they understood how they should administer as a captaine Niger lieutenant of the warre for the emperor Marcus Antonine complained to him But that incommoditie was much more supportable in that time than Spart in Nigro at this day it can bee in Fraunce for the Romane magistrates seldome decided private and particular causes but in Fraunce magistrates must deale in all causes After that the prince hath well established his justice as well by publication of A Prince ought himself to minister Iustice good lawes as by institution of good magistrates yet is he not discharged For he ought himselfe also to deale therin And this is another point of the Counsell which Iethro gave to Moses For after he had counselled him what magistrates hee should establish under him he added more That Moses ought to reserve unto himselfe the knowledge and decision of great affaires which are of consequence And assuredly this is a point very necessarie and which a prince ought not to leave behind for hee is debtor of Iustice to his subjects and ought to give them audience in things wherof he is to have necessarie knowledge for all things are not proper to bee handled before magistrates established by the prince but there are many things wherof the knowledge ought to appertaine to the prince alone as when a meane man wil complaine against some great lord or magistrat or against Publicans and exactors of the princes money or when a man labours for a pardon gift recompence and many other like The prince then ought himselfe either alone or in his Counsell to give often audience unto his subjects For we reade that by the primitive creation of kings Dionis Halic â—ib 1. 5. and monarchs the authoritie which was attributed unto them by the people consisted in three very notable points whereof the first was To minister good justice unto their subjects by causing them to observe the lawes and customes of the countrey and to take knowledge themselves of the injuries which are great and of consequence amongst their subjects The second point was To convocat an assembly of a Senat to handle the affaires of the commonwealth And the third To be the cheefetaine and soveraigne of the warre And for as much as the first dutie of kings consisteth to do good justice unto their subjects the auncient Grecians even Homer calleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Distributers of justice This is it wherefore almost all good princes have had their ordinary daies of Audience wherin they took knowledge of the complaints and grievances of their subjects and administred right and justice unto them Iulius Caesar tooke great paine and travaile to heare causes and to administer justice and to cause them to observe lawes which concerned Suet. in Caesar cap. 43. in Aug. cap. 3 in Claud. cap. 15. in Galba cap. 7. 8 9. Domitiano cap 8. the commonwealth as especially the law Sumptuariam which would permit no excesse in bankets nor dissolutnesse in apparell Augustus Caesar likewise kept an ordinarie Audience which he continued untill night yea being evill at ease he in a litter would be carried to the pallace or hold Audience in his house The emperour Claudius also although hee were of an heavie and dull spirit yet held hee his Audience and administred right to parties So did Domitian who how wicked soever he was in other deportments with great industrie and diligence administred good justice unto parties and often revoked decrees from the Centumvirat seat which for favor were given and spared not to punish corrupted Iudges The emperour Galba likewise although he was of the age of threescore and twelve yeares when he came to the empire yet dealt with audience of parties and administred justice So did Traian Adrian the Antonines Severus Alexander and many other Romane emperors give Audience to their subjects and administred justice unto them And very memorable is that which is written of the emperor Adrian namely That one day as hee went into the fields he was required by a poore woman who had watched to speake with him to doe her justice upon a certaine complaint she made unto him The emperour very Dion in Adrian kindly said unto her That that was no place where she should require justice and sent her away till another time The woman replied upon him Sir said she if you wil not doe me justice wherefore deale you to be emperour Adrian was never moved hereat but staied still heard her did her justice If we read the hystories of France wee shall find that it hath yet beene more ordinarie and common with our auncient kings to hold Audiences which men called Lict de Iustice The Bed of Iustice than with the Romane emperours Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour besides Annal. upoÌ„ Anno 809 814 1215. that he tooke great care that Stewards Bayliffes and their deputies should walk upright without abusing their Offices would also that they should reserve unto him all great causes or such as were amongst great lords Then caused hee the parties to appeare before him he heard them patiently and agreed them amiably if he could by any means and so he gave his sentence and good and prompt justice King Lewis the first of that name surnamed le Debonaire because of his good and holy conditions following the traces of Charlemaigne his father held a publicke Audience in his pallace three times in the weeke and heard the grievances and complaints of every one executing to all quicke and right justice But what good came there hereof Even this saith the hystorie that the publicke good in this good kings time was so well governed and administred that there was almost no man found amongst his subjects which complained that any man did him wrong or injurie but al men lived in great peace and prosperitie one not daring to offend another for the feare they had of the kings good justice which he would administer himselfe and so cause his ministers to doe after his example So much could that royall vertue of Iustice doe for the maintenance of peace and prosperitie in a kingdome King Philip Augustus surnamed the Conquerour for his great prowesses and conquests was also a good Iusticer and willingly heard the complaints of his subjects insomuch as one day understanding that Guy Counte de Auverne used greatly to pill and violently to spoile his subjects and neighbours exacting upon them great summes of money against their wils and without the kings consent their soveraigne and having found him culpable hereof condemned him by the advice of the barons of the realme to lose his land and seignorie of Auverne which from that time was united to the crown We may also place here the good justice of the kings Charles le Sage Charles the seventh Charles the eight Lewis the twelfth and of many other kings of France Annal. upon Anno 1255 1269 Gaguin in the liâ—e of S.
in hearing interrogating and confronting them with him that is accused Therefore hee sent the cause and the parties to Iunius Rufus Governour of Macedonie commaunding him to examine diligently the witnesses and take good advisement whether they were good men worthy of credit and if Alexander the accuser could not prove well his accusation that he should banish him to some place This commandement of the emperour Adrian hath since been marked by the Lawyers which since made a law thereof Behold how men must proceed when it lies on mens lives and not to beleeve Marmosets and reporters neither beleeve papers without seeing or hearing witnesses and the accused without searching whether the witnesses be good men or no as is done at this day for at this day there is nothing wherof magistrats make a better market than of mens lives But let us passe on Froissart lib. 2. cap. 173. lib. 3. cap. 63 68. and other following and lib. 4. cap. 92. c. I would now rehearse an example truly tragicall of king Richard of England who was sonne of that valiant and victorious prince of Wales This king came to the crowne very yong and had three good uncles about him the duke of Lancaster Yorke and Glocester by whose counsell for a certaine time hee governed well his kingdome But the earle of Suffolke whom the king made duke of Ireland entred so farre into the kings favour that he governed himselfe after his fancie Then took he occasions to talke so of the kings uncles as was very strange for he told him that his uncles desired nothing but to deale in the affaires of the kingdome to obtaine it to themselves a thing which they never thought And did so much by his reports that the king put his uncles from his counsell and from dealing with any of the affaires of the kingdome whereof the people and especially the Londoners were so evill contented that they rose up and made warre against the king or rather against the duke of Ireland and they were at a point to give the battell one against the other But the duke of Ireland who was generall of the kings armie lost his courage with great feare that he had to be slain or taken and therfore fled passed into Flanders where he finished his dayes never after returning into England As soone as he was fled his armie was dissipated the kings uncles seized upon the kings person established a new Counsell by justice executed some of them which were of the duke of Ireland his adherents A longtime after another Marmoset called the earle Marshall gained the duke of Ireland his place and was so farre in the kings good grace that he governed all as he would One day this earle Marshall talking with the earle of Darbie eldest sonne of the duke of Lancaster the earle of Darbie chanced to say Cousin what will the king do will he altogether subject the English nobilitie there will soone be none it is plainely seene that he desireth not the augmentation of his kingdome But he held this talke because the king had put to death chased away a great number of gentlemen and caused the duke of Glocester to die a prince of his blood and yet continued in that rigour to make himselfe be feared and revenging still that which was done in the duke of Irelands time The earle Marshall answered nothing to the speeches of the earle of Darbie but only marked