forts as to offende in the fielde This armie being in the field it would bee some what harde to goe burne the windmils at Paris and it may be those that are of that opinion will then be so curteous as to be content with the firing of that at Catelet So mightie an armie will some oran saie would deserue the kings presence neither should it want if any other king should come to assaile him for he is no appreÌ„tise in matters of war neither shall we at this daie finde anie that with the swoord in his hands hath bene so victorious in two battailes as he or that in the ditch of a besieged towne hath receiued the harquebuze shot which maketh me to thinke that he will neuer suffer anie vpon presumption to curtall his coate Sith therefore he is yet able to bring such a power into the field there is no wise man that will thinke him redie to play banquerout as some men doe make account but rather to be a most mightie Prince It resteth that we speake of order which in many other matters is verie disordered among vs. But the kings owne hand must bee the true meane to restore it which can as well do that as handle the sword But he must haue the assistance of time and peace without the which it is vnpossible hee shoulde attaine thereto for adding to them both his owne diligence and good example the worke will be performed in such wise that where now it is called France decaied it shall be tearmed France restored I would extend my speech farther were it not that I remember I may be accused of cogging with strangers and flattering my owne nation Rather woulde I wish the first to knowe that as stronge bodies doe through theyr owne riot ouerthrowe themselues so likewise by a certaine hidden power in them they rise againe examples whereof we haue enow For such considerations may make them wiser to iudge of matters of estate and of other mens and not vnder the pretence of a few diseases to condemne a man to death As for the second I should be glad to see them affected to maintaine themselues vnited vnder the authoritie of this crowne wherof would insue the greatnesse and felicity of the same which we ought as much to desire as heretofore we haue tasted of the swetnes therof But if God wold vouchsafe vs y e grace to see y e beginning of this goodlie world it would redoâ—â—d to our great coÌ„tentatioÌ„ after we haue wrestled against so many calamities to finde our selues in the middest of our domesticall goods which were almost vanished awaie we should haue no cause to waken our couetous desires neither to wheâ— our swoords to goe with great labour to seeke goods other where for we should find sufficient in our own houses To conclude we must not thinke that true greatnesse consisteth in getting much land but rather in possessing much vertue which is such a prize as when a king hath coueted and obtained it both he and his realme may be tearmed mightie The 21. Discourse That aliances of Christian Princes with Mahumetists the Capitall enimies of the name of Christ haue euermore beene vnfortunate Also that we ought not to enter anie firme confederacie with them THe great Orator Demosthenes in one of his Orations sayth that Like as the maister shipwrights going about to build a ship do lay stronge and steadfast foundations thereof so the principles of publike actions ought to be iust and honest This peraduenture is not vnfitly alleadged in the beginning of this small discourse for the better representing to those that gouerne great estates those necessarie rules whereby they ought to compasse their affayres And like as for the most part those men doe amisse who cleauing too much to their owne opinions doe go from the lawfull wayes So do they seldome straie who borrowing good examples of y e instruction and wisedome of the elders doe followe the same In the meane time whatsoeuer care man maye take to containe himselfe within the bounds thereof yet can he not alwayes bee exempt from transgressing the rules of equity through the imperfection of his iudgement and force of his passions Howbeit he must at the least take heede of encurring those great faultes that breede bad consequences as diuerse Princes both afore time and still haue done and doe whereby there haue growen irrecouerable losse to theyr estates A Prince seeing himselfe oppressed and his Countrie in necessitie deuiseth with himselfe and hath those that do also counsaile him to seeke all meanes to preserue it which peraduenture hath made men too free to make leagues with barbarous Nations the fruite whereof hath neuerthelesse bene so small that few there haue bene but haue soone repented their rashnesse But before we propound anie examples of these wretched confederacies I thinke it requisite in a word to teach the originall of the Turkish nation their increase and terrible behauiours Iohn Carion in his briefe Chronicle of the world faithfully corrected out of al histories sayth the Turkes to be descended out of the straightes of the mount Caucasus And that as some reporte they dispearsed themselues out of the North into some small corners of Asia about two hundred yeres before the comming of Christ where they remayned almost vnknowen vnto the time of the the Emperour Heraclius who raigned in the yere 612. Then Orismada king of the Persians finding himselfe assayled by the Sarazens called to them for succour whome they assisted But after his death seeing the Sarazens had seased vpon the Realme the beautie and fruitfulnes of the land so allured them that they stayed about the Caspian sea in that place which in olde time was called Hircanie and finallie so compounded with the Caliph of Babylon that he suffered them to possesse and till the land where they had stayed There also they imbraced Mahumets religion and obeied the Caliph a long time Afterward the Sarazens growing into dissention and warres among themselues the Souldan finding himselfe too weake to defend his partie called the Turkes to his helpe and expulsed the Caliphes After this victorie the Turkes demanding their paie he denied it which so prouaked them that they set vpon him ouerthrew him and braue him out of his Realme Thus did they establish theyr dominion in both the Armenies whereto they adioyned Capadocia Galacia and Bithinia which by little and little they conquered and this was about the yere of Christ 1050. Shortly after the Tartarians tooke awaie the Turkes dominion and brought them into subiection to them vntill that in the yere 1300. they rebelled and fortified themselues destroying the Tartarian Empire Then the other ancient families hauing through enmitie domesticall wars destroied each other begaÌ„the race of the Ottomans to beare sway Under this race grew the Turkes to that mightinesse wherein we now see them Thus the name and Empire of the Sarazens decaying this nation got the dominion of
