remembrance those ancient Kings Latinus Turnus and Evander who 't is likely were Princes of the same sort Such as came to speak with the King stood without in the Porch either on one side or in the middle of the little Porch either because the room was very small and not sufficient for many people or rather as I believe for more State The King was young not above seventeen years of age as they told me yet his aspect spoke him elder for he was very fat and lusty as I could conjecture of him sitting and besides he had long hairs of a beard upon his cheeks which he suffer'd to grow without cutting though they appeared to be but the first down Of Complexion he was dusky not black as his Mother is but rather of an earthy colour as almost all the Malabars use to be He had a lowder and bigger voice then Youths of his age use to have and in his speaking gestures and all other things he shew'd Judgment and manly gravity From the girdle upwards he was all naked saving that he had a thin cloth painted with several colours cast cross his shoulders The hair of his head was long after their manner and ty'd in one great knot which hung on one side wrapt up in a little plain linnen which looks like a night-cap fallen on one side From the girdle downwards I saw not what he wore because he never rose from his seat and the Chamber was something dark besides that the painted cloth on his shoulders hung down very low His Nephew who sate beside him was not naked but clad in a whole white garment and his Head was wrapt up in a greater volume white like a little Turbant When I came before the King his Men made me come near to the little Porch in the midst of them where standing by my self after the first salutations the King presently bid me cover my head which I forth-with did without further intreaty though with the Mother because a Lady I was willing to super-abound in Courtesie speaking to her all the time uncover'd But with the Son who was a Man I was minded to enjoy the priviledg of my descent and receive the favour which he did me as due to my quality To sit upon at first they offer'd me nothing nor was it fitting to sit down upon the bare ground Yet to shew some difference between my self and the by-standers after I had put on my Hat I lean'd upon my Sword and so talk'd as long as I was standing which was not long the King who at first sat side-wise turning himself directly towards me although by so doing he turn'd his back to his Nephew He ask'd me almost all the same questions as his Mother had done Whence I came What Countries I had travell'd through What Princes I had seen Whether I had left my own Country upon any misfortune Or why How I would have done thus alone in strange Countries in case of sickness or other accidents To all which I answer'd as I had done to his Mother and upon my saying that I wander'd thus alone up and down trusting in the help of God He ask't me Who was my God I answer'd him pointing upwards the God of Heaven the Creator of the Universe whereupon certain Souldiers there present in all likelyhood Moors as if applauding me said Ah Chodia Chodia which in the Persian Tongue signifies Lord and is meant of God inferring that I worship'd the true God whom they Moors pretended to know in opposition to the Idols of the Gentiles of the Country And they us'd the Persian word Chodia because that probably the Sect of Mahomet came into these parts from Persia which is not very remote from India as also from Arabia or perhaps because the Indians of the Territory of Idal-Scià h and Dacà n being in great part Moors use much the Persian Tongue which is spoken in the Courts of those Princes no less then their natural Language whence these other Indians more inwards to the South have by reason of neighbourhood communication both in Religion and Speech The King told me several times that he had very great contentment in seeing me and that no Europaean of my quality had ever been in his Country that my person well shew'd of what quality I was Nor was he mistaken herein for what other would ever go out of Europe into his Country unless some Portugal Merchantello of those who come hither for the most part to seek wood to make masts and sails for Ships these Woods abounding with very goodly Trees I told him I was sorry I had nothing worthy to present to him that in my Country there wanted not gallant things for his Highness but it being so many years since my departure thence and my Travels so far I had nothing left as I desir'd yet as a memorial of my service I should venture to give him a small trifle of my Country Whereupon I caus'd my Interpreter who carried it to offer him a little Map of the World which I had brought with me out of Italy telling him what it was and how all the Countries Lands Seas and Islands of the world were exactly delineated in it with their Names set to each place in our Tongue and all that was necessary to make him understand what it was The King was hugely pleas'd with it and desir'd to see several Countries where they lay and how great they were asking me sundry questions about them but being he understood not our Letters written therein he satisfi'd himself with the sight onely and with shewing it to all the by-standers as a curious and ingenious piece of Art Then he ask'd me whether I could eat in their Houses or of their meats for he desir'd to give me something to eat I answer'd that I could and that the purity of our Religion consisted not in the eating or touching of things but in doing good works He earnestly desir'd me that I would stay a while till some meat were prepar'd for me for by all means he would have me eat something in his House and himself see me eating I told him that if his intention were onely to give me meat the time was already past nor was I dispos'd to eat but if it were to see me eat I could not eat in that place after the fashion of my Country not having there the preparations necessary thereunto so that his Highness should not see what perhaps he desir'd and therefore I beseech'd him to excuse me Nevertheless he was so urgent for it that not to appear discourteous I consented to obey him And till the meat came the King commanded some of his Servants to conduct me to sit down by them in the Porch where I might sit after our manner but not in the King's sight Hereupon I with-drew with some of his Men to entertain me and in the mean time the King remain'd talking with the rest of them concerning me commending me much for several
reason of sundry accidents and the oppositions of the Portugals to him as to a Castilian as himself saith or as other say because it was his own mind to do so since the year before being sent away in a Petache or Shallop according to his own desire he return'd back for fear of a tempest though without reason had never return'd home into Spain to his King but when I arriv'd in India I found him at Goa where we became acquainted together and coming to visit me one day amongst other things whereof we discours'd he told me that he had heard a while since that the Prior of Savoy to wit the Duke of Savoy's Son who is a Prior was made Vice-Roy of Sicily and Generalissimo of that Sea for his Catholick Majesty Which was News to me and as a rare and unaccustom'd thing for the Spaniards to place Italians in governments of States in Italy I was not unwilling to take notice of September the thirtieth At evening the Dominicans with the Fryers of the Society del Rosario made a goodly Procession in Goa with abundance of Coaches and Images cloth'd after their manner and richly adorn'd with many Jewels all the streets where it pass'd being strew'd with green herbs and flowers and the windows hung with Tapistry and rich Carpets to which shew which is yearly made for the Feast of the Rosary which is upon the first Sunday of October the whole City was gather'd together This great Procession they make the Eve before the Feast after Vespers and in the morning of the Feast they make another less one onely about the Gate of the Church but with the same pomp and besides with the most Holy Sacrament October the tenth The Vice-Roy of Goa dispatch'd Sig Gio Fernandez Leiton my Friend Ambassador to the Gentile-Prince whose Dominion in the Kingdom of Province of Canarà more Southernly then Goa borders upon Onòr and the other Territories of the Portugals in those maritime parts This Prince Venk-tapà Naieka was sometimes Vassal and one of the Ministers of the great King of Vidià -Nagà r which the Portugals corruptly call Bisnagà but after the down-fall of the King of Vidià -Nagà r who a few years ago by the Warrs rais'd against him by his Neighbours lost together with his life a great part of his Dominion and became in a manner extinct Venk-tapà Naieka as also many other Naieki who where formerly his Vassals and Ministers remain'd absolute Prince that part of the State whereof he was Governour which also being a good Souldier he hath much enlarg'd having seiz'd by force many Territories of divers other Naieki and pety Princes his Neighbours and in brief is grown to that reputation that having had Warr with the Portugals too and given them a notable defeat he is now held for their Friend and for the establishment of this Friendship they send this Embassage to him in the Name of the King of Portugal the Ambassador being styl'd Ambassador of the State of India and though he is sent by the Vice-Roy nevertheless as their custom is he carries Letters written in the name of the King himself to do the more honour to Venk-tapà Nieka to whom he is sent This is the first Ambassador sent to this Prince in the King of Portugal's Name for before in Occurrences which fell out an Ambassador was sent only in the name of some one of those Captains and Governours of the Portugal Territories which had business with him and this was sent in answer to an Ambassador of his who hath been long at Goa negotiating with the Vice-Roy the establishment of the said Friendship The Ambassador of Venk-tapà Naieka is a Brachman call'd Vitulà Sinaì and having taken his leave of the Vice-Roy the two Ambassadors departed together at this time I having been some dayes before inform'd of this intended Embassie and being desirous to see some Country of the Gentiles where themselves bore sway and observ'd their Rites without any subjection to Christians or Moors or Princes of different Religion as in those Lands which I had hitherto seen I offer'd my self to accompany my Friend Sig Gio Fernandez Leiton in this Embassie and he hath been pleas'd to testifie very great liking of my company So that I am to take Ship with him within three days which will be the thirteenth or fourteenth of this present moneth of October I hope I shall find matter wherewith to feed our Curiosity and to give you an entertainment In the mean time I heartily salute all our Friends at Naples and most affectionately kiss your Hands From Goa October 10. 1623. LETTER IV. From Onòr Octob. 30. 1623. BEing departed from Goa and arriv'd at this Port of Onòr I shall give you some account of what hath hapned in my observation during the few days since the last that I writ to you October the tenth which because I understood lay still at Goa with the two Ships which were to go thence for Persia I have thought fit to send this to accompany it and I hope you will receive both of them together and that not without some small delectation with my News inasmuch as I am pleas'd in writing to you from several places and when I can get opportunity from those very places which afford the novelties and matters whereof I write which therefore may possibly be more grateful in the reception as being native of the Country I took Ship with our Portugal Ambassador and Sig Gio Fernandez Leiton about Evening October the fourteenth and departing from Goa we remov'd to a Town call'd Pangi in the same Island but lower near the place where the River enters into the Sea and whither the Vice-Roys use to retire themselves frequently to a House of Pleasure which they have there besides many other like Houses of private persons upon the River likewise and where also at the mouth of the Sea or Bar as they speak which is a little lower almost all Fleets that depart from Goa are wont to set sail We might have perform'd this journey by Land along the Sea-cast passing along the other Lands of Adil-Scià h till we came to those of Venk-tapà Naieka But to avoid expences and occasions of disgust with many Governours of those Territories subject to Adil-Scià h who sometimes are little courteous and impertinent the Vice-Roy would have us go by Sea and for more security sent five of those light Frigats or Galeots which the Portugals call Sangessis to accompany us as far as Onòr where we were to land So that we were in all ten Ships or Galeots to wit one which carry'd the Portugal Ambassador and us an other in which the Naieka's Ambassador the Brachman went three others laden with the baggage of the two Ambassadors and particularly with Horses and other things which the Vice-Roy sent for a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka and other Horses which I know not who carry'd thither to sell and the five Ships of War whereof Sig Hettor Fernandez was Chief Captain
and in her own Dominions where I was come to visit and to do her Honour After she was gone her way I with my people enter'd into a little village and there took a lodging in an empty house belonging to a Moor of the Country and near the Palace but I caus'd my diet to be prepar'd in an other house of a neighbour Moor that so I might have the convenience of eating flesh or what I pleas'd which in the houses of Gentiles would not be suffer'd The inhabitants of Manèl are partly Gentiles and partly Malabar-Moors who have also their Meschita's there which was of much convenience to me The Name of the Queen of Olaza is Abag-deuì-Ciautrù of which words Abag is her proper Name Deuì signifies as much as Lady and with this word they are also wont to signifie all their gods nor have they any other in their Language to denote God but Deù or Deurù which are both one and equally attributed to Princes whereby it appears that the gods of the Gentiles are for the most part nothing else but such Princes as have been famous in the world and deserv'd that Honour after their deaths as likewise which is my ancient opinion that the word God where-with we by an introduc'd custom denote the Supream Creator doth not properly signifie that First Cause who alone ought to be ador'd by the World but signifi'd at first either Great Lord or the like whence it was attributed to Heroes and signal persons in the world suitable to that of the Holy Scripture Filii Deorum Filii Hominum and consequently that the gods of the Gentiles though ador'd and worship'd both in ancient and modern times were never held by us in that degree wherein we hold God the Creator of the Universe and wherein almost all Nations of the world always held and do hold him some calling him Causa Prima others Anima Mundi others Perabrahmi as the Gentiles at this day in India But that the other gods are and were always rather but as Saints are amongst us of the truth whereof I have great Arguments at least amongst the Indian Gentiles or if more then Saints yet at least Deifi'd by favour and made afterwards Divi as Hercules Romulus Augustus c. were amongst the Romans But to return to our purpose they told me the word Ciautrù the last in the Queen of Olaza's Name was a Title of Honour peculiar to all the Kings and Queens of Olaza and therefore possibly signifies either Prince or King and Queen or the like As for this Countries being subject to a Woman I understood from intelligent persons of the Country that in Olaza Men were and are always wont to reign and that 't is a custom receiv'd in India amongst the greatest part of the Gentiles the Sons do not succeed the Fathers but the Sons of their Sisters they accounting the Female-line more certain as indeed it is than the Male. Yet that the last King of Olaza having neither Nephews nor other Legitimate Heirs his Wife succeeded him and she also dying without other Heirs left this Abag-Deuì who was her Sister to succeed her To whom because she is a Woman and the descent is certain is to succeed a Son of hers of whom I shall hereafter make mention but to him being a Man not his own Sons but the Son of one of his Sisters hereafter likewise mention'd is to succeed Not to conceal what I know of the History of this Queen I shall add that after her Assumption to the Throne upon the death of her Sister she was married for many years to the King of Banghel who now is a fugitive depriv'd of his Dominions but then reign'd in his own Country which borders upon hers Yet though they were Husband and Wife more for Honors sake then any thing else they liv'd not together but apart each in their own Lands in the Confines whereof either upon Rivers where they caus'd Tents to be erected over boats or in other places of delight they came to see and converse with one another Banghel wanting not other Wives and Women who accompany'd him where-ever he went 'T is reported that this Queen had the Children which she hath by this Banghel if they were not by some other secret and more intimate Lover for they say she wants not such The Matrimony and good Friendship having lasted many years between Banghel and the Queen I know not upon what occasion discord arose between them and such discord that the Queen divorc'd Banghel sending back to him as the custom is in such case all the Jewels which he had given her as his Wife For this and perhaps for other causes Banghel became much offended with the Queen and the rupture proceeded to a War during which it so fortun'd that one day as she was going in a boat upon one of those Rivers not very well guarded he sending his people with other boats in better order took her and had her in his power Yet with fair carriage and good words she prevail'd so far that he let her go free and return to her Country In revenge of this injury she forth-with rais'd War against Banghel who relying upon the aid of the neighbouring Portugals because he was confederate with them and as they say of many Royolets of India Brother in Arms to the King of Portugal the Queen to counterpoize that force call'd to her assistance against Banghel and the Portugals who favour'd him the neighbouring King Venk-tapà Naieka who was already become very potent and fear'd by all the Neighbours and under his protection and obedience she put her self Venk-tapà Naieka sent a powerful Army in favour of the Queen took all Banghel's Territories and made them his own destroying the Fort which was there he also made prey of divers other pety Lords thereabouts demolishing their strength and rendring them his Tributaries one of which was the Queen of Curnat who was also confedrate with the Portugals and no friend to her of Olaza he came against Mangalòr where in a battel rashly undertaken by the Portugals he defeated a great number and in short the flower and strength of India carrying the Ensigns Arms and Heads of the slain to Ikkerì in triumph He did not take Mangalòr because he would not answering the Queen of Olaza who urg'd him to it That they could do that at any time with much facility and that 't was best to let those four Portugals remain in that small place which was rather a House then a Fortress in respect of the Traffick and Wares which they brought to the benefit of their Countries After which he came to a Treaty with the Portugals by which he restor'd the Colours he had taken from them and by their means Banghel surrendred the Fort which Venk-tapà as I said before demolish'd besides other conditions which are now under consideration according as is above-mention'd in my Relation of the Ambassie to Ikkerì This was the War of Banghel