them in his heart Certain daies after he reported them to the king and to make them seeme of more credit he profered and said hee was readie to enter into the campe against the earle of Darbie to averre the said words as outragious injurious against his Majestie The king not measuring the consequence of the deed in place to make no account of these words sent for the earle of Darbie his cousin germane and after hearing before him the earle Marshall speak his wil was they should enter into the camp and fight it to utterance But the kings Counsell conceiving it might come to be anevill example such great lords to slay one another and that the earle Marshall was not of equall qualitie unto the earle of Darbie they counselled the king to take another course namely to banish from England for ever the earle Marshall because he had rashly appealed and challenged unto single combat a Prince of the bloud to banish also the Earle of Darbie for ten years only for speaking the aforesaid words of the king his lord The king following the advice of his Counsel by sentence given by himself banished the earle Marshall out of England forever the earle of Darbie for six years only moderating his Counsels advice foure years When the earle of Darbie came to depart there assembled in the streets before his gates at London more than fortie thousand which wept cried lamented his departure extreamly blamed the king and his Counsell insomuch that going away he left in the peoples hearts an extreame anguish and greefe for his absence and a very great amitie towards him yet notwithstanding he left England and came into France Whilest he was in France the duke of Lancaster his father died The king to heape up his evill lucks caused to be taken seized into his hands all his lands goods because they fell to the earle of Darbie Hereby hee got great hatred and evill will of the Nobilitie and of all the people Finally the Londoners which are a people easie to arise made a complot and part against the king and secretly sent word to the earle of Darbie that hee should come and they would make him king The earle arriving in England found an armie of the Londoners ready So went he to besiege the king Richard in his castle unprovided whom he tooke and imprisoned and caused him to resigne unto him the Realme and Crowne of England King Richard was put to death in prison after hee had raigned two and twentie yeares a thing very strange rigorous and unheard of in England or in any kingdomes nigh unto it And so the earle of Darbie who had beene banished from England remained a peaceable king and was called Harry the fourth of that name This earle Marshall who kept at Venise knowing these newes died ragingly This was the end of this Marmoset and the tragicall evill hap whereunto he brought his master and that upon words reported which were never spoken as any evill speech of the king but onely for the greefe hee had that they of his Counsell governed so evill the kingdomes affaires Which words should nor ought not to have been taken up nor reported to the king and being reported unto him he should have made no account of them to have alwaies presumed rather well than evill of his cousin Germane Herodes borne of a lowe and base race was created king of Iudea Galalie Samaria Joseph Antiq â—ib 14. cap 23.
Lewis The good justice of Lewis which gave oedinarie audience to the complaints of their subjects and to doe them justice But it shall suffice to close up all this matter with the example of that good king S. Lewis who amongst other vertues wherewith he was endowed he was a very good and upright administer of justice This good king having a great zeale to establish a good Iustice in his kingdome first hee would and ordained That the good and auncient lawes and customes of the kingdome should be well and straitly observed upon the paine he would take of his Bayliffes Seneshals and other magistrates if they caused them not to bee well observed And to the end the said magistrates might carry themselves well in their offices he chose other officers the best that hee could find of which he secretly enquired of their vertues and vices And to the end they might administer good and breefe justice to the poore as to the rich without exception of persons he forbad them to take presents unlesse some present of victuall which may not exceed tenne shillings by the weeke nor any other benefites for them or their children neither of them which were in contention nor of any other person of their bailiwike and territorie and commaunded they should take nothing within their perfecture or jurisdiction For this good king considered that presents benefits and desire to gain are the means wherby magistrates may be corrupted and therfore to shun all corruption he must cut off the meanes therunto Moreover he very rigorously punished such officers of Iustice as abused their estates spared not even great lords themselves but punished them after their merits as happened to the lord de Coucy who caused to strangle two yong Flamins when he found them hunting in his woods For the king caused to be called before him the said lord who fearing to be handled as he had delt with the Flamins wold have taken the hearing of the cause from the king saying he was to be sent for before the peeres of France But the king forced him to abide his judgments indeed had made him die if great lords parents friends of the said lord de Coucy had not importuned so much the king for his pardon unto which the king accorded that he shold have his life but yet he condemned him to the warre against the Turks and Infidels in the holy land by the space of three yeares which was a kind of banishment and besides condemned him in a fine paiment of 10000 Paris pounds which were bestowed on the building of an Hostle Dieu at Ponthoise This king gave not easily any pardon nor without great deliberation And for a devise he had often in his mouth that verse of the Psalme of David Happie are they which doe iudgement and Iustice at all times He said also That this was no mercie but crueltie not to punish malefactors Moreover he was a king full of truth chast charitable and fearing God which are vertues exceeding woorthy for a good prince and which commonly accompanie good justice But the godly precepts hee The tenne commandemēts which the king S. Lewis at his disease gave to his eldest sonne gave being in extremitie of his life to king Philip the Hardie his sonne and successor doe well merit to be written in letters of gold upon the lintels of doores and the houses of all kings and Christian princes to have them alwaies before their eies My deare sonne saith he since it pleaseth God our Father and Creator to withdraw me now from this miserable world to carrie mee to a better life than this I would not depart from thee my sonne without giving you for my last blessing the doctrines and precepts which a good father ought to give to his sonne hoping you wil engrave in your heart these your fathers last words I command you then my deare sonne That above all things you have alwaies before your eies the feare of God our good Father for the feare of God is the beginning yea the accomplishment of all true wisedome if you feare him he will blesse you Secondly I exhort you to take all adversities patiently acknowledging that it is God which visiteth you for your sins not to wax proud in prosperitie accounting that it comes to you by Gods grace not by your merits Thirdly I recommend unto you charitie towards the poor for the good you doe unto them shall be yeelded unto you an hundred fold and Iesus Christ our Saviour shall account it done unto him After I recommend to you very straitly my deare sonne that you cause to keep well the good laws customes of the kingdome and to administer good justice to your subjects for happy are they which administer good justice at all times and to doe this I enjoine you that you be carefull to have good magistrates and command you them that they favor not your Procurators against equitie and that you rigorously punish such as abuse their Offices for when they make faults they are more punishable than others because they ought to govern other subjects and to serve them for an example Suffer not that in judgement there be acception of persons and so favour the poore onely as the truth of his fact doth appeare without favoring him as to the judgement of his cause Moreover I command you that you bee carefull to have a good Counsell about you of persons which be of staied good age which be secret peaceable not covetous for if you doe this you shall bee loved and honoured because the light of the servants makes their masters shine Also more I forbid you to take tallages or tributes upon your subjects but for urgent necessitie evident utilitie and just cause for otherwise you shall not bee held for a king but for a tyrant Further I command you that you be carefull to maintaine your subjects in good peace and tranquilitie and observe their franchises and priveledges which before they have enjoyed and take heede you moove no warre against any Christian without exceeding great occasion and reason Item I exhort you to give the benefices of your kingdome to men of good life and good conscience not to luxurious and covetous wretches My deere sonne if you observe these my commands you shall bee a good example to your subjects and you shall bee the cause that they will adict themselves to doe well because the people will alwaies give themselves to the imitation of their prince and God by his bountie maintaine you firme and assured in your estate and kingdome Thus finished this good king his last words full of holy zeale and correspondent to his life passed and yeelded his soule to his creator which had given it him His sonne king Philip third of that name called the Hardie because of his valiancie which he shewed against the infidels and against other enemies as well during the life as after the death of
