may have matter for innovations to their advantage What reason is there then that more fuel should be added to the fire of those tumults when they ought rather to be quenched and deaded If the bare name of Inquisition as it may be termed not almost any ways put in use or at least but as a shadow and which it was thought necessary wholly to suppress hath put Flanders into such commotions what will that Nation do when they shall see themselves threatned with the forces of a foreign Army what fear what horrour will they thereat conceive the least they can apprehend will doubtlesly be the Inquisition They will believe that the Government of Spain will be by force brought into Flanders that their Priviledges will be violated their Institutions overthrown their faults severely punished their Liberties opprest by Garisons and finally be buried in Citadels But suppose an Army be to be sent into Flanders who will secure their passage who will secure their entrance Peoples fear doth oft-times degenerate into desparation So the Flemings growing desperate and the Nobility cloaking themselves no longer under Covenants and Petitions nor the common people falling into slight tumults but the whole Country going into a general rebellion all may with one accord oppose our forces and not suffer them to enter And say the Flemish were not apt enough of themselves to make this opposition will they peradventure want nighbours who will use all means to incite them thereunto do not we know what apprehensions the being of the Spanish forces in Flanders will cause in Germany in England and in France But let it be granted that they be suffered to enter and that as then they cannot from thence receive any impediment for so doing are we any whit the more secure that the Country may not alter afterwards and be troubled Great punishments must certainly be undergone and force must divers ways be secured by greater force The people there will then begin to despair more then ever they will call punishment oppression and severity tyranny Citadels yokes and Garisons chains and fetters and thus at last they will break out into rebellion and arms thus will the war be kindled Nor doe I know whether it will be afterwards as easily ended as it would have been easie at first not to have begun it Nature by the strong situation of sea and rivers will fight for them they themselves will fight desperately in defence as they will say of themselves wives children and liberty The opulency of their own Country will furnish them with gallant forces and much more the oportunity of their neighbours On the contrary how heavie a burthen of war will your Majesty be to sustain Succours at so great a distance will prove very slow and very costly both by sea and land Passage must either be beg'd or bought and we shall see our men fail before they come into Flanders The event of war is always uncertain And Fortune which in other humane accidents is content with a part will here have the whole Dominion If the success prove favourable to your Majesty the victory will be bought with bloud and against the bloud of your subjects But if the contrary should fall out which God forbid not only men but States would be lost nor they alone but Religion and so at last by too deplorable event we shall be taught how much fair means would have been better then bitter proceedings for the accommodation of the affairs of those Provinces It is to those fair means that I exhort you and that by all means you give over any thought of the other Every Province every Kingdom hath its particular nature like unto humane bodies And who knows this better then you Sir to whose Scepter worlds are born and whose Monarchie embraceth so much as the circuit thereof is only to be measured by the Sun One Government is proper for Spain another for the Indies another for your States in Italy and so likewise others in Flanders and in the rest of so many members of which the bulk of your Empire is composed Only the same religion ought to be in them all but in this also the zeal ought to be well regulated so as the too violent remedies which may be used to that purpose do not produce division instead of unity and that together with the loss of obedience to the Church that fail not likewise which is due by the people to their Prince What did not Don Piedro di Tolledo Viceroy of Naples do what did he not trie to bring the Inquisition into that Kingdom in the Emperour your fathers time Naples rose and so would the whole Kingdom have done so as it was necessary to remove the occasion of the tumults of that City Let the Flemish then be permitted to enjoy the Government of Flanders Free them from all suspition either of Inquisition Foreign Forces or any other more dreaded violence Let one contrary cure another So the peoples fear ceasing the Countrey commotions will cease Nor is it to be doubted but that heresie is rather supprest by peace then by war It is too well seen how much it hath increased heresie in Germany and in France and since so many have done amiss in Flanders and that the faults ought not to be left altogether unpunisht let the punishment of a few serve for the example of all and let it be laid there where the Country may be least exasperated thereby In fine clemency becomes a Prince other people are capable of other vertues But the Duke of Alva spake thus to the contrary By so many and so efficacious reasons on the one and on the other side the King was rather confused then confirmed Cardinal Granville adhered to the Duke of Alva and though he appeared to be a bitter enemy to the Flemish yet his long experience in the affairs of that Country gave authority to his very passions On the other side Prince Ruygomez who was greatly in the Kings favour joyned with the Duke of Feria And almost the whole Councel was divided between these two opinions The King did then again waver a little before he put on any resolution But the news of the novelties in Flanders still increasing and particularly those of the violence used to the Churches and of the excess of liberty which the hereticks took in all things else the King thought it was now no longer an act of will but of necessity to send an Army into the Low-Countries and to use force against the Flemish Princes usually when they can commit the execution of affairs to those who have had the greatest share thereof in Councel Therefore the King chose the Duke of Alva to go chief Commander over his Forces which went for Flanders To boot that if there should be any occasion to use them none in Spain was thought to be more able as hath been said in that profession A man rigid both in nature and aspect haughty in