are more subiect to decay If I should now aske you vpō your cōsciences how often in a wéeke you think vpon the inestimable benefite of y e knowledge of God wherewith you are endued for in that you are Christians I cannot doubt thereof you will peraduenture aunswer me that it were much if once in a moneth you should earnestly thinke therevpon yet this knowledge or rather faith doth teach and certefie you y t ye are fellow burgeses of heauen that by Iesus Christ you haue bene plucked out of the pawes of y t great Pharao the deuill the bondage of Egipt which is the figure of Hell How thē can you haue so small mind of so excellent a benefite whereof Dauid sayd Of thy precepts I will still muse and thereto frame my talke As at a marke so will I ayme thy waies how I may walke My only ioye shall be so fixt and on thy lawes so set That nothing can me so farre blind that I thy workes forget For notwithstanding he had among y e treasures y t he had heaped together aboue 100. millions of gould yet did he accompt those of Gods seruice much more precious tooke greater felicitie therein Imitate him therefore oftner open the coffer of your vnderstanding and harts to the end to contemplate such ritches which onely suffice to make you happy Next will I descend to morall vertues of some whereof I thinke you not vtterly vnprouided And put the case you haue Fortitude which signifieth Prowesse which also is of great recommendation among our Nobilitie also Temperance which is familier with the good Also I meane that the portion which you haue be grauen in your harts rather then printed in your faces Euen with this onely may you bee assured that you shall not bee degraded from your title notwithstanding you ought stil to labour to obteyne more You will not accompt a Marchant of silkes poore because he hath in his coffers none but Crimson and white Ueluets for you should doe him wrong euen so thinke of your selues that you are not poore in conditions so long as these two vertues doe fructifie in you which also may serue to engender more Yea and the more are you to esteeme of these benefites because no furie of contrary fortune can bereaue you of them I will also speake one word of your Health which me thinkes ye cherish no more then ye doe adogge whome ye hazard against all sortes of wilde beastes for many tymes you giue it for a pray to most mortall diseases wherein you shewe your small iudgements in seeking to heape together vaine things and yet cannot preserue those that are necessarie Remember the prouerbe There is no treasure to health And imagine a Prince groning in his bed who offereth all his wealth for the recouerie of that which you cōtemne So will you peraduenture confesse that you are more happie then wise As for your reuenues your continuall lamenting of your want doth shew that you are not very well content therewith And yet is your rent perhaps twelue hundred crownes by yeere with a goodly house well furnished where as your father liued honestly merely with the one halfe You will either tell me or thinke with your selues that when you haue on your gay garments you are an other maner of man thē your father was Truely I graunt it I thinke your fathers head was fraught with wit that could of so small wealth keepe his house furnished Whereas contrariwise I suppose that your vnderstanding is troubled with sixe ounces of folly at the least considering that hauing so many commodities your house is neuer but emptie and yet I would wish you not to wéepe for there bee at the least fower millions of persons in this Realme that haue not the tenth parte so much as you and yet shed neuer a teare for it You haue but ouer much if you could vse it What will you say of so many of your good Parents and Frends And what accompt they make of you where you haue bene conuersant Yea what will you say of your Libertie which is a thing comparable to Life through the which you may take pleasure in the beautie of the seasons more in the conuersation of men You must needes aduowe that the possessions of these onely benefites notwithstanding you possesse much more thē I will note as wel to auoyde flatterie as not to bee tedious to the reader doe suffice to make you blesse the giuer content your se ues with your estate and reioyce with other men to which effects you shall atteyne by often meditation in the same But if you disdayne this profitable counsaile and returne to your accustomed neglecting of that which is certaine to the ende to seeke the vncertaine you will driue me to appropriate vnto you the deploration of the miser and to say of you Oh miserable man who in the middest of so much wealth accoumpteth himselfe needie and poore I haue sayd enough it is your partes to thinke vpon it But I would wish euery man to knowe that this my admonition tendeth not to puffe vp the naturall pride of any that hath considered of himselfe whereto many are easely led but rather to reclaime those that are too eager in the laboursome pursuite of superfluous goods as also from their delicate complaints in which waies I will not denye but my selfe haue heretofore walked as farre as others But age learning and sinister experiences hauing stayed mee in the meditation of such things as I haue noted and many more I haue thereby learned first that Gods liberalitie aboundeth toward vs which wee neuerthelesse by contempt of his goods do abuse and secondly that it is not altogether vnprofitable when in the ende a man by his owne errors doth amend This Discourse is not finished The eight Discourse That the pouertie of the French Nobilitie proceedeth not so much of the warres which haue continued these fiue and thirtie yeres as of their owne ouersight in the mispending of their goods WE shall not neede any large discourse to shewe how farre the French Nobilitie are fallen from the auncient wealth wherwith their houses were adorned in y e daies of the good Kings Lewes the 12. and Frances the first as being a thing whereof fewe be ignorant For if wée list to consider of them either generally or in perticuler wee shall see them vnfurnished and wanting of sundrie necessarie things except it be some houses which haue lately risen a few others that by good husbandrie benefites or couetousnesse haue mainteyned and enriched themselues And I dare affirme that if all that beare this title were deuided into tenne partes and neerely visited it would bee found that eight of them haue bene decayed by the alienations of a great part of their goods morgages of their landes or other debts and that onely the other two partes haue wherewithall sufficiently to maintaine
warre where also they keepe them partly in garrisons and partly vppon their conquered landes which they diuide among them with charge to bee alwayes readie to serue vppon anie the great Lords commandements so as out of the sayd Prouinces of Europe they are able to bring into the field neere 100000. horse which is a token y t the barbarousnesse that we take to be in them is not altogether deuoide of wisedome and pollicie They vse not to fortefie many holdes for no man dare enterprise to assault anie of their chiefest but he shall straight waies be assured of a mightie power at hand readie to make him giue ouer quicklie As their lande power is great so is not their strength by sea anie whit smaller which now they are more iealous to keepe well than euer heeretofore through the remembrance of their great losse receiued by the good hap and prowesse of Don Iohn of Austria They neuer empouerish themselues in warres as Christian Princes doe for their warfare and order of paie doth somewhat differ from ours and the coine that theyr Emperour taketh out of his treasurie at Constantinople in the time of warre hee supplieth againe in time of peace To bee briefe they be most mightie enimies against whom whosoeuer shall deale he had not neede to forget anie thing at home as wee vse to say but doe as they that enter the liftes who before they do come loke to increase their strength courage to see to see their defensiue armes sit and their offensiue sharp to the end either to ouercome or die valiantly Now are we to enter into the chiefe point of this matter which is of the meanes how to assaile these terrible enimies in what places with what power to the end within the time afore noted to atchiue a happie conclusion