realm as the princes of the blood and the kings Counsell is to say nothing because it may so come to passe that the princes themselves be under age or prisoners or captives or witlesse or suspected or dead or otherwise uncapable as also it may come to passe that the kings Counsell shall be dead or quashed or suspected or otherwise unable so that the estate of the kingdome and the Roialtie shall be evill founded and assured upon such foundations and leaning stocks But the body of the estates Generall is a body not subject to minoritie captivitie perclusion of understanding suspition nor other incapacitie neither is it mortall therefore is it a more certaine and firme foundation of the kingdomes and Roialties estate than any other For the body of the Ewates which is a body composed of the wisest fittest of the kingdome can never faile because it consisteth not in Individuis and certain perticular persons but it standeth in Specie being a body immortal as al the French nation is immortall The Princes the kings Counsellors are but fraile brittle leaning stocks and means subject to incapacitie so is not the body of the Estates and therefore the Estates being the true and perpetuall foundation to sustaine and conserve the kingdome cannot be abolished but ought to be convocated whensoever there is to be a provision in the cases above mentioned Withall also Reason willeth that the Estates whom the affairs of the realme toucheth most should have a part in the conduction of publike things but most especially in the cases aforesaid where the king cannot order them Therefore is it a strange damnable and pernitious position which our strangers that governe France at this day dare impudently hold That it is treason to speake of holding the Estates But contrary a man may rather say That it is treason to abolish the Estates and that they which wil hinder that they shall not be held in the cases aforesaid but especially for the reformation more than necessarie of so many abuses as these strangers haue brought into Fraunce are themselves culpable of treason being such as doe overthrow and ruinat the Realm the Roialtie and the King in taking away the principall piller which sustained them And truly such people do merit that processes and indictions should be laid upon them as upon the enemies of the Commonwealth which doe subvert overthrow the foundations upon which our Auncestors have with great wisdome founded and established the estate of this goodly and excellent kingdome The like may we say of the Law whereby the lands and provinces united to the Crowne of Fraunce are inalienable For a king of France cannot abolish that Law because it is the third piller upon which the realme and his estate is founded For proofe hereof I will alleage but two examples the one was practised in the time of Charls le sage king of Fraunce and the other in the time of king Francis the first of happie and late memorie By which two examples may appeare not onely that this law of Not alienating the lands of the Crowne is a pillar of the kingdome but also that the Estates are as the very and true basse and foundation thereof King Iohn having been taken prisoner at the battaile of Poiters was conducted Froiss lib. 1. ca. 201 211 212 214 246 247 310. into England where he made treatie of peace with king Edward of England But the estates of the kingdome which were assembled would not agree unto that treatie as too prejudiciall and to the diminution of the Crowne of France King Edward was so angry and despited thereat that he made a great oth that he would end the ruinating of Fraunce And indeed whilest king Iohn was his prisoner he passed over the sea and made great warre in France and much wasted the flat Countrey but he made no great conquest of the Townes In the end the Duke of Lancaster counselled him to make peace with the French shewing him that he did but leese time so to run over the fields and spoile the champion countrey and souldiers only had the profit and he himselfe losse of people and expences These reasons could not much move the king to make peace he was so sore offended and animated But God who had pitie of this poore kingdome which was in extreame desolation and confusion wrought and brought to passe as it were by miracle a peace sending from heaven a tempest accompanied with lightening so great over the campe of the English that they thought that heaven earth would have met and the world have finished for so great stones fell with the tempest that they overthrew men and horses Then the king of England seeing God fight against him being in a great fear and distresse made a vow unto God That if by his grace he escaped from that peril he would hearken unto peace and would cease to saccage and destroy the poor people as indeed he did after the tempest seased Which peace yet was accorded to his so great advantage that thereby besides the ransome of three millions of franks Guienne remained unto him in soveraigntie also the countrey of Armignac de Albret de Comines de la Marche de Santongeois Rochellois and a good part of Languedoc which before never was in the peaceable obedience domination of English Vnto this peace which was concluded in a village called Bretigni nigh to Chartres the French subjects of that countrey would not in any sort agree nor condiscend but refused to obey and yeeld themselves English For their reasons they alleaged That the king had no power to dismember and alienate them from the Crowne of France and that therupon they had priviledges from king Charlemaine whereby they could not nor ought not to be cut off from the truncke and house of France After that they had long debated refused to obey the king Iohn who upon good hostages was returned into Fraunce sent into his countries M. Iames de Bourbon his cousin and a Prince of his bloud to make them obey the English insomuch that whether they would or no those good French subjects should forsake the French obedience and be under the English governement This could not be without great greefe of heart sadnesse and incredible displeasure But above all others most remarkable for great constancie were they of Rochell to remaine French for they many times excused themselves unto the king and stood stiffe more than a Rochellois good Frēchmen yeare before they would let the Englishmen into the towne And thinking that their excuses and remonstrances might stand in some stead they sent to the king their Orators which arriving at Paris and being brought before the king fell at his feet with weepings sobbings and lamentations making this speech Most deare sir your poore and desolate subjects of your towne of Rochell have sent us hither to beseech your Majestie in all humilitie and with joined hands that it
at Paris shewed him in all humilitie how of themselves they were rid of the English obedience and that again they would remit themselves into his Majesties obedience as being their king and naturall soveraigne Prince but that they besought him humbly to accord Priviledges of Rochell them certaine priviledges The king demanded what priviledges First said they That it would please your Majestie to agree unto us that the Towne of Rochell may be inseparably united unto the Crowne of France so that it may never be seperated nor dismembred by peace mariage nor by any compact condition or misadventure that can come in Fraunce Secondly that the Castle may be throwne to the earth without which we will keepe the towne of Rochell well for your Majestie The king perceiving their demands and finding them reasonable and proceeding from a true French heart accorded their requests and so the Rochellois returned merily into the French obedience from whence they had been seperated to their great greefe Here then you see how well to the purpose and to the great profit of the king and of the kingdome that law of not alienating the Lands Townes and Provinces of the Crowne was made But upon this that I have said of the Rochellois some Messer will say How happeneth it then that the Rochellois are at this day so bad French subjects hereunto the answere is easie and evident that is that they are at this day as good Frenchmen as ever were the ancestours but they are not good Italians neither meane to be subject under the yoke of strangers no more than their ancestors Let us now come to the other example King Francis the first of that name being prisoner at Madril in Spain in power of the emperour Charles the fist there was made a traitie and an accord betwixt the two great princes whereby amongst other things the king promised the emperor to grant him all his right and possession of the Dutchie of Burgoigne and that he would imploy himselfe to cause the Estates of the countrey to condiscend therunto This accord being concluded the emperor caused the king to be conducted to Bayonne and there by his embassadours summoned him to ratifie the accord which he had made at Madril when he was prisoner to the end to make more valeable and that it might the rather appeare to be made without constraint unto which embassadours the king answered that he could doe nothing in that article concerning the Dutchie of Burgoigne without first knowing the intent and will of his subjects because he could not aliene it without their consent and that he would cause the Estates of the countrey to assemble to know their wils therein Not long after the king caused the Estates of Burgoigne to come together which would by no meanes consent unto the said alienation whereof hee advertised the emperour who seeing that by reason they could not be alienated without their consents was content with that answer upon this condition That the king would assure the said Dutchie unto the first heire male which the said king should have by Elenor the said emperours sister unto whom he was then espoused so that that law That the king cannot alienate the crowne-Crowne-land was then verie profitable unto the king and the kingdome And unto this agree the doctors of the Civill law which hold that the emperour cannot aliene any thing of the Empires but he is bound to increase it to his power And from thence they drawe but foolishly the etymologie of that name Augustus saying The Emperors