make for our advantage For the most of us having resolved to imbrace the Refoâ—med religion doubtlesly the Queen of England will in that respect much more concur in our defence then will the Duke of Alanson who is a profest Catholick Together with this advantage in matter of Religion we shall also receive from her all other things which we stand most in need of her Kingdom abounds in People nor wants she Mony proportionably How much ought we to esteem her so near and so potent Maritime forces We may by that means expect at all times all manner of Aid in a very few houres and by that means that Country will be joyned to ours as well as if we were both one firm land And how much is England and our Province already joyned in Commerce May not the English-House here in Antwerp be envied by their own hamber of London And if we consider the Form of Government how much more conformable to ours is that of England then that of France For in France the Kingly power may be said to be almost absolute whereas in England it is so limited as in al affair of greatest weight the Princes there can resolve of nothing without the supreme authority of Parliament Which ought to make us expect a much more moderate government certainly from the Queen of England then from the D. of Alanson who hath already too much drunk in the too haughty and Kingly spirits of France This my short comparing of the present condition of these two Kingdoms doth sufficiently discover my opinion touching the business now in hand Yet all private opinions ought to submit to the publike interest And so shal I do when the contrary shal be approv'd of by this most wise Assembly for I have no consideration of any foreign good which is not altogether subordinate to what concerns our selves This discourse wrought very much upon the Deputies But the Lord of St. Aldegonde one of those that was deputed for the Nobility one of the best esteemed amongst all those of the Flemish Union took upon him to defend the contrary opinion And spake thus I wish it had pleased God most worthy Deputies that our calamities had not clearly taught us what the remedy is to free us thereof This remedy consists in having one for our Prince who being amongst us in person may rather with a Fathers then Princes affection imbrace maintain and govern the concernments of these our Provinces as if they were altogether his own And to pass by the more ancient examples let each of us consider what happiness they enjoyed in more modern times 'T is very well known to all how they flourished under the House of Burgony And that out of no other respect but for that the Princes did then of themselves and in their own persons steer the Government and shewing themselves from time to time in almost every of our Provinces did both give and receive such satisfaction as was most to be desired by each in each of them The Government then altered and began to grow worse under the House of Austria nor was it to be otherwise expected by reason of the many States and Nations which fell under the Empire thereof A great bulk cannot long maintain it self and when one part thereof is wrested all the rest are usually out of frame So in States which are too far divided a sunder the good of Government not being able to be joyntly united in them all the most remote must needs suffer therein and afterwards those that are nearest joyned will rescent it But notwithstanding in the times of Maximilian of Philip the first and of Clarls Flanders enjoyed such a share of their own personages and presence as look how much it sometimes suffered by reason of their absence it reaped other whiles as much advantage by their being present And each of them did still retain as well the sence as the bloud of Germany and Flanders Countries both of them almost alike seated and of the same nature The â—ow King being afterwards born in Spain and being become a Spaniard more by will then by birth he resolves to keep there and not to absent himself in any manner from thence What our miseries have been since then and what those in particular which we have suffered through the pride and cruelty of Spanish Governours we may all very well know since we have all too well tryed it Then to conclude as I said at first that the only help for these our Provinces consists in having here a Prince of their own to govern them I confess I cannot see who can be fitter for that purpose then the Duke of Alanson The Dukes of Burgony descended as it is well known to all from the Royal bloud of France then since Fortune presents us again with a new Prince of the same bloud wherefore should not we greedily imbrace the occasion of receiving him would not the very Government be by this means rather continued then any other of a different Form instituted How great a part of our Provinces do yet retain the French tongue and the Customs more then the tongue Are not all the confines of the Walloons and half the Province of Flanders it self called more by the word Gallican then Flemican so as in respect of the conformity of nature 't is clearly seen that the French are much more conformable to us then the English who had never any dominion over us That France is now in great turmoyls cannot be denyed but what better remedy then this can be found out to rid her of them to wit by drawing Alanson himself out of her and with him so many others who at the present do molest that Kingdom In which case it is not to be doubted but that the Duke will abound sufficiently in Forces and that the King his brother will largely maintain them in so just a Cause Every one may clearly see how much better these of France will be then those we should receive from