of which was Sig Sancho de Toar Brother to Veedor da Fazenda who was Treasurer and Captain of one of the Ships Our Friend Sig Michel Pereira Boralho who was sometimes Captain of the Galeons went also his Brother Giovan Boralho was kill'd under Ruy Freira in the battle with the English at Già sk last year being Admiral of that Fleet which next the General is the prime charge having been many times before Capitan Maggiore as they speak or General in the Streight of Ormùz I make particular mention of him upon account of his relation to Sig Michel our Friend But such a succour for Ormuz after so long a time is indeed a very inconsiderable matter Yet they say other Ships are preparing to be sent after these March the one and twentieth I took the Altitude of the Sun at Goa with my Astrolabe and found him decline at noon from the Zenith towards the South fourteen degrees and forty minutes He was this day in the thirtieth degree of Pisces and consequently in the Aequinoctial without any Declination so that without making any Substraction or Addition to this number Goa that is the City will lye just so many degrees 14. gr 40′ from the Aequinoctial towards the North and also have the Northern Pole elevated as many March the eight and twentieth News was brought to Goa how the great Moghòl had caus'd all the English that were at his Court to be slain and imprisoned all the rest that were at Surà t As for those that were slain some say it was by the Moghòl's Order in way of punishment and that they were hang'd and otherwise executed Others say it was by chance as they endeavour'd to defend themselves by Arms when he sent onely to arrest them prisoners as he did those of Surà t and this seems most likely Be it as it will this Accident may easily disturb their Commere something in that Country The occasion is reported thus A few dayes or moneths agoe the English in Surà t apprehending themselves aggriev'd to a considerable summ by the Mogòl's Ministers whether by exaction of Customs or in Accounts I know not to repair the loss by force since otherwise they could not made reprisal of some of the Moghol's ships which were come abroad full laden and being the Mogòl's people were not able to deal with the English at Sea they were constrain'd for recovering their surpris'd Vessels to grant the English every thing demanded and satisfie them so far as they pretended to be aggrieved Which thing coming afterwards to the King's knowledge he caus'd all of that Nation to be apprehended where-ever found in his Dominions hereupon hapned the slaughter above-mention'd For my part I think the English have not manag'd their business discreetly in this case for how is it possible for a few strangers and inmates to contest with and get the better of a great King in his own Country And upon rising 〈◊〉 â—he like differences I should account it the best course to accord them with good words and amicably with the said King by complaining of his Ministers and procuring him to provide in such cases as well as may be and this course may succeed happily Otherwise if redress can be obtain'd then before a manifest feud 't were best to get out of his power and warr upon him securely not in his own Country where there are so many people and the King undoubtedly hath more power then any other I believe the English made this attempt upon supposition that the Moghòl hath great need of the Sea and that to the end his Ships might have free passage therein without being molested by the English he would suffer what they pleas'd But herein in my opinion they are grosly mistaken because the Moghòl is a very great and wealthy King whose Revenews arise from his own Lands and not from the Sea and to whom that little which is to be had from the Sea how great soever it may be is nothing and nothing he accounts it because it accrues rather to some small Captain of his as the Governour of Surà t and the like then to the King himself So that What is he concern'd for it But indeed he will be concern'd for such an injury done to him in his own jurisdiction as the English have done by making reprisal of Ships which Princes much inferior to the Moghòl would not have suffer'd from any admitted as Friends into their Countries Besides the grievances alledg'd by the English were but pretences and the Moghòl's Ministers had their Reasons for them wherefore the case ought to have been heard before falling to violence and let the matter be how it will 't was just for him to be Judge in his own Country and that this respect should be shewn him if the English would have taken this course if not or if he would not do them Justice they were alwayes at liberty to go out of his power and so make Warr against him by Sea upon better terms Concerning the Affairs of the Moghòl with his Son they said that Sultà n Chorròm having been twice routed was at last retreated with some few followers into the Dominions of Cutab-Scià h and that his Father had given over pursuing him and being retir'd to his own Court left him there in quiet that Cutab-Scià h did not assist him out of awe to the Father nor yet drive him out of his Territories out of respect to himself but let him enjoy the possession of a certain small circuit in his Country to which he had retir'd Concerning Persian affairs we heard a while since and it was verifi'd that not only the English Ships were gone thither according to their custom for the Trade of Silk but also those of the Hollanders which come to Surà t perhaps because the Hollanders are minded to set up a Traffick thither too as I understood from a good hand last year at Surà t In the mean time other Ships and Galeons are preparing at Goa to be sent to Ormùz April the tenth Three Galeons fraighted with Victual departed from Goa to Ruy Freira for the war of Ormùz as two other Ships had done a few days before besides the above-mention'd ten and order was given for three other Galeons to go from Mozambique with people sufficient to arm all the six because the former three of Goa carri'd no Soldiers but only Sea-men They carri'd also from Goa a Petard wherewith they said they intended to attempt the little false Gate of Ormùz which stands towards the Sea and several other preparations of War On the twenty ninth of the same month being the day of S. Pietro Martire who they say was the Founder of the Inquisition against Hereticks the Inquisitors of Goa made a Solemnity before their House of the Inquisition which is in the Piazza of the Cathedral and was sometimes the Palace of Sabaio Prince of Goa when the Portugals took it whence it is still call'd la Piazza di Sabaio After solemn Mass had been sung
of water call'd in Latine if I mistake not Typhones Vortices but we pass'd through them without any hurt or dammage October the twenty first After many days of contrary wind which driv us in vain about the gulph of Settaglia at length it becoming favourable the Pilot and other Mariners said they descry'd land afar off which some took to be Candia others Rhodes but whatever it was we soon lost sight of it again and the same night the wind growing strong we were separated from the other Ships which were in our company Nevertheless we continu'd our Voyage alone and at evening descry'd land on the North-west which the Mariners said was the Island Scarpanti subject to the Venetians and that the good wind continuing we should soon discover Candia but about midnight the wind fell and we remain'd becalm'd October the twenry third The Wind turning favourable we discover'd land which they said was Candia at the prow of the Ship but at night lest the increasing South-wind should drive us too much to Land we put forth to Sea Southwards and left Candia on the right hand Northwards so far that we could not see it The next day the Sky being very cloudy we discover'd Malta whilst we were at dinner very near-hand the thick Air having intercepted it before and a good while before night we cast anchor just without the Port of the said Island soon after which a Guard-boat came to see who we were and whence we came in order to inform the Grand Master thereof the Officer demanded our Bill of Health which we had from Cyprus but would not touch it till it had been first dipt in Vinegar in regard of the great suspitions there were here of the Plague which rag'd much at Constantinople and other parts of Turkie But he not returning that night to us again with an answer we remain'd all aboard being suffer'd only to send for water without the City October the twenty ninth Early in the Morning the same Officer nam'd Sig. Desiderio Montemagni return'd and told us that the Knights made a little difficulty concerning my Bill of Health made at Cyprus by the Venetian Consul which was not so plain as that of the Ship which was made at Cyprus also the same day by the French Consul wherefore he made an excuse to me in their name for the delay of expediting me so suddenly I took all well commended the diligence of the Knight thankt them for their courtesie and profess'd my self obedient to their commands After which I deliver'd the Messenger a Letter for Monsig Visconti Inquisitor Apostolical there wherein I gave him account of my rrrival and desir'd him to favour me in order to a speedy exepetion F. Orsino writ another to him both which bath'd likewise in Vinegar Sig. Desiderio promis'd to present with his own hand The same day after dinner the Sig. Commendator Fra. Marcantorio Erancaccio a prime Neapolitan Cavalier my ancient friend at Naples and Sig Fra Mandosio Mandosii a Roman Cavalier both of the Religion of Malta came to visit me in a Boat which yet stay'd a little distance from our Ship as the Guard-boat also did and they offer'd me their persons to serve me with much courtesie I received much news of them concerning some of my friends at Naples and elsewhere after which they departed giving me hope that in a Councel to be held that day about other weighty affairs of the Religion my Expedition should be taken into consideration In the Evening Monsig Visconti sent me a Present of some refreshments and signifi'd to me that he had earnestly mov'd the Grand Master concerning the business of my expedition and when the Councel broke up I should hear the result thereof by his Secretary A while after the Secretary brought me word that the Councel held very long having determin'd a difference between two Spanish Knights who pretended to the Priorate of Navarre by giving it to one of them and also created a new General of the Galleys which charge was also pretended to by divers but fell to the Prior della Roccella Son of the Prince della Roccella who had a new instituted that Priorate in his Father's dominion insomuch that by reason of so many and long businesses ehiter the Grand Master had forgot or forborn to propose any thing else to wit our Expedition but that he having spoken to him as he came out of the Council the Grand Master told him that within two days another Council should be held purposely for our business because it could not be done without a Council and that in the mean time he gave order that our Ship should not depart from the Port to the end I might have the convenience of waiting the resolution concerning Landing without being carri'd away to my inconvenience to Marseilles whither those of our Ship intended directly to go and therefore we must have a little patience in the interim I return'd my thanks to Mons. Visconti and sent him word that I should have patience being secure of receiving all favour from his great courtesie Soon after which Sig Desiderio came to signifie the order to our Ship that it should not depart out of the Port. October the thirty first Besides a Present of refreshments sent me this day from the Sig. Commendator Brancaccio and frequent visits of Sig â—esiderio ane also of divers others partly known and partly unknown to me a little before night the Commissarii della Sanita Commissioners of Health came to see me and to enquire what goods I carri'd with me they told me the next day a Council would be held for dispatch of my business but hearing of the goods I brought particularly of the Ball of Cotten-yarn though they were not told what was within it for then without doubt the difficulty would have been greater they told me that by reason of the said goods I must have a little more patience for they should give me the Quarantine a little longer then if we had had nothing besides our persons November the first After dinner the Captain of the Port brought us licence to go ashore to wit for me and my company the Knights of the Council vouchsafing me this favour yet upon condition that I should pass my Quarantine not in the Isoletto whither all others are sent but at the Port where we were in the house of Sig Don Francesco Ciantar neer his Church of S. Saviour which house the Inquisitor procur'd for me and the Council as a particular favour granted me for my better convenience They prefix'd no time of the Quarantine but reserv'd it at their own arbitrement however I resolv'd it should not be very long The Caravel S. Ann which brought me desir'd to undergo the Quarantine also that they might afterwards have Prattick and sell their commodities perhaps more advantagiously at Malta but it would not be granted but the next day the Vessel was dismiss'd away for France The reason whereof I suppose
perhaps as he said not in this world for 't was four years since he had heard any News of me he receiv'd me with extream kindness and gladness After we had given one another account of many things and I had been complemented by Sig Paolo his Nephew and others that were with him I told him that I had in the Galley Batoni Mariam Tinatin my spiritual Daughter and should be glad that before we departed as I thought to do with the same Gallies for Messina that she saw the Church and something of Syracuse The Bishop presently sent Signora Maria his Brother's Wife and Mother of Sig Paolo with two of her Daughters to fetch my Women from the Galley in a Coach and Sig Paolo the Receiver of Malta and my self went in another Coach to fetch them on Land After these Gentlewomen had receiv'd them with many Complements we all went together to the Nunns Church of S. Lucie where we stay'd till evening the Nunns being much delighted to behold the strange habits of my Women and to discourse with them by Interpreters In the mean time many people flock'd into the Church to see them and several Cavaliers came to complement me and make themselves known to me It being late we were accompani'd by many Gentry and people to the Palace where my Women were receiv'd by the Bishop with much Courtesie And being the Galleys were to depart for Messina this very night I desir'd leave of the Bishop to return aboard again but he would by no means grant it saying that since I was come to see him it was not fit that I should embitter his joy with so sudden a departure much less when S. Lucy's day was so near at hand for which those that are remote use to go to Syracuse and that I was the more oblig'd to stay because I had once promis'd him by a Letter as indeed I had to come to Syracuse and spend a S. Lucy's day with him so that since chance had brought it thus to pass I must needs make my word good I answer'd many things and did all I could to get away but to no purpose for the Bishop sen the Receiver to get all my goods out of the Galley for which end was necessary for the gate of the City to be kept open a good part of the night contrary to custom and besides having caus'd a very noble Apartment to be got ready for me in the new building of his Palace he would by all means have us all lodge there Wherefore seeing his pleasure was such I thought fit to obey him and accept the favour The Gentlemen and Gentlewomen after some discourse departed and we were conducted to our apartment where because the Bishop eats not at night he left us to sup and rest The two Galleys which brought us depart this night for Messina and with them F. Orisno my late Fellow-traveller who will deliver you this Letter which I conclude this Evening not omitting to acquaint you with my tarrying here for some days to the end you may understand my deliverance and the good issue of my health and so praying God for the like to you I very heartily kiss your hands LETTER XV. From Messina January 24. 1626. IN continuation of my last to you concerning the favours I receiv'd from my Lord the Bishop of Syracuse I must tell you in the first place that on the fifth of December we were conducted by a great company of Gentry of both Sexes out of the City to several reliques of ancient Syracuse We saw the Artificial Echo reported to have been made by Dionysius in a Prison where he kept many slaves to hear what they talkt within and if I mistake not Archimedes seems to have been the contriver of the Fabrick 'T is indeed one of the goodliest pieces of Art that I ever saw in the world and perhaps was ever invented imitating nature so exactly that the Echo returns words sentences sounds and songs most intire and perfect as was prov'd in our presence with sundry Instruments If a man strike a thick extended cloth with a wand it renders a sound like the shot of Artillery which to be done so well in a Grotto form'd not by Nature but by Art is indeed a strange thing and shews a prodigious wit in the Contriver I must not omit that the roof of this grotto is hollow'd in the form of a man's ear from which probably the Artificer borrow'd the Invention since just as the voice striking the ears which are so shap'd renders the sound audible so 't is seen by experience that this great artificial Ear cut by hand in hard stone being struck in like manner produces the same effect of augmenting a sound although we know not but other Natural Echoes in Caves are fram'd after the same manner Near the place of the Echo we saw the subterranean Cavities wherein the slaves were imprison'd and over them the place of Dionysius's Palace in a very goodly situation with a Prospect extending far both on Land and Sea And near the Palace we beheld many remainders of his great Theater which was not built up like other Structures but cut and hollow'd out of the hard stone all of a piece very large and of excellent Architecture As we return'd home we saw contiguous to the City on one side the Port which they call'd Marmoreo or the Marble Port from its being built all of Stone and differing from the other great one which lies under the City on the other side for at this day the City stands wholly in the Peninsula Ortygia which is almost surrounded by the Sea saving where it joyns to the Land by a narrow Euripus December 8th I accompani'd the B p to the Church of S. Francis whither because it was the Feast of the Conception he went to hear Mass being attended by the Senate and all the Nobility of the City After which I went with divers Gentlemen my Friends to see the Church of S. Lucy without the City in the place where she was martyr'd which Church though sometimes it belong'd to Priests yet is now possess'd by reform'd Franciscan Fryers Under the Church we saw certain grottoes extending to a great distance every way under ground and made I know not whether for Sepulchres of the Ancients or for places of Refuge in times of danger December 9th Two Galleys of Malta which came from Messina with Provisions for the Iland enter'd the Port in one of which was their present General Sig Don Francesco Caraffa Prior della Roccella and Son of the Prince della Roccella who had lately founded this Priorate della Roccella at his own charge always to remain in his own Family though after his death if I am rightly inform'd it shall be no longer a Priorate or Grand Cross but only a Commendum December the tenth Accompani'd by Sig. Paolo Faraone I visited the said Prior della Roccella in his own Galley having seen him several times
