring to induce the rest to reuolt But when as he saw no man to like of it and that the Citty was in mutiny against him fearing what might happen steales away from thence and comes into Acheia alone being chased out of his Countrey The Lacedemonians fearing the descent of King Philip retired with whatsoeuer they had in the fields into their Townes and fortified them with men and all sorts of munition razing to the ground Athence of the Megalopolitains For that it seemed a very conuenient place for the enemy It is certaine that whilest the Lacedemonians maintained their good gouernment according to the Lawes of Lycurgus they were growne very great vnto the Warre of Leuctres Since which time they beganne to feele the crosses of Fortune and their gouernment grew worse being full of many discommodities and intestine Seditions with Banishments and ruines vntill the Tyranny of Nabydane whose name they could not endure These are things which haue beene related by many and are well knowne since that Cleomenes ruined the gouernement of the Country whereof wee will speake heereafter when opportunity shall require Philip passing by Megalopolis with his Army drew to Argos by the Country of Tegetane and there past the remainder of the Winter purchasing a wonderfull renowne of all the World aswell for his course of life as for the things which he had done in this Warre beyond the strength of his age Appelles who notwithstanding the Kings Commaundment desisted not from his dessigne laboured by little and little to make the Acheins subiect And when he found that Arate and the rest that were with him were opposite vnto his ends and that the King had them in great Reputation especially olde Arate for that he was in great Authority among the Acheins and Antigonus and was moreouer a good and discreete man he beganne to Traduce him with iniuries Then hee inquires what men there were in Acheia of a contrary saction to Arate and drawes them vnto him To whom hee giues a curteous and gracious reception drawing them by perswasions to his friendship and afterwards recommended them in perticular to the King he gaue him to vnderstand that if hee fauoured the party of 〈◊〉 hee should enioy the Acheiâ—s according to the Contracâ— of the League But if vsing his Councell he receiued the others into friendship hee should dispose of all Morea at his pleasure Moreouer the time of the Election approaching hee had an intent to cause one of the other Faction to be chosen Wherefore hee beganne to solicite the King to be at Egia at the Common Assembly of the Acheiâ—s as if he meant to goe from thence into the Elienses Countrey The King perswaded by his Words came vnto Egia at the prefixed time Where Appelles amazing the aduerse party in the end preuailed with great difficulty By this meanes Eperate was chosen Chiefe of the Acheins and Tymoxenes quite reiected whom Arate had named After these things Philip drawing his Army from Egira and marching by Patres and Dimes hee went to a Castle which the Countrey-men call Mur scituated in the Dimenses Country and lately taken by Euripides as wee haue formerly said As hee hasted with great heated to yeild it to the Dimenses hauing his Army ready in Battaile the Garrison of Elienses was so amazed as they presently yeâ—ded themselues and the Castle the which is not great in Circuit but very strong by Scituation and Walles For it had but two furlongs in Compasse but the VValls had not lesse then seauen Fathomes and a halfe in height Philip deliuering it to the Dimenses presently hee ouer-ranne the Prouince to spoile it After which he put all to fire and Sword and returned to Dime laden with great spoiles Apelles supposed that hee had effected part of his dessigne for that the chiefe had beene chosen according to his desire hee chargeth Arate againe desiring to him into disgrace with the King and raiseth a slander vpon him vpon these causes Amphidamuâ— Chiefe of the Elienses in the Burrough which they call Thalamâ— being taken and sent with the other Prisoners came to Olympia And there hee beganne to seeke by the meanes of some to speake vnto the King To whom when hee was brought hee told him that it was in his power to make the Elienses imbrace his Alliance and Friendship The King perswaded with his Words let him goe without ransome with a Charge to tell the Elienses that if they would entertaine his Alliance hee would deliuer all their Prisoners without ransome and that hee would preserue their Prouince from danger suffering them moreouer to liue in liberty and that hee would giue them no Garrisons nor pretend any Tribute but would suffer them to leuie mercenary men where their Affaires required The Elienses hearing these offers would not accept of them although they were great and profitable Appelles making this the occasion of his slander goes to Philip telling him that Arate and his Confederates kept no true Friendshippe with the Macedonians nor entertained the League sincerely For it was certaine they had beene the cause that the Elienses had not accepted the Conditions of the Alliance which had beene offered them For at that time when as hee sent Amphidamus to Olympia they had vsed speeches secretly vnto him that it was not for the good and benefit of Morea that Philip should be Lord of the Elienses and by this meanes the Elienses disdayning the conditions of Peace obserued their League with the Etoliens and indured the Macedonians Warre This Speech being ended Philip caused Arate with the Acheins to
aâ—d preparatâ—on and to make an Army by Sea Apolophanes of whom wee haue spoken being borne in Seleucia stood vp and ouerthrew all the Opinions which had beene formerly giuen saying that it was a solly to drawe the Warre into base Syrria and to suffer â—â—olomy to hold Sâ—â—encia for that it was the sourse and cause of their Principality That besides the disgrace hee should doe vnto his Reignâ— considering that the force of the Kings of Egypt had alwaies kept it it had moreouer great commodities for the mannaging of the Warre For whilest the Enemies shall hold it it would be very preiudiciall to all his Enterprizes For there must be no lesse care vsed to defend himselfe from this City then to assaile the Enemy And if hee held it he should not onely be able to preserue his owne with safety but also to vndertake some good action both by Sea and Land for the great opportunity of the place The whole Assembly allowed of Apolophâ—â—es aduice and resolued to take the Citty first for then Sâ—lâ—ucia was held by the Kings of Egypt from the time that Ptâ—lomy reigned who was surnamed the Bâ—nefactor Hee conquered it at such time that for the ruine of Beronicâ— and the rage he had concelued in his heâ—â—t hee made a descent into base Syrria with an Army Antiochus after Apolophanes aduice was approued hee commanded Diogone Generall of the Army at Sea to fayle speedily to Seleuciâ— And in the meane time parting from Apamia with his Army he lodgeth within fiue Furlongs of Hippodrome Hee likewise sends away Theâ—â—ore Hermioly with a sufficient Army for Syrria to the end he might gaine the streights and prouide for the affaires of that Prouince This is the scituation of Seleucia and the places about it that as the Citty is seated vpon the Sea-shoare betwixt Cilâ—cia and Phenicia so it hath vnder iâ— a wonderful great Mountaine which they call Coryphes whose side towards the West is washed with the Sea which is betwixt Cipres and Phenâ—â—ia and the other which lookes to the East ioynes to the Regions of the Antiochiens and Seleucenâ—es Seleucia scituated on the South and seperated by a deepe and inaccessible Valley which extends to the Sea being enuironed with great Rockes and Caues And on that side which lookes to the Sea it hath steps and Suburbs inclosed with walls The Citty also is fortified with a good wall and beautified with Temples and faire buildings It hath but one approach towards the sea the which is difficult and made by hand for they must ascend vnto it by Ladders The riuer of Orâ—nte enters into the Sea neere vnto it taking its sourse and beginning at Liban and Antiliban and passeth by Antiochia whereas running continually it carries away by its swift course all the filth of the people Finally it enters into the Sea neere vnto Seleucia Antiochus in the beginning sent to the Gouernours of the Citty offâ—ring them money with great hopes if without fighting they would deliuer it vnto him But when he could not winne them he corrupts some of the inferiour Captaines with whom hauing agreed he puts his men in Battaile as if he meant to assaile the Towne with his Army at Sea and at Land on that side which lookes towards Epirus Diuiding then his Army in three after that hee had inflamed the hearts of the Souldiers promising them great rewards hee appointed Zeuxiâ— with his Company to bee at the Gate which goes to Antiochia and he gaue to Hermogenes the places by which they goe to Dioscoria and giues charge to Ardâ—â— and Diogene to assaile the Suburbs and Arsenall for it had beene so agreed with the Traytors that as soone as the Suburbs were taken they should deliuer him the Citty When as the King had giuen the â—igne for an assault they all did their indeauours But among the rest they which were with