are called Augusti for that they ought to encrease and cannot diminish the Empire as much say they of other kings and monarchs for there is therein the like reason For a conclusion no man of perfect judgment can denie but these three lawes of the kingdome of France namely the law Salicke the law of the Estates general and the law of not alienating the lands and provinces of the crowne are the verie true pillars bases and foundations of the kingdome and the royaltie which none can or ought to abolish I doubt not but there will be found manie which will be quarelling at those aforesaid examples and reasons and will say That to sustain and defend that the king cannot abolish the said lawe is to diminish his power and to give limitation and restriction to his soveraigne authoritie But for reply I will only demaund If it be not puissance in a prince to conserve him and his estate If they confesse yea as none can denie it if he be not altogether without judgement I say it followeth by argument taken from contraries that it is then impuissance and want of power in a prince to ruinate himselfe and his estate And by consequent it followeth that when we say that a Prince cannot abolish the fundamentall lawes of him and his estate so much there wanteth that we diminish his power that by the contrarie we establish it and make it more firme greater and as it were invincible As also on the contrarie they which say that a Prince can abolish and change his lawes upon which he and his Estate are founded they establish and place in him an impuissance to conserve himselfe For to take it rightly and in good sence it is an act of impuissance to ruinat destroy overthrow and to participate his estate And contrarie it is an act of power to conserve himselfe and maintaine his estate No more nor no lesse than when a building falleth upon the earth or when a man letteth it fall these be acts of feeblenesse frailetie and impuissance but when the one and the other holdeth and standeth streight and firme without cracking or falling these be acts of force and power As for the law Naturall it cannot be abolished For if a Prince will authorise The law naturall cānot be abolished by the king or any other adulteries incests thefts murders and massacres and other like crimes which naturall reason and common sence causeth us to abhorre and detest certaine and evident it is that such authorising is of no value and that the Prince cannot doe this When the emperor Claudius wold espouse Agrippina his niece his brothers daughter he made a Law whereby he authorised the mariage of the uncle with the niece which was published all over but sayth Suetonius no man would imitate and follow the Emperours example but a bad servant newly enfranchised and a souldier every body so detested and abhorred such kind of mariages as being contrarie to the naturall law and common sence And indeed this mariage fell not out well for Sueto in Claudio cap. 26. Tacitus Annal lib. 12. him For Agrippina his neece and wife poysoned him to bring to the Empire Nero hir sonne whom she had had by another husband and had caused him to be adopted for his sonne although he had by his first wife Messalina another naturall sonne called Britanicus whom Nero when he came to the Empire empoysoned to
Anno 140â— Monstre lib. 1 cap. 22. and Reporters a great enmitie arose betwixt Lewis duke of Orleans the kings brother and Iohn duke of Burgoigne conte of Flanders of Artois and lord of many other lands and territories Our hystories name not these Marmosets but simply say that their houshold servants incited them to band one against another the duke of Orleans his servants and favourits said and said truly That he was the chiefe prince of the blood the kings only brother also more aged and of riper and more staied wit than the duke of Burgoigne and that therefore he should not set his foot before him in the handling of the kings affairs For at this time the king having not perfect sences his affairs were handled with the princes of the blood and the privie Counsell but contrarie the duke of Burgoigne his Marmosets said That he was the chiefe peere of France and as they cal it le Doy en des Pairs that he was more mightie and more rich than the duke of Orleans and although he was not so neere of the blood Roiall as he yet was he more neere by alliance for the Dauphin who was yet very young had espoused his daughter and therefore he ought in nothing to give place unto the duke of Orleans but that hee ought to maintaine and hold the same ranke that Philip duke of Burgoigne his deceassed father did who whilest his father liued governed the king and the kingdome at his wil. Briefly these tatlers and reporters caused this duke of Burgoigne so to mount into ambition and covetousnesse to raigne that he enterprised to cause the duke of Orleans to bee slaine who hindered his deseignes and purposes and indeed he caused him to be most villanously massacred and slaine at Paris nie the gate Barbette by a sort of murthering theeves which he had hired as the duke of Orleans went to see the queene who had lately bene brought to rest of a child Great domage there was for that good prince for he was valiant and wise as possible one might be Of him descended king Henry the second now raigning both by father and mother For king Francis his father was sonne of Charles duke of Angolesme who was son also of Iohn duke of Angolesme who was sonne of the duke of that Orleance and Madame Claude queene of Fraunce mother of the said king Henry was daughter of king Lewis the twelfth who was son of Charles duke of Orleance who was the sonne of this duke Lewis whereof wee speake I would to God princes his descendants would well marke the example of this massacre most horrible which was committed upon the person of that good duke their great grandfather and the great evill haps and calamities which came thereof to shun the like miseries which ordinarily happen when such murders goe unpunished For because the duke Iohn of Burgoine was not punished for this fault but found people which sustained and maintained it to have been well done as we shall say more at the full in another place and that followed his part stirring up civile warres which endured two generations and caused the death of infinit persons in France and that the English got a great part of the kingdome and that the poore people of Fraunce fell into extreame miserie povertie and desolation there were many causes and meanes of so many evils for injustice ambition covetousnesse desire of vengeance and other like things might goe in the ranke of causes of so many mischeefes But the Marmosets of duke Iohn of Burgoigne were they which stroke the yron against the flint out of which came that sparke of fire a device fatally taken by the duke of Burgoigne which brought into combustion and into a burning fire all the kingdome for so long time and at last ruinated the house of Burgoigne Francis duke of Bretaigne a prince that was a good Frenchman and affectionate Monstre lib. 3. cap. 4 33. to the king of France his soveraigne had a brother called Gills who gave himselfe to the English in the time that they made warre in France and accepted of the king of England the order of the Garter and the office of high Constable of England The duke and his brother much greeved hereat found meanes to take him prisoner and put him in a strong castle whereunto he would never goe to heare or see him he so much disdained him But yet he sent men unto him which hee trusted which indeed proved very Marmosets and false reporters for after Giles of Bretaigne had remained within the castle a certaine time and that he had considered well his doings that he was borne the kings vassale of France and that he ought never to have disunited himselfe from his brother he then praied his brothers people that came to see him to tell him from him that he greatly repented what hee had done and that if it pleased him to pardon him that from thence forward he would follow with a good heart the part of the king of France and his and that if it pleased them hee would streight send to the king of England his Order and Constables sword What do his Marmosets then They report to the duke that Giles his brother was still obstinate and so perfect English that no reasons they could make could turne him unto that side The duke sent still many times the same men unto him but alwaies they made the like or worse report of him insomuch that this good duke fearing that his brother was invincible in his obstination fearing also that if hee should let him loose he would cause the English to come into Bretaigne to avenge himselfe commanded the same reporters to strangle him in prison which they did Afterward as God when he seeth his time brings the most hid things to light these murdering reporters could not hold but discover the truth of the matter and that Giles of Bretaigne would have done any thing that the duke his brother would have had him to doe which comming to the dukes eares he was nigh out of his wits for his brothers death and caused the reporters to be hanged and to die with great and rigorous paines and executions Behold the end of Giles of Bretaign and the reward which such Marmosets received which were cause of his death Hereof Princes may note a rule Not to beleeve too easily reports made of men without hearing them but especially when it toucheth life One day before the emperour Adrian there was one Alexander which accused I. 3. 9. idem Diu. D. de Testi 6. of certaine crimes one Aper and for proofe of those crimes he produced certaine informations in writing against Aper which he had caused to be taken in Macedon Adrian mocked at it and said to Alexander the accuser that these informations were but paper and inke and it might be made at pleasure but in criminall causes we must not beleeve witnesses in writing but witnesses themselves