England France doth over-abound with people every where especially in gallant Cavalry The coming from thence into this our Country can receive no impediment neither by the seas nor wind since both their confines by land joyn together And how opportune for us ought their neighbourhood now to be thought since almost the whole Walloon Provinces being re-united to the King of Spain the French Forces will prove very commodious on that side to force that Country to return to their former Union with our other Provinces and to joyn with us in chusing the Duke of Alanson for our Prince For what concerns all the other rubs me thinks they may be easily removed As for the Kings having no children his age is such as may certainly promise enough The mean while the Duke his brother will likewise marry and have sons of his own to succeed him but say that the Duke were to succeed unto the Crown wherefore may not we in such accse oblige
an harquebuse about the reins which made him hasten his retreat At the news here of the Dragoons came in and lighting on foot were of great service to the King in sustaining the fury of the Enemy But almost all of them being slain the King had run the like hazard had not Jury and Lavardine advanced to defend him though they were accompanied but with few of their men for the rest frightned with the news that was given out that the King was either slain or taken prisoner had most of them abandoned the field So as their succour was not sufficient neither for fresh horse of the Leagues coming in the Kings men could not stand this new tempest Jury had his horse kill'd under him and Lavardine was ill hurt The Leagues Vantguard was already all in Arms and the Flying Squadron in particular was ready to move And the Duke du Mayn said unto the Duke of Parma with a loud voyce That such an advantagious occasion was not to be lost That the King of Navar was upon has flight most of his horse full of ruine and terror wherefore what labour would it be to dissipate all the rest That wanting Foot and having rashly run into such straits the King could by no means escape if they would be but as resolute to assault him as it was easie to oppress him 'T is said that the King seeing himself in so great danger made one of his Captains of set purpose be taken prisoner who was to affirm as he did that to boot with the Horse which the King brought with him he was followed by a good body of Foot The Duke of Parma detained by this relation and by his diffidence of being in a Country which he was not acquainted with and with Forces which did not fully depend upon his command would by no means hazard himself further in this conflict fearing some ambush or some other sinister accident which might befall him And he was chiefly perswaded thereunto for that he thought in reason of war it was impossible the King of Navar should with such resolution have exposed himself to such a conflict against the Army of the League unless he were accompanied with a great strength of Foot also Wherefore the King being no further charged the Dukes of Nevers and of Longueville came the mean while in to his aid and affording him sufficient commodity first to get into Aumaile and then to get out of it For it was no place wherein to resist the Leagues Army he put himself quickly into safety He lost a great many of his men in this action and Noble blood was mingled with blood which was more ordinary There were very few of the League that were either slain or hurt This was the Action at Aumaile so considerable especially for that on the one part the King of Navar through too much rashness was wounded and likely to have been taken or slain and for that on the other part the Duke of Parma through too much wariness did not bear away a victory which might have put the King into his hands either dead or alive together with the whole Kingdom The King retreated from Aumaile to Chasteauneufe which was not a considerable place to make resistance But because it mightily imported the King of Navar to entertain the Duke of Parma as much as might be the Baron of Jury seemed ready to tarry there and within it to make what resistance he could To this purpose the King leaving with him such men as were needfull drew off with the rest to have his wound cured and that he might again upon the first design turn to infest the Enemy Fernese being come to Chasteauneufe did so narrowly beset the Town as he took it within four dayes suffering Jury to goe out at the particular instance of the Baron of Shatres who was very near a kin to him Here the Duke staid some dayes longer to provide himself of victuals with part whereof to keep his Army in good plight and to succour the besieged with the rest The Duke having Chasteauneufe continued his march as formerly which was but slow because he would have it sure Wherefore the King being cured returned again to infest him and to use all means of detaining the succour till such time as he might be master of Roan Continual skirmishes were therefore had between the two Camps no great advantage being at any time had on either side save only that in one of them the Count of Saligni was taken prisoner The Leagues Army was now come so near Roan as there remained nothing but to resolve of the manner how they should endeavour to effect the succour In that upper part of Normandy wherein the two Camps now were there is a Peninsula which contains the Country of Caux It is flankt on the one side by the Sene and on the other by the River Diep even to the Sea which incompasseth the greatest part thereof so as there remains but a narrow entrance into it by land between the two Rivers Upon the Sene beneath Roan the King was master as hath been said of Caudebeck and upon Diep he was master of the Town called Diep and of Arques not far from thence The King with almost all his whole Horse was towards this side of the Peninsula as being the neerest part to annoy the Leagues Army having taken those horse from the siege as well because there was no need of them there as for that they might be the better kept in those spacious situations where he was His Horse-quarters were therefore five or sixe leagues distant from