Ardâ—â— and Diogene carried themselues valiantly For they could not assault noâ— scale the other places But in regard of the Arsenall and Suburbs they might assault and scale them Wherefore whilest that the Army at Sea fell vpon the Arsenall and Ardis Troupes vpon the Suburbs scaling the Walls and that they of the Towne could not succour them for that they were enuironed on all sides by the Enemy it fell out that the Suburbe was suddainly taken Which done the petty Captaines corrupted by the King ran to Leonce who at that time was Gouernour of the Citty perswading him to send to Antiochus before the City were forced And although that Leonce were ignorant of the Treason he sent presently to Antiochus being troubled with the amazement of his people to yeeld them the Citty vpon condition to haue the liues of all the Inhabitants saued The King accepting the condition promised to saue the liues of all Free-men which were about sixe thousand But when hee was entred he not onely pardoned the Burgesses but also called home the banished men of Seleucia and restored vnto them the gouernment of their publique affaires and all their goods and put a good Garrison into the Hauen and Port. Whilest Antiochus stayed at Seleucia hee receiued Letters from Theodote by the which he solicited him to goe speedily into base Syrria The King was long in suspence what councell he should take and was pensiue and troubled with the course he should take in this action you must vnderstand that Theodote borne in Etolia had done great seruices for the Realme of Ptolomy whereof wee haue formerly made mention and many times put his life in danger At such time as Antiochus made Warre against Molon hee tooke in person disdaining the King and distrusting his Courtiers Ptolemais and Tyrus by Paneteole and suddainly called in Antiochus The King hauing taken Acheus to heart and laying aside all other affaires he returnes with his Army the same way he came When he was come to a place which the Countrey people call Marsia hee camped neere the streights which are about Gerre which is not farre from the Fens lying in the midst of that Countrey There being aduertised that Nicholas Lieutenant Generall to Ptolomy held Ptolomais besieged in the which Theodote was hee left those that were best armed and gaue charge to besiege the Towne of Broches lying vpon the Fenns making haste to goe and raise the Siege Nicholas aduertised by his Spies of the Kings comming retired and sent Lagore of Candy and Dorimene of Etolia to gaine the streights which are neere vnto Beryta Where the King planted his Campe after that he had fought with them and put them to flight And when hee had drawne together the rest of his Army in the same place he makes an Oration to his Souldiers and marcheth away with great courage There Theodote and Paneteole met with him with their Friends to whom he gaue a good and gracious reception and he tooke Tyrus and Ptolemais with all their preparation of Warre There were in these Townes forty
secondly that it is commendable For neither of them seemes true in my opinion The which may bee conceiued by that which followeth shewing first that it differs they say that the Lacedemonians haue this proper that it is not lawfull for one man to haue more land then another being necessary for euery Burgesse to haue an equall portion of lands in the Cittie Secondly that hee is to bee amerced as a wicked man that hath greater possessions then the rest By this meanes ambition is wholly or in part rooted out of this Common-weale Thirdly their Kings enioy the Crowne for euer and they only for life whom they call ancients By whom and with whom all the affaires of the Common-weale are mannaged In regard of the Candiots all the things are gouerned by contrary meanes For the Lawes allow them to possesse what Lands they can get by this meanes Excellency is in esteeme amongst them so as the possession of Lands is not onely held necessary but also most honest Finally the desire of infamous and auaritious gaine is so powerfull amongst them that among all mortall men onely the Candiots find no kind of gaine worthy of blame Although that in that which concernes their principality they haue an Annall and Democraticall gouernment so as we are in doubt and wonder often how Writers haue deliuered them vnto vs to be familiar and as it were Germaines seeing they haue so contrary a Nature Neither haue they without doting ordained so many differences not lightly but with a great shew of words saying that onely Licurgus among the Ancients had aim'd at firme and solid things And that as there are two meanes for the preseruation of euery Common-weale which are force against the Enemy and mutuall concord and agreement among themselues that in chasing auatice hee had withall taken away all ciuill discord and mutinie and that by this meanes the Lacedemonians being freed from these mischiefes haue better then any other Grecians gouerned their Common-weale and with greater vnion And although the Candyotts bee of this aduice parralelling themselues Yet they thinke it concernes them nothing liuing in many publique mutinies murthers and ciuill warre by their naturall auarice presuming to say that these two Gouernments are alike Ephorus speaking of these two Common-weales vseth the like speech except their names If any one doth not obserue the propper names who can discerne whereof hee speakes These are the causes for the which in my opinion they differ Wee will now shew the reasons for the which the Candyotts Common-wealth doth not seeme commendable nor worthy to be immitated I conceiue that of euery Common-wealth their are two Principles for the which their estate and power is desired or detested Which are their manner of liuing and their Lawes That is to bee desired and the best by the which the life of men in priuate is made religious and honest and the common course of liuing in the City gracious and iust Finally that is to be detested and auoyded where they doe the contrary And as we iudge confidently that the men of a Common-wealth apply themselues to virtue when we see their course of life and the lawes to sauour of honesty in some of them So we may with reason say that a Common-weale is altogether depraued aswell by the lawes as by their course of liuing when we see any giuen to couetousnesse and the publike Arts vniust Moreouer you shall not finde any liues in priuate more cunning and crafty nor enterprizes more vniust then among the Candiotts except some few Whereof we approue it by this comparison the reason why we hold their Common-wealth not to be like the Lacedemonians nor to be chosen or worthy to be followed I say moreouer that Platoes Common-weale is not to be preferr'd Although that some of our Philosophers make great esteeme As we doe not receiue among handicraftsmen nor wrestlers those which haue not excercised their bodies nor beene accustomed to wrestling So we may not receiue this So as compared with the former we may not bring it in compedition before wee see some effects I will for the present onely propound this If wee must esteeme and parralell it to the Common-weales of Lacedemon Rome and Carthage it were euen as if a man should propound an Image to be compared with men that are liuing and animated For although he deserues commendation of his Art yet the comparison of things which be dead with the liuing seeme to the eye poore and obscure Leauing them therefore let vs returne to the Lacedemonian Common-weale Licurgus without doubt seemes to haue made the law and well prouided that the Burgesses might agree together for the preseruation of Lacedemon and the maintenance of their liberty So as his consideration seemes more diuine then humane An equality of possessions with a simple and common course of liuing should cause a modest life in priuate and make a City quiet and peaceable Finally exercise in labour and to indure all toyle was to make men strong and valiant Being certaine that these two which are magnanimity and temperance concurring together in a priuate person or a City malice can hardly creepe in amongst them or be drawne from their neighbours By these meanes the Common-wealth being setled it hath procured safety to all the Country of Lacedemon and a very durable liberty But as for that which concernes the conquest and principallity ouer their neighbours and finally the enterprize of a warre it seemes he neuer thought of it but onely that they should bring in a certaine friendship or resolution by the which the common course of liuing of the City should rest contented with their moderate estate euen as their liues in priuate were modest and contented with their choise And although hee had instituted in such sort as they were freed from ambition and were very wise aswell in priuate as in the common course of their liuing in the City yet he hath left them towards the other Grecians more then ambitious and of an insatiable desire to raigne with an extreame auarice So as it is partly notorious that first in a manner among the Grecians greedily desiring the countries of their neighbours they made warre against the Messeniens to draw them into subiection It is also partly manifest that they had obstinately sworne amongst themselues not to raise the siege before they had forc't the City of the Messeniens It is also notorious that for the great desire they had to rule ouer the Grecians they had againe submitted themselues to the yoake of those whom they had vanquished in battaile So as they had patiently obeyed their commandements They had vanquished the Persians making a discent in fighting for the preseruation of the Grecian liberty to whom notwithstanding being returned and fled they haue deliuered the Greeke Townes which were restored according to the peace made by Antalcides to the end that hauing money they might fortifie themselues against the Grecians