which is so odious to the world brought him to prison where they caused him to finish his daies I will then conclude this recitall That if all Christian princes would practise the Magistrall determination of our masters of Sorbonne and of the Vniversitie of Paris the same would fall unto S. Peter which fell unto Frier Iohn his bird Yet is it not onely by the change of lead into gold that his Holinesse dooth Froisart lib. 2. chap. 132 133. 135. 140. much evill to provinces farre from Rome but also by his interdicts and excommunications In the time of the aforesaid schisme of Popes hee of Rome who was called Vrban sent Buls unto king Richard of England who tooke his part and was an Vrbanist by which hee commaunded him to make warre upon the king of France who was a Clementine and gave him power to levie silver upon the Warre for the Pope of Rome English Cleargie Moreover hee gave so great quantitie of pardons to all them which with a good heart did furnish silver for that warre that it seemed hee meant cleane to have emptied both hell and purgatorie of Englishmen for every man or woman might draw out his father grandfather great grandfather uncles aunts children nephewes and others ascendants descendants and collaterals by paying so much for every poll He further promised their soules to be guided right into paradice which died in this warre or which died that yeare after they had paied the money for that said warre nor that there should be any necessitie for the said soules to stray out of their way by purgatorie and the Limbo but to goe right to paradice The said buls being thus preached and published through England there was every where a great prease that yeare to die and to give silver so that in a small time there was heaped up the summe of 2500000 franks One part of this silver was given to the bishop of London who was chosen generall to make warre upon the Clementines in Spaine and the other part was delivered to the bishop of Norwitch who was elected generall of another armie to make warre upon France which also was Clementine And indeed these two armies did much harme as well in Spaine as in France yet the bishop of Norwitch being a young man and inconsiderat entring upon Flaunders an Vrbanist the king of Fraunce meeting him therewith 100000 men constrained him to retire homeward with shame and great losse In the yeare 1513 happened great damage and hurt unto the kings of Fraunce Annales upon the said yeare Du Bellay lib. 1. of his Memories and of Navarre by the meanes of an interdict and excommunication which Pope Iulius the second of that name cast against all the princes which had sent their embassadors to the counsell of Pise whose lands and seignories he exposed and gave as a prey to all men that would take and invade them For under colour of those wicked and detestable buls the emperour Maximilian and the Switzers constrained king Lewis the twelfth to abandon and forsake Millaine and almost all that hee held in Italie And on the other side the king of England fell upon Fraunce which by the Pope was exposed as a prey with an armie of 3000 English assaying to conquer part thereof But God suffered it not for in the meane time this wicked Pope died and the interdict was revoked and peace made with the English On the other side also king Ferdinand of Arragon feigning he would come to prey upon France entred into the kingdome of Navarre and got and usurped it upon king Iohn d' Albert The Pope cause of the losse of the kingdome of Navarre from the right heirs who was disseased thereof without being defied yea before he knew the king of Arragon his purpose whose successours have alwayes since detained and usurped the said kingdome of Navarre upon the said king Iohn d' Albret and upon his lawfull successors as they doe yet by this title onely of usurpation prey and bootie yet notwithstanding the said unjust usurpers call themselves most Catholike I could here accumulate many other examples of many great domages losses committed by Popes in strange countries and even in Almaigne where they have commonly sowen warres betwixt the emperour and the princes of Almaigne but I will content my selfe with the abovesaid examples for I will not at length handle such an ample and almost infinit matter but it sufficeth mee to have shewed That the contrarie of that which Machiavell saith is true and that the Pope and his holy seat doe much good in the place where they are and many evils and mischeefes in farre countries And as for that which Machiavell saith That Italie is the province of Christendome where there is least Religion he saith very true but what would hee now say if he were alive hee should then find that if in his time they had so well profited in his schoole as to be very great Atheists and contemners of God and of all Religion that now his schollers know farre more than his master And there is no doubt but alreadie long agoe all Religion is contemned in Italie yea and even the Romane Catholicke Will you have a better example than that which M. Comines rehearseth He saith That in the time of king Lewis the twelfth there were two houses at Florence which were principall that is to say of Medicis and of Pacis which were in quarell and enmitie together They of the house de Pacis favoured the Pope and the king of Naples and by their counsell and advice did they enterprise to slay Lawrence de Medicis who was cheefe of his house and all his race and to surprise him the better unprovided and without heed taking they resolved to sley and massacre him with all his race and sequele upon a solemne feast day at the houre that the great Masse was sung and that when the priest begun to sing Sanctus Sanctus it should be the watch word to rush upon them And indeed they executed their enterprise except that they slew not Lawrence de Medicis who saved himselfe in the revestrie but Iulian his brother and certaine others of his race were slaine I demand of you if they which enterprised and gave counsell to attempt such an act beleeved in the Masse we need not doubt but they were very Atheists But if in that time some hundred yeares agoe Italie were so furnished with Atheists and contemners of Religion what thinke you it is now In conclusion Italie Rome the Pope and his seat are truly the spring and fountaine of all despight of Religion and the schoole of all impietie and as they alreadie were in Machiavels time as he confesseth so are they farre more in this time For although the papall Church of Rome both heretofore made and yet dooth certaine demonstrations to sustaine a Religion yet in effect it maintaineth it no otherwise but by subtilties and words for it commaundeth
because hee was avowed and acknowledged for the sonne of Egeus king of Athens and was exceedingly well liked of the Athenians because hee had acquired the reputation of a magnanimous and valiant man in that he slew and overcame many theeves which brigandized and robbed the countrey of Attica and the countries adjoyning And to say the estate of Athens was confused is a jeast of Machiavels invention And in that he saith That the occasion and meanes that Romulus had to make himselfe a prince was because he found himselfe dejected from his birth place the towne of Alba doth he not shew himselfe a man of good judgement For can a man say in good sence and reason that to bee dejected from his countrey disavowed of his parents as a bastard to be put to nourishment amongst shepheards and beasts to be impoverished and destituted of all meanes that I say these are means and occasions to be made a prince and to be the founder of a towne If this be true there will be found men ynough which have all those goodly meanes to become princes and so will there be found more princes than other people But contrarie the meanes that we reade whereby Romulus became a prince and founder of a towne were That hee was a man strong and violent cunning in armes who gathered together many vagabonds and people of execution whereof he made captaines after he and Remus his brother founded Rome and to besole ruler he slew his brother Remus and made himselfe king 8. Maxime Moses usurped Iudea as the Gothes usurped a part of the Empire WHen people are oppressed sayth M. Nicholas vvith famine Discourse lib. 2. cap. 9. vvarre or servitude in their countrey oftentimes they goe to conquer other countries vvherein they chaunge their name As the people of Israel being oppressed vvith servitude in Aegypt under the conduct of Moses occupied a part of Syria vvhich he called Iudea even as the Gothes and Vandales occupied also the West Empire Likewise also the Maurusians auncient people of Syria perceiving the comming of the Hebrewes vvith a great povver from Aegypt feeling not themselves strong enough to resist them abandoned their countrey and vvithdrevv themselves into Affricke vvhere they conquered ground and chased avvay the naturall inhabitants This may be proved by the authoritie of the historian Procopius vvho vvrit in the life of Bellisarius That he read letters in certaine pillars vvritten in the countrey of Maures in Affricke vvhich contained this inscription Nos Maurisci qui fugimus à facie Josu latronis filij Nave that is to say Wee are the Mauricians vvhich fled before the face of Josue the cheefe sonne of Nave THis Atheist having heretofore said That Moses was made prince of the Hebrewes by his owne vertue and by armes will now persuade that hee was a theefe and an usurper of anothers countrey without any title or reason and that he seized upon Iudea as the Gothes and Vandales did of Lumbardie Spaine and other countries of the Romane empire I have before protested as I yet doe that it greeveth me much to defile my paper with so filthie speeches yet the more am I vexed that the eares and eyes of so many persons should be occupied in reading and hearing things evill sounding and so farre from all pietie and veritie but it is necessarie to discover the doctrine and the doctor of our courtiers at this day which thinke that the damnable bookes of this Atheist should serve for rules to conduct affaires of Estate as the sterne serves to guide a ship To confute then this Maxime Joseph lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 13. 