where his Foot were puartered about Roan Fernese was the more encouraged by this distance of the King of Navar 's Forces Wherefore rejecting the counsels of some who advised that they should endeavour to steal in some relief into Roan by night he marched with his whole Camp in Battel-array and going towards Pont del Ark at the furthest distance that he could from those places where the Kings horse lay he drew near Roan The resolution which was taken was to march as quietly as they could by night and to come unexpectedly about the break of day to the Enemies trenches and violently to assail them on the outside whereupon the Garrison sallying out from within and the assault being thus doubled and the King by reason of the too far distance not being able to succour his Foot time enough with his Horse it was not doubted but that the Enemy would forsake their Trenches and full of terror raise the siege wholly With this resolution and hope the D. of Parma was ready to march on the 26. of February when a Messenger came who was sent to him and the D. du Mayn with this advertisement from Monsieur de Villiers That the Garrison sallying out at four gates the day before about break of the day they had furiously assaulted the Enemy that great fear and execution had insued thereupon and their
then essential Afterward at several times they by degrees joyned one with another The male Line failed in many of them and Women came to succeed by whose Marriages the States in those Parts began chiefly to increase and together with the strength of the States the prerogative of Princes By this means the house of Burgundy did at last unite those Provinces into one body and govern'd them with such greatness And afterwards the Houseof Austria came to possess and govern them in greater glory The first of this Family on whom the Inheritance fell was Philip the first Son and Successor to Mary the last Princess and Heir of the Burgundian bloud From Philip who dyed in the flowre of his age came Charls and from Charls Philip the second Charls possest Flanders in great quiet but in the first year of Philips succession those Provinces grew into such alteration through divers home-bred and foreign occasions as the mischief creeping in from the very beginning by degrees now in one sort now in another it at last broke forth into open tumults and from tumults into one of the longest and most bitter Wars that hath at any time happened The events of this war is that which I undertake to describe which doubtlesly are the greatest and most famous which can be expos'd to the Worlds Theatre Forty years of continual troubles have past over since the first tumults to the beginning of the Truce for twelve years In which time as also in the times following wherein the Truce being ended Arms were reassumed he who shall consider the successes of this war shall find so many and so illustrious Scenes of various accidents as he shall be compell'd to confess that never any afforded more copious matter of Humane Instructions or that any war more memorable then this was ever written of either in Antient or Modern Histories You shall see Countries of a small circuit contesting with a mighty Monarchy but you shall see them so favour'd by the Arms of Nature by the Sea and Rivers and by Forces from abroad with all possible assistance as it is not to be wondred if they have made so long opposition and if they continue still to make it more vigorously then ever You in their unvanquish'd Rebellion shall see the rage of Heresie against the Church joyned to the like of Subjects against their Prince And Flanders divided within her self miserably to consume by wars caused no less by Religion then by State-Interest and set on fire no less by internal then by external Forces You shall see bloudy battels unheard of sieges dreadfull sackings firings and ruins Successes at Sea which will not yield for cruelty to those by Land and wars carryed with no less Atrocety from the neighbouring Seas of Europe into the most remoted Seas of the Indies Business will sometimes appear amidst Arms and amidst the raging noyse of war the natural desire of peace Yet ruine death and destruction shall be seen to prevail on all sides And it shall appear that on the fatal fields of Flanders as on the Lists of a publick Combat almost all the Nations of Europe have strove and as it were vied to vent forth their anger and malice and with their sword in hand to buckle themselves still more obstinately one against the other These two personages though of almost clean contrary genius and nature were in equal authority and favour with the Flemish Orange was more for Civil then Military affairs wary wise a great Master of speech and no less good at Councel in his fashion and behaviour popular and of whom it was questionable whether his ability was greater in comprehending businesses or his wariness in managing them Rare qualities all of them when they are level'd at right ends but do strangely degenerate when they are made use of as they were afterwards by Orange to ambitious and corrupt designes Egmont on the contrary was more given to studie war then peace of a free nature can did in his thoughts and words popular likewise but rather amongst soldiers in the fields then with the vulgar within walls and in all things else Much apter to win preferment amongst Arms then at Court The Government of the Provinces and Military commands were put into these two mens hands and some others of the chiefest of the Country And though till after the Kings departure thence none of them had any ways opposed the aforesaid Edicts yet it was well enough known that many of them were not well pleased with them and 't was feared that those would make use thereof who under palliated pretences had a mind to disquiet the present Government and introduce some novelties Orange had till then given greatest suspitions thereof for whilst he was in France with Henry the second for one of King Philips hostages in performance of the peace which was concluded in Cambrey between those two Kings the year 1559. he honesting the occasion thereby slipt into Flanders and revealed to his adherents a strong plot