And although in y e assembly before mencioned wherat should appere suÌ„drie princes Captains they may argue of this point to y e end to grow to some resolution yet will I not let as briefly as I may to saie my minde according as I purposed at the first alwaies submitting the same to the censures of such as are more skilfull than my selfe to correct the imperfections therof My discourse teÌ„deth rather to kindle y e affections of valiant persons to enterprise than to giue anie counsayle in the proceeding in so haughtie a purpose whose euents may not easily bee forseene wherin the chiefest Captaines whose poore scholler I shal account it an honour for me to be shall not bee too sufficient to giue aduice The better neuerthelesse to behaue our selues in such a warre I thought good to set down some examples of but ancestors who sundrie times fought against the same nation to the end that what they wisely executed may be to vse a rule by fitting it to our time as also we may eschue and auoid their ouersights I will not enter into search of matters beyonde Godfrey of Bolleine albeit there were greate warres before betweene the Emperours of Constantinople and the Saracens in whose daies the Christian Princes beganne to confederate themselues agaynst them The first armie that was sent went vnder the leading of Peter the Hermite who passed euen into the lesser Asia and at the first acchieued a few valiant exploites but he and all his men were afterward ouerthrowen by the Souldan of Nicee Likewise two other armies as they marched were broken by the Hungarians a nation which at that time had scarcely attayned the rudimentes of Christianitie and as yet did holde of the auncient fiercenesse of the Hunnes so as these first expeditions yeelded small fruit and great hurt The cause of which disorders inconueniences proceeded as I thinke of the want of authoritie and experience of their leaders who vpon a zeale assembled al these troups gathered out of diuers nations in whom peraduenture they founde not conuenient obedience and wanting foundation both in purpose and prouision could not long holde out neither among their friendes neither agaynst their enimies The histories reporte that in the first expedition there were unlesse than 100000. able men And the Hungarians ouerthrew the others which were not so many because by the way they â—ell to spoyle which argueth that they vsed small discipline Wee can therefore make no account of the greacnesse of a multitude if there be no order among them which especially fayleth when their Captaines be either insufficient or want authoritie Shortly after did Godfrey of Bolein tooke vppon him his notable voiage about the yeere 1086. toward the end of the raigne of the Emperor Henrie the fourth This voyage was better looked to and ordered than the former and had many more excellent Captaines for besides himselfe who was alreadie a famous Captaine he had his two brethren Baulduine and Eustace Earle of Flanders Hugh Philippe the French kings brother Robert of Normandie the sonne of William King of England and many other Lords Gentlemen yea if we list to beleeue such as haue written the particularity therof we shall find there were in that armie aboue 40000. horse and 150000 〈◊〉 al fighting men a great part wherof which was me 〈…〉 about their owne expenses So soone as they were assembled they marched forward and so followed their businesse that they finished their conquest in 3 yeres ouer a great part of the lesser Asia Siria Mesopotamia In this warre they had many reencounters but the most notable were two great battailes which they woune and two principall sieges Nice Hierusalem where they were the conquerours Many Christians were also once besieged at Antioch but they sharply repulsed y t Sarazens and Turkes with great slaughter Finallie hauing expulsed them out of the farthest Prouinces they established the Realme of Hierusalem where Godfrey of Bolleine raigned and his successours after him who so list nowe to consider the time that was spent in so great a conquest shall find it but short for the winning of more land than all Germanie and Scotland doe containe Great was the defence assalt but 2. great battels 2. sieges yelded the whole victory wherby we may beleeue y t the hardest enterprises are ouercome with valor good order Neither wil I let slip the inconueniences of those long iourneyes for the tediousnesse of the way the distemperance of the aire the continual trauaile bred sundrie diseases among those great troopes which were holpen forward by the excesse of the mouth too much vsed in these north parts These brought the losse of many eueÌ„ of the better sort y t wanted no abilitie Now haue the Turkes taken order y t we shall not need to go so far to seeke them for they are come abroad eueÌ„ to some of our gates others haue them within fiftie leagues of them and the farthest within an hundred We shall not neede to feare the hearts of Asia for our batable grounds shall be in as good a temperature as France yea euen Constantinople
be thought verie small neither doe I thinke they will be grieued with maintaining it foure yeeres sith so they may reape this benefit to inioy fortie in peace and safetie Charles the fift onely of his owne and part of the Empire brought before Metz 80000. men and the armie that Maximilian lastly raised against the Turks in the yere 1556. amounted vnto 60000. so as we shall performe no newe thing but onely in the continuance thereof Concerning Captaines ouer the Hungarians the Emperour himselfe might command who cannot imploie his hignesse in anie act more worthie his greatnesse and he to be accompanied with his vnkles and brethren The Dukes of Saxonie Casimire and other Germaine Princes Earles and Colonels among whom he should finde both prowesse and good conduct As for the French and what should thereto be adioyned we may easily finde Princes enowe to command but I will name but two whome I take to bee most meete namely the king of Nauarre who in desire of wel doing and courage giueth place to none and the Duke of Lorraine whose auncestours hauing bene scourges to the Turkish nation it is to be presumed that their auncient good hap may accompanie his valor So as it should rest in the King to appoint which of them shoulde haue charge or if he should commit it to them both alternatiuely I am sure neither of them should want a goodly traine as wel of the one as of the other religion The nauie likewise woulde haue some mightie Captaine And in as much as many doe certainly beleeue that the Duke of Sauoy a Prince of great expectation an imitatour of his Fathers magnanimitie will enter alliance in Spaine it may be the Catholike king may honour him with that office for that authoritie is requisite to rule so much nobilitie and Gentrie as should there be found of both nations who are not easie to be gouerned Howbeit considering what experience ought to be in such a head I knowe none more capable than the Prince of Parma who iustly deserueth to be commended for the best Captain in Christendome But I feare that euerie mans desire to be employed in this expedition would moderate the iealousies of the first and seconde places also that such debates would easily be decided When I consider what Princes Lords Gentlemen Captaines and notable Souldiours shall be in these expeditions I knowe not how such power can possiblie be beaten For if in al Christendome there were anie vertue discretion magnanimitie arte or industrie the most exquisite thereof would vndoubtedly be brought thether by those who enflamed