which was pretty stiff although not much favourable to our course However we went onwards plying from the coast of Arabia to that of Persia and on Saturday morning as we drew near the Arabian shore we saw three small Islands situate near one another and not far from a certain Cape the name of which and the Islands they could not tell me so as that I might set it down truly whereby I perceiv'd how it comes to pass that many names of places in these parts are very corruptly written in Geographical Charts for in the Countries themselves where commerce is had for the most part with rude and ignorant people few of them know how to pronounce the same aright On Sunday we went from our Ship to recreate our selves in the Dolphin our companion where the Captain entertain'd us liberally all day In the mean time we had a good fresh gale and sailing directly in the middle of the gulf we beheld both the coasts of Arabia Felix and Persia and in the latter discern'd a famous white Rock which standing in the midst of a low sandy shore looks like a little hill made by hand We pass'd the Cape which they call in Persian Com barick that is small sand and the next night we left behind us the point or peak of Giasck On Monday the Sea being calm the Captain and I were standing upon the deck of our ship discoursing of sundry matters and he took occasion to shew me a piece of a Horn which he told me himself had found in the year 1611. in a Northern Country whither he then sail'd which they call Greenland lying in the latitude of seventy six degrees He related how he found this horn in the earth being probably the horn of some Animal dead there and that when it was intire it was between five and six feet long and seven inches in circumference at the root where it was thickest The piece which I saw for the horn was broken and sold by pieces in several places was something more then half a span long and little less then five inches thick the colour of it was white inclining to yellow like that of Ivory when it is old it was hollow and smooth within but wreath'd on the outside The Captain saw not the Animal nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea for according to the place where he found it it might be as well one as the other but he believ'd for certain that it was of a Unicorn both because the experience of its being good against poyson argu'd so much and for that the signes attributed by Authors to the Unicorn's horn agreed also to this as he conceiv'd But herein I dissent from him inasmuch as if I remember aright the horn of the Unicorn whom the Greeks call'd Monoceros is by Pliny describ'd black and not white The Captain added that it was a report that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America not far from that Country of Greenland and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in Greenland a neighbouring Country and not yet known whether it be Continent or Island and that they might sometimes come thither from the contiguous lands of America in case it be no Island This Country of Greenland is of late discovery and the first Christian that discover'd it or went thither was this Captain Woodcock in the year above-mention'd and he gave it the name of Greenland upon this account because whereas the other Northern Countries thereabouts are destitute of grass whence the white Bears and Wolves which inhabit them live upon dead Whales and other like things he found this green and full of Grass although it be always cover'd over with Snow so that when the Animals there mind to feed they hollow the snow with their feet and easily find the grass which is kept continually fresh under the same The English now yearly sail thither where they take abundance of Whales and some so vast that when they open the mouth the wideness is above three Geometrical paces or fifteen foot over Of these Whales the English make Oyle drawing it onely out of the fat of their paunch and they make such plenty that out of one single Whale they say they often get 19 20 and 21 Tun of Oyl This Greenland by what Captain Woodcock saw who discover'd it from the end of seventy six degrees to seventy eight and a half the cold not suffering him to go further was un-inhabited he not having found any person there but only wild beasts of many sorts The Company of the Greenland Merchants of England had the horn which he found because Captains of ships are their stipendiaries and besides their salary must make no other profit of their Voyages but what ever they gain or find in case it be known and they conceal it not all accrues to the Company that employes them When the Horn was intire it was sent to Constantinople to be sold where two thousand pounds Sterling was offer'd for it But the English Company hoping to get a greater rate sold it not at Constantinople but sent it into Muscovy where much about the same price was bidden for it which being refus'd it was carry'd back into Turkey and fell of its value a much less sum being now proffer'd then before Hereupon the Company conceiv'd that it would sell more easily in pieces then intire because few could be found who would purchase it at so great a rate Accordingly they broke it and it was sold by pieces in sundry places yet for all this the whole proceed amounted onely to about twelve hundred pounds Sterling And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it and this was it which he shew'd me On the 25. of January sailing in the main Sea with the prow of the Ship South East and by East and as I conceive at a good distance from the Country of Macran which I conjecture to be part either of the ancient Caramania or else of Gedrosia and at this day having a Prince of its own lyes upon the Sea Coast between the States of the Persian and those of the Moghol we discern'd behind us three or four Ships which seem'd to be Frigots or Galliots but towards Evening we lost sight of them The same day and the other before began to be seen in the Sea abundance of certain things which I took to be Snakes or at least fishes in the form of Snakes being exactly of the form of large Eeles long and round and according to the motion of the water seem'd crooked as they floated along the Sea Nevertheless demanding of intelligent persons what they were I understood that they were neither those Animals nor yet living things but onely a kind of excrement of the Sea in that shape void of all motion saving what the agitated water gave it although by reason of the motion of the ship they seem'd to move contrary to us whilst
us to Surat there being in those Countries subject to the Moghol abundance of Coaches made after their fashion which I formerly describ'd when I saw some of them at Casbin which the Indian Ambassador gave amongst his presents to the King of Persia nor remains any thing more to be said of them but that they are at this day much like the ancient Indian Chariots describ'd by Strabo and are generally cover'd with crimson silk fring'd with yellow round about the roof and the curtains And that the Oxen which also as anciently draw the same are fair large white with two bunches like those of some Camells and run and gallop like Horses they are likewise cover'd with the same stuff but beset with many tufts or tassels and abundance of bells at their necks so that when they run or gallop through the streets they are heard at a sufficient distance and make a very brave show With these kind of Coaches in India they not onely go in Cities but also for the most part travel in the Country To the Sea side came no Coach and therefore the Captain went on foot to a Town a mile off call'd Sohali where he intended to spend the day in recreating himself amongst the Franks who have Houses there for repositing the goods which they continually send to the Sea side to be ship'd but I could not accompany him because of my Ague and therefore staid in a Tent well cover'd with Clothes upon my bed which I caus'd to be laid upon the ground waiting till the Captain sent me a Coach and Carts from the City for my goods Whilst I was lying in this place the violence of my fit was scarce over when I beheld a Cavalier appear on the shore on Horse-back cloth'd and arm'd after the Indian manner with a Scemiter and Target who came towards our Tent and stood still to speak with some person as if he inquir'd for something among us Upon his nearer approach and my better considering him I perceiv'd 't was my great friend Sig Alberto di Scilling who being return'd from Barocci whither the President had told me he was gone and hearing news of us was come from Surat to the Sea side to meet me Whereupon raising my self suddenly from the bed we received one the other with such kindnesses as are usual between two good friends who come from far and have not seen one another a long time after which sitting down together we recounted our adventures one to the other at length he much condoling my misfortunes and regretting to find me sufficiently different from what he had left me in Persia. Towards Evening came two Coaches and a Carr with which we went together to the Town Sohali where we found the two Captains of the ships waiting for us with a Collation ready prepar'd which immediately they gave us entertaining us in conversation till night and certain Indian Women of the Town publick dancers gave us some pastime by dancing to the sound of Drums Bells and other instruments of their fashion which were sounded by their Husbands with very great noise and not without disturbance of my head A little within night the Captains took leave of us and returned to their ships and we betook our selves to rest the remainder of the night in this Town because it was necessary to stay till day before we could enter into Surat the Gates of the City being shut in the night time at least that of the Dogana or Custom-house through which we were to pass They told us the way to the City was seven Cos or Corù for 't is all one and every Cos or Corù is half a Fersegna or league of Persia so that it answers to little less then two English Miles The next Morning very early we put our selves on the way towards Surat and being I conceiv'd my abode there would be but short and that when I should depart thence my way would be by Sea therefore to avoid greater trouble both of conveyance and of the Dogana or Custom-house which is known to be rigorous in Surat I left all my Trunks and gross luggage in the ship and carry'd with me onely such few things as were requisite for daily use The high-way from the Sea side to the City as 't is also generally in this province of Guzarat wherein we were is all very even the soil green all the year and about the Town Sohali grow abundance of Trees of Indian Nuts Tamarinds and other fruits Beyond the Town the Trees are not so plentiful unless near certain houses but the fields are every where either ploughed or full of living creatures feeding in them We arriv'd at the City in good time in the entrance of which there is a River call'd Tapì or Taptì which was to be pass'd over by boat On the other side of which River something on the right hand as you go into the City which hath no walls stands a Castle lately built but very ill design'd Moreover near the place where the boats land stands the Dogana or Custom-house and it took us up some time to dispatch there because they observe very narrowly all goods that are brought in although they be but Clothes for change to see whether there be any thing coming to the Customes nor will they suffer strangers to enter till they be first known and have licence as 't is also practis'd in Venice In all things they proceed with so great wariness and good order that it being known that I conducted with me the Sig ra Mariuccia although a girl very young the Capo or President of the Dogana requir'd likewise to be inform'd of her quality and gave order that she should not be conducted with any violence or other disorder otherwise in lawful things there is no difficulty either through diversity of Religion or upon any other account We were no sooner come to the Dogana but the news of our arrival was I think by Sig Alberto's means carried to the House of the Dutch many of which have Wives there which they married in India purposely to go with them and people a new colony of theirs in Java Major which they call Batavia Nova where very great priviledges are granted to such of their Country-men as shall go to live there with Wives and Families For which end many of them for want of Europaean have taken Indian Armenian and Syrian Women and of any other race that falls into their hands so they be or can be made Christians Last year the Fleet of the Portugals which went to India was encountred at Sea and partly sunk partly taken by the Hollanders amongst other booty three Maidens were taken of those poor but well descended Orphans which are wont to be sent from Portugal every year at the King's charge with a dowry which the King gives them to the end they may be married in India in order to further the peopling of the Portugal Colonies in those parts These three Virgins
carries away people and sometimes with such violence that an Elephant cannot bear up against it but is swept away by the Water Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard namely when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb which if I mistake not in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Horizon as on the contrary when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven the Tide uses to be at the highest But in the Gulph of Cambaia I know not upon what reason perhaps because 't is much within the Land and far from the great mass of the Ocean it happens at another different hour yet well known to the Country-people The more cautious wait also the most fitting days in the moneth because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher and without comparison highest and most impetuous of all about the Aequinoxes and Solstices In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate and in other intermediate days lower then the rest So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon were come in a good time and likewise in a seasonable hour the Cafila or Caravan having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right for the owners of the Coaches and the others imploy'd in this journey are well instructed of every thing and know what they have to do So being united in a great troop the better to break the stream we pass'd over all that space of five Cos which was moist yet firm ground saving that in four places where we foarded the running-water of the River which nevertheless is salt there the great strength of the Sea overcoming that of the River Of the four streams which we waded the first was inconsiderable the other three came higher then the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches into which nevertheless the Water enter'd not because their floar and especially the wheels are very high and you sit according to the manner of the East as upon plain ground without hanging the Legs downwards but keeping them bow'd under you For greater security they hir'd sundry men on foot who held the Coaches on either side stedfast with their hands that so in regard of their lightness they might not float and be carry'd away and also to carry our bundles high on their heads that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches The men who go on foot in this passage either strip themselves naked covering onely their privities with a little cloth or pulling up their coat which as I said is of plain white linnen and serves both for garment and shirt and also tucking up their breeches made of the same they care not for wetting themselves 'T is certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage which is very much frequented abundance of people go every day in this manner some in Coaches and Charriots others on Horseback and a foot men and also women naked without being shie who sees them a spectacle no doubt sufficiently extravagant This wet passage being over there remain two other Cos but of firm and higher ground which is not overflow'd although it be plain and the Sea-shore to arrive at the City of Cambaia whither we came before dinner-time having travell'd that day in all twelve Cos. And here likewise we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants by whom we were receiv'd with great kindness and treated continually with exquisite chear for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places Cambaia is a City indifferently large though most of its greatness consists in Suburbs without the walls which are sufficiently spacious 'T is seated on the Sea-shore in a plain almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulph whereunto it gives name The City that is the inner part without the Suburbs is incompass'd with walls built with plain cortines and round battlements The Houses within are brickt with coverings of Tiles and Cisterns which is the custom in India for provision of Water which falls in such plenty during those three moneths of the great Summer rains In our Countries they would be ordinary Houses but in these parts they are counted good and perhaps the best of the whole Province and they are made shady and cool as the heat of the place requires The City hath no form'd Port because it stands in a low Plain but 't is call'd a Port by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts which nevertheless for the most part are Frigots Galeots and other small ones of that make which go either by oar or sail because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles and here more then elsewhere their vain superstitions are observed with rigor Wherefore we who came particularly to see these things the same day of our arrival after we had din'd and rested a while caus'd our selves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts which for being sick lame depriv'd of their mates or otherwise needing food and cure are kept and tended there with diligence as also the men who take care of them are maintain'd by the publick alms the Indian Gentiles who with Pythagoras and the ancient Aegyptians the first Authors of this opinion according to Herodotus believe the Transmigration of Souls not onely from Man to Man but also from Man to brute beast conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small a little room sufficing for many Birds Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance as Cocks Hens Pigeons Peacocks Ducks and small Birds which during their being lame or sick or mateless are kept here but being recover'd and in good plight if they be wild they are let go at liberty if domestick they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House The most curious thing I saw in this place were certain little Mice who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them were put into this Hospital and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather because they were so little that as yet they could eat nothing else and as he told us he intended when they were grown up to let them go free whither they pleas'd From this place we went out of the City to the Sea-side to see a Garden sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat 'T is small adorn'd with the same Trees as that which I saw in Surà t with some also of ours as the Figtrees and Coleworts of Europe which