which those two Kings had in secret to exterp Heresie And the Nobility of Flanders having spent very much in Charls his time and many of the best of them being but in bad condition therefore the King being to leave Flanders they did in that behalf begin to murmure aloud and very much to complain as if by the Kings perpetual future absence the Dutch were to be deprived of those advantages which they had so largely enjoyed in the time of his Father the Emperour Which might occasion fear that they would endeavour the preservation thereof by exciting of troubles as having but little hopes to effect it by the way of peace Nor were many of the Church-men much better satisfied then were the people and the Nobility by reason of the new erection of Bishopricks which were instituted in the chiefest Cities of the Country which being at first procured by Charls for the better Church-government in Flanders and especially to bridle Heresie were after compleated and constantly continued by Philip. Upon the reason of these new erections it was necessary to suppress many Abbies and Priories And the Bishops being to enjoy the first place in Ecclestastical Orders the Abbots held themselves thereby offended who formerly made the greatest number of Ecclesiasticks and held the chief place at publick meetings To these several distastes in all the three Provincial Orders another was added with the introducing of forainers as Germans and Spaniards into the chief Forts which were formerly Garison'd by people of their own Provinces These and many other passions wherewith the minds of the Flemish were agitated were not unknown to the neighbouring Princes who watched all occasions which might cause commotions in Flanders and were desirous to propagate them And though they were not all of a mind in point of Religion and divers other things yet they all joyned in one end which was to see the greatness of the house of Austria somewhat lesned and especially the
Kingdom and especially in the two Cities of Tourney and Valenciennes On the side of Germany the Hereticks sought in like manner to infect Friesland and all that neighbouring part of the low Countryes within land But the infection was greater which was brought both by Sea and Land into Holland and Zealand by meanes of the commerce which the Cities in the Baltick Sea had in Amsterdam and in Midleburg both of them places of great Traffick as also in many other towns of great Traffick both in Holland and Zealand Great was the commerce of Traffickers likewise into both those Provinces from England And Hereticall Ministers entring on all sides under the profession of Merchants they accompanied their seditious writings with words of mouth yet more seditious reproving the Flemish in particular of their too much remisness and patience in bearing the yoke which as they said was laid upon their consciences That Germany had thrown it off long ago as they might see even against the forces of Charls the fifth that England had now happily done the like and that the reformed Religion made daily great advancements in France that they might then know their own power and how to make use of it that the Regent was a woman wholly in their power Granville a forreiner and hated by the Country that the King was far off and but little hopes of his ever returning thither in person and to what end did the disarmed Authority of the Princes serve but to make them be the more scorned and lesse feared The Heretical Ministers and other Sectaries fill'd the ears and mindes of the Flemish in all parts with these conceits which infused impiety and sedition And in concourse of time it was discovered that Orange held intelligence particularly with the Admirall of France which was contracted upon the occasion he had of entertaining himself in France with Henry the second as one of the hostages of Philip the second in performance of the Peace of Cambray as hath been said and time produced at last that Orange took for his fourth and last wife a daughter of the same Admirals though the Admirall was then dead as shall be said in its due place This correspondency in endeavours between them was easily contracted by the similitude of their natures For both of them were very Ambitious and Fraudulent and did equally endeavour to advance their own private Fortunes by the publike ruine In fine in the opinion of all men the one was born to be the cause of France's misfortunes the other of the calamities of Flanders And both of them by their Tragical ends shewed what punishment is reserved for those who losing all respects either of Lawes or God do erect their Altars here below to Ambition and impiety and to the Idols of other immoderate and blinde Humane passions The Kingdom of France was at this time involved in great troubles Francis the second was dead whom Charls the ninth succeeded at the age of ten years Catherine of Medicis mother to them both retained the chief place in Government in Charls his time as well as she had done in his Brothers who not able to sustain it but by intreaty or prayer was forced to devide it sometimes with the Catholikes sometime with the Hugonots But still in danger of the Ambitious designes which was discovered in both the parties France was never agitated with greater Tempests then these And the Hugonot faction prevailing then continually more in the Kingdom 't is no wonder if the Hereticks took the boldness to foment the evils from that part which were a hatching in Flanders expecting that by the conjuncture of times and actions they might come from secret fomenting to open conspiracy A midst so many forreine Plots and home difficulties the Regent was every day more straitened in matter of Religion On the one side Granville encouraged her to have the Edicts executed one the others side the Governours of the Provinces desired to be excused shewing that the number of the Hereticks was already too great and that in many places the Magistrates themselves were infected with Heresie It was known notwithstanding that they did not what they might have done were it either that they desired some dishonour and shame might redound to Granville from such disorders who