and pleasure by History Wee will therefore make the beginning of this Booke at the first Voyage which the Romans made by Sea which is subsequent to those things which Timerus hath last written which was in the hundred and nine and twentieth Olimpiade We must therefore relate how and what time they ended their Quarrels in Italy and what meanes they had to passe into Sicily For this is the first voyage they euer made out of their Territories whereof wee must set downe the reason simply and without disguising to the end that by the search from one cause to another the beginning and consideration of the whole may not proue doubtfull The beginning also must bee agreeable to the Time and Subiects and that it be knowne to all the which they may consider by themselues yea in seeking out those things which were past long before and in the meane time relate the Actions summarily For it is certaine that the beginning being vnknowne or obscure its continuance cannot perswade nor purchase beleefe But if the Opinion of the beginning be true then all the subsequent Narration doth easily content the Auditors eare Nineteene yeeres after the battell wone vpon the Riuer Aegos and sixteene yeeres before the Warre of Leuctra where the Lacedemonians treated a peace with Anâ—alcides King of Persia when as Denis the old held the Citty of Rhegium in Calabria besieged after that hee had defeated the Grecians inhabiting vpon the limits of Italy neere vnto the Riuer of Elleporis and that the Gaules hauing wholy ruined Rome held it except the Capitall During which time the Romans hauing made an accord with them which they found good and profitable and had recouered their liberty contrary to their hope and expectance and had in a manner taken a beginning of their increase they declared Warre against their Neighbours As soone as the Latins had beene vanquished aswell by their prowesse as by the fortune of the Warre they turned their Armes against the Tuscans then to the Celtes which are in Italy and finally vpon the Samnites which confine the Region of the Latins towards the East and North. Sometime after the Tarrentines seeing the outrage which they had committed against the Romane Embassadours not relying much vpon their owne forces they called in King Pyrrhus the yeere before the Descent of the Gaules into Italy and before the Retreate of those which were defeated in Battell neere vnto Delphos Then the Romans after they had vanquished the Tuscans and Samnites and beaten the Celtes often began to make warre against the rest of Italy not as contending for another mans Lands but as for their owne and formerly â—â—â—onging vnto them being now growne warlike by the Warres which they had had against the Celtes and Samnites The Romans then after that Pyrrhus and his forces had beene chased out of Italy taking this Warre to heart they pursued such as had followed his party Being suddainly become Maisters of all according to their desires and that all Italy was wholy subdued except the Celtes they presently besieged some of theirs which held Regium One and the like fortune befell two Citties scituated vpon the Straight of that Sea that is Messina and Rhegium Some Campanois hauing beene lately in pay with Agathocles in Sicily wondring at the beauty and wealth of Messina they suddainly when they found an opportunity assailed it breaking their Faith they hauing beene receiued into it by Friendship where they expell'd some of the Cittizens and slew others After which wicked act they shared their Wiues and Children among them as their fortunes fell out during the Combate Then they diuided their goods and lands But after this suddaine and easâ—e Conquest of so goodly a Countrey and City they soone found others that did imitate their villanies They of Rhegium amazed with the descent of Pyrrhus at such time as he past into Italy and fearing in like manner the Carthaginians being then Maisters of the Sea they craued a Garrison and men from the Romans Those which they sent vnto them were to the number of 4000. vnder the command of Decius the Campanois they kept the Towne for a time and their faith in like manner with the Cittizens in defending them but in the end moued by the example of the Mamertins who solicited them to coÌ„mit this base act they falsified their faith being aswell incited by the opportunity of the deed as by the wealth of Rhegium and chased away some Cittizens and slew others finally they seased vpon the Citty as the Mamertines had done And although the Romans were discontented at the misfortune of the Rhegins yet they could not relieue them for that they must settle an order for their precedent VVarres But after they had ended them they besieged them of Rhegium and afterward they entred it by force whereas many were slaine who being certaine of the punishments they were to endure defended themselues valiantly to death Aboue three hundred were taken aliue who presently after their comming to Rome the Commanders of the VVarre commanded them to be brought into the Market-place where they were whipt and in the end their heads strooke off after the manner of the Countrey They did vse this punishment to the end that their Faith as much as might be possible might be confirmed towards their confederates Presently after they caused the Towne and Countrey to be deliuered to the Rhegins But whilest that the Mamertins youmust vnderstand that the Campanois caused themselues to be so called after the taking of Messina were relieued by the Romans which held Rhegium by force they not onely enioyed the Countrey and Towne peaceably but they committed great spoiles vpon many other Townes their Neighbours aswell of the Carthaginians as of Saragosse otherwise Siracusa The greatest part of Sicily was tributary vnto them But soone after when they were depriued of those succours and that they which held Rhegium were besieged they were in like manner by them of Saragosse for the causes which follow As a little before the men of warre of Saragosse camping neere vnto Mergane being in dissention with the Goutrnours of the Common-weale they chose for their Captaines Artemtdore and Hieron who afterwards was their King being yet very young But finally so well endowed with all the graâ—es of Nature and Minde as hee wanted no Royall conditions but the Crowne Hauing accepted the Magistracy and made his entry into the Towne very well accompanied by his Friends where hauing vanquished the Burgesses of the contrary faction hee vsed the Victory with so great clemency and modesty as by a common consent of all in generall he was chosen their Commander although they did not allow of the Election made by the Souldiers It is true that Hieron made knowne to men of iudgement and vnderstanding that he had conceiued greater designes in his minde then to be their Leader First knowing well that the Saragossins were mutinous and desirous
Acheins Army was assembled and the succours of the Lacedemonians and Messeniens ready as it had beene decreed Scerdilaide and Demetrius sayling from Sclauonia with fourescore and ten Vessels past to Lisse contrary to the accord made with the Romans And attempting first to take Pyle they were shamefully repuls'd after some dayes siege Demetrius afterwards made a voyage with fifty Saile vnto the Cyclades and spoiles the Ilands taking some by Treason Scerdilaide with the other forty drawes towards Naupacte relying vpon the friendship of Amiclas King of the Atheniens to whom he was allied There an accord was made with the Etoliens by the meanes of Agelaus that in marching with them into Achaia they should diuide the booty by halfes The which being concluded betwixt Scerdilaide and Agelaus Dorimache and Scope they entred into Acheia with an Army of Etoliens and Sclauonians the Towne of the Sithians being of their party Ariston chiefe of the Etoliens stayed at home saying that he had peace and no warre with the Acheins as if hee had beene ignorant of the Enterprize which was a simple and idle course Is there any thing more foolish then to thinke long to couer with words things that are plaine and euident This done Dorimache comes with his men to Cynethe with wonderfull speed The Cynethenses were tormented with great diuisions and seditions hauing beene long time Arcadiens whereas many murthers had beene committed with Banishments Rapes and Spoiles Finally it fell out that they which held the Acheins party had the command of the Towne Wherefore their chiefe men and the guards of their Towne were of Acheia Matters standing in this estate some yeares before the descent of the Etoliens when as the banished men had sent to them of the