14. wee know that the land of Iudea was first called the land of Canaan having taken that name of Canaan the sonne of Noe which dwelt there after the deluge and was the first stocke of the Canaanites in that countrey one part of that land was called Palestine or Philistine which name it tooke of Philistines a people comming from Philistim Noe his rerenephew which were a mightie and strong people of that land which had the government of the other people of the countrey one part also of that land of Canaan was called Iudea of the name of Iuda who was a prince even the cheefe of the twelve patriarkes of the children of Iacob from whence came the people of Israel which planted themselves in that part of the land of Canaan which was called Iudea We reade not that in the time of Moses this countrey was called Syria neither that it was comprehended under the name of Syria for from that time the countrey which after men called Syria was called the land of Aram who was the sonne of Sem the sonne of Noe although such as came after under that name of Syria comprised the countrey of Assyria also which in Moses his time was called the land of Assur who was also the sonne of Sem the sonne of Noe. And therefore is manifestly seene the beastlinesse and ignorance of Machiavell when he sayth That Moses usurped a part of Syria seeing the name of Syria was not yet invented much lesse comprised the land of Canaan But what could a simple secretarie of the towne of Florence either have read or seene except the registers of their towne-house but good authors Greeke or Latine he never read as is easie to judge by his writings wherein hee alledgeth no story to enrich his worke but the bad and slender examples of government of the Genowaies of the Florentines of the Pope of the duke of Millaine and of other such like pettie potentates of Italie he alledgeth sometimes some words out of Titus Livius but to so little purpose as may be Moreover it is knowne That the land of Canaan was of God many times promised to Abraham and to his seed as is seene in Genesis and that Abraham dwelt there and his race after him after he departed from his nephew Lot unto the time that Iacob and his familie were by famine constrained to retire into Aegypt Should we then say that when the Hebrews returned from Aegypt to dwell in their originall land which was promised them of God who is master of heaven and earth that they were usurpers like the Gothes and Vandales nay contrarie they were the just and true possessors thereof and with good right expulsed and drave out the Canaanites occupiers thereof which usurped from them the land of their education which God had promised and assigned to them for an heritage And as for that which he alledged of the Maurusianz it is a very fable for the The Maurusians came from Media not from Siria nor Phaenicia names of all such nations as were vanquished by Moses Iosua are plainly set down in their bookes but there is found no name of Maurusians neither is there found written in any good author that in the land of Canaan there ever dwelt any nation called Maurusians and as for that nation of Africa called Maures Mauritanians or Maurusians
such people I know men had neede take heede for although for a time they dissemble their choller and their appetite to vengeance yet will they not faile to discover it as soone as they see a commodious time to bee revenged with advantage But all Princes resemble little the Tarquines or Pope Iulius whereof Machiavell speaketh For Tarquin who enterprised to sley king Servius Tullius his father in law to obtaine the kingdome of Rome shewed well by that act and many other that hee was a very tyrant His end was also such as commonly tyrants have for he was driven from his kingdome which hee had unduly and unjustly usurped and was compelled to passe the rest of his daies in great povertie as a private person banished from Rome with all his children And as for Pope Iulius hee was knowne for a true and disloyall tyrant who greatlie abused the bountie of king Lewis the twelfth For that good king tooke from the Bentivolians Boloigne and many other townes from such pettie lords as occupied them and delivered them into the popes hands because they were lands belonging to the Romane church Yet in recompence this good Pope by published bulls exposed the whole kingdome of Fraunce for a prey to whomsoever would take it together with all the countries and lands of the allies of Fraunce and so Iohn de Albert king of Navarre lost his kingdome and king Lewis lost Millaine and almost all that hee held beyond the mountaines as wee have said in another place And this was the recompence the king received for all his benefits of this disloyall and wicked Pope of whom in his time was made a Pasquil at Rome and registred in our annales which in this sort speakes to his holinesse Of Gennua thy father was from Greece thy mother came A child then borne upon the sea what good in thee can bee Genuais deceivers are Greekes huge lyers are by fame No faith in sea thou hold'st these points most fully all in thee 7. Maxime A Prince ought to propound unto himselfe to imitate Caesar Borgia the sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt IT is not possible for me saith M. Nicholas to give better Cap. 14. Of the Prince precepts to a new prince than to lay before his eyes for an example the acts of Caesar Borgia duke de Valentinois sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt And although his affaires little prospered yet it vvas not vvholly his fault but rather the malignitie of an extraordinarie Fortune First then by the meanes of the Pope his father he troubled all the Estates of Italie that he might the more assuredly seize upon part of them A thing he easily effected For at the instigation of the Pope his father and of the Venetians the king of Fraunce Lewis the twelfth passed into Italie and so soone as he arrived at Millaine hee gave succours to the Pope to subiugate Romania vvhich straight vvas reduced under the hands of Borgia for the reputation of the French puissance Secondly because at Rome there were two mightie factions the Colonoise and the Vrsine against whose enterprises he feared they would oppose themselves hee got on his side the Vrsine faction by faire vvords and promises by the meanes wherof hee beat downe the French forces and overthrew the Colonois This being done he gained the gentlemen as vvell of the one faction as of the other honestly according them retaining them in his house giving them governments of townes and other honorable charges after their merites and qualities insomuch as in a little time the Vrsine and Colonois faction remained vvithout cheefetaines After this by faire and sweet vvords accompanied vvith good presents he caused the Vrsines to come to him unto Synagyllia vvhich being once together in his hands he slew them all Having thus suppressed those two factions and seeing himselfe peaceable and all Romania and in the dutchie of Vrbin to make himselfe feared to represse the insolencies of the pettie lords of that countrey hee sent thither for governour Messiere Remiro Dorco a severe and cruell man unto vvhom he gave full power Who exercising his crueltie committed many executions by meanes vvhereof he vvith feare made all the countrey tremble and so as peaceable and obedient as might be What then did Borgia To make the vvorld beleeve that such cruell executions vvere not done by his command nor by his consent suddainly he caused publickely the head of Messier Romiro to be cut off after this being afraid of the Frenchmen he refused any more to be served with the French forces so he put them away and to assure himselfe against them he sought alliance vvith the Spaniards vvhich then made vvarre in the kingdome of Naples and so were farther off to hurt him than the French which abode at Millaine Besides all this he put to death all the lords which hee had wronged and all their generation and very few escaped least a new Pope after his father should take occasion to warre upon him to reestablish those lords or their posteritie in their heritage as for the Lords which hee had not offended hee drew them almost all on his side to help him to bridle a new Pope that hee might not enterprise any thing against him his purpose was to make himselfe lord of all Tuscane and after lord of all Italie And already hee had under his protection Pise and Sienna and Luca inclined unto him But Pope Alexander his father dyed and failed him at his neede so that his domination beeing yet as a thing hanging in the ayre which was nothing solide Pope Julius the eleventh easily dispoyled him Borgia seeing that fortune which before had shewed him so good a countenance turned her backe and prooved so maligne and contrary unto him fell sicke and dyed and upon his death bed hee said He had prevented and thought upon all inconveniences that might happen unto him but death which hee never supposed would so soone have come IS not heere a gallant life and a goodly hystorie to propose for princes to imitate or rather a marke of Gods just judgement Caesar Borgia an example of Gods judgement which wee see hee ordinarily exerciseth against such detestable tyrants which by all manner of cruelties and disloyalties seeke to dominier For God in the end brings all their desseignes and goodly enterprises into smoke and makes them die in languishment and confusion and in displeasure that they have ever lived to see themselves falne into a mockerie and reproch with all the world by their wicked enterprises Yet this is not all for dying full of all vices not grieved for the evils they have done but rather for that they had no meanes nor leisure to doe more mischiefe they depart from this languishing life to goe suffer eternall paines by the just judgement of God who yeeldeth to the wicked persevering in their vices the reward of their merit Is not this wicked Borgia a faire example to us who at his