in India are accounted rare things There is a running-water which at the entrance falls from a great Kiosck or cover'd place to keep cool standing upon a great Piscina or Lake contiguous to the Garden on the out-side and serving like that of Surà t to the common uses of the City Besides which in this Garden there is nothing worth notice Going from hence we went to see upon the same Lake a Meschita or Temple of the Mahometans whereunto there is continually a great concourse of people with ridiculous and foolish devotions not onely Mahometans but likewise Gentiles In the street before the Gate many persons sitting on the ground asked Alms to whom the passers-by cast some Rice others certain other Corn but no Money Within the Meschita in a narrow dark place by a walls side is a kind of little Pyramid of Marble and this they call Pir that is Old which they say is equivalent to Holy I imagine it the Sepulchre of some one of their Sect accounted such The people enter in with great crowds especially Women who use to be more forward in these things then others All who go in strew Flowers or Rice there to which end stand divers near the Gate that sell Flowers to whoso pleases for such Offerings But this is rather a Custom of the Gentiles then Mahometans and the Gentiles being more numerous and ancient in Cambaia 't is no wonder that some Rite of theirs hath adher'd to the Mahometans A little distant from this place we saw another Sepuchre ador'd too of some Mahometan for the Gentiles who burn their dead have no Sepulchres built with a great roof four square supported by divers pillars and under it a place open on all sides like a Porch this also many persons came to kiss and venerate Beyond the abovemention'd Garden upon the Sea-side we saw another Sepulchre of a Mahometan of quality having a high round Cupola like a Tower which is ascended by a little ladder and there you have a most goodly prospect upon the Sea and Land to a great distance These things being seen we return'd home the same way we came The next Morning going about the City we saw another Hospital of Goats Kids Sheep and Weathers either sick or lame and there were also some Cocks Peacocks and other Animals needing the same help and kept altogether quietly enough in a great Court nor wanted there Men and Women lodg'd in little rooms of the same Hospital who had care of them In another place far from hence we saw another Hospital of Cows and Calves some whereof had broken Legs others more infirm very old or lean and therefore were kept here to be cur'd Among the beasts there was also a Mahometan Thief who having been taken in Theft had both his Hands cut off But the compassionate Gentiles that he might not perish miserably now he was no longer able to get his living took him into this place and kept him among the poor beasts not suffering him to want any thing Moreover without one of the Gates of the City we saw another great troop of Cows Calves and Goats which being cur'd and brought into better plight or gather'd together from being dispers'd and without Masters or being redeem'd with Money from the Mahometans who would have kill'd them to eat namely the Goats and other Animals but not the Cows and Calves were sent into the field to feed by Neat-herds purposely maintain'd at the publick charge and thus they are kept till being reduc'd to perfect health 't is found fitting to give them to some Citizens or others who may charitably keep them I excepted Cows and Calves from the Animals redeem'd from slaughter because in Cambaia Cows Calves and Oxen are not killed by any And there 's a great prohibition against it by the instance of the Gentiles who upon this account pay a great summ of Money to the Prince and should any either Mahometan or other be found to kill them he would be punish'd severely even with death At Night we had Musick at home made by some Mahometan Women Singers and Dancers for among the Gentiles none practise such Arts who with their Indian Instruments which aâ—â— Drums Bells ty'd to the Arms and the like all of great noise gave us divertisement playing dancing and singing whilst we were at Supper but their Musick being too full of noise was to me rather distasteful then pleasing The next Morning we saw in the City a Temple of Idols one of the best which the Gentiles have in Cambaia The form of it is perfect square with walls round about supporting a flat roof which is also upheld in the middle by four pillars dispos'd in a square too within which upon the little space remaining is advanc'd somewhat higher then the roof and yet of a square form a kind of Cupoletta or little Chappel In the principal part of this Temple stand in three great Nieches so many great Idols made of white Marble and naked as the Indians paint all their Idols They are in a sitting posture yet after the manner of the East as they use to sit upon the ground with the Legs gather'd under but they sit in a place somewhat higher then the floare as it were upon a large Pedestal These Nieches are inclos'd with doors made with lattices that so the Idols may be seen without opening them but they are open'd upon occasion for any that are minded to go in They were so for us but we entred not because the Nieches are so small that we saw every thing well enough from the doors The principal Idol in this Temple is that which stands in the middle Nieche call'd Mahavir from whom the Temple is denominated Who this Mahavir is and whether he be all one with Mahadeu as I have some suspicion I do not yet know because the Indians who talkt with us either in the Portugal or Persian-Tongue being all Factors or Merchants and consequently unlearned could not give us any account of these things besides they speak those Languages ill and are not intelligible saving in buying and selling With other learned Gentiles to whom alone their Indian Speech is familiar we could not discourse for want of Language wherefore of all these things and all the particularities of their Religion I reserve my self to be further inform'd at Goa if it shall please God where I shall have better convenience and more time and meet with some learned Brachman perhaps turn'd Christian and able to give me a more certain Relation hereof either in Portuguez or Latine and if he be a Christian he will no doubt give it me more truly then the Gentiles who I believe talk with us concerning their own matters neither willingly nor sincerely Wherefore referring my self to the better intelligence which I hope to have there I shall here only relate what I saw with mine own eyes and something more which I attain'd to understand without suspicion of error Before the Idol
at that time Ancient things And though Pythagoras and the Consulship of Brutus may precede not onely Eumenes who was one of Alexander the Great 's successors but Alexander himself by about two ages according to the Chronology of Bellarmine which to me seems good enough yet the space of two hundred years or somewhat more is not such as that those things may be call'd Ancient which had their beginning within so short a term as it should be infallibly if Pythagoras whom they take to be their Brachma were the first Author to the Indians of their Learning and consequently of their Rites Customs and Laws But since I have already made frequent mention of the Brachmans and perhaps shall have occasion to do the same hereafter to the end it may be understood what they are I shall here subjoyn so much as I have hitherto attain'd to know concerning them and all the other Indians The whole Gentile-people of India is divided into many sects or parties of men known and distinguisht by descent or pedigree as the Tribes of the Jews sometimes were yet they inhabit the Country promiscuously mingled together in every City and Land several Races one with another 'T is reckon'd that they are in all eighty four some say more making a more exact and subtle division Every of these hath a particular name and also a special office and imployment in the Common-wealth from which none of the descendents of that Race ever swerve they never rise nor fall nor change condition Whence some are Husbandmen others Mechanick as Taylers Shoemakers and the like others Factors or Merchants such as they whom we call Banians but they in their Language more correctly Vanià Others Souldiers as the Ragia-puti And thus every one attends and is employ'd in the proper Trade of his Family without any mutation ever hapning amongst them or Alliance of one Race contracted with another Diodorus and Strabo almost with the same words as if the one had transcrib'd the other affirm that anciently the Races of the Indians were seven each addicted to their proper profession and for the first of all they place that of the Philosophers who no doubt are the Brachmans Into seven kinds of men with their particular and by Generation perpetuated Offices Herodotus in like manner writes and Diodorus confirms it though he disagrees in the number the people of Aegypt was divided in those days whereby 't is manifest what correspondence there was between Aegypt and India in all things Nor do I wonder at the division into seven Races onely because what is observ'd at this day must then also have hapned namely that the so many Races which they reckon are reduc'd to four principal which if I mistake not are the Brachmans the Souldiers the Merchants and the Artificers from whom by more minute subdivision all the rest are deriv'd in such number as in the whole people there are various professions of men In the substantial points of Religion all agree together all believe the Transmigration of Souls which according to their merits and demerits they think are sent by God into other bodies either of Animals more or less clean and of more or less painful life or else of men more or less noble and handsome and more or less pure of Race wherein they place not a little of their vain superstition accounting all other Nations and Religions besides themselves unclean and some more then others according as they more or less differ from their Customs All equally believe that there is a Paradice in Heaven with God but that thereinto go onely the Souls of their own Nation more pure and without any sin who have liv'd piously in this world Or in case they have sin'd that after divers Transmigrations into various bodies of Animals and Men having by often returning into the world undergone many pains they are at length purg'd and at last dye in the body of some man of Indian and noble Race as the Brachmans who amongst them are held the noblest and purest because their employment is nothing else but the Divine Worship the service of Temples and Learning and they observe their own Religion with more rigor then any others 'T is true the Brachmans who amongst the Indians in my opinion much resemble the Levites of the Jews are divided too into several sorts one more noble then another and according to nobility more rigorous also in matter of eating and in their other superstitious Ceremonies for some of them are Astrologers some Physitians some Secretaries of Princes and so of other sorts of Scholars which I know not well but the most esteem'd and most sublime amongst the Brachmans and consequently the most rigorous of all in point of eating and other observances are those who perform the Office of Priests whom they call Boti Ordinarily they never admit into their Sect any man of another Religion nor do they think that they do ill herein or contrary to the zeal of saving Souls since believing the Transmigration they conceive it not necessary to salvation to change Religion although one be of a false Sect but judg that if this Soul shall be worthy to have pardon from God it shall after death and after being purg'd sundry ways pass into and be born in the body of some Indian amongst them and live excellently and so by this way at last arrive at Paradice and live with God although in the beginning it was in the world in the body of the worst sinner and miscreant whatever With people of other Religion they never eat nor will have any communication of food and as much as possible they avoid even to touch them conceiving themselves polluted by communicating with others And herein they are so scrupulous that even amongst the Indians themselves one of more noble Race not only neither eats nor makes use of the same clothes or vessels nor communicates in any thing with one less noble but also endures not to be touch'd by him which if it fall out by chance that he be he must purifie himself from the defilement by washings and other arrogant Ceremonies And hence 't is a prety sight to behold the great respect which upon this account the ignoble bear to the more noble then themselves and how upon meeting in the street the ignoble not onely give place but dance wildly up and down for fear of rushing against the noble and polluting them in any measure which if they should not do the Noble and especially the Souldiers would make them do it to the Musick of blows From this averseness to communicate one with another particularly in the use of eating and drinking-vessels concerning which they are most strict is sprung a strange Custom which I was delighted not onely to see but also sometimes out of gallantry to imitate in conversation It happens very often during hot weather both in Travelling and in Towns that people have need of refreshing themselves and drinking of
or General Nevertheless we departed from Goa the aforesaid Evening onely with our own Ship the rest being already fallen down lower toward the Sea and the Ambassador Vitulà was above a day at Pangi expecting us where we arriving the abovesaid night did not land because it was late but slept in the Vessel October the fourteenth We went a shore in the Morning at Pangì and the two Ambassadors saw one another upon the Sea-side where I being present with them Sig Gio Fernandez told the Brachman Ambassador who I was and that I went with them out of curiosity to see his King wherewith he testified great contentment but was much more pleas'd with the Pendant which I wore at my left ear as I have us'd to do for many years past for remedy of my weak sight because wearing Pendants at the ears is a particular custom of the Indians especially of the Gentiles who all wear them in both ears And because this is among the Portugals a thing not onely unusual but ignorantly by some of the ruder sort of them held for unlawful onely because 't is us'd by Gentiles therefore the Ambassador marvelled that I being of the Portugals Religion nevertheless us'd it but being told that it was not forbidden us by our Law but onely customarily disus'd and that in Europe it was us'd by many he commended the custom and bid the Portugals see how well I shew'd with that Pendant and better then they who wore none so powerful is use to endear things to the eye and make that fancy'd and esteem'd by some which others through want of custom dislike or value not This day we departed not because one of the Frigats of the Armado which was to accompany us was unprovided with Sea-men for which we were fain to stay till the day following and then were not very well provided The cause whereof was for that there was at this time a great scarcity of Mariners in Goa because the Governours of the maritime parts of the Continent subject to Idal-Scià h would not permit their Ships to come as they were wont to supply Mariners for the Portugal Armado which seem'd an argument of some ill will of that King against the Portugals of which were there nothing else theirs being weaker and more confus'd in their Government then ever and all things in bad order was a sufficient ground for remedy of which they took no other course but daily loaded themselves with new unusual and most heavy Impositions to the manifest ruine of the State taking no care to prevent the hourly exorbitant defraudations of the publick Incomes which otherwise would be sufficient to maintain the charge without new Gabels but if such thefts continue both the publick Incomes and the new Gabels and as many as they can invent will be all swallow'd up Nevertheless the Portugals are heedless according to their custom and out of a fatal blindness making no reckoning of these signs which shew the evil mind of their Neighbour Adil-Scià h think he knows nothing of these disorders and that this