had the chief stroke in Government or that the King should be the more inforced to seek for remedy therein by their means They continued their former complaints against Granville and discovered an apparent hatred and scorn of him as was particularly seen upon a certain occasion which was thus At a certain Feast there hapned to be Count Egmont the Marquess of Berghen who was likewise one of the chief Lords of the Country and Governour of Henault and Min Here Montigni Brother to Count Horne and divers other of their Friends where a discourse hapned were it casuall or premeditated upon the Liveries which the Pages and foot-men of the Lords and other chiefest of the Court wore here one of them rising up said Why doe we not all make one and the same Livery which by the similitude of our colours may denote the conformity of our mindes the proposition was instantly entertained and lots being drawn who should chuse the Livery it fell to Egmont and he chose one with a certain Odde Coule or Hood which in Flanders are Buffonelike and are wont to be put on the heads of Fools or Jesters Many others of the Court presently took up this livery and for divers dayes there was no other work done in Brussels The Dutchesse was hereat offended for none doubted but that this habit had relation to the Cardinals habit and that this was done in derision of him Besides it might be feared that this might be the beginning of a league and union within the Court which might soon spread abroad throughout the whole Country to the great prejudice of the King The Dutchess laid this particularly to Egmonts charge who excused it as a thing which had hapned casually and without any intention of offending the Cardinal and much lesse of proving prejudicial to the Kings service They then left off their Coule and took for their common impressa a bundoll of Arrowes tide up together which was an impressa often used in the Kings coyn They would have it beleeved that this signified their joynt union in the Kings service but it was generally thought that this union had for its end the defence of publike Priviledges and their conformable sense to conspire unanimously against Granville nor was it long ere this conspiracie broke forth for people growing still more haughty not being able to discend to dissimulation as neither was the Cardinal on his behalf nor yet to any sort of going lesse especially when he saw himself so bitterly provoked Orange Egmont and Horn together with divers others combined joyntly together against him and these three in particular resolved to write a letter to the King which was to this purpose How
to send a Commander in chief thither with a foreign army They said that the King would find greatest obedience they sought to honest as much as they could the Covenant and the Petition and though they detested the popular insolencies against the Church yet they would make it be believed that it was done out of ignorance or levity but not out of infidelity That therefore the King should come himself in person and that imitating his father and his fore-fathers in his benignity he might expect answerable effects in their obsequiousness from the Flemish The King himself had long nourisht this opinion of his going into Flanders and such a speech was spread abroad in Spain and such was the preparation of ships which were built in Biscay to make that voyage as it was given out as all Europe did firmly believe it and to say truth the aforesaid reasons being well considered it could not be judged but that the King had some such thought but oft-times those councels which are advisedly taken are out of necessity past by The consequences which made against it being therefore put into the contrary scale it appear'd almost impossible for the King to resolve upon such an action And first to keep a long time aloof off from the heart of his Monarchy bore with it those important considerations which were toucht upon in the beginning when it was shewed for what reasons the King resolved to make his residency in Spain And a double fear did still continue as well of the Moors who were spread thoroughout all those Kingdoms as also of some dangerous infectious heresie which might be brought amongst those people But suppose the King had been free of those suspitions how should he have gone into Flanders by sea or by land with or without forces by sea he must depend upon storms and wind and upon the meer will of fortune which useth to make her greatest sports of the most eminent amongst mortals And the King himself not many years before had experienced the danger of sea-voyages in his return from Flanders and had not his own example been sufficient that of his Grandfather Philip was yet very fresh who by the violence of the winds was thrown upon England and detained by force many days in that Kingdom Upon which occasion he notwithstanding received all fair entertainment and Courtly hospitality from Henry the seventh which the King could not exspect from Queen Elizabeth who did rather conspire with his enemies to his prejudice On the other side the journey by land seemed very difficult for the King was of necessity to pass through the Countries of several Princes and would depend with too much danger upon their wills The King of France would peradventure consent that he should pass through his Kingdom and would perhaps have received him with no less friendly demonstrations then King Francis had done the Emperour Charls the fifth but the hereticks wherewith all the parts of that Kingdom were then almost infected would have opposed his journey and would doubtlesly have made the event prove dangerous It remained then that he must land in Italy and afterwards take his way either through Savoy or by the Switzers so to enter into the Country of Burgundy and Lorain and from thence into Flanders On both which parts he was likewise to pass through the Countries of strangers and to coast so near upon France and Germany as he must needs be subject to many sinister accidents which easily might have befaln him These were the difficulties which were taken into consideration if the King were to pass into Flanders either by sea or by land