with a desire of well doing would liberallie in so noble an assemblie shew forth whatsoeuer the fairest of their perfections one would seke by couÌ„sel another by boldnes another by diligence each to outgoe his companion The like shall wee see among our nobilitie not coutentious enuies but honest emulations who might be most notable in well obeying and better commaunding When ye haue in an armie a number of such people as can leade the waie to others and take sure holde without letting goe they make all the rest to fight well Neither can I thinke that there be many such among the Turks who being for the most part slaues doe fight for feare of punishment rather than for loue of true glorie These armies should be readie as well by land as by sea to march wheresoeuer they shall be appointed at the beginning of May. But al the difficultie resteth in knowing how to inuade for we may proceede therein after sundrie manees I would thinke that the Christians should wholy purpose at the beginning of their war to grow to battayle with these barbarous people for sith their Empire consisteth onely vpon the good will of nations we shall see wonderfull alterations if at the first ariual they may inâ—urâ—e anie notable ouerthrow But it is a question whether they maye bee easily drawen thereto for commonly we see that if the enimie perceiue his aduersaries deuises he will still seeke to leade him to contrarie purposes This doe I confesse to be often put in practise but we are to hope with so mightie and proude enimies as the Turkes that it wil fall out as with a greate Boare whome the dogges haue het for what soeuer he first seeth man or dogge by and by he maketh towarde it with wonderfull furie We neuer found in writing that they haue bene slowe to battayle for that they still seeke to vphold the reputation of their name and armies When they heare of the Christians preparation to wars they proceede in lyke sort and before we can come within 50. leagues of their frontiers they are so diligent that they haue sacked halte ours Whereby we know that they would soone couer the visard as we saie and hauing throughly considered heereof I finde that it would be a great aduantage vnto vs for the heare and furie of Northerne nations is at the first verie forcible but by delayes quaileth Now let vs see wherein the land armie should consist namelie in 18000. Reistres 10000. speares armed after the French Italian manner 2000. harquebuzes on horseback and 10000. Hungarian and Polonian speares to serue for light horsemen For the power must be receiued each after the manner of his owne nation The footmen to be composed of 20000. harquebuziers and 30000 speares in all amounting to 40000. horse and 50000. footmen all fighting men Likewise for artillerie for the fielde twentie Canons and twentie greate Culuerines accompanied with the pioners aforesayd and virtuall sufficient for such an armie The thinking of all this maketh vs to reioyce but when we dreame vpon the expenses it danteth vs for it will require monthly 800000. Crownes which riseth to a great deale in a whole yeere Furthermore least such an armie if it should go farre from the great riuers or enter into the land should be much hindred for want of victuals and forage it shall be forced to keep along the riuer of Danow and there to begin their first purposes so might they abound in all necessarie prouision which should be brought by the same It is also meete to haue a bridge of boates accompanied with armed gallies to follow it so to keepe both shores of the said riuer as well for forages as for the siege of such places as stand thervpon I thinke that Strigonia is one of the first places that the Turks holde but neither it nor anie other that they possesse are as I vnderstand of any strength for when they doubt that any shall be assalted they put in 8. or 10000. souldiours and looke for no other fortification and it is harde with ordinarie meanes onelie to wreast from them anie that is in theyr handes Wherefore whether they should fortune to bee the first or the last in the fielde I am of opinion to the ende to binde them to fight it were good to make shew and that in earnest to set vppon some places
such recompences Of the small order obserued by the Frenchmen in respect of rewardes A meane how to establish this disciplines The Reisters actiue with the Pistoll what aduantage they seem to haue of the Speares What aduantage the speare seemeth to haue ouer the pistoll especially head to head Which of the 2. Squadrons should haue the aduantage Answer to the obiection that the Reistres haue diuers times suffered the speares to beate them Ouersights of the Reisters Of the effect of two Squadrons when they come to charge Why moste men do reiect this Paradoxe Proofes hereof may be performed by the notable examples taken out of the stories of our time The first example The second example That such restraites may be made when the arte of warre and in struction of the Soldiers is ioyned with bould resolution Of the ordering of the battailes Answer to the obiection against the former aduice How the battailes should beare themselues either to fight or to retire Aunswer to another obiection founded vpon the impossibilitie Aunswer to two other obiections A meane to proue what assurance is in this paradox also a remedie to the difficultie propounded there against The generall ground of this paradoxe The perticuler ground hereof Example of Captaines that haue benefited by the ouerthrowes that they haue susteyned An other example in Cesar The vse of these examples The first cause of presumption The second cause The third cause The effectes of pride enflamed through our owne bad nature and the discourses of our frendes flatterers Remedies against these effectes In his treatise of profit to be taken of enemies An exhortation to Captaines with a description of the good which the vertuous do reape whiles the viti ous and ignorant doe empaire and confound them selues Where to costly fortifications doe serue To whom those of smale expense are profitable Forteresse which haue so much Against those that like of such expenses How to helpe our selues with the Ingeniors deuises and yet auoide excessiue expenses An aduise vpoÌ„ the meanes to fortifie with smale cost The way how to descend a place that is besieged Against such as thinck water to be hurtfull to rampiers of earth The Duke of Burgundy an Image of such as haue no delight but in troble and coÌ„fusion The meanes which doe seeme necessary to be houldeÌ„ in the consideration of the present estate of the Realme to restablish it The miseries of warres especially ciuill Examples of these miseries of Warre Other miseries of ciuil warres The straÌ„ge offence of the most of those that beare armes in such warres An exhortation to those Frenchmen that are banded one against an other To the Souldiers To whome the aforesaid calamities are to be imputed The state of warres in ould time coÌ„demne those of our dayes The ambition of Princes and common welths cause of great calamities Whar considerations ought to moderate the desires of princes Answer to the obiections of ambitions Counsailers Aunswere to an other obiection touching the mightinesse of Prinses Consideration of the greatnesse of a king of France The extent of the realme The fruictfulnesse The people The contry Aunswere to those that emblason and abase France because of her miseries Of godlinesse Of Iustice Of the tresury Of the Frenchmens concord Of Martiall discipline Of the chiefe martiall Capteyns What meanes the King hath to defende