Towne intreating them to receiue them into grace and concord the Gouernours perswaded by their words sent an Embassie to the Acheins desiring to make this peace and agreement with their Councell and aduice Whereunto the Acheins consented for that they conceiued that the affection and loue of the one and the other would by this meanes be more firme vnto them considering that they which were within had all their hope in them and that the banished men would conceiue that they had beene preserued by the benefit of the Acheins The Cynethenses sent backe the Garrison of the Acheins with their Captaine and called the banished men into their Towne which were to the number of three hundred in taking their Faith with Oathes whereby men may be most religiously bound But presently after they were receiued into the Towne they resolued among themselues to betray it and to be reuenged on those which had preserued them without any consideration of the cause of this new practise So as I am of opinion that at the time when they sacrificed and gaue their Faith and Oathes that euen then they resolued to contemne the Gods and vse cruelty towards those which had saued their liues for they had scarce set footing within the Towne but they called the Etoliens to deliuer it vnto them The businesse was mannaged in this manner Some of the banished men were created Polemarches It is a Magistrate which hath charge of shutting of the Gates and keeping the keyes at night and in the day time to attend the Guard thereof The Etoliens hauing their ladders and other things necessary attended the execution of the enterprize The Polemarches slew their Companions which were not of their faction and opened the Gate This done the Etoliens entred some by the Gate some by Ladders The whole Citie being troubled by this new accident ranne vp and downe full of feare and lamentation for that they could not runne to the Gate for that the Enemies cast themselues from the walls neither could they goe to the walls for that they came by multitudes in at the Gate And thus the Etoliens tooke the Towne presently where among all the outrages which they committed they did one act of great iustice for they slew all the Traytors and spoiled their goods The like they did to others taking away all their substance Men were tormented to confesse their Goods if they had hidden away and many others slaine Hauing thus taken the Towne and after some fewe dayes leauing a sufficient Garrison they marcht with their Army towards Luses Where approaching neere to Diana's Temple which is betwixt Clitoria and Cynethe and is held by the Grecians as a place of Freedome they had an intent to carry away the Cattell of the Goddesse and to rauish all the Treasure of the Temple But the Lusiates offered them part to temper their wickednesse The which being receiued the Etoliens parting from thence planted their Campe neere vnto Clitoria At that time Arate chiefe of the Acheins had sent an Embassie to Philip for succours and had assembled the choyce of the youth from all parts and demanded from the Lacedemonians and Messeniens the number of men which they were to furnish by the accord The Etoliens began first to perswade the Clytoriens to leaue the alliance of the Acheins and to imbrace their party The which being refused they tormented them with diuers assaults and scaling the walls they laboured to enter the Towne But for that the Inhabitants defended themselues couragiously they rais'd the Siege being in despaire to take it and returned to Cynethe spoiling the Sheepe and Cattell of the Goddesse meaning to deliuer the Towne to the Elienses Vpon refusall they resolued to keepe it making Euripides Captaine But being afterwards terrified with the Newes of the succours of Macedon and the preparation of the Acheins they burnt it and taking their wayes againe towards Rhie they resolued to passe there Taurion aduertised that the Etoliens marcht and of the ruine of Cynethe and that Demetrius of Phareh was come from the Cyclades to Cenchrea hee perswaded him to succour the Acheins and to hinder the passage of the Etoliens in transporting the ships by the Isthmus Demetrius had parted from the Iland with profit but with little honour for that the Rhodiens came against him with an Army at Sea hee yielded easily to Taurion and the rather for that he furnished the necessary expences the transport of the Shippes wherefore after hee had transported them and was aduertised that the Etoliens were past two dayes before hee sail'd againe to Corinthe after he had spoiled some of the Etoliens Coasts with whom the Lacedemonians hauing secret intelligence as we haue said they deferr'd to send the succours promised by the accord sending onely some Horse and foot for a colour Arate made shew to his people that for the present hee would performe the duty of a Citizen rather then of a Captaine without any trouble for the remembrance of the losse which he had made vntill that Scope and Dorimache were retired hauing ruined the whole Prouince and what they pleased although it were no difficult thing to defeat them in their rough and
of the scituation of Constantinople as the length of the Sea which ioynes the Pontique and the Propontis hath sixe score furlongs and that Fanum limits the part which is from the Pontique Sea and Constantinople On the other which is from the Propontis there stands a Temple betwixt both which they call the refuge of Europe seated vpon a Promontory on the mouth of the Pontique Sea and is distant from Asia fiue furlongs It is scituated vpon the greatest streight of the Sea where as King Darius made a Bridge as they report at such time as hee made a descent against the Sythians From the Pontique Sea vnto this place the Waues runne equally for that the shores of either side are of one distance But when it comes to the refuge of Europe where as we haue said the Sea is narrowest the Water of the Pontique Sea beats violently vpon the opposite Country and those places of Asia which are right against it Then it doubles its course against the Promontory of Europe neere vnto the Altars and then it falls into the Country which the inhabitants call Oxe This stands in Asia whereas Io hauing past the Sea first staied as fables report Yet in the end it takes its course to Constantinople hauing bin beaten backe by the Oxe Whereas dispersing it selfe about the City it partly diuides it sylfe and seperates that place which they call the Horne and on the other side it flowes againe in its owne course Yet this violence cannot passe into that Country which is right against it where Calcedon stands For where as it makes so many turnings here and there and that the Gulfe is of no small breadth it failes in a manner in this place passing to the opposite part not in a direct Line but bending So as leauing Calcedon it takes its course by the Gulfe This drawes so many Commodities to the Constantinopolitains and the contrary to the Calcedonians And although it be apparent that the scituation of these two Cities are equally commodious yet the passage is difficult for those which will saile to Calcedon Contrariwise they are carried to Constantinople by the violence of the Waues So as it seemes that they which will goe from Calcedon to Constantinople cannot Saile directly thither by reason of the Violent course of the streame And therefore they recouered the Oxe and the Towne which they call Chrysopolis from whence they are afterwards Transported by force vnto Constantinople Finally the Constantinopolitans haue a good commodity to Saile any way whither they bend to Hellesponte with a Southerly Winde or else from the Pontique Sea to Hellesponte You must vnderstand that the direct and common course from Constantinople to the streights of Propontis is by Abydos and Sestes and in like manner from the streights to Constantinople But it fals out otherwise with the Calcedonians for the reasons which we haue mentioned and for the distance of the Region of the Cyziceneins for it is a difficult thing for them which Saile from Hellesponte to Calcedon to keepe the Coast of Europe and in approaching the Country neere vnto Constantinople to turne vnto Calcedon for the violent course of the streame And againe it is impossible to Saile from thence into Thrace as well for the violence of the Waues which go crosse as the contrariety of the Windes for a Southerly winde is good for those which enter into the Pontique Sea and the contrary for such as go foorth and these two winds only serue to go in and come out These are the things whereby the Constantinopolitains draw such great commodities from the Sea Now we will shew the discommodities which the City is to suffer by reason of the firme Land Thrace enuirons the Country of Constantinople in such sort as it imbraceth it from Sea to Sea So as they are in perpetuall Warre with the Thracians For although they get a Battaile or two against this cruell and barbarous Nation yet they cannot quench the Wars the multitude of people and Princes is so great For that after they haue gotten Victory ouer one there doth suddainly arise three other mighty Princes who ouer-runne the Country for spoile Neither can they doe any thing to haue an accord or to pacifie the Warre by paying of Tribute