with only his Court attendance But how much greater were to be feared if he should pass with an Army since carrying with him so great a â—ne as the occasion would doubtlesly require all States would be jealous of so great Forces and peradventure would have raised Forces likewise and instead of friends have become enemies lest that which was termed a passage might turn to an oppression Then the Councel of Spain not thinking it fit that the King should go himself in person into Flanders for the aforesaid reasons it remained to see whether it were better to send some warlick Commander thither with an Army or laying aside all asperity endeavour to compose the affairs by fair means The King was much at variance within himself upon this point He was naturally given to love quiet he loved the Flemish and would rather have been beloved then feared by them knowing very well how much securer the Garison is which Princes have in their subjects hearts then those of Citadels or Cities moreover that he might be very uncertain of what the event of his forces would be against a people by nature so fierce so far remote from all the rest of his Dominions and who were invironed on all sides by the Crown of Spains greatest enemies and enviers But on the contrary he saw how little good fair means had done as yet since the authors of the begun disorders had rather been incouraged thereunto then otherwise by too much tolleration and might likely if unpunished grow worse and worse Nor were the Kings Councelless at a stand then the King The Councel of Spain was then full of many eminent personages Amongst the rest Ferdinand de Tolledo Duke of Alva and Gomes de Figheroa Duke of Feria were in great esteem both with the King and Councel Feria chiefly for Civil affairs and Alva for Military actions who was so excellent therein as the first place in the profession of Militia was unquestionably given to him by all Spain These two were of differing opinions Feria thought it better to reduce the Flemish to their duties by fair means and Alva by force Upon a certain day then when the King himself was in Councel to resolve what was to be done in this so important business The Duke of Feria spake thus The cure of an evil most glorious Prince lies chiefly without all question in knowing what it is Cities and Monarchies are born and die grow sick and are cured as humane bodies are so as if diligence be used in the private indispositions of one onely man how much more necessary is it to be used in the publick maladies of whole Kingdoms To provide then for the evils wherewith Flanders is afflicted 't is very necessary first to know their causes And this without all doubt ought chiefly to be attributed to the terror which the Inquisition and the Edicts have infused into that Country The Flemish have apprehended and do apprehend now more then ever to have their consciences violated by such ways and to undergoe all other greater affliction and misery and this it is which hath made them fall at last into so many and so hainous outrages That under which Flanders doth at the present labour is if I may so call it a Frenzie of fear which is fomented by such as are ambitious and turbulent that they
the Scheld fall into the Sea in so large Channels as losing the condition of Rivers they seem to carry new Seas into the Sea on the contrary the Ocean first washing the said two Provinces for a long trackt of ground and turning then as it were from the sea into a River penetrates into each of them by divers Channels and hides it self there in sundry Gulfs From hence joyning with the Rivers and together with them cutting Zealand thorough in many places it makes many Islands thereof and reduceth Holland into a Peninsula To boot with these three forenamed Rivers which are the chiefest of all Flanders there are in Holland divers other lesser ones and as if Art would contend with Nature there are thereunto added an infinite number of Channels cut by hand which are made for the more commodiousness of the Countrie There are within it likewise a great number of Lakes and standing waters so as the situation of both these Provinces being well considered 't is to be questioned whether the space of ground be greater which is won from the earth by water or from water by the earth nor is it less to be disputed whether their Country do more abound with or be more failing in those Commodities which men enjoy in other parts Through the condition of their situation they want both Corn Wine Oyle Wool Wood Hemp Flax and almost all other Commodities and delights which are used in more temperate and drie Climates and yet again there is no Country not only in that Northern nook but not even in any part of Europe which abounds so much as Holland and Zealand doth in almost all the aforenamed things and even of those which are less necessary for the maintenance of humane life So great is the advantage which these two Provinces receive by the Sea and Rivers whereby their Commerce with all other parts is so easie Which since they have introduced and made so familiar in the Indies it cannot be said how much both Merchandise and Merchants are increased in both of them Hence it is that they abound so much in Inhabitants and that their Cities Towns and Villages are so well peopled But the Sea likewise is as full of Ships and other bottoms and all their watry places with other sorts of boats which serve all for habitations especially to Mariners and Fishers Great is the number of people which apply themselves to these two vocations in Holland and in Zealand They make houses of their ships and of their houses schools Here they are born here they are bred up and here they learn their profession And the Mariners especially practising their Calling in running so oft and so boldly from the one Pole to the other and whethersoever the Sun communicates it self to mortals they grow so expert therein as though they may be equalled yet cannot they be out-done in this Seafering mysterie by any whatsoever Nation For what remains these people are generally given to Traffick and are extraordinary industrious in Manual and Mechanical Arts. Their greatest delight lies