him selfe against any Prince his neyghbour that list to assaile him Of the restoring of order in France What the groundes of publike actioÌ„s ought to be The grouÌ„d of confederaties with Turkes The originall of the Turkes their increase behauiours gouernments as well in respect of the soules as of the bodies What Christian princes were the first that repented their confederaties with the Mahumetistes Ihon Paleoiâ—gue Answer to the obiection of such as vnder coulor of couenants euel kept among some Christian princes doe alowe of conâ—ederaraties of Infidels so as therin men be wise and circumspect What treaty may be made with Turkes also what difference is betweene such treaties and true alliance with the danger of stedfast consederaties with tirants Other latter examples of the danger that is in confederaties and trust to Turkes Other examples How many mishappes haue bene hatched out of the confederaties of Christians wihch the Turkes The originall and occasion of the alliance of the French Kinges with the Turkes What seruice the Turkes haue done to France How â—ore this league hath blemished the glory of the French nation How farre such confederaties doe preiudice christiaÌ„ religion Whether confederaties with the Turkes be lawfull Answer to an obiection grounded vpon the consideration of the Turkes prosperitie Aunswer to those that thinke it no time now for the Frenchmen to breake their league with the Turkes The conclusion of this discourse The excuse occasion of this discourse A brief Description of the Turkish dominion Of their hatred and conspiratie against ChristeÌ„dome why they suffer Christians among them The meanes to suppresse the Turkes insoleÌ„cie also the cause why it is propounded Against those that thinke the Turkish tirannie to be so farre of as it can neuer reach vnto them How terrible the Turkes power is at this day and why To whome it belongeth to suppresse the tirannie of the Turkes What letteth princes from thinking therof also the meane to set this matter in hand Who they are that ought to begin to sette the rest on worke The Pope The Emperor The King of Spayne How other princes may be induced to ioine with the three asorenamed Reasons for the leagne betweene France the Turkes Answer to the reasons and allegations aforesayed That it is requisite to vnite Christian princes before they meddle with the Turkes Of the vnion of princes with their subiectes and the ceasing from all acts of hostilitie and ciuill warres within their lands Of the necessitie of peace in the Low couÌ„tries and how the King of Spaine may and ought to graunt it Vpon what consideration the enterprize against the Turke ought to be of great commendation among all Christian princes Hauing treated of the fouÌ„dations of this warre it is here spoken of the proceeding thereof and first of the generall assembly for the entire resolution of the affaires Of the meanes to continew the warres diuers yeares Of treasure to maintaine this warre Of forces necessitie for the executioÌ„ herof Of Martiall discpline Of other preparatiues requisite to beginne withall Against those that thinke the Turkes easy to be subdued Of the great power and habilitie of the Turkes Of the manner how to assiuill the Turkes in what places and with what power How longe our auncestâ—rs were in their warre also whether it bee harder in these daies then in those What was the cause that our forefathers lost the aduantage they had of them were driuen out of the east The warres of those princes that succeded Godfrey and others against the Turkes Why the time is now conuenient to sett vpon
THE POLITICKE AND MILITARIE DISCOVRSES OF THE LORD DE LA NOVVE VVhereunto are adioyned certaine obseruations of the same Author of things happened during the three late ciuill warres of France With a true declaration of manie particulars touching the same All faithfully translated out of the French by E. A. AT LONDON Printed for T. C. and E. A. by Thomas Orwin 1587. TO THE RIGHT HONOrable his verie good Lorde George Earle of Cumberland Baron Clifford Lord Bromflet Aton and Vescie c. E. A. wisheth all increase of honour and true felicitie ANTIGONVS being asked whom he thought to bee the worthiest Captaine in his time answered Pirrhus if he were of more yeres not daring to pronounce him absolutelie the worthiest vntill he had experience to match with his valour euen so if it were demaunded at this daie who iustlie deserued the name of a politike expert Capptaine I think without preiudice to anie other that the Lord de la Noüe the author of this present treatise whose wise gouernment in time of peace being no lesse commendable than his long seruice in time of warres to the Church of God hath bene profitable is not in silence to be ouer-passed Howbeit least I should right Honorable and my verie good Lord seeme rather to blemish than amplifie the vertues of so worthie a man through the basenesse of my stile and vnpolished phrase I leaue the same to bee notefied by those whose great knowledge and ripe iudgement I doe iustlie preferre many degrees before mine owne being the rather thereto induced by the like example of Menedemus the Lacedemonian who was wont to saie that the qualitie and condition of the praiser ought to be as well regarded as that of the praised Insinuating thereby that it was vnfit verie for anie man to commend the thing wherein his iudgement might fayl or his education be therto not answerable In as much therefore as his owne works may in some measure make manifest what is to bee thought of his person I doe present them to your Honors view and patronage in this our vulgar tongue faithfullie and trulie translated out of the French desiring though not deseruing like fauourable acceptation as I had good meaning to offer the same For therein I am fullie perswaded the indifferent and not curious reader shall finde matter sufficient for the reestablishing of a ruinous common weale if it be put in practise wise counsaile for maintenance thereof and lastly approued documents requisite whether in ciuill or forraine warres which albeit they were written perticulerlie to releeue and restore the declining estate of the realm of France are also in my opinioÌ„ not vnnecessary for ours or any other that may fal into the like if God who is the protector and guider of all Realmes shoulde not continue among vs vnity and godly peace A work no doubt worthy the writer and yet at the first published without his priuitie or allowance being collected and disgested into one volume out of a heape of papers cast aside by the industrie paines of the L. of Fresnes whom as himself reporteth the miserie of the time and troubles of his owne natiue Countrie enforced as a banished man to keepe companie with the said Lord de la Noüe during his captiuitie in a forraine land dedicated to that excellent Prince patterne of pietie Henrie of Burbon King of Nauarre throrough whose roiall patrimonie together with the iust desert of the author himselfe it hath receiued friendly entertainment among the better sorte of the French Nation as I doubt not but it shall finde the like heere among vs English men being shrouded vnder the couert of your L. honorable protectioÌ„ to the which I commit the same thus crauing pardon for my boldnesse most humblie I take my leaue of your Lordship to whom I wish long life with all encrease of honour Your Honors most humble and heartie well willer E. A. To the King of Nauarre SIR it doth many times so fall out that those things which we imagine to be most hurtfull vnto vs do redound to our greatest benefit