for presently they find their Enemies multiplied And therefore they are wasted and consumed with a continuall and cruell Warre But what can you finde more disloyall then a neighbour enemy Nor a Warre more dangerous then with a barbarous Nation And with all these miseries wherewith they are oppressed by Land they are moreouer tormented with Tantalus paine as the Poets feigne For the Barbarians considering that they haue a fertile Region ouer-run the Country and spoile it after that the Land hath bin well manured and that the fruite which is very beautifull and in abundance is in Season The Constantinopolitains seeing so great a spoile of their goods and the losse of their labour and charges are wonderfully grieued Yet bearing this War with the Thracians by a Custome they alwaies held their auncient accord with the Gracians But when as the Gaules beganne to be their neighbours vnder the Conduct of King Comontoire they were in great danger You must vnderstand that the Gaules which had made Warre vnder the leading of Brennus and had escaped a great danger at Delphos past not into Asia when as they came to Hellesponte But allured with the commodity of the place they staied neere vnto Constantinople whereas after they vanquished the Thracians and built Tyle the Royall they made Warre against them of Constantinople Who at the beginning pacified their fury with presents when as they first assailed them vnder King Comontoire in giuing them sometimes thirty thousand another time fifty thousand and sometimes a hundred thousand Crownes to the end they should not ouer-runne their Country Finally they were forced to giue them foure score thousand Crownes yearely vntill the time of Clyare at what time the Gaules Empire had an end and this Nation was wholly vanquished and extinct by the Thracians Their Treasure being at that time exhausted by reason of these Tributes they sent first an Embassie into Greece to demaund their assistance But for that most of the Greecians made no account of it they resolued to take a Tole vpon all these which should passe into the Blacke Sea The which all the rest disliking for the nouelty of the thing they blamed the Rhodiens for suffering it as being then Lords of the Sea This was the beginning and Fountaine of the Warre which wee are now to describe The Rhodiens mooued aswell with their owne losse as with that of their neighbours hauing first called their Allies sent an Embassie to Constantinople to abollish the Tole VVho performing their Voyage according to their Charge could not perswade the Commons For that Hecatondore and Olympiodore who had then the Gouernment of the Common weale
time hee made Warre against the Etoliens Lacedemonians and Eliensâ—s After this resolution hee drew together the Acheins Vessels and his owne at Leche a Port of Corinthe Commaunding that in the meane time they should inure the Souldiers to the Oare wherein the Macedonians did him great seruice Yo must vnderstand that they are excellent men at Land in a pitcht field and ready at Sea in Combates of Surprize Moreouer they haue not their equalls to Rampire and Fortifie and they complaine not of their paines in such affaires Finally they are like vnto the Eacides whom Hesiodus brings in reioycing more for Warre then a Banquet The King stayed at Corinthe with the Macedonians being busie in the preparation of the Sea Army Appelles who could not alter the Kings humour and disposition nor suffer any abatement in his credite being full of disdaine hee made a Conspiracy with Leonce and Megalâ—e which was that they being present should hinder the Kings enterprizes when opportunity did serue and that for his part he would goe to Chalcis to stoppe the Victualls that should come to the Kings Army When he had plotted this hee went presently thither to put it in practise against the King wherein hee kept his Promise and forced him to ingage his plate and all the rest of his mooueables When as the Army at Sea was drawne together and the Macedonians accustomed to the Oaâ—e and that the Souldiers had receiued Corne and Money Philip set Saile to Corinthe and arriued three dayes after hauing sixe thousand Macedonians and twelue Hundred Mercenaries At what time Dorimache Chiefe of the Etoliens sent Agâ—laus and Scope vnto the Elienses with twelue Hundred Candyets newly leuied The Elieâ—ses fearing that Philip would come and besiege Cyllene leuied Voluntaries with all speede and likewise made a leuy of men within the Citty doing their indeauours to fortifie Cyllene Philip aduertised hereof hee left at Dime the Mercenaries of the Acheins and the Candyots which hee had with him and some Horse-men Gaules and about two thousand foote of the choice of the Acheins for the guard and safety of the place against the assaults and attempts of the Elienses And as a little before he had Written vnto the Messeniens Epirates Acarnaniens and to Scerdilaide to meete him in Cephalenia with their Equipage by Sea hee parts presently from Patres and sailes directly into Cephalenia to the Burrough of Prones But when he saw it difficult to besiege and the Countrey streight hee past on with his whole Army and came to Palea Where seeing the Region fertile in Corne and in all other manner of munition and fit to feede his Army he landed his men and planted his Campe neere vnto the Towne Wals. He also drew his shippes a shore and inuironed them with deepe Ditches and strong Pallisadoes fitting for their defence Hee likewise sent the Macedonians to forrage and himselfe went to view the Towne and resolued to set vp his Engines and to make all necessary preparations to force it meaning to attend the succours of friends and Allies and to make the Towne subiect to his obedience As well to depriue the Elienses of the greatest benefite and commodity they had by Sea for without doubt they sailed into Morea by night with the Cephalenian shippes and spoiled the Sea Coasts of the Epirotes and Acarnaniens as also to prepare this Towne for his Allies as a retreate in the 〈◊〉 Country Now for the Scituation of Cephalenia it lyes within the shore of the Corinthian Gulfe looking towards the Sea of Sycily and bends towards the parts of Morea which turne towards the North and West and likewise towards the Prouince of the Elienses and the parts of Epirus Etolia and Acarnania which haue their aspect towards the South and East VVherefore he resolued to do what possibly hee might to Conquer this Iland for the place was very conuenient to assemble the Allies and well seated to offend the enemies Townes and for the defence of those of the League And when hee saw that all the Quarters of the Towne were inuironed partly with the Sea and partly with steepy Rockes and that there was onely a little plaine which lookes towards Zacinthe hee was fully resolued to plant his Battery there and to prepare and make all things necessary for the siege In the meane time there arriued fifteene shippes of VVarre sent by Scerdilaide saying that for the present hee could not furnish and make ready any more by reason of some mutinies and dissentions which had lately happened in Sclauonia There also arriued succours and supplies from the Epirotes Acarnaniens and Messeniens as he had ordained For the Messeniens maintained the rest of the VVarre freely after the taking of the Citty of Phigalee VVhen as the King had prepared and made things necessary for the siege and the Engines of Battery were appointed in conuenient places hee approaches them to the Towne incouraging and giuing heart to his men By whose meanes after they had mined they presently opened a Quarter of the VVall the which was vnderpropt with great peeces of Timber so great is the experience knowledge of the Macedonians in such affaires Then Philip approaching neerer vnto the Wall hee beganne to summon the besieged to yeilde But vpon their refusall they suddainely set fire on that part of the Wall and ouer-threw it This beeing done hee sent the Souldiers which carried Targets to make the point being vnder the Charge of Leonce commanding them to assaile it and enter that way Leonce remembring his Conspiracy and finding an opportunity to put it in execution perswaded three young men of his followers which marcht before all his Troupes to the assault of the Towne that they should hinder the taking thereof winning the Captaines of their acquaintance and Charging very faintly as if they were affraide By this meanes they were shamefully repuls'd and beaten off from the assault hauing many Wounded and soare hurt Although they might easily haue had the Victory and haue come off with a great deale of honour The King seeing the feare of the Captaines and the multitude that were Wounded raised the siege And from that time hee assembled his Friends and Allies holding a Councell of that which hee had to doe for the future In the meane time Lycurgus entred into Messenia with an Army And Dorimache with halfe the Etâ—liens fals into Thessaly Wherefore Embassadours come vnto the King from the Acarnaniens and Messeniens He of the Acarnaniens intreated him to make a Descent into the Etoliens Country to the end hee might draw Dorimache from his Enterprize and that he would spoile and consume all the Enemies Countries He of the Messeniens demaunded Succours shewing that it was but a dayes iourney from Cephalenia vnto Messena a Northerly Winde blowing And therefore Gorgon sayd that the Voyage would be suddaine and of great profite and gaine Leonce remembring his Conspiracy helde for Gorgon seeing