with-holding of his Subjects is onely an impertinence of his Officers What the event will be Time will shew But to return to my purpose Not being to depart this day we went to dine and pass the time with intention also to lodg the following night in the house of Sig Baldassar d' Azevedo who liv'd constantly in a fair House there by the Sea-side a little distant from the Villa or Fort where the Vice-Roys lodg in Pangi Whilst we were recreating our selves Sig Fernandez bethinking himself of what perhaps he had not thought of before ask'd me whether I had the Vice-Roy's Licence to go with him this Voyage and I telling him that I had not because I did not think it needful he reply'd that it was needful to be had by any means if I intended to go otherwise he could not venture to carry me for fear of giving malevolous persons occasion to criminate him by saying that he had carry'd me a stranger and without the Vice-Roy's Licence into suspected places where matters of State were to be handled in brief knowing the matter blameable and the wonted Cavils of many of his own Nation and being admonish'd by many and great troubles befallen others and particularly a Kinsman of his very innocently for very slight causes and much inferior to this he told me resolutely that without the Vice-Roy's Licence it was no-wise good either for him or me that I should go Wherefore being we were not to depart that day he advis'd me to return to the City and procured the said Licence if I intended to go and he would stay for me till the next Morning but without the Licence I must not return to take Ship nor would he by any means venture to carry me I who well understood the procedures of the Portugals and what rigor they use in their Government and to what suspitions and malevolences they are prone which cause a thousand ill usages and injustices was sensible that Sig Fernandez had reason and that the not having gotten this Licence was an inadvertency because I accounted it not necessary but to obtain it of the Vice-Roy who knew me well and had shewn himself courteous to me I look'd upon as not difficult Wherefore being loath to lose my intended Voyage as soon as I had din'd with these Gentlemen I went by boat to the City and having first given account of my business to Sig Antonio and Sig Ruy Gomez his Brother to whose House I repair'd having left that which I had hir'd and remov'd my goods to that of the said Sig ri Barocci I went with the same Sig Ruy Gomez to speak to F. Marejao a Jesuit and the Vice-Roy's Confessor and my Friend whom I desir'd as the fittest person to do it in the short time left me to get me a Licence from the Vice-Roy He went immediately to speak to the Vice-Roy about it and had the fortune to find him before he enter'd into a Congregation or Council which was to sit till night and the Vice-Roy presently writ a Licence for him with his own hand directed to the Ambassador Gio Fernandez wherein he told him that whereas I desir'd to go along with him he might carry me and shew me all kind of Civility and Honour as a deserving person with other like courteous and high expressions Having gotten my Licence I went with F. Ruy Gomez Baraccio to visit the Bishop of Cocni who in the vacancy of the See administred the Arch-bishoprick of Goa and whom I had not yet visited and understanding that he was desirous to know me and was a Prelate of great merit not onely as to Ecclesiastick matters but also in point of Government and Warr for he took divers strong places and perform'd other exploits in India for the service of his King with great valour I would not depart without first visiting him and making my self known to him This Prelate is call'd FrÃ
Naieka therewith who being still so afflicted for the death of his Wife that he went not forth in publick nor suffer'd himself to be seen when they tâ—ld him of this matter he stood a while without answering and at length said onely that they might come when they please Whereupon his Courtiers seeing him in this mood would not reply further to him concerning provisions of the journey to be sent to the Ambassador persons to convey his Goods and other such things wherefore Vitulà Sinay said that Sig Gio Fernandez might consider what to do whether to put himself upon the way towards the Court without further waiting or to have him write again and stay for an Answer for he would do which he pleas'd Sig Gio Fernandez as well for the credit of his Embassie as to avoid charges was desirous to have provisions for the journey Men to carry his Goods and other greater conveniences although in publick and with us of his company he did not testifie so much being willing to have it thought that Vitulà Sinay did this Office for him at the Court upon his own motion and not at his request yet I know that in secret he us'd great instance with Vitulà Sinay both by Writing and by Speech by the mediation of an Interpreter that he would write again to the Court and set forth to Venk-tapà how that he was the Ambassador of so great a King the first Monarch of Christians for so I heard him tell the Interpreter though he spoke with a low voice and that it was not seemly for him to go in that manner but that people should be sent to him for his journey and persons to receive him and commands given to Venk-tapà 's Ministers that he might pass through his Territories with that conveniency and decency which was requisite that since he was now within two or three days journey of the Court he would stay another week at Onòr and longer if need were till a better Answer came and that if he thought it expedient Vitulà Sinai himself might go before to do this Office as he that might do it best and who ought to arrive at the Court before him the Ambassador who afterwards might come thither alone by easie journeys after he had sent him an Answer The same night the Interpreter return'd with this message to Vitulà Sinay who was lodg'd on the other side of the River in his own King's jurisdiction October the nine and twentieth After we had heard Mass in Saint Antonie's Aegypt Sig Gio Fernandez was minded to go in person to visit Vitulà Sinay and speak to him about the above-mention'd matter wherefore entring with us into one of those boats which they call Mancive going with twenty or four and twenty Oars onely differing from the Almadies in that the Mancive have a large cover'd room in the poop sever'd from the banks of rowers and are greater then the Almadies which have no such room we pass'd out of the Port and thence from the mouth of the River Southward went to land upon the continent where Vitulà Sinay having been advertis'd of our coming expected us under the shade of certain little Hills and Trees of which all this Country is full This was the first time that I set foot in any place of the Gentiles where they bear sway themselves Sig Gio Fernandez spoke a long while and alone with Vitulà Sinay both of them sitting upon a Carpet spread upon the grass and at length the discourse being ended the Ambassador took boat again and return'd to Onòr Upon the way he told us that Vitulà Sinay said that in either case of his writing again or going in person to the Court and waiting for a new Answer many dayes would be lost therefore it seem'd best to him that we should all put our selves upon the way without further waiting and that to carry his the Ambassador's Goods they had appointed ten Men according to his King's Order wherefore Sig Fernandez told us he was resolv'd to go by all means and seeing the ten men allow'd him to carry his Goods were not sufficient they alone requiring twenty five besides those of the rest of his company he would hire the rest at his own charge and rid himself of this perplexity By this change of opinion after this interview I understod that Vitulà Sinay had spoken in such sort that Sig Fernandez perceiv'd that this coldness of sending him greater accommodations for his journey was not so much through the King 's melancholy for his Wife's death and the present confusion of the Court as for some other cause and the alledging loss of time in waiting for a new Answer was but an excuse of Vitulà but in fine the truth could be no other then that they would not give him any greater Provisions or because Venk-tà pà was not well pleas'd with this Embassie c. And to confirm this I know that before Sig Fernandez departed from Goa Venk-tapà Naieka writ thither to his Ambassador Vitulà Sinay that if they sent this Embassie to urge the restitution of the State and Fortress of Banghel which he had lately taken from a certain small Indian-Prince neighbour to Mangalòr who liv'd under the Portugal's protection for whose defence two or three years before the Portugals had made warr with Venk-tapà Naieka and receiv'd a notable defeat by him it was in vain and that Sig Gio Fernandez now first known to him might forbear to undertake this journey for that he was fully resolv'd not to restore it nor yet to give seven thousand Pagods yearly to that Prince as he had promis'd upon agreement if he went not to live out of those Territories taken from him either in Goa or in Magalòr or elsewhere he pretending at least a purpose to return to live with that annuity in the lands once his own privately in hopes perhaps to raise some new commotion one day So that Venk-tapà Naieka knowing that one of the principal businesses of this Embassie was that of the Prince of Banghel which little pleas'd him and seeing also that this year the Ships from Portugal were not yet arriv'd which every year fetch Pepper out of his Dominions and bring him in a great sum of mony by agreement made by the Portugals who every year were either to take it or pay for it and neither the Ships nor the money coming this year they could not easily pay him for the Pepper this year nor yet for a great part of that of the last for which by reason of the loss of their Ships they still ow'd him And lastly observing the Portugals weakned and low so that they not onely stood in need of him but now in some sort began to submit themselves to him with this Embassie which they sent to him and the disgrace of their pass'd defeat 't was no strange thing that being become insolent thereupon as 't is the manner of the Barbarians and designing to carry it high
I could not see because I was without At length he came forth and with the same company and running in as much haste as he came return'd home the like did all the other people of whom the Piazza was full some on one side some on the other After the King was come out of the Temple they carry'd the Idols a while in Procession about the Piazza but with small pomp and company so that I car'd not for staying to see them but went to another Temple standing at the end of the Bazar or Market in the view of a large and goodly street where besides the shew of lights which was gallant I stay'd a good while with my Companions for all the Ambassador's Family was come abroad this night to see the solemnities the Padre Capellano not excepted but disguis'd to see two great companies of Dancing-women dance they all being sent for thither by a great Captain who perhaps had the care of the solemnities of this Temple after the King was gone from the great Temple they danc'd here a good while in numerous companies after which we return'd home it being after mid-night November the two and twentieth Ven-tapà Naieka had already given our Ambassador an answer concerning the affairs which he negotiated and the Ambassador had prepar'd a dispatch to be sent to the King of Banghel also another for the Vice-Roy of Goa giving him an account of his negotiation when a Currier arriv'd from Banghel with new Letters both for Venk-tapà Naieka and the Ambassador Whereupon consultation was held what Answer to return him which was soon concluded on the part of Venk-tapà Naieka to this effect being no other then what he had before resolv'd upon namely that he would pay the King of Banghel 7000 Paygods yearly according to the Treaty of the Peace provided the said King would come and live in his Court or in some other place of his Country excepting such Lands as were formerly his for fear he might make new insurrections or else in Goa or any of the adjacent places namely in the Island of Salsette or some place there without the City but however such wherein he may be subject to the Vice-Roy of Goa so that Venk-tapà might be secure that the said Banghel would live peaceably without making new commotions But in case as he seem'd to intend he would live neither in Venk-tapà 's Country nor in that of Goa but would continue in Cagnoroto where he was at present which is a place beyond Mangalòr Eastwards and belongs to another small but free Prince alli'd to Banghel whither being near to his quondam-Territories he had betaken himself or else would remove here and there like a Fugitive and Invader disquieting these Countries then Venk-tapà was resolv'd not to give him any thing at all Therefore let him either accept the above-said Offer or never speak more to him for he would not hear him That he hath been mov'd to make this offer of paying him the said summ by the instance of the Portugals who had interpos'd in his behalf by this Embassie And that for Banghel's assurance that he would perform this he gave the Ambassador and accordingly he did so a Copy of the Letter containing these promises which he writ to the said King of Banghel to the end the Ambassador might send it to the Vice-Roy and be a witness of what he promis'd and was to observe He ha's further told the Ambassador that this King had formerly writ to him that he would come and live in his Dominion and repented of what he had done heretofore through evil counsel that yet for the future he would be at his devotion receiving that Pension which he had promis'd him and the like Nevertheless he had now chang'd his mind and refus'd both to come into his Dominion and to go into that of Goa That therefore seeing him so unconstant he had much reason not to trust him and in short would neither trust him nor give him any thing saving upon the above-said terms and that not for his own sake but in regard of the instance which the Portugals made for him That this was his last Answer and that nothing more was to be expected or hoped from him From Spain they say Orders are sent to the Vice-Roy to re-establish Banghel by all means in his State and to make war upon Venk-tapà unless he restore the same intirely However being that Country is remote and in the time that is spent in the going and coming of dispatches many things may happen which may render it necessary for the Vice-Roy in the present conjuncture to proceed in sundry particulars differently from what Orders he receives from Spain and to have authority in this business of Banghel to deliberate of Peace or War as shall to him seem most expedient endeavouring to comply no less with the time and the State of things than the advertisements from Spain Therefore the King of Spain in the Letter which he writ to Venk-tapà Naieka making onely general complements to him referrs all matter of business to the Vice-Roy to guid himself therein as he shall think most fit Accordingly the Vice-Roy though he knows the King of Spain's intention and order to make war upon Venk-tapà yet it not seeming to him a fit time whilst the Portugals are engag'd in the war of Ormùz and also in Malacca which is reported besieg'd either by the King of Acem which is Sumatra or by him and the Dutch together and much perplex'd in a thousand other intricacies in India hath therefore given Order to the Ambassador to seem satisfi'd with what-ever Answer Venk-tapà Naieka gives and to return without making further instance it sufficing the Vice-Roy to have made this complement for the service of the King of Banghel and shown that he hath done therein what was in his power as well-knowing that Venk-tapà would not be moved by the Embassie alone and that the conditions he requires of the King of Banghel upon which to give him what he had promis'd are but excuses being certain this King will not venture himself in his Dominions as neither is it reasonable much less go and subject himself in the Territories of Goa and so will not admit of the Proposals Wherefore seeing 't is not time now to constrain Venk-tapà Naieka to greater things by war he dissembles till a better occasion for fear of drawing this new Enemy upon him at an unseasonable conjuncture and orders the Ambassador to depart with shew of good Friendship The Ambassador hath accordingly done so and seeming satisfi'd with Venk-tapà 's Answer hath added other Letters to those formerly written to the King of Banghel certifying him of Ventapà 's Resolute Mind that he must either accept of the Agreement or must speak no more of any and that he onely expects at Ikkerì this his last Resolution before his return to Goa He hath written the same to the Vice-Roy of Goa and the dispatches being seal'd he hath