great care to see himselfe in reputation to be cruell so that thereby he maintaine his people in a faithfull union and obedience For the cruell and rigorous executions of a prince doe but privately hurt certaine particulars which ought not to be feared and the two great lenitie of a pitifull prince is the cause of infinit evils which grow up and engender in their kingdomes as murderes thefts and other like Insomuch as a man may well say that a pitifull prince is cause of more evills than a cruell prince The example of the emperour Severus may serve vs for proofe heereof for hee was very cruell and by his crueltie overcame Albinus Niger the most part of their friends so wrought himselfe a peaceable empire which hee long time held beeing well obeyed and reverenced of all the world I Have heeretofore shewed how Caesar Borgia by his crueltie obtained for enemies almost all the potentates of Italie and thereby so well assured his estate that incontinent as his father was dead he was invironed with enemies destitute of friends despoiled of the lands he had usurped and constrained to hide himselfe to save his life This tragicall issue accordeth not very well with that which Machiavell heere maintaineth saying Bâ—rgia was erected by the credit of his father not by his crueltie That the crueltie of Borgia was the cause that hee got the peaceable domination of Romania For to say truth it was not his crueltie which easilie might have beene resisted Borgia of himselfe beeing without power but it was the favour and feare of the pope his father who commanded the French powers and made himselfe feared of all christian princes For at that time men feared more the popes simple buls than at this day they feare either the keies of S. Peter or the sword of S. Paul which hee said hee had or all his fulminations excommunications agravations reagravations interdicts anathematizations or all the forces and meanes hee can make And who would make account of all those at this day seeing even the Romanes themselves make but a mocke of them But in the time of Alexander Borgia yea in the time of Pope Iulius the eleaventh his successor all that the Pope would and ordained was held of christian princes for an ordinance as from the mouth of God yea even when the Pope ordained things manifestly wicked as when Iulius delivered as a prey the whole kingdome of France and the lands of the kings allies For the king of England of Arragon and the emperour Maximilian beleeved all that it was a sufficient cause to set upon the king and his allies and that it was even as an expresse commandement of God The world then and even princes being then overtaken with that beastly superstition and follie wee neede not bee abashed that Caesar Borgia had the meanes to possesse Romania under the shadow and favour of the Pope his father that with the aide of the king of France and it was plainly seene that that good hap to subjugate Romania proceeded from favour and not from crueltie as Machiavell saith because as soone as that favour ceased all his case was overthrowne and it was straight seene that his utter ruine arived as is said I doe then maintaine cleane contrary from the Maxime of Machiavell and say That crueltie is a vice which ordinarily bringeth â—o princes the ruine of them their estates and that clemencie and gentlenes is the true meanes to maintaine and establish a prince firme and assured in his estate For proofe heereof reasons are cleare and manifest for wee call crueltie all executions which are committed upon men their lands and goods without any forme of justice or against all right and equitie heereupon it followeth that as violence is directly contrarie to right and equitie so also is crueltie and that crueltie is no other thing but manifest violence But according to the Maximes even of philosophers No violent thing can endure So it followeth that an estate founded upon cruelty cannot long endure Moreover crueltie is alwaies hated of every one for although it bee not practised upon all particulars but upon some onely yet they upon whom it is not exercised cease not to feare when they see it executed upon their parents friends allies and neighbours But the feare of paine and punishment engendreth hatred for one can never love that whereof hee feares to receive evill especiallie when there is a feare of life losse of goods and honours which are the things wee hold most precious and of that which wee hate wee by the same meanes desire the losse and entier ruine and search out procure and advance it with all our power But it is impossible when all a people shooteth at one same marke that a tyrant or cruell prince for all is one can long endure or that hee can doe so much as there shall not arive unto him some disastre or evill fortune And if sometimes it please God to suffer him to live long it is to cause him to take the higher leap that in the end hee may have the sorer fall As wee see it well painted in poets tragoedies where many tyrants are seene which enduring long time have done no other thing during the space of their life but knit cordes fasten gallowes in some imminent places whet swords and daggers temper poisons for afterward to drinke the poison to stab the dagger in their bosomes or hang themselves on the gibet in the sight of all the world which laughing and mocking them say it is well employed we must not say that such tragoe dies are but poeticall fictions for hystories are full of such tragicall ends of tyrants which have delighted to shed their subjects bloud and to handle them cruellie Cruell people are commonly cowards This vice of crueltie proceeding from the weaknesse of such as can not command their choller and passions of vengeance and suffer themselves to bee governed by them never happened in a generous and valiant heart but rather alwaies in cowardly and fearefull hearts Therfore when one day one advertised the emperour Mauricius that the captaine Phocas entended and wrought evill against him and another maintained that he was but a coward and too fearefull to bring any thing to passe the emperour Mauricius answered So much the more ought I to take heed for those cowardly and fearefull people when they enterprise a crueltie and that they have advantage they can never hold any measure therein And this vice of crueltie saith Marcellinus may be called the ulcer of the soule proceeding of Amian Mar. lib. 27. feeblenesse of the mind and cowardise of the heart And therefore sicke and diseased people are more chollericke than they that are in health and miserable and desperate men more than they which are at their ease and contented And hereupon saith Marcellinus that the cause why Valentinian was a cruell man came because of the choller which
After that the emperour Nerva was chosen emperour hee entred into the Senate Dion in Nerva when it was assembled and after hee made them understand how kindlie and temperatelie hee meant to behave himselfe in the government of the empire hee added for a conclusion an oath and promise That never by his ordinance and command hee would put to death any Senator A thing which greatlie pleased all the companie and especiallie because that cruell emperour Domitian his predecessor whom hee succeeded had caused a great number to die yea for frivolous and trifling causes What followed It happened that certaine Senators conspired against that good emperour and that the conspiration was discovered but that good prince seeing that the conspirators were Senators and that hee had given to them all his Faith and oath that hee would cause none of them to dye loved better to observe his Faith and oath than to punish with death those Senators which had well merited it What will our Machiavellists say heere which most cruelly put to death massacre against publik Faith even such as no way have deserved any punishment But it is time to leave those ancient Romane examples for wee should never Beliay lib 1. Of his memories have done to rehearse them all now let us come to domesticall examples In the yeere 1508 king Lewis the twelfth who then held the dutchie of Millan made a league at Cambray with the emperour Maximilian and pope Iulius the eleventh to expulse at their common charge and expences the Venetians out of the firme land as usurpers of that they held upon the empire upon the Church and upon the dutchie of Millan And it was accorded that in the yeere following at a convenient and good time every one of the said three princes shoule appeare upon the place with his army and every man should have that yeelded unto him that was his owne after they had conquered the said countries which the Venetians held The king according to this accord came himselfe in person with his army and many great princes and French lords but the emperour and the pope failed Yet the king feeling himselfe strong enough alone gave battaile to the Venetians and got the victorie insomuch as their chiefetaines were taken and 2000 slaine and almost all the townes which the Venetians had on firme land yeelded to him What then did this good king although the other two held not their Faiths unto him and that having then the dutchie of Millan hee alone might easily have kept all that he had conquered yet notwithstanding hee voluntarilie yeelded to the emperour Verone Vicence Padua and otherplaces belonging to the empire and to the Pope Rimini Faence Cervia Ravenna and other church townes Heereby this good king shewing in what great recommendation hee had the observation of his Faith and to maintaine whole and perfect his promise For if with excuses hee would have dealt deceitfully to have broken his Faith as Machiavell saith hee ought to have done had hee not a faire pretext to say that others had not held promise with him might hee not have the said that hee was nor bound to reconquer theirs at his owne charges by the traict of their league Might hee not well have beaten the Pope with his owne Cannons alledging as before Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But he was a plaine man without guile and sincere hee sought no evasions or refuges but an upright observer of his Faith and promise yet Machiavell reprehends him because hee used not deceits and tromperyes as the popes Alexander Iulius did The memorie is yet fresh of the great