This when Chion a man in his daies of good estimation among the Greekes had tried in himselfe hee did by a Letter of his yet extant giue thankes to the contrarie winds which maugre his head had detained him at Constanâ—inople from whence hee ment to haue sailed to Athens because the sayde sâ—aie procured him the benefite of entering a league of friendship with Xenophon who during his aboade ariued there with his troopes after his returne out of Persia confessing that he had more profited in the companie of that gallant Captaine then hee shoulde haue done in the schooles of the most famous Philosophers of all Grecce After the example therefore of that so notable a personage my selfe will giue thankes to the miseries of this time because that forcing me to become a Philosopher in a strange land they haue wrought me this good to haue passed away eight or nine moneths in the companie of the Lord De la None For besides that hee is endued with all those good partes which Chion noteth in Xenophon as well in respect of his learning as also for his knowledge and experience in armes the examples of his vertues and sweetnesse of his conuersation did so helpe me to disgest both the publike calamities and mine owne perticular discommodities that during life I cannot but yeeld praise to God for so great a benefite Howbeit the thing that made me most desirous of his friendshippe was a consideration that the farther he was through his afflictions driuen out of France and from your Maiestie the more did his affection to your seruice the welfare of the whole Realme seeme to increase for whether he walkt or slept all his imaginations tended nolie to the finding out of such meanes as might best redresse the calamities that oppressed our miserable Countrie and his ordinarie deuises to the seeking out of anie thing that might aduance the reestablishing of the state in her former dignitie A matter at this day so lamentable as it seemeth rather to bee wished than hoped for Injoying therefore that sweete familiaritie wherewith it pleased him to honour mee and being on a time in his closet I chaunced to laie my hand vpon a heape of papers throwen aside in a corner as things not regarded and finding that they deserued to bee more diligently gathered together I began very gladly to reade them ouer but he would not suffer me saying they were but scriblings whereon he had employed the most tedious houres of his leasure during his long and straight imprisoment likewise that among them there was nothing worth the sight because his continuall exercise in warrefare wherein he had employed himselfe had denied him all opportunitie to endite well as also that in these discourses especiallie as neuer meaning other than to passe awaie the time he had taken no paines with the polishing or filing of them that
corruption in stead of temperance Other Gentlemen there be who séeing disorders euery where had rather kéep their children at home and there to spare for no stipends vnto sufficient maisters than to send them forth This is a good way for those that be very rich who also haue opportunitie to giue them companions of their owne age with whom they profite better than being alone But so cannot the poore that haue inough to do to cloth and feede theirs whom also necessitie as is aforesaid forceth to make them pages where they may as wel to haue them fashioned as to ease their owne charges It is sufficiently knowen that there be many valiant Gentlemen of 7. or 800. Frankes rent that haue foure or fiue children apeece ready growen sitting about their hearths what can they do with them but intreat their friends that are better able than themselues to giue them their finding and instruction which is the most commodious way for them that they can choose whereof doth insue a great bond both of the Father and the child to him that sheweth thē this curtesie as also a great loue of him toward them in that he findeth himselfe to be thought worthie the gouernment of others The Lords that inhabite each prouince of this Realme doe owe that liberall honestie to their poore neighbours for if they be vertuous can they anie where better sow so good séede than in their neighbors lands it may so light as it shall yéeld fruit ten folde Some such haue ben a mans page as afterward hath saued the life of him y t brought him vp And although some frée heart can neuer be wearie of imploying it selfe in such actions as purchase so sure bondes yet must it proceede according as abilie may affoord so to auoide such inconueniences as we haue sometime séene in the houses of sundry those Princes Lords that haue entertained euery page y t haue ben offered them Wherof the nūber was so excessiue that it extinguished all care not onely of instructing but also of clothing them so as somtime you might finde some of thē all tattred playing at scales with the stable boies These are briefly the most ordinarie formes of proceeding in the instruction of yong gentlemen heretofore practised wherin are declared the errours therein committed the commodities discommodities thereof arising and the remedies that may be vsed Now must we draw forth some publike discipline for the afore named whereby they may be instructed in good manners honest exercises with most commoditie least perill greatest fruit The auncient lawgiuers that haue prescribed lawes to all sorts of common wealths do will that children be taught in publike places touching withall euery thing that is necessarie for them to learne whereby to become vertuous and good citizens Aristotle in his Politiks treateth therof at large as also doth Plutarke in his small works They say that man consisting both of bodie and soule must also be instructed exercised in that which belongeth to thē both For that neglected the soule stūbleth in ignorance which is the mother of many vices and by idlenesse diseases increase and the body waxeth delicate and tender Among the auncient nations in old time none were so curious in the well nurturing of their youth as the Lacedemonians so long as they obserued their customes they had infinite vertuous persons yea their women children became famous The like affection ought to be among the kings that raigne in these daies especially toward their nobilitie frō whence do proceed their Princes mightie Captains gouernors and chiefe officers Embassadors and inferior Captains whose seruice they vse in defence of their crowns For in case they desire to reape worthie seruice of all these whē they be men they must first haue some care of thē when they be children because y e Prince being y e cōmon father of his subiects ought to procure that they be good Whereof I do conclude that to the end to see good fruit proceed of the well nurturing of the Gentrie the parents diligence only doth not suffice but that it is also requisite that publike orders do concur therewith to the end that the one mixed with the other a more prosperous issue maye insue In olde time our kings founded many goodly colleges to the end al their subiects indifferētly might be instructed as wel in diuine as humane learning As also we may say that in olde time Princes houses were schooles wherein yong gentlemen were trained vp in ciuilitie good maners when like wise the ordinances of the men of war did in parte serue to instruct them in martial feats But now inasmuch as in those places they find not so exquisite nurture as might be wished for it were expedient to proceed to y e remedy propoūded y t is y t it might please his maiesty in sūdry parts of y e realm to establish certain places