at present whence the Houses are poor Cottages of earth and straw It hath been but one strait street of good length with Houses and Shops continu'd on both sides and many other sheds dispers'd among the Palme-to's The King's House stood upon a rais'd ground almost like a Fort but is now wholly destroy'd so that there is nothing left standing but the posts of the Gate for when Venk-tapà Naieka took this Territory he demolish'd what-ever was strong in it The Bazà r or Market-place remains although not so stor'd with goods as it was in the time of its own King yet it affords what is necessary and much Areca or Fofel whereof they make Merchandize sending the same into divers parts that of this place being better then others here are also in the Bazà r some Gold-smiths who make knives and cizzers adorn'd with Silver very cheap and other like toys of which I bought some and having seen all that was to be seen return'd on foot as I came though somewhat late to Mangalòr December the second This Morning I went to see Olaza which is about the same distance from Mangalòr as Banghel is but the contrary way towards the South and stands on the other side of a great River which was to be pass'd over by boat The Queen was not here and seldom is but keeps her Court commonly in another place more within land yet I would not omit to see Olaza the rather because in the Portugal Histories it gives name to that Queen as being that Land of hers which is nearest and best known to the Portugals and perhaps the richest and fruitfullest which she now enjoyes I found it to be a fat soil the City lying between two Seas to wit the Main-sea and the Bay upon an arm of Land which the Port incloses so that the situation is not onely pleasant but might also be made very strong if it were in the hands of people that knew how to do it It is all open saving on one side towards the mouth of the Haven between the one Sea and the other where there is drawn a weak wall with a ditch and two inconsiderable bastions The Bazà r is indifferent and besides necessaries for provisions affords abundance of white and strip'd linnen cloth which is made in Olaza but course such as the people of that Country use At the Towns end is a very pleasant Grove and at the end thereof a great Temple handsomely built for this Country and much esteem'd Olaza is inhabited confusedly both by Gentiles who burn themselves and also by Malabar-Moors About a mile off Southwards stands the Royal House or Palace amongst the above-said Groves where the Queen resides when she comes hither sometimes 'T is large enclos'd with a wall and trench but of little moment In the first entrance it hath a Gate with an open Porch where the Guard is to stand and within that a great void place like a very large Court on the far side whereof stands the House whose inside I saw not because the Court was not there yet for this place it seem'd to have something of wild Majesty behind it joyns to a very thick wood serving both for delight and security in time of necessity The way from the Palace to the City is almost wholly beset with Houses Having seen as much as I desir'd I stay'd not to dine but return'd to Mangalòr there being always a passage-boat ready to carry people backwards and forwards December the third Arriving not timely enough to hear Mass in the Church Del Rosario I went to San Francesco where I heard Mass and a tolerably good Sermon made by an old Father call'd Francesco dos Neves In the Evening I prepar'd to go to see the Queen of Olaza at her Court which was the design of this litle peregrination And not finding Sig Paolo Sodrino my friend at Mangalòr I was help'd to a boat by Sig Luis Gomes a Native of Cananòr but who had liv'd long at Mangalòr I went up the River which comes from the Territories of Olaza but another more Northern different from the above-mention'd little one over which I pass'd by a bridg to Banghel and falling into the Port of Mangalòr I took with me also a Brachman call'd Narsù a Native of Mangalòr to serve me for an Interpreter with the Queen although my Christian Servant spoke the Language well partly that I might have more persons with me to serve me and partly because the Bachman being a Gentile known and vers'd in this Court might be more serviceable to me in many things than my own Servant so having provided what was needful and prepar'd victuals to dine with upon the River by the way which is somewhat long I determin'd to set forth the next Morning December the fourth Before day-light I took boat at Mangalòr in which there were three Water-men two of which row'd at the Prow and one at the Poop with a broad Oar which serv'd both for an Oare and a Helm Having pass'd by Bronghel we enter'd into the great Northern River in which on the left hand is a place where passage-boats laden with Merchandize pay a Tole to the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka to whom the circumjacent Region is subject Rowing a great way against the stream the water whereof for a good space is salt at length we stay'd to dine at a Town call'd Salè inhabited for the most part by Moors and situate on the right bank as you go up the River This Town with others round it is subject to an Indian-Gentile Lord call'd Ramo Rau who in all hath not above 2000 Pay-gods of yearly Revenew of which he payes about 800. to Venk-tapà Naieka to whom he is Tributary Nevertheless he wears the Title of King and they call him Omgiu Arsù that is King of Omgiù which is his chief place Having din'd and rested a while we continu'd our Voyage and after a good space enter'd into the State of the Queen of Oloza to whom the Country on either side the River belongs The River is here very shallow so that though our boat was but small yet in many places we struck against the ground at length about Evening we arriv'd at Manèl so they call the place where the Queen of Olaza now resides which is onely a Street of a few Cottages or Sheds rather then Houses but the Country is open fair and fruitful inhabited by abundance of little Houses and Cottages here and there of Husband-men besides those united to the great Street call'd the Bazà r or Market all which are comprehended under the name of Manèl which lies on the left side of the River as you go against the stream Having landed and going towards the Bazà r to get a Lodging in some House we beheld the Queen coming alone in the same way without any other Woman on foot accompany'd onely with four or six foot-Souldiers before her all which were quite naked after their manner saving that they had a cloth over
it was built by the Kings of Banghel whilst they flourish'd for it lyes in their Territory and that the place and the Seignory thereof was by them given to the Gioghi who as they have no Wives so the Dominion of this Hermitage and the adjacent Land goes not by Inheritance but by Elective Succession I thought to find abundance of Gioghi here as in our Covents but I saw not above one or two and they told me they resort not together but remain dispers'd here and there as they list abide in several places in Temples where they please nor are subject to their King in point of Obedience as ours are to their Superior but onely do him Reverence and Honour and at certain solemn times great numbers of them assemble here to whom during their stay the King supplies Victuals In the Hermitage live many Servants of his and Labourers of the Earth who till these Lands whereby he gets Provision They told me that what he possesses within and without the Hermitage yields him about five or six thousand Pagods yearly the greatest part whereof he expends in Feasts and the rest in diet and in what is needful for the ordinary service of the Temple and his Idols and that Venk-tapà Naieka had not yet taken Tribute of him but 't was feared he would hereafter At length I went to see the King of the Gioghi and found him employed in his business after a mean sort like a Peasant or Villager He was an old man with a long white beard but strong and lusty in either ear hung two little beads which seemed to be of Gold I know not whether empty or full about the bigness of a Musket-bullet the holes of his ears were large and the tips much stretched by the weight on his head he had a little red bonnet such as our Galley-slaves wear which caps are brought out of Europe to be sold in India with good profit From the girdle upwards he was naked onely he had a piece of Cotton wrought with Lozenges of several colours cross his shoulders he was not very low and for an Indian of colour rather white then otherwise He seemed a man of judgement but upon tryal in sundry things I found him not learned He told me that formerly he had Horses Elephants Palanchinoes and a great equipage and power before Venk-tapà Naieka took away all from him so that now he had very little left That within twenty dayes after there was to be a great Feast in that place to which many Gioghi would repair from several parts that it would be worth my seeing and that I should meet one that could speak Arabick and Persian and was very learned who could give me satisfaction of many things and extolling the qualities of this Giogho he told me that he had a very great Head to signifie the greatness of which he made a great circle with his arms to wit of hair ruffled and long and which had neither been cut nor combed a great while I asked him to give me his Name in writing for my Memory since I was come to see him He answerâ—d me as the Orientals for the most part do to such curious demands To what purpose was it and in fine he would not give it me but I perceiv'd 't was through a vain and ignorant fear that it might be of some mischief to him Nevertheless at my going away I was told by others that he is call'd Batniato and that the Hermitage and all the adjacent places is call'd Cadirà Having ended my discourse with the King I came away and at the foot of the Hill without the first gate of the Hermitage rested to dine till the heat were over in the House or Cottage of one of the Peasants there being a small Village there whose Wife set before us Rice Caril and Fish which themselves also eat being of a Race allow'd so to do When the heat was past I return'd fair and softly as I went to Mangalòr and arriv'd at home a good while before night December the eighteenth I prepar'd my self to go to Carnate to see that Queen whose Territory and City is as I have said else-where two or three Leagues distant from Mangalòr upon the Sea-coast towards the North. The City stands upon a River which encompasses it and over-flowes the Country round about it was wont to be very strong both by Art and situation but during the war of Mangalòr Venk-tapà Naieka coming with a great Army to subdue and pillage all these Countries sent for this Queen to come and yield Obedience to him The Queen who as I have heard is a Lady of much Virtue and Prudence being unwilling to render her self to Venk-tapà summoned her Captains together told them that she was ready to spend and give them all the Money and Jewels she had and not to be wanting on her part to her utmost power if they would prepare themsâ—lves to defend the State But these Ministers either through Cowardize or Treachery would not attempt a defence Whereupon the poor Queen who as a Woman could do little by her self her Son also being very young seeing her people disheartned resolv'd by their advice to surrender her self to Venk-tapà Naieka and accordingly prepar'd to go to him with a good Guard of Souldiers Which he hearing sent to her to come alone without other company then her Attendants which she did not voluntarily but constrain'd thereto by her hard Fortune and the little Faith of others Venk-tapà receiv'd her honourably and took her into his Friendship and Protection but withall he caus'd the City to be dismantled of the strong walls it had to prevent her rebelling against him afterwards and left her as before the Government of the State tying her onely to Obedience the payment of a Tribute and the professing of a noble Vassallage to him When they dismantled the City the Queen they say unable to endure the sight retir'd into a solitary place a little distant cursing in those her solitudes the Pusillanimity and Infidelity of her own people no less then the unfortunateness and weakness of the Portugals her defenders to whom she had been always a faithful Friend At this time she lives with her young Son either in Carnate or some other place thereabouts Being mov'd by the Fame of this Queens Virtue I was desirous to go and do her Reverence for which purpose I had gotten a Palanchino ready and Men to carry me thither But in the Morning of the above-said day there put in to Mangalòr a Fleet of Portugal Ships which they call l' armata del Canarà because it coasts along the ruines of the Province Canarà or else l' armata della Colletta for that it is maintain'd with the Money of a New Impost lay'd upon and collected by the Portugals in their Indian Plantations The General of this Fleet was Sig Luis de Mendoza a principal Cavalier or Fridalgo as they speak young but of very good
parts The Captain of one of the Ships was Sig Ayres de Siqueira Baraccio formerly my Friend at Goa whom I expected that I might return thither in his Ship Whereupon hearing of his Arrival I went to seek him and finding him already landed I understood by him that this Fleet was to go to Calecut in order to carry thither two Men of Samorì King of Calecut Samorì is a Title given to all those Kings like our Emperour or Caesar which Men he had a little before sent to Goa in the same Fleet in another Voyage which it had made upon those Coasts to try the Vice-Roy about a Peace for he had been many years if not at War yet at enmity with the Portugals saying that if the Vice-Roy inclin'd to Peace he would afterwards send Ambassadors with more solemnity and treat of Articles Now these Men were returning to Calecut with the Vice-Roy's Answer and as Sig Ayres said the Fleet would depart from Mangalòr the same night yet would return very shortly because the General had Orders not to stay at Calecut above four and twenty hours onely till he had landed these Men and understood what Resolution the Samorì gave in Answer without giving him more time to think thereupon That in their return the Fleet would touch at Mangalòr and all the other Ports of that Coast to take with them the Merchants Ships laden with Rice which were now prepar'd or a preparing and convoy them according to their custom to Goa where by reason of scarcity of provision they were much desir'd Hearing this News I was loath to lose the opportunity of seeing Calecut the King whereof is one of the most famous among the Gentile Princes of India and is likely to be at Peace but a little while with the Portugals and therefore resolved to go aboard the Ship of Sig Ayres the same day putting off my Journey to Carnate whither I had hopes to go at my return Accordingly dismissing the Palanchino and the Men that were to carry me together with the Servant I had taken at Barselòr because he was not willing to go further with me I went aboard alone without any Servant assuring my self I could not want attendance and what-ever else was needful in the Ship wherein I found Sig Manoel Leyton Son of Sig Gio Fernandez Leyton embarqu'd as a Souldier which course of life he was now first enter'd upon besides many other eminent Souldiers who were afterwards very friendly to me and with whom I spent many days in good conversation December the nineteenth We departed from Mangalòr and went formost of all because our Ship was Captain of the Vanguard This day we pass'd by a high Hill discover'd within Land call'd Monte Delì and the next day December the twentieth by another call'd Monte Fermoso At night we anchor'd under Cananòr but enter'd not the Port having sail'd from Mangalòr hither always Southwards eighteen Leagues December the one and twentieth Once in the Morning and once in the Evening we met with Paroes which are very light Ships of the Malabar Rovers of whom this Coast was full for at Mangalòr ends the Province of Canarà and that of Malabar begins We made ready our Arms both times to fight them but they fled from us and recover'd the mouths of the Rivers whereof that Coast is full where by reason it was their own Territory and well guarded in those narrow and difficult places we could not pursue them to take them onely we discharg'd some Guns against them at distance to no purpose which were answer'd from that Land with the like we might easily have attempted if not to take that which we saw in the Evening yet at least to shatter it a far off with our Cannon if the General had not had regard to the Land they recover'd which belong'd to the Samorì to whom upon account of the Peace in agitation he was willing to have respect At night we came to Anchor under Calecut which is twelve Leagues Southwards beyond Cananòr December the two and twentieth Early in the Morning the Samorì's two Men landed at Calecut and with them a Portugal common Souldier but well clad and attended whom the General sent to the King with the Vice-Roy's Answer which was That the Vice-Roy was contented to treat of a Peace and would gladly conclude it but on condition that the Samorì made Peace too with the King of Cocin the Portugals Confederate whom it was not fit to leave out of the said Peace and the rather because the greatest differences between the Portugals and the Samorì were touching the King of Cocin whom the Portugals justly defended as their faithful Friend and had alwayes to the dammage of the Samorì his perpetual Adversary much supported That if the Samorì were contented to make Peace with both he should send his Ambassadors to Goa with power to treat of the conditions and they should be receiv'd very well Within a short time the Portugal return'd to the Fleet for the City of Calecut stands upon the shore and the Samorì's Royal Palace is not far off And together with the Portugal the Samorì sent to the General a Portugal Boy eight or ten years old call'd Cicco who in certain Revolutions of Cananòr had been taken Prisoner and was brought up in his Court he sent him well cloth'd and accompany'd not onely with many persons but also with Pipes and Drums that he might visit the General in his Name and give him a Present of Refreshments to eat namely Indian Figgs Lagne and other fruits His Answer to the business was that the Peace should be first made between himself and the Portugals and afterwards the Interests of the King of Cocin should be taken into consideration withall desiring the General that he would vouchsafe to stay a while till he had better advis'd with his Ministers and deliberated about sending Ambassadors to Goa in the same Fleet with other Reasons which were judg'd rather excuses to put off the time and hold the Portugals in a Treaty of Peace till some very rich Ships of his which he expected from Meccha were return'd left the Portugals should molest them at Sea than real intentions for a Peace especially with the King of Cocin with whom he hath long and intricate discords not so easily to be terminated The Portugals also demanded that the Samorì would remove a Garrison which he had plac'd in certain Confines where they for their own security and the defence of the King of Cocin were fain to keep a Fort continually with a great Garrison and at much expence And because he shew'd not much inclination thereunto it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices to hold the Portugals in suspence wherefore the General sent him word That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours and so long he would stay If within that time the Samorì took a Resolution sutable to the Vice-Roy's