Macedony beeing accompanied with all those which had escaped from the Battaile Hee presently sent vnto Laressa the second Night after the Battaile one of the Archers of his Guard giuing him charge to teare and burne the Royall Letters doing therein an Act worthy of a King who in his aduerse Fortune had not forgotten that which was to bee done He knew and did well perceiue that if the Romans were once seazed on his Commentaries there might be many occasions offered vnto his Enemies against him and his Friends It may bee it happened and fell out to him as to others who not able to containe their power moderately in prosperous things yet haue borne and suffered many Crosses and Disasters with patience The which happened vnto Philip as wil be apparent by the following Discourse So as ayming at that which was conuenient wee haue plainly shewed and declared his Attempts tending to reason and againe his change to worse and when how and wherefore these things were done hauing plainely set foorth and exprest his Actions Wee must by the same meanes declare his Repentance and dilligence whereby beeing changed thorough his aduerse Fortune hee carried and behaued himselfe at that time like a wise and discreete man Finally Tytus hauing giuen good order after the Battaile for those things which concerned the Prisoners and spoile he went to Larissa A Parcell of an imperfect sence TO define folly we cannot for that they are desirous of the same meanes This kind of remisnesse and dulnesse is often 〈◊〉 in many Neither is it to be wondred at if it hath place among others But among those in whom this Spring of malice is found there is another cause for the which that wise saying of Epicharmes doth not agree Watch and remember that thou must distrust This is the bond of hearts Of a certaine Accord betwixt Antiochus and the Romans AT the same time came from the Vargyles Publius Lentuluâ— with ten Legats and from Thasse Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius When their comming was suddainly declared vnto the King they assembled all within few daies at Lysimachia After whom followed Hegissiâ—nactes and Lisias sent at that time to Titus Finally the conference in priuate betwixt the King and the Romans was gracious and courteous But when the assembly met for affaires they imbraced another disposition Lucius Cornelius required that Antiochus should leaue all the Cities the which being subiect to Ptolomy hee had taken in Asia In regard of those which were subiect to Philip hee contested much to haue him leaue them For it was a mockery that Antiochus comming he should reape the fruites of the Warre which the Romans had made against Philip He likewise aduised him not to meddle with the free Cities He also sayd that it seemed strange that without reason he had past into Europe with an Army as well by Sea as Land That no man could conceiue it to be to any other end then to make Warre against the Romans These things being propounded by the Romans they held their peace The King in answere said that he wondred for what cause they debated with him for the Cities of Asia and that it was more fitting for any other then for the Romans Finally hee intreated them not to vsurpe nor to deale with the affaires of Asia And that for his part hee would not meddle with any thing that was in Italy In regard of Europe he had entred with his Armies to recouer the Cities of Cherronese and Thrace For that the command of all those places belonged to him this gouernment in the beginning being due to Lysimachus But when as Seleucus made Warre against him and had ouerthrowne him in Battaile all the Kingdome of Lysimachus became subiect to Seleucus by force After the time of his predecessors Ptolomy was the first who violently the sayd places vsurped them The like did Philip. And that for his part he recouered them accommodating himselfe to his owne times and not to those of Philip. And as for the Lysimachians ruined without reason by the Thracians he reduced them to himselfe no way wronging the Romans and restored them to their Countrey The which he did to shew this mercy to the affaires of Seleucus and not to make Warre against the Romans In regard of the Cities of Asia they ought not to enioy liberty by the commandment of the Romans but of grace And for that which concerned Ptolomy that with all his heart hee gaue him thankes and that he vnderstood that hee had not onely concluded Friendship with him but made a League When as Lucius was of opinion that the Lampsaceneins and Smyâ—niens should be called and audience giuen them it was done accordingly There Parmenio and â—ythodorus presented themselues for the Lampsaceneins and Cerane for the Smyrnien When as these men debated freely the King being incensed to yeeld an accompt of their debate before the Romans interrupting the Speech of Parmeâ—io cease sayth hee to plead so much I am not well pleased to dispute with my Enemies before the Romans but rather before the Rhodiens and then by this meanes they brake off the Assembly without any mutuall affection Another Parcell MAny men desire actions of courage and prowesse but the experience is rare Scope in truth and Câ—comenes haue had great occasions for Combats and hardy Enterprizes For as Scope was formerly taken hee had resolued in the same hope with his Seruants and Friends but hee could not saue himselfe Finally his iust death hauing led a wretched life hath giuen testimony of his great weaknesse And although that Scope was aided and assisted with great Forces hauing the gouernment of the King in his nonage and was of his Councell yet he was soone ruined For when as Aristomenes knew that hee had assembled his Friends in his house holding a Councell with them he sent vnto him by his Guards to come vnto the assembly But hee was so transported in his iudgement as hee did not that which hee ought to haue done neyther could hee being called be obedient vnto the King which was the greatest folly in the World vntill that Aristomenes knowing his basenesse lodg'd Souldiers and Elephants neare his House and sent Ptolomy the Son of Eumenes with the Young men to bring him with faire words if he would come willingly if not to vse force When as Ptolomy was entred into his house and signifying vnto him that the King demanded Scope he did not at the first obserue his woâ—ds But casting his lookes vpon Ptolomy he was long in that estate as it were threatning him and wondring at his presumption But when as Ptolomy approacht with assurance and layd hold of his Cloake then he required helpe of the Assistants Being in this estate and a great company of the young men comming about him being also aduertised that his house was enuironed with Souldiers hee followed him obeying the times being accompanied by his Friends When as hee was come to the Assembly
left to Hanno for the guard of Spaine Hannibals Army of 50 thousand Foote and nine thousand Horse The diuision of the World in three parts What the Carthaginians held in Affrick A diuision of the Prouinces to the Consull The building of Plaisance and Cremona The reuâ—lt of the Boloniens Modena besiged by the Gaules A Surprize made by the Boloniens vpon the Romans The parting of the Roman Armies The Gaules endeuour to stop Hannibals passagâ— ouer the Rhone Hannibal causeth his Army to passe the Rhone Hanno chargeth the Gaules Hannibals Victory ouer the Gaules Remonstrances of the Gaulish Kings vnto the Carthaginian Campe. Hanibals speech vnto his Souldiers A defeate of the Numidians by the Roman Cauallory The meanes to passe the Elephants The feare of the Elephants vpon the Rhone The Spring of the Riuer of Rhone Hannibal passeth the Alpes along the Rhone Polybius his remonstrance against Historiographers The Gaules inhabiting along the Rhone haue often past into Italy Hannibal conducted by guides at the passage of the Mountaines polybius visited the Alpes Lisle made by the 〈◊〉 of Saone and Rhone Doltaan Iland in Egypt The Sauyards hindet Hannibal and his Army Hannibals pollicy They of the Mountaines charge the Carthaginians Hannibals victory against the Sauoyards Conspiracy of them of the Mountaines 〈◊〉 colour of friendship The Treason of the Barbarians against Hannibal Hanibal makes a Speech vnto his souldiers Hannibal goes on his course The number of men which Hannibal had remayning after he had past the Alpes Polybius his Excuse Polybius hath visited Affricke Spaine and the Gaules Miseries common among Souldiers A decrease of Hannibals Army The Romans aduertised of Hannibals descent into Italy The policy of Hannibal for an example to his Souldiers Hannibals speech to his Souldiers Scipio his speech to his â—en A Combat of the Horse betwixt Hannibal and Scipio The retreate of Scipio The treason of the Gaules against the Romans An Embassie from the Bolonians to Hannibal The Riuer of Trebia Clastidium taken by Hannibal The Gaules Repuâ—â—e A plaine is sometimes the occasion of an Ambush Mago Brother to Hannibal An Ambush laid by Hannibal for the Romans Hannibal