dedicated to such instructiōs which besides the ordinary fruit might also yeld this cōmodity y t parēts should not be driuē w t so great expenses and vncertain successe to send their children so far away as hauing euē at their gates as it were most excellēt schooles of al good exercises for there is neuer a yere but there go 3. or 400. yong Gentlemen out of France y e most of good houses into forein countries to sée learne which proceedeth of valiāt minds with extreme desire of knowledge But euery thing wel waied y e said viages do breed more incōueniēce than profit For they cary y e coine out of y e realme return fraught with vices besides that of all y t go the one halfe do neuer returne but are taken away either by sicknesse or other casualties It wer inough in my opiniō to sēd their childrē at y e age of 15. yeres to places so ordained because thē they begin to grow méet for y e exercises of y e bodie y t require strēgth that in the meane time vntil they come to that age their fathers cause them to be taught either in their own houses or at the vniuersities These places whereof I meane to speak might be named Academies wherof I wold in euery head city of this realm appoint one were it not y t we are not yet disposed to do too much good at once therfore to begin withal I would wish that 4. might be erected in the 4. quarters of the realm which would most conueniently be at Paris Bourdeaux Lyons Angiers whether al y e other prouinces might haue recourse Or it were not amisse to establish thē in 4. of the kings houses wherto the king doth but seldome repaire namely at Fontain beleau The castle of Moulins Plessis of Tours at the castle of Congnac for y e lodgings are large worthy roial works In thē might be taught many kinds of exercises as wel for the bodie as the mind For the body to learne to backe a horse to
when the men of arms were instituted maintained ordinarilie vsed y t others were quite reiected reseruing vnto them only their auncient name with a verie weake effect Howbeit I will not blame the institution of the men of armes which haue brought forth so good effects still may bring forth more nay rather I wil alow it but likewise I wish to see a good order among all that deale w t armes The difference between thē consisteth not in y e men for y t same nobilitie y t in time past serued after one manner doth now serue after another The diuersitie resteth in the warfare which is changed The better to vnderstand these changes to know the dueties of seruice we must take things farther of climbe euē to their original Those that haue written of the affaires of France especiallie the L. of Haillan do aduow that our fees were instituted vnder the first line of our kings By which fees he meaneth a certain quantity of land which they gaue to some more to some lesse to such gentlemen famous warriors as had serued thē in the wars to holde the same vpon their faith homage to come serue them a certaine time of the yere at their own charge To the end also that these noble innobled persons should be the better able to maintaine thēselues they licensed thē to let and demise their lands to the pesants for rent and yerely pension Moreouer they granted thē both high meane and lawe iustice ouer their men and vassalles the appeales whereof were reserued to their soueraigne iurisdiction Thus had the high Iusticer his lawe and inferiour Iustices vnd er him whom he tearmed his men of warre for they were bounde to wait vpon him as vpon the Lord of their fee and the others he tearmed peasants These landes thus giuen vpon condition aforesayd such a fee was to set out one man of armes such a one an archer such a one a third and such a one a fourth who were bound to meet at a place appointed so oft as by the dukes or earles who were but simplie gouernors of the prouinces townes or their bailiefes or stewards y t succeeded thē they should be commanded These assēblies were called Ban or Heriban which after some signifieth crie or outcrie This order seemeth to haue bene confirmed in the time of Charlemayn vnder whose posteritie the fees Lordships which vnder our former kings were but benefits giuen for tearme of life were through fauour continued from the Father to the sonne and so grew to be patrimoniall and hereditarie Heereby it appeareth what goodly priuiledges haue bene graunted to the nobilitie but withall we are to consider that the bonds are verie strict For they must alwayes come armed in defence of the Realme and be readie to repulse the assaultes and violences of straungers abroad These were the auncient strength of France where with our kings for the space of seuen hundred yeeres did many notable deedes vntill the yere 1454. wherein the men of armes were instituted But who so is desirous more perticularly to see theyr auncient order let them read Frossart who describeth the difference between the Barons Bannerets and high Iusticers as also of those that might beare banners which were square Ensignes and of those that might carrie but penons Likewise the armes of knights and manner of fight as well ioyntly as seuered with the rewards and martiall punishments neither doe I doubt but hauing seene all this he will iudge our auncestors to haue beene braue fellowes The Lord of Haillan like wise in his discourses of France dooth shew how fees came to be alienated which were not amisse to bee knowen The first cause proceeded of our parents deuotion For they being by the Cleargie dayly perswaded that they that gaue most to the beautifying and enriching of the Church had the highest places in paradise such of them as were able founded Abbies Priories and Chappels al wel prouided for of good rents therby thinking sufficiently to discharge themselues Then followed the imaginations of Purgatorie where they were tolde that for a mortall sinne they must burne seuen yeres in a most violent fire howbeit y t they might be deliuered therefro through abundance of messes and praiers Wherevpon he that had but one hundred shillings of rent gaue twentie for singing and praying as well for his owne soule as for his kinsfolkes and parents deceased Thus came aboue the sixt part of the fees of France into the hands of the Clergie The second cause was the vioages vndertakē for the conquest of the holy land whereat whosoeuer bare anie valiant minde would not faile to be the rather for y t our kings thēselues went in person And because that some lasted three or foure yeres the nobles solde part of their fees so to get money to maintaine themselues withal Besides all this they also made their wills wherein they bequeathed in case they died a good portion thereof to be praied for so as many dying in those dangerous and long iourneies a greate number of the fees were still alienated to the Church The third cause hath growen of the continual warres with the Englishmen where through many Gentlemen haue bene forced to sell their fees to the vnnoble who had permission of the kings to buy the same for with out such license they could not before haue anie proprietie therein All which alienations set together haue pulled the third part of fées out of the bodie of the nobilitie whereby they are fallen as it were into dead hands that is into their hands who cannot in person discharge the auncient duties belonging to the same Likewise since that time the Lawiers Receiuers some Merchants haue so wel husbanded for themselues that they also haue laide holde vppon a good part of the sayd fees so as we may truly saie that the nobilitie doe not now possesse aboue the one halfe Which notwithstanding our kings in the meane time haue still had the vse of their Arrierbans wherin were but few Gentlemen who all almost ranne into place where paye honours and martiall rewards were shared out so as there remaine none but men of smal experience neither were they imploied but in the defence of those prouinces that lay farthest out of the danger of warre Moreouer many of all sorts of people both great and smal haue purchased exemptions frō the charges wherto their fées are bound which haue bred as great weakning both in men and money Our kings Frances the first and Henrie the second seeing all these inconueniences which they sought to redresse made notable decrees for the reducing of the said Arrierbans into some order which for lacke of well obseruing haue not much profited Thus much in briefe of the succession of these matters Some man may now tell me y t I labour in vaine in giuing counsaile to redresse that thing which the experience of many yeres