Propositions he would carry his Ambassador with a good will otherwise he intended to depart the next night all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco honor'd with some small Presents and the other Men that came with him without sending any of his Portugals on purpose or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samorì as he was by him invited the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far because these Kings Samorì had never been very faithful towards the Portugals Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded so that many of them went ashore some to walk up and down some to buy things and some to do other business as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats partly to sell things and partly out of curiosity to see the Portugals who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samorì seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut The same day December the two and twentieth whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary whence according to my Canon of Declination which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination if it be not really so the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours if not more that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun you substract the 23 degrees 28′ which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South the remainder is 11 degrees 22′ and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place and consequently the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner I landed also with the Captain of my Ship and some other Souldiers we went to see the Bazar which is near the shore the Houses or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's being very low the Streets also are very narrow but indifferently long the Market was full of all sorts of provision and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people conformable to their Custom for as for Clothing they need little both Men and Women going quite naked saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees and covering their shame the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew or white strip'd with Azure or Azure and some other colour a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them Moreover both Men and Women wear their hair long and ty'd about the head the Women with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becommingly enough as almost all Indian-Women do the dressing of whose head is in my opinion the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head sometimes a little inclin'd on one side some of them use a small colour'd head-band but the Women use none at all Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets their ears of pendants and their necks of jewels the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers or other Arms in their hands as I said of those of Balagate The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut and the In-land parts especially the better sort are all Gentiles of the Race Nairi for the most part by profession Souldiers sufficiently swashing and brave But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari an adventitious people though of long standing for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since makes mention of them they live confusedly with the Pagans and speak the same Language but yet are Mahometans in Religion From them all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves whence in the Bazar of Calecut besides the things above-mention'd we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities as Swords Arms Books Clothes of Goa and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea which things because stollen and in regard of the Excommunication which lyes upon us in that case are not bought by our Christians Having seen the Bazar and stay'd there till it was late we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City and the out-side of the King's Palace for to see the King at that hour we had no intention nor did we come prepar'd for it but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace for the City is great and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees amongst the boughs whereof a great many of wild Monkies and within these close Groves stand the Houses for the most part at a distance from the common Wayes or Streets they appear but little few of their outsides being seen besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots and dividing them from the Streets which are much better than those of the Bazar but without any ornament of Windows so that he that walks through the City may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens than of an inhabited City Nevertheless it is well peopled and hath many Inhabitants whose being contented with narrow buildings is the cause that it appears but small As we walked in this manner we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy and because he saw us many together and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us or because he knew our General he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace and going before us as our guide conducted us thither He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming and told us we must by all means go to see him because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us Wherefore not to appear discourteous we were constrein'd to consent to his Request notwithstanding the unexpectedness of and our unpreparedness for the visit The first and principal Gate of the Palace opens upon a little Piazza which is beset with certain very great Trees affording a delightful shadow I saw no Guard before it it was great and open but before it was a row of Balisters about four or five foot from the ground which serv'd to keep out not onely Horses and other Animals but also Men upon occasion In the middle was a little pair of Stairs without the
consecrated Arch-Bishop of Serra imbarqu'd in it to go to his residence so also did F. Andrea Palmiero Visitor of the Jesuits my friend to visit that his Province and F. Laertio Alberti an Italian with many other Jesuits who came out of Europe this year to go and reside there The same day an Almadia or small Boat of Ciaul came to Goa with news of a Vessel arriv'd there from Mascat and also a Ship from Bassora both which reportted that Ormuz was in much distress by the Siege so that many Moor 's soldiers escap'd out of the Town to Ruy Freira after whose arrival the Siege proceeded prosperously for us with good order and much hope yet in case the succours were sent from Goa which Ruy Freira very importunately desir'd At Bassora they said all was quiet This will be the last that I shall write to you from Goa being ready to depart out of India if it please God within a few dayes and desirous to return to my Country where I may see and discourse with you the first object that I propound to my self at my revisiting our dear Italy However I shall not omit in my way to acquaint you with my adventures to the end my Letters may forerun me and be the harbingers of my arrival I reserve many things to tell the Sig. Dottore and Signor Colletta and those other Gentlemen my friends who I am confident accompany my prayers to God for my prosperous arrival from whom wishing of you all happiness I rest c. LETTER IX From Mascat January 19. 1625. HAving determin'd to return to my Country not by way of Portugal but by that of Bassora and from thence by land to Aleppo which seem'd to me the best and shortest and having accordingly obtain'd licence of the Viceroy who in this and other matters hath always done me many favours which licence was necessary because in Goa 't is rigorosly prohibited to all to go into Europ by this way of Turky and being prepared with every thing necessary by the opportunity of the Cafila and Armada which went from Goa for Cambaia in which there was one Ship which was to go from Ciaul to Bassora I resolv'd to embarque in a Ship of the Armada that was to go to Ciaul intending there to go aboard that which was to go to Bassora In order whereunto having taken leave of all my friends and at last got the Viceroy's licence who was then at Pangi and gave me certain Letters of importance written to his King which I was to consign to the Portugal Agent at Rome that he might transmit the same to his Master on the fifteenth of November about evening I went down the River in a Mansina or Wherry to the mouth of the Sea and there went aboard the Ship I had taken whereof Francesco Gomez was Captain In this Voyage there came with me Marian Tinatin Eugenia Cingala her servant a Venetian Merchant my Friend nam'd Marc ' Antonio Lanza whom I took for my company with his servant nam'd Giovanni Michael a servant given me by Sig Antonio Baracho to accompany me to Rome a trusty person to whom he had therefore given liberty and another servant of his nam'd Giovan Boracho who was to accompany me onely to Ciaul whither also his Master Antonio intended shortly to follow him November the sixteenth Before day we set sail and met the Armada of Chebore Diu Bossaria and Ciaul Countries on the North of Goa sailing to Goa at night we cast Anchor short of the Rocks call'd Los Ilheos quemados Our course was alwayes Northwards the Land alwayes winding from us on the Right Hand November the twentieth We set sail about day-break and at three a clock after noon cast Anchor a little short of Ciaul because the wind was contrary in a Bay where there is a Village call'd Pascet here we stay'd three dayes in expectation of some ill-arm'd Vessels of the Cafila which lagg'd behind On the four and twentieth at night We enter'd the Port of Ciaul which is within the jaws of a fair River I sent my servant to look for a House and in the mean time remain'd for this night in the Ship but the next day we landed with all our Goods November the nine and twentieth News came to Ciaul that Dutch Ships were gone from Surat to Ormuz with intent to help the Persians against the Portugals it being suspected that they have made some agreement with the King of Persia to have a share of that place and to inhabit it Some said the Ships were four others that seven more were preparing at Surat with a Petache for the same design either all Dutch or Dutch and English together Be it as it will the arrival of Enemy-Ships at Ormuz before the Portugal Armada I account very prejudicial to the Portugals design upon the place for 't is difficult for Ruy Freira to hinder them only with an Armada of Oars from relieving it which may be done in one day and being done 't is sufficient to prolong the Warr and the Siege for another year And if it be true that so many Ships of those Hereticks are going not onely to Ormuz but also to Mascat and all the Coasts of India I look upon it as a matter of dangerous consequence it being rumor'd not without ground that they are agreed with the Persians to make Warr upon Mascat and to do great matters against the Portugals which God forbid December the second I went to view a Town of the Moors subject to Nizam-Sciah and his Governour Melik Ambar and because near Ciaul call'd Ciaul di Riba that is Upper Ciaul The way leading to it is fair and handsome amongst Groves of Palms and other Fruit-trees and it stands on the same bank of the River more Northwards with Ciaul of the Portugals 'T is a large Town well inhabited both by Moors and Gentiles especially near the Bazar or Market-place where the Shops afford plenty of all things necessary for Food and Clothing according to the fashion of the Country as also very fine Cotton Clothes of several sorts with other commodities which are brought thither from the more inward parts Beyond the Bazar the Houses stand not so close together but scatter'd here and there amongst Gardens or rather woods of Palmes and other Fruit-trees which are very thick tall and handsome affording shadow to the streets all the way which are broad long green and very delightful A little distant from the Bazar is a great Artificial Lake or Cistern surrounded as their custom is with stone stairs they call it Tanle Nave Nagher The Moors for the most part dwell near the Bazar towards the River which passes not far off and is navigable seven or eight leagues upwards Here also the Mahometans have their Meschita's hot Baths which the Gentiles use not because they wash themselves publickly in their Cisterns and places of Sepulture a Dogana or Custom-house and lastly a Divan or Court of
by fair means or by foul although 't is but a disorderly thing and many inconveniences happen by it Of water we gave them two barrels but no Mariners because we had few enough for our selves and they took them not by force as they would perhaps have done from others out of respect to Sig Coutigno who was in the Ship with us and the rather because we told them we were going to carry Provisions to Ruy Freira who they informed us was retreated into the Island of Larek and that the Armada of Goa was not yet arriv'd and also that themselves were going to Mascat for Provisions In the Evening we met a Terrada or Bark of Freira's Fleet going likewise to Mascat by which we understood the same News February the first The wind turning contrary we cast anchor at distance from land for more security the shore being all the way on our left hand February the second Though the wind became somewhat favourable we weigh'd not anchor because we were to land an Augustine Fryer at Sohar of which place he was Curate and neither we nor the Pilot knowing whether we had pass'd Sohar or not nor yet what Land it was where we were therefore we sent our Boat ashore to inquire it brought word that Sohar lay a little more forward and thereupon it was remitted to carry the said Fryer on shore that so he might ride thither on a Camel by Land This business took up all the day At night we set sail but with no favourable wind so that we were constrain'd to anchor again a little further till about midnight the wind â—â—sing a little in our favour we set forwards The land in this place is a low Plain as the word Sohar signifies yet we saw abundance of hills at a great distance from the shore Sohar is four and twenty leagues from Mascat February the sixth Having by the help of Oars with much difficulty come to Chursakan which is twelve leagues beyond Sohar in the morning we sail'd under Doba which lies three leagues further The Portugals had not so much confidence in the people as to think fit to enter into the Port but resolv'd to go three leagues onwards to a secure place of friendly Arabians call'd Lima. The coast of Doba is mountainous and the Town stands behind a Promontory which runs far into the Sea Here we first discern'd the opposite coast of the Persian Gulph from whence rather rowing then sailing by Sun-set we came to an anchor under Lima. Many of our Ships went ashore some to fetch provisions of which they found but little store and others to refresh themselves I was not in a condition to do the like being in bed under deck by reason of an Ague as also was Mariam Tinatim so that neither of us could so much as look up to behold the Land February the seventh We pass'd by the Cape of Mosendom at the point of which stand two or three Rocks one further then another into the Sea That nearest the Cape is greatest and the remotest is the least which they call Baba Selam the Moorish Sea-men when they pass by it salute it with many shouts of joy Having pass'd by this Cape which is as I believe within ten or twelve leagues of Ormuz leaving Ormuz and Bender di Kombra on the right hand because we presum'd the Dutch and English Ships to be there we directed our course towards Larek hoping to find Ruy Freira there as we had understood by the way but a little after we descry'd two Ships of Freira's Armada as we suppos'd in two several places towards the Land each of which gave us a Gun whereby we apprehended that they intended either to receive or give us some necessary Advertisement Wherefore quitting our course to Larek we turn'd the Stern to the coast of Arabia towards which one of the said Ships about Sun-set seem to be retir'd We approach't near the Land about Evening and passing amidst certain Rocks went to cast anchor within a little bay which was there but in the narrow streight between a Rock and the Continent a most impetuous current of the Sea hurri'd us away so furiously that without giving us time to let down the sail it had almost dash't us against the foot of certain high Rocks where if we had touch't without doubt our Ship had been split in a thousand pieces nor had any one of us escap't with life unless by miracle nevertheless by plying our Oars stoutly and at length letting down the sail by God's mercy we were delivered from this imminent and manifest danger Yet not so fully but that we had like to have been cast upon another Rock not so much through the violence of the Current as the negligence of the Sea-men who did not govern the Sails and Helm well But at length being by the Divine Assistance freed from both dangers we got to the place we design'd and there found one of Freira's Ships which had given us a Warning-piece in the preceding day and also an armed Bark of that sort which they call Terrankim and are almost such as our Caichi or Shallops which Bark Ruy Freira sent to the Rock Baba Selam there to wait for the Armada of Goa and advertise him when it arriv'd In the Ship was Sig. Sancho di Toar who the last year had been sent from Goa General of certain Ships to assist Ruy Freira and being weary of the war now with his licence obtain'd as may be thought by importunity was returning to Mascat and so to Goa with seventy or eighty soldiers that accompani'd him After we had cast anchor although it was very dark yet some of the said soldiers and the Captain of the Terranquim came to our Ship to speak with Don Francesco Cavacio so also did the Captain of the Ship the abovesaid di Toar next morning Don Francesco disswaded the soldiers from deserting the war in a time of so great need and of so fair an occasion as would be at the coming of the Armada of Goa which was approaching hourly telling them that at Goa it would be held an action little honourable and that the Vice-Roy would severely punish whoever return'd thither abandoning Ruy Freira In short he said so much to them that being assur'd of the coming of the Fleet of Goa which before they disbeliev'd and accounted only a report to keep the soldiers in suspence almost all of them chang'd their purpose and resolv'd to continue at the war after they had been at Mascat only to provide themselves some necessaries Of such moment to the publick good is the authority and prudent discourse of a worthy person amongst people We had news from them that Ruy Freira had quitted Larek because the English at the instance of the Persians had gone thither with their Ships to drive him thence whereupon having first destroy'd certain Shops of Provision which he had made there for convenience of the soldiers and a weak