puts his men in Battaile The manner of the Numidions fighting Sempronius putâ— his men in battaile A defeate of the Roman Horse-men The Victory of Mannibal against the Romans The Romans feare for the losse of thâ— Battell A new Army leuied by the Romans both by Sea and Land Scipio ariucs at Empories and coâ—quers vnto Ebro Hanno King Andubal taken A defeate of some Romans by Asdrubal Hannibals speech to the Prisoners that were allied to the Romans Hannibals policy to keepe himselâ—e from killing by treason The Way and Order which Hannibal held to passe into Italy Hannibal looseth an Eye The duty of a good Captain The Country Spoil'd by Hannibal An Ambush layd by Hannibal The Romans Surprized and Defeated The Battaile of Perouze Flaminius slayn in the battaâ—le Sixe thousand Romans taken in a Burrough by composition The great amazement which was at Rome for the battaile lost A defeate of the Roman Horse-men by Maherbal A Dictator created Hannibal runs along the Coast of the Adriatique Sea The cruelty of Hannibal Quintus Fabius chosen Dictator The difference betwixt a Dictator and a Câ—nsull Marcus Minucius Constable Many Countries ruined by Hannibal Hannibal presents Battaile to Fabius The constancy of Fabius The Carthaginiansâ—poiâ—e â—poiâ—e the Countrey The description of the Countrey of Capuâ— and its scituation The Riuer of Vantour The meanes which Fabius held to stop Hannibals passage Hannibals policy against Fabius The course which Hanibal tooke iâ—passing the streight kept by the Romans Asdrubals parting from Carthage to go into Spaine The Romans Army at Sea The Romans Victory at Sea against the Carthaginians An Army at Sea prepared suâ—dainly by the Carthaginians The Roman great Army at Sea Supplies sent from Rome into Spaine Acâ—dux oâ— Abilux Bostaâ— Chiefe of the Carthaginians Acedux conspires with the Romans Geriona taken by assault Marcus Minucius The Cartâ—aginians defâ—ated by the Romans vpon a Hill The Carthaginians surprized by the Romans Two Dictators at Rome at one instant Fabius returneth to the Campe. The diuision of the Roman Army betwixt the two Dictators The policy of Hannibal A Combate betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians Fabius succours Minucius The great Reputation of Fabius Minucius his Speech Lucius Emilius and Caius Tarrencius chosen Consuls Lucius Postumus Praetor The Fort of Naples taken by Hannibal Fabius Speech to Lucius Emilius A Legion of fiue thousand Men and the manner how the Romans raise â—n Army Paulus Emilius speech vnto the Souldiers Discord betwixt the two Consuls A skirmish betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans The Riuer of Fante Hannibals Speech vnto his Souldiers Hannibal puts his men in battaile A great amazement at Rome The Romans in old time very ceremonious Varro offers battaile and the order which he held The Roman Army of foure score thousand Foote and sixe thousand Horse The order which Hannibal held to put his men in battaile The diuersity of Sword betwixt the Gaules and Spaniards Hannibals Army consisted of forty thousand Foote and ten thousand Horse The battaile of Cannaâ— The defeate of the Roman Horsemen by the Gaules and Spaniards The Gaules Battalion of Foote broken by the Romans and reunited againe Lucius Emilius Hannâ—â—al Asdrubal Emilius slaine in the Battaile Emiliuâ— speech to Lentuâ—â—s The Romans lose the Battaile Varro flies with threescore and ten Horse Ten thousand Romans taken aliue Threescore and ten thousand slaine in the Battaile Hannibals losse Tarent Capua and Naples reduced vnder the obedience of Hannibal Lucius Posthumuâ— defeated in Gaule Tisamenes Cleomenes The time of the death of Antigonus Seleucus and Ptolomy Polybius writes nothing but what he hath seene or receiued from those which had seen them Philip. Acheus Antiochus Seleucus Ptolomy Philopater Lycurgus The causes of the warre betwixt the Acheins and Philip against the Etoliens and Lacedemonians The scituation of Phigalea The Etoliens spoile the Messeniens The Etoliens take Chiron by Scalado Babyrthe Ariston Warre attempted by the Etoâ—liens against Morea Taurion taken by assault The disposition of Arate The diuers Natures of men The nature of the Thessalonâ—â—â—ans Etoliens Candiots The Messeniens seeke the alliance of the Acheins An Embassie sent from Arate to the Etoâ—â— A fight betwixt the Acheins and the Etoliens A defeate of the Acheins The aduice of the Acheins touching the warre against the Eteliens The idlenesse of the Etoliens Scerdilaide and Demetrius The descent of Scerdilaide Agelaus Dorimache Scopâ— into Acheia Polemarches Cynethe taken by the Etliens The Clytoriens assaulted by the Etoliens Cynethe burnt by the Etliens The customes of the Arcadians Musique profitable to all the world The Games of Children and Youth The occasion of the ruine of Cynothenses Philip comes to Corinthe A mutinie among the Lacedomonians The Murther of the Gouernours of the Lacedemonians Ambassadours sent from Lacedemon to
the Thessaliens And when he had vsed a long Speech and deliuered other things of the same subiect In the end hee demaunded of Philip why Lysimachia being associated to the Etoliens and hauing a Commaunder of the Warre from them hee had chased him away putting a garrison into the Citty Why hee had spoiled the Cyaneins of the Etolien Burgeoiship being a friend to the Etoliens Moreouer vpon what colour he detained Escheins Thebes Phthie Pharsalia and Larrisse Hauing spoken this Alexander held his peace When as Philip had approached neerer to Land then before standing vpright in his ship sayd that Alexanders Speech was Etolique and that it was notorious to all the World that no man ruined those which were his companions in Armes and yet a Prince according to the occasion of times is many times forced to do things against his will The King vsing this Speech Phenee hauing a bad sight lookes oftentimes crosse vpon Philip saying that he told Fables and that he should eyther vanquish in fighting or else subscribe and obey the commaundements of the Victors And although that Philip were discontented yet hee omitted not his kinde of speech but turning to Phenee a blind man sayd he would see it He was in truth apt to Choller and it was it a manner bred in him to iest at the good Fortune of other men Then turning towards Alexander thou demaundest of me sayd he for what reason I haue taken Lysimachia To the end that thorough your negligence and basenesse it might not be ruined by the Thrasiens as then it happened hauing retired my Souldiers for the present being there for the defence thereof and not as thou sayst to take it In regard of the Cyaneins I made no Warreagainst them But when as Prusias assailed them in giuing him succours I tooke the Citie with him whereof you haue beene the cause For when as the other Cities of Greece and my selfe had required you often by Embassies to abrogate the Law which allowes you to take spoile vpon spoile You answered that wee must first take Etolia from Etolia then the sayd Law And when as Tytus wondred how that could be the King laboured to make him vnderstand it saying that the Etoliens had a Custome not onely to assaile those and their Country with whom they had Warre But also it is lawfull for them if their Allies be in Quarrell to assaile both the one and the other with their Regions and to hold them without any common decree And by this meanes the Etoliens haue neither Lawes of Friendship nor Hatred being ready to fall vpon those which are in controuersie for any Affaires Whereon then doe these men ground an accusation against me I was a friend to the Etoliens so was I allied to Prusias and I attempted against the Cyâ—neins to succour my Allies But behold a case of wonderfull discretion that they which haue made themselues Enemies to the Romans commaund the Macedonians to depart out of Greece Without doubt it is a very arrogant Speech If the Romans speake it it is tollerable if the Etoliens intollerable But out of what Greece would you haue me depart How do you limit it Are there not many Etoliens in Greece You shall see that the Agraeins Apodates and Amphiloqueins are not of Greece at the least you leaue them to me And when as Tytus smiled this sayd he shall suffice against the Etoliens And as for that which concernes the Rhodiens and Attalus we may with more iustice and equity require that they should rather restore to vs our Prisoners and Vessells then we to them We haue not assailed the Rhodiens nor Attalus first but they vs it is without contradiction Yet for thy sake we will restore Perea to the Rhodiens and to Attalus his shippes and men which are liuing In regard of the ruine of the Triumph of Victories and of Venus Temple we cannot repaire them And for that which concernes the Trees and Gardens I will send men to digge the ground and will giue order that the Trees which are cut may grow againe And when as Tytus smiled againe at the scoffe of Philip Philip addressing himselfe to the Acheins hee put them in minde at the first of the benefits and fauours they had receiued from Antigonus and himselfe Moreouer he laid open the many Honors which the Acheins had done vnto them Finally he hath read the Resolution of their reuolte in following the Romans party Vpon which