attend to the defence of religion and their common safetie which was continuallie opposed to great danger if with courage and vnited force they transported not the warre into Turkie and so inuaded not the enimie in his owne Countrie Here vppon the opinions of sundrie skilfull men of warre and others that knew the Countries dispositiō as wel of the Princes as of the power of the Turks being taken it was thought necessary to make great prouision of money by the voluntarie contributions of Princes an vniuersal impostio be leuied ouer all Christendome That the Emperour with the Hungarian and Polonian horsemen warlyke nations such as were practised in continuall wars agaynst the Turkes as also with such the strength of Germanie as might beseeme so great an enterprise shoulde sayle along Danowe into Bosina in olde time tearmed Misia and so into Thrace and to approch vnto Constantinople the imperiall sea of the Ottomans That the French King with the forces of his Realme the Venecians and other Potentates of Italy accompanied with the footmen of Zuitzerland should passe from the port of Brunduse in Albanie a very easie and short cut to inuade Greece a landful of Christian inhabitants as well in respect hereof as for the intollerable yoake of the Turkes most readie to rebell That the kings of England Spaine and Portugall as well in their nauies at Carthagene and the hauens thereabout should take their course with 200. shippes full of Spanish footmen other souldiors to the straights of Gallipolis thence to make roads to Constantinople hauing first seazed vpon the Dardanes that is their Castles standing vppon the mouth of the straight That the Pope should take the same course with an hundred great gallies With these preparatiues sufficient to couer both sea and land the Turkes estates being inuaded in so many places who make their chitfest account of defence in the plaine field it seemeth especially adding therto the innocation of Gods name that of so holy a warre there could not be hoped but a happie end This deliberation of the most excellent Captaines then liuing I finde to be so well grounded that I thinke we might borowe much of theirs but had the execution thereof insued we should the better haue séene what it had ben howbeit the death of Selim comming on asswaged the feare of these Princes so consequently their desire to proceed whereby they passed but to wordes Now as since there haue followed great alterations so are we to frame our selues according to the disposition of matters somwhat to vary from this platforme but rather in the particularities than principall pointes thereof First we may be certaine that it is to small purpose to inuade the Turkes by lande onely or by sea onely for leauing them either of those gaps open they will thereby so molest vs as that they will turne vs from the other in kindling the flames farther within our houses than we can do in theirs In respect wherof it is requisite to set their whole estate in Europein combustion by following the wars in euery part thereof which is vnpossible to be performed w tout a mighty power as wel by sea as by lād which our ancestors thought expedient as also it is as Guicciardine saith the perfect meanes to abridge any warre for being strong ye shal soone bring your enimies to reason either by victory or composition Wheras contrariwise when it is weakly followed it groweth ruinous Whē Caesar inuaded Pompey who had seazed vpon all Greece and the Easterne Prouinces he made himselfe strong both by sea and land wherein neuerthelesse his competitor exceeded him The like did Augustus against Marke Anthonie who possessed the same countries which now y e Turks inioy both of thē had neere 1000. vessels aboue 35. legions by land But because it is an easie matter to know that for the well inuading of those countries both y e powers must be matched together I wil speak no more therof As for y e partition of these princes forces which Guicciardine mentioneth it is not amisse nor the inuasiō of 3. sides albeit I think it were better for vs to stick to two For I consider that y e whole defence of the Turks lands consisteth in 2. great armies the one vpon the land y t other vpon y e sea neither hathhe anie fortified places as we haue so as y e losse of one of these props is y e opening of a gate vnto vs which is y e reason why I would wish we should make but 2. strong bodies wherwith to attempt our enterprises Moreouer if we should strike into Slauonia or Greece w t a body of 18. or 20000. men they wold ere we were aware fal vpō vs with some 100. or 120000. wherby we wanting assured places of retreat this bodie would be quite ouer whelmed This other reason wil I also adde that if both our armies as wel by sea as by land do shoot at Constantinople and by winning litle litle do attaine therto must it not needs follow y t in performing this purpose they shal seaze not only vpō Slauonia but also vpon all the land of Romagnia which shal be a pray to toe conqueror The Christian forces would I wish to be thus diuided The K. of Spain as the mightiest prince Christian to arme as many gallies galeasses as he were able The Pope y e Venetians w t other the potentates of Italy to ioyne with him I think if they list to straine thēselues they be able to set forth 300. galleis 12. galeasses besides other smal vessels for y e transport of victuals horse which be but the dependances of y e campe If any demand whether y e number may stay the Turks power by sea I thinke yea for Don Iohn had but 200 galleis whē he wan y e battell against thē As also when the armies whether by land or by sea do excéed a competēd quantity y e rest do but bréed confusiō The soldiers for the furnishing of the said vessels might be leuied in Spain Italy notwithstanding it would amoūt to 30000. For y e land the Emperor likewise shold prepare a mighty army to inuade through Hungary consisting of the power of all Germany the low countries Sueden Denmark Boheme Hungary thereto also adioining his that now raigneth in Pole lande which vnited together woulde vndoubtedly amount vnto 35000 horse and 30000 footemen and 10000 pioners The other part of the land forces to come from the most Christian king of France the Queene of England the king of Scots with the Suitzers and Grisons who vnder some notable Captaine should ioyne with the Emperor and in my opinion would amount vnto some 20000. footemen 5000. horse This power would I take to be sufficient to obtayne some braue victorie containing at y e least 125000. fighting men which seemeth to be a great number but if we also consider all Christendome it is to