to the Portugals as Merchants and in case we trusted him not so much as to go a shore we might ride at Anchor in the open Sea and they would send people and money to buy many things The other Letter was directed to the Religious that were in the Ship some of whom he had understood were minded to go to Sphahan and therefore he promis'd them good and secure passage with all courtesie But neither did the Ship stay to sell any thing nor the Religious think good to land in that place for all those promises February the two and twentieth Being at Anchor in a certain place at night we descry'd some Vessels afar off which we knew not what they were and therefore weighing Anchor and putting our selves in a posture for fight we row'd up to them When we came near we found them to be of those Persian Vessels which they call Terrats a kind of great bark frequent in these Seas laden with Dates and Victuals Yet because they neither stay'd for us nor obey'd we discharg'd some Falcons and many Muskets at them without doing any hurt because of those that shot none knew how to do it as they ought but all was done with great confusion and disorder as is usual amongst the Portugals especially in our Ship which was a Merchant and not a Man of War So that the Persian Terrats went away untouch'd and we not onely took them not as we might easily have done had our Ships been well arm'd and well-govern'd but it seem'd also that had those Vessels had armed people and a mind to assault us they might easily have taken us considerng the little order and preparation for fight that I saw in our Sihip February the seven and twentieth The wind not being good our Marriners who were Indians but of the Mahometan Religion ty'd a bundle of clothes which they said was the Old Man but I know not what Old Man they meant to one of the Ropes of the sails and there fell to beat it vehemently crying out to it to give them a good wind in the mean time other Mariners desir'd him that beat it to desist saying that it would give them a good wind This superstitious Ceremony not unlike that above-mention'd of the Portugals binding S. Anthony of Padua I was willing to insert for its strangeness although through the ignorance of the Mariners themselves who could give no other reason for it but that the custom was so or because they would not tell us I could not understand what Old Man it was that they beatt under the figure of a bundle of Clothes or from whom they demanded a good wind February the eight and twentieth We were minded to take in water in the Country of Verdistan a part of Persia of which we had great need but the people of the place prohibited us repelling the boat from the shore with many Musket-shots And being we had not Souldiers to land and take water by force it behov'd us to have patience and depart without March the first We put out to Sea to avoid certain shelves that were neer the Persian shore which here we found low and flat whereas hitherto it had been all mountainous at night we came under Riscel a Port of Persia in the state of Siraz but no good one March the second A little before night we came to an Anchor under the Island of Charg which lyes distant from Cais 24 Giam A Giam is a measure us'd by the Arabian and Persian Pilots in the Persian Gulph containing three leagues so that from Cais to Charg we had sayl'd 70 Leagues From Charg to Bassora they told us there remain'd eight Giam and as many from Charg to Bahhaerein The part of the Continent nearest Charg is Bender Rich belonging as I conceive to the Country of Loristan from which this Island is distant two Giam We cast Anchor between Charg and another little Island which lyes to the North-west and is call'd Chargia Charg is a little Island having a Town of forty or fifty Houses wherein there is a Meschita with the Sepulchre venerated by the Moors of one Muhhammed Anefia who the people of the Island say was one of the Descendents of Muhhammed Because the Sea was very rough we did not go a shore but a Portugal Ship belonging to the Captain of Ciaul and bound for Bassora put in at the same Island March the fourth We went on the other side of the Island to get water of which we stood in great need and my Ague having left me I landed with the rest upon the Island where I saw little besides the above-said Sepulchre and others less venerable which they said were of some of the familiars of him that was buried in the greater there was also a Grotta cut out by hand in stone which by some carv'd work of the Frontis-piece and the form within seems to have been made for a Temple or place of burial but now 't is used onely as a stall for Cattel The Island it self is low and plain the Peasants sow it with Corn Onyons and a few other such things but 't is poor enough the wealth of the Inhabitants consisting for the most part in the fish which they take They speak the Persian Language and indeed are Vassals of Persia though by reason of their poverty they pay no Tribute to the Persians They told me that they are govern'd by a Chief called according the custom of the Arabians Sceich which dignity descends from Father to Son that in the war between the Persians and the Portugals the former had intended to have built a Fort here whereby to hinder the Portugal Ships from watering here as they passed by but the Inhabitants excused themselves from it by their poverty and by treating all parties alike friendly they have escaped unmolested by any and enjoy their sweet Liberty upon no other account but their poverty They told me also that free Trade was granted to all the Inhabitants of this Persian Coast between Charg and Bassora both by the Portugals and the people of Bassora so that they were not molested by any party the ground of which I take to be because Bassora hath not sufficient Victuals the greatest part being brought thither from these Lands of Persia and on the other side the Portugals need Provision for their Fleet which they keep at Bassora to assist the place against the Persians At night we return'd aboard having exchanged the Persian Pilot which Ruy Freira gave us for one of Charg it being the custom so to do It rained in the night and the Sea grew high wherefore for more security we put off from the land further to Sea March the sixth Very early in the Morning we departed from Charg together with the other Ship of Ciaul yet each taking its own way and we proceeded coasting along Persia which lay on the right hand The next day the wind failing we cast Anchor so far from
in which there is a Chappel most richly set forth being seeled and paved with Plate of pure Silver most curiously imbossed over head in sevetal figures which they keep exceeding bright by often rubbing and burnishing it and all this Cost those poor seduced Indians are at to do honour to an Idol they keep in that Chappel What charge can Heathenish Idolaters be content to bear for their gross Idolatry Nothing is too rich too pretious or too dear for it This Idol thus kept in that so richly adorned Chappel they call Matta and it is continually visited by those poor blinded Infidels who out of the officiousness of their Devotion cut off some part of their Tongues to offer unto it as a Sacrifice which they say grow out again as before But in this I shall leave my Reader to a belief as much suspensive as is my own in this particular In this Province likewise there is another famous Pilgrimage to a place called Jallamakee where out of cold Springs that issue out from amongst hard Rocks are daily to be seen continued Eruptions of Fire before which the Idolatrous People fall down and worship Both these places were seen and strictly observed by Master Coryat 28. Siba the chief City is called Hardware where the famous River Ganges passing through or amongst large Rocks makes presently after a pretty full Current but both this and that other great River Indus have their Rise and Original out of the Mountain Caucasus from whence they both first issue That principal Rock through which this River Ganges there makes a Current is indeed or if not according to the fancy of the Superstitious Indians like a Cow's Head which of all sensible Creatures they love best of which more hereafter thither they assemble themselves daily in Troops to wash their bodies ascribing a certain Divinity to Waters but more especially to the Water in the River Ganges And thither our famous Coryat went likewise to view this place 29. Kakares the principal Cities are called Dekalee and Purhola it is a large Province but exceeding mountainous divided it is from Tartaria by the Mountain Caucasus it is the extremest part North under the Mogol's subjection 30. Gor the chief City so called it is full of Mountains the River Sersily a tributary unto Ganges hath its beginning in it 31. Pitan the chief City so called the River Canda waters it and fals into Ganges in the Confines thereof 32. Kanduana the chief City is called Karhakatenka the River Sersily parts it from Pitan This and Gor are the North-east-bounds of this Monarchy 33. Patna the chief City so called the River Ganges bounds it on the West Sersily on the East it is a very fertile Province 34. Jesuat the chief City is called Raiapore it lieth East of Patna 35. Mevat the chief City is called Narnol it is very mountainous 36. Vdessa the chief City called Jekanat it is the most remote part East of this Empire 37. Bengala a most spacious and fruitful Province but more properly to be called a Kingdom which hath two very large Provinces within it Purb and Patan the one lying on the East the other on the West-side of the River Ganges It is limited by the Golph of the same name whereinto the River Ganges which at last comes to be divided into four great Currents dischargeth it self after it hath found a way through the Mogol's Territories more than fifteen hundred miles in length The chief Cities in it are Ragamahat and Dekaka It hath many Havens and Ports belonging unto it which are places of very great trade Now these are the several Provinces belonging to the Great Mogol and all of them under his subjection which may be beheld all together at one view in this most exact affixed Map first made by the especial observation and direction of that most able and honourable Gentleman Sir Thomas Row here contracted into a less compass yet large enough to demonstrate that this great Empire is bounded on the East with the Kingdom of Maug West with Persia and with the Main Ocean Southerly North with the Mountain Caucasus and Tartaria South with Decan and the Gulph of Bengala Decan lying in the skirts of Asia is divided betwixt three Mahumetan Princes and some other Indian Rhaiaes which are Princes likewise The length of these Provinces is Northwest to South-west more than two thousand English miles North and South the extent thereof is about fourteen hundred miles the Southermost part lying in twenty and the Northermost in forty and three degrees of North-Latitude The breadth of this much enlarged and far extended Empire is North-east to South-west about fifteen hundred of the same miles And here a great errour in Geographers must not escape my notice who in their Globes and Maps make East-India and China near Neighbours when as many large Countries are interposed betwixt them which great distance may appear by the long travel of the Indian-Merchants who are usually they going and returning all the way by Land in their journey and return and some stay there two full years from Agra to China Now to give an exact account of all those fore-named Provinces were more than I am able to undertake yet out of that which I have observed in some of them by travelling many miles up into that Countrey and then up and down with my Lord-Embassador unto many places there in progress with that King I shall adventure to ghess at all and I think for my particular that the Great Mogol considering his most large Territories his full and great Treasures with the many rich Commodities his Provinces afford is the greatest and richest known King of the East if not of the whole World I shall now therefore fall upon particulars to make that my observation good Where SECTION II. Of the Soyl there what it is and what it produceth c. THis most spacious and fertile Monarchy called by the Inhabitants Indostan so much abounds in all necessaries for the use and service of man to feed and cloath and enrich him as that it is able to subsist and flourish of it self without the least help from any Neighbour-Prince or Nation Here I shall speak first of that which Nature requires most Food which this Empire brings forth in abundance as singular good Wheat Rice Barley with divers more kinds of good Grain to make Bread the staff of life and all these sorts of Corn in their kinds very good and exceeding cheap For their Wheat it is more full and more white than ours of which the Inhabitants make such pure well-relished Bread that I may say of it as one sometimes spake of the Bread made in the Bishoprick of Liege it is Panis Pane melior Bread better than Bread The ordinary sort of people eat Bread made of a coarser Grain but both toothsom and wholsom and hearty they make it up in broad Cakes thick like our Oaten-cakes and then bake it upon small round iron
which they are made put to other uses is well-nigh worth the Silver they are rated at Their Silver Coyn is made either round or square but so thick as that it never breaks nor wears out They have pure Gold-Coyn likewise some pieces of great value but these are not very ordinarily seen amongst them I have now done with this Section wherein I have related much of the Commodities and Riches as before of the Provisions and Pleasures which are to be found in that vast Monarchy and I conceive nothing but what Truth will justifie And now lest that place I have describ'd should seem to be an earthly Paradise I must acquaint my Reader that the Contents there found by such as have lived in those parts are sour'd and sauc'd with many unpleasing things which he must needs know when he takes notice SECTION IV. Of the Discommodities Inconveniences and Annoyances that are to be found or met withall in this Empire AS the Poets feigned that the Garden ' of the Hesperides wherein were Trees that bare Golden Apples was guarded by a Serpent So there are stings here as well as fruits all considered together may not unfitly be resembled by those Locusts mention'd Rev. 9.7 8 10. verses Who had the Faces of Men and the Hair of Women and Crowns as of Gold on their Heads but they had too the Teeth of Lyons and the tayls of Scorpions and there were stings in those tayls Here are many things to content and please the enjoyers of them to make their life more comfortable but withall here are Teeth to tear and stings to kill All put together are nothing but a mixture made up as indeed all earthly things are of good and bad of bitter and sweet of what contents and of what contents not The Annoyances of these Countries are first many harmfull beasts of prey as Lyons Tygers Wolves Jackalls with others those Jackalls seem to be wild Doggs who in great companies run up and down in the silent night much disquieting the peace thereof by their most hideous noyse Those most ravenous Creatures will not suffer a Man to rest quietly in his Grave for if his Body be not buryed very deep they will dig him thence and bury as much of him again as they can consume in their hungry bellies In their Rivers are many Crocodiles and Latet anguis in herba on the Land not a few over-grown Snakes with other venemous and pernicious Creatures In our Houses there we often see Lizards shaped like unto Crocodiles of a sad green colour and but little Creatures the fear of whom presents its self most to the Eye for I do not know that they are hurtful There are many Scorpions to be seen which are oftentimes felt which creep into their houses especially in that time of the Rains whose stinging is most sensible and deadly if the Patient have not presently some oyl that is made of Scorpions to annoint the part affected which is a sudden and a certain cure But if the man can get the Scorpion that stung him as sometimes they do the oylie substance it affords being beaten in pieces suddenly applyed is a present help The sting of the Scorpion may be a very fit resemblance of the sting of Death the bitterness and anguish whereof nothing can asswage and cure so well as a serious consideration and a continual application of the thoughts of dying Facilè contemnit omnia qui cogitat se semper moriturum that man may trample upon every thing whose meditations are taken up with the thoughts of his Change He cannot dye but well who dyes daily daily in his preparations for death though he dye not presently The Scorpions are in shape like unto our Cra-fishes and not bigger and look black like them before they are boyled They have a little round tayl which turns up and lyes usually upon their backs at the end whereof is their sting which they do not put in and let out of their bodies as other venemous creatures do but it alwayes appears in their tayls ready to strike it is very sharp and hard and not long but crooked like the talon of an Hawk The abundance of Flyes like those swarms in Egypt Exod. 8.21 in those parts did likewise very much annoy us for in the heat of the day their numberless number was such as that we could not be quiet in any place for them they being ready to fly into our Cupps and to cover our Meat as soon as it was placed on the Table and therefore we had alwayes some of the Natives we kept there who were our Servants to stand round about us on purpose while we were eating with Napkins to fright them away And as in the day one kind of ordinary Flyes troubled us so in the night we were likewise very much disquieted with another sort called Musqueetoes like our Gnats but some-what less and in that season we were very much troubled with Chinches another sort of little troublesome and offensive creatures like little Tikes and these annoyed us two wayes as first by their biting and stinging and then by their stink From all which we were by far more free when we lodged in Tents as there we did much than when we abode in Houses where in great Cities and Towns to add unto the disquiets I before named there were such an abundance of large hungry Ratts that some of us were bitten in the night as we lay in our beds either on our Toes or Fingers or on the tips of our Ears or on the tops of our Noses or in any part of our Bodies besides which they could get into their Mouths The winds in those parts as I observed before which they call the Mont soone blow constantly one way altering but few points six months Southerly and six months Northerly The months of April May and the beginning of June till the Rain falls are so extremly hot as that the wind when it blows but gently receives such heat from the parched ground that the reflection thereof is ready to blister a Man's Face that receives the breath of it And if God did not provide for those parts by sending a breeze or breath or small gale of wind daily which some-what tempers that hot sulphureous Air there were no living in that Torrid Zone for us English who have been used to breathe in a temperate Climate and notwithstanding that benefit the Air in that place is so hot to us English that we should be every day stewed in our own moisture but that we stir very little in the heat of the day and have cloathing about us as thin as we can make it And no marvel for the coldest day in the whole year at noon unless it be in the time when those Rains fall is hotter there then the hottest day in England Yet I have there observed most strange and sudden changes of heat and cold within few hours as in November and December the most