occasion hee propounded many things against the preuarication and ingratitude of the Acheins Yet promising to restore them Argos In regard of Corinthe hee would conferre with Tytus After this Speech held to the rest he sayd to Tytus that hee was to speake to him and to the Romans whether he were of opinion that he should abandon the Cities and places which he had Conquered among the Grecians or else those which he had receiued from his Predecessors And when as Tytus held his peace Aristenes was suddainly ready to answere for the Acheins and Phenee for the Etoliens But when the houre was past the Time had closed vp their mouthes Philip required that hee might haue men giuen him to write downe all that was to do for the peace For when he was alone he sayd he had no man with whom conferring he might yeild a reason of the Actions wherewith they charged him And although that Tytus heard Philip willingly in his iest yet being loath to be discouered by others he gaue him a touch saying It is no wonder if thou beest alone Philip when thou hast slaine all those which gaue thee Councell The Macedonian vsing a Counterfeite smile held his peace Then they all gaue in Writing what they had demanded appointing another assembly for the day following at Nicea To which place Titus came with his Company where all the rest appeared but Philip came not And when as the day was farre spent and that Titus expected his comming no longer he armed at Sunne setting accompanied with the same men saying that he had spent the whole day in vexation and discontent for the difficulty of the things wherewith they charg'd him But according to the opinion of others he did it to frustrate by the shortnesse of time the accusation of the Acheins and Etoliens He had seene them the day before at his departure ready for their defence and to complayne of him Wherefore at his ariuall he intreated the Commander of the Romans to treat of this businesse with him in priuate to the end that in debating it they might not fall to any outragious words but draw it to some end When he had often intreated this Titus demanded of the Assistants their opinion what he should doe and when they all yeelded vnto it and that he should obserue his words hee tooke Appius Claudius a Captaine of a thousand and commanding the rest that retiring a little into the Sea they should stay there bidding Philip to come to Land
The King accompanied with Apolodorus and Demosthenes landed and had a long discourse with Titus In regard of that which was spoken of eyther side it is a difficult thing to iudge Titus then when as Philip was retired related vnto the rest the things which hee had propounded namely that he would yeelde vnto the Etoliens Larissa and Pharsalia but not Thebes That to the Rhodiens hee would leaue Perea but not Iasson nor Bargulies to the Acheins Corinthe and the City of Argiues to the Romans that which hee held in Sclauonia with all the prisoners That he would restore to Attalus the vessels and all the prisoners that were liuing since the nauall fight But when as the whole Company disliked of this accord saying that they must generally decree that he must depart out of all Greece Otherwise all these articles would be vaine and friuolous Philip seeing this contention fearing likewise the future accusations he intreats Titus to deferre this assembly vntill the next day for that it is now late saying that hee would perswade them or suffer himselfe to be perswaded And when as Titus had granted this they resolued to assemble againe at the Port of Tyronye and so they parted The day following they all mette at the houre appoynted Philip hauing made a short speech requires them all especially Titus that they would not breake of the treaty of peace for that there were many things which did conduct to the conclusion of an accord vnlesse the fault were in them that the composition was not made Otherwise they must send Embassadours to the Senate to order their differences to the which he would obey and doe all they should command him These things thus propounded by Philip the others said that they must doe that which concerned the warre and not trust to his demands But the Roman Commander said that hee was not ignorant that Philip would not doe any thing that was propounded vnto him and yet their cause was nothing impaired in yeelding him this fauour which hee demanded For there could nothing be spoken there that could be confirmed without the Roman Senate and that moreouer the approaching time would be very commodious to make tryall of their aduice For as the Armies are vnprofitable in regard of the Winter there could be no inconuenience if in the meane time they referr'd themselues vnto the Senate but a great commodity vnto them all When they were of this opinion seeing Titus to concurre that the present differences should be transferrd'd to the Senate they resolued to suffer Philip to send an Embassie to Rome and in like manner all in particular to make their causes knowne vnto the Senate and to accuse Philip. When this resolution of the Assembly had succeeded according to the humour and aduice of Titus conceiued in the beginning he presently pursued those things which were requisite for the Enterprize hauing giuen order for his affaires Finally hee deales no more with Philip but assignes him two Moneths onely in the which hee should send an Embassie to Rome and should retire his Garrisons for Phocis and Locre Hee giues him likewise charge that hee should not make Warre against any of the Roman Allies and should giue order that in the meane time the Macedonians should doe them no outrage And when he had dealt with Philip vpon these Articles by Writing he brought the rest of the things propounded to an end of himselfe Hee suddainly sends Aminandre to Rome knowing his sufficiency in affaires and to purchase Friends easily wheresoeuer hee came and that he would procure some good conceite and hope in regard of the name of Royalty After whom hee sends for Embassadours Quintus Fabius his Nephew in respect of his Wiues Sister and Quintus Fuluiâ—s and with them Appius Claudius whom they call Nero. The Etoliens sent Alexander Issien Democrates a Calydonien Dicearchus a Trichonien Polymarchus an Arsinoen Lamin an Ambracioâ—e and Nicomachus an Acarnanien and of those which were Fugitiues from Thurion and dwelt at Ambracia Theodotes Pherea a Fugitiue of Thessaly and then remaining at Strate The Acheins sent Xenophon an Egien King Attalus Alexander alone The people of Athens Ciphesodorus All which come to Rome to the Senate to deliuer vnto their iudgements the things which they had resolued that Yeare before that the two Consuls at the request of the others were sent into Gallacia against Philip. When as Titus Friends conceiued that the two Consuls should remaine in Italy for feare of the Ganles they enter all into the Senate and accuse Philip roughly deliuering the same which they had formerly obiected vnto the King Yet they laboured carefully to possesse the Senate with an opinion that they could not hope for any liberty if Calchis Corinthe and the Demetriades conâ—nued in the hand of the Macedonians They sayd that Philip had vsed that speech and had assured that the said places were the Bonds and shackles of Greece the which he might well say with reason and truth For they could not sayle safely from Mâ—rea to Corinthe there being a royall Garrison neither durst the Locrines Beocians and Phocoâ—ses doe it whilst that Philip holds Calchis and the rest of Negrepont Neither likewise the Thessalians and Magnetians could not sayle freely Philip and the Macedonians holding the Demetriade Wherefore in that which Philip hath said that hee would leaue the other places it is a fancy and a shift to escape the present time and when opportunity should serue hee would easily subdue the Grecians so as hee held the said places For this cause they intreated the Senate that Philip might leaue those places or else continue in his Enterprize and fight valiantly And that the greatest part of the Warre was already decided the Macedonians hauing lost two Battailes and the greatest part of their forces at Land being consumed These Speeches ended they intreated them with all affection not to suffer the Grecians to bee frustrated of the hope of their liberty nor themselues depriued of an honourable Title The Embassadors of Greece hauing debated these things or the like those of Philip had prepared a Mountaine of words but they were suddainly reiected For when as they were demanded if they would leaue Calchis Coriuth and the Demetriades they denyed that they had any thing in charge Wherefore being check't by this meanes they ended their Speech The Senate sends the two Consuls into Galacia and declares the Warre against Philip to be iust giuing charge to Titus to attend the Grecians affaires When as the newes came into Greece all things succeded to Titus according to his desire For besides that Fortune fauoured him what soeuer hee vndertooke hee brought to an end by his prouidence and care Hee was in truth if there were any among the Romans a witty and ingenuous man Hee not onely vndertooke ordinary affaires but those that were secret and with such Dexterity and Courage as hee surpast all others