warres which the emperour Charles the fifth and Francis the first king of France had together as also how they objected Bellay lib. 8. Of his memories one to another the observation of Faith in their publike escripts and writings yet whatsoever imputations were laid by one to another experience manifested the truth in the yeere 5539 when the emperour under the word of the king passed through France to goe from Spaine into Flanders where the people of Gant were risen up against him for in that passage the emperour shewed well that hee beleeved the king was a prince who would keep his Faith unviolated when he trusted his owne person under it notwithstanding all the warres enmities hostilities and other differences which had so often happened betwixt them two and were not yet extinguished And certaine it is that if the emperour who was a wise prince had had the least doubt in the world of the kings Faith and loyaltie hee would never have put himselfe in his hands and especially for so small an occasion as in hast to goe build a citadell in the towne of Gant insomuch as his fact contradicteth his mouth and word For before hee had many times given an intimation to the king not to hold and observe sincerely his Faith but as by his own fact he shewed that he beleeved the contrary of that hee had said so found hee by experience that the king was the part hee plaied with the king of Armenia succeeded not alike unto him which king he sent for to come unto him being then nigh his country making him to understand that hee would agree him with his children with which then the king had some dissention For as soone as hee came to him hee caused him to be taken prisoner and to bee bound and to bee cast into a straight prison as hee had done with Augarus But the Armenians having discovered this perfidie and disloyaltie rose up in armes and would not submit themselves under the obedience of that perfidious Caracalla Hee also played another part of treacherie under the pretext and shew of marriage with the king of the Parthians Artabanus For hee writ letters unto him whereby hee signified unto him that the empire of the Romanes and that of the Parthians were the two greatest empires of the world and that hee beeing the sonne of a Romane emperour could not find a partie more sociable unto him for a wife than the daughter of Artabanus king of the Parthians he therefore praied him to give her to him in marriage to the end to allie and joyne together the greatest empires of the earth as thereby also to impose an end to their warres This king at the first denyed him his daughter saying that such a marriage was very unfit because of the diversitie of their tongues manners and habits as also for that the Romanes never heeretofore allied or married with the Parthians But upon this refuse Caracalla insisted and pressed him more strongly than before and sent to Artabanus great gifts so that in the end hee gave to him his daughter Whereupon Caracalla assuring himselfe that hee should finde noe hostilitie in the Parthian countrie entred bouldly farre into the countrie with his armie making men understand wheresoever hee passed that hee went but for to see and make love to the kings daughter
Lacedaemonians insomuch as the Corcyrians feeling themselves weake practised to enter into league and societie with the Athenians shewing them that they might receive them into their societie The Corinthians on the contrary demonstrated to the Athenians That if they received the Corcyrians into their societie to aid them in this warre against them it were to doe against the said article the which was to bee understood in the wholesomest and best sence and not to the detriment and ruine of the confederates and that such as would so interprete it That it were lawfull for the Athenians to receive the Corcyrians into their societie for them to warre upon the Lacedaemonians Corinthians and other confederates comprehended in the said treatie should be an interpretation to an evill sence too easily making an overture to breake the said treatie of peace after the appetite of a third which was no confederate And that therefore the said article must of necessitie bee understood in such manner as the reception of new associates might bee without the domage and prejudice of such as were comprehended in that confederation The Corcyrians replied That although in the said article be not expressed that it should be lawfull to receive associates to make warre against confederates or others yet must it be so understood especially when new associates make warre for a good right and just quarrell as ours is said they against the Corinthians and that the treatie could not be violated neither is the interpretation contrary to equitie whensoever men will maintaine right and reason The Athenians made no account of the interpretation of the said treatie which the Corinthians set before them although it was conformable and agreeing to the sence and equitie of that confederation but rather held it better to sticke unto the Corcyrians On the other side the Lacedaemonians banded themselves for the Corinthians their associates as reason required and by that meanes those two great commonweales were brought to the skirmish of warre one against another by meanes of the Corcyrians and Corinthians which set them together by the eares After the Athenians and Lacedaemonians entred warres together they drew after them all the rest of Greece or the most part into the same skirmish some of the one part some of the other but this Peloponnesiack warre was great cruell long and such as had almost utterly overthrowne the estate of Greece upside downe and all this came upon the captious interpretation contrarie to all equitie and reason which the Corcyrians made of the foresaid article of the treatie of confederation In like manner was the subtill disputation of such as caused Pompeius that famous Plutarch in Pomp. captaine to die After Pompeius had lost the battaile of Pharsalia against Caesar he embarked on the sea with his wife certain of his friends hoovering about Aegypt hoping there to be welcome and entertained by the young king Ptolomaeus in consideration of the pleasures which hee had sometimes done to his father At his approching the land of Aegypt he sent a messenger in a boat to that young king who was in the towne of Pelusium to know if he would receive him in assurance But indeed the kings affaires were then managed by three base persons which understood nothing lesse than well to governe affaires of State whereof the first was a meane chamberlaine of his and the other two Theodotus the Rhetorician his schoolemaster and Achillas his domesticall servant These three venerable persons fel to counsell to deliberate what answere the king their master should make to Pompeius At the beginning they differed in opinion one saying that it were good to receive him and the other not But in the end al three accorded in the worst opinion they could have taken which was to receive Pompey and to slay him Which opinion this goodly Rhetorician Theodotus persuaded to the other two by his subtile reasons If we receive Pompeius saith he certaine it is wee shall have Caesar for an enemie and Pompeius for a master If we receive him not they will be both our enemies Pompey for rejecting him and Caesar because we have not stayed him But if we receive him and put him to death Caesar will thanke us and Pompeius cannot revenge himselfe upon us nor endammage us for a dead man is no warrior Vpon these goodly reasons of that subtile rhetorician the conclusion was taken by these three bad people to put to death this great person Pompeius who had had so many triumphs and victories in his life who had seene to wait on him sometimes five or six great kings at once to entreat him as an arbitror of their contentions and differencies If these bad Counsellors had considered the greatnesse of Pompeius who had so many parents and friends vertuous and great lords as also the magnanimitie of Caesar which would vanquish by true force and not by perfidies and treasons they would never have staied upon the cold and foolish subtilties of this gentle Rhetorician and they would not have concluded the death of so great a man But yet they concluded it and executed their conclusion causing Pompey to die as soone as he had taken port in Aegypt But it was not long ere they received the reward of their perfidie founded upon that subtiltie for Caesar soone after arrived in Aegypt unto whom Pothinus and Achillas presented the head of Pompeius thinking greatly to pleasure him Caesar turned his face backward because he would not see him and begun to weepe and withall commanded to put Pothinus and Achillas to death which had profered him that present which was presently done And that subtile reason of Theodotus who persuaded them that Caesar would thanke them for their murder was not found true Theodotus seeing this execution and finding himselfe very culpable fled and yet lived certaine yeares miserably wandring and begging here and there fearing being known to be massacred of the world which every where had him in execration But in the end after the death of Caesar Brutus by chaunce light upon him and caused him to die miserably after he had made him endure infinit torments Behold the end of those three Counsellors of that young king Ptolomaeus who also by their evill conduction made but a poore end for he was slaine in a battell nigh Nile and none could ever find his bodie Would to God such as resemble at this day these three Counsellors might receive semblable guerdon and reward as they did to learne them to conclude the committing of massacres and the use of perfidies and treasons which will not faile them in the end for God is just But the skoffe which Theodotus alledged in the fore-mentioned counsell That a dead man makes no warre is at this day ordinarily in the mouthes of our Italianized courtiers thereupon they ground their counsels to sley and massacre all such as they hate We must say they sley this and that man it is good to dispatch them for a