in their feasts and at their meat by which they temper the melancholy of their tedious Winters which are rather long then sharp the Country abounding much more in rain then in frost They are generally well shaped in body as candid in nature as in countenance pleasant in their leasure times but fierce in their revolts and much better at fighting by sea then by land They feed most upon fish and white-meats wherein their Country doth infinitely abound They have alwaies been inclin'd to a Free Government and have ever tenaciously held their antient Customes And since Heresie began to creep in amongst them turning their Liberty by degrees into licentiousness it hath since been easier for the Authors of the late Novelties to make them rise and forgoe their former obedience to the Church and King Holland is full of great Cities good Towns and infinite in Villages But by reason of the frequency of Foreigners and multitude of self-Inhabitants Amsterdam hath always been the chief City of that Province Even whilst Commerce flourisht in Antwerp great was the concourse of Foreigners to Amsterdam but Commerce failing in that City by reason of the War it is so mightily increased in this other as Amsterdam is at this hour the place of greatest Merchandising not only in Holland but in all the North. In Zealand Midleburg is the Town best peopled and of greatest Traffick That Province cannot notwithstanding come any thing near Holland neither in circuit people nor plenty 'T is almost impossible to enter either of these Provinces by force because not only the chief places but even the commonest Towns are Invironed either by the Sea Rivers or Lakes or by Earth then which there can be none more low nor more myery So as it is no wonder if these People being thus favoured by Nature were both so fierce in taking up Arms at first and have with like animosity maintained them ever since But to return to where I left As soon as Lumay was received into the Brill he presently began to fortifie himself judging that without delay the Duke of Alva would send to drive him from thence He openly profest Heresie wherewith that Town was likewise much infected so as great violence and impiety was at first committed against Church-men and sacred things The news of this flew suddenly round about and the Duke of Alva was soon advertised thereof by Maximilian Count de Bossu Governour of Holland The Duke was mightily troubled hereat He knew what practises there were in Germany France and England to cause new troubles in Flanders and that the nearest and greatest danger lay on the Maritine side of the Country He therefore ordered Bossu to draw out so many men out of the neighbouring Garisons with all possible speed as would suffice not only to recover the Brill but to drive Lumay out of that Island To this purpose Fernando de Tolledo marched thitherward with part of his men which lay nearest and went to Roterdam one of the greatest and most Merchandizing Towns in all Holland 't is seated upon the Roter a little River from whence it takes its name and almost where it falls into the Mause which inlargeth itself there very much The Kings Forces passing from thence met with Bossu in Waldargin a Town situated likewise upon the same stream of the Mause not far from the Bril and hence they were conveyed in Barks into the Island But Lumay being first advertised of their advancing Bossu met with such impediments in effecting this enterprise as he was inforced and that not without great difficulty to turn back and all those people were already manifestly inclined to rise through an opinion which was every where received and by the Hereticks cunningly spread abroad that the Kings souldiers went to gather the imposed taxes by force When the Spaniards were come out of the Bril Island they return'd again to Roterdam where they found
60 Forts built round about it whereby almost all possibility of relieving it was taken away The Leydenists this mean while were not wanting on their parts in preparing for defence And judging that the Reyalists intended rather to take the Town by Famine then by the sword they thought it not convenient to receive many foregin Souldiers into the City as well the longer to preserve their victuais as for that they hoped they had men enough of their own to maintain and defend it There hapned therefore but few skirmishes on either side though those within fallied out sometimes to keep the Kings men as far off the City as they might and especially on those sides where they found greater disturbance or danger by the Assailants approach who amongst the rest had raised one Fort which they called Lamsfort and which was nearest Leyden The Ley denists sound themselves much incommodiated by this Fort for it troubled divers of their pasture grounds wherein they fed much Cattel and put the City into other great straits Provoked therefore by anger and inforced by necessity they fallied out one day against those that kept it and assaulted it with such resolution as it was long doubtful which side had the better But at last the Royalists prevailed and the Fort continued still in their possession which they fortified better then before that they might not any more fear the loss thereof nor those within hope to get it The Leydenists cooled not notwithstanding in their making resistance But fearing by reason of the Royalists still nearer approach unto the City that they would hasten the end of the Siege also by an Assault they omitted not to provide for all things necessary upon such an occasion They wrought upon the walls night and day the women wrought as well as the men every one lessened their own victuals to furnish the publike longer therewithall And they encouraged each other on all sides to maintain the defence concluding that it was better to suffer any how hard conditions soever and even death it self then to undergoe such punishments as they had not long before seen inflicted upon the Harlemists John Douza a famous Latine Poet in those dayes very nobly born and of other high deserts had the chief government of the affairs of the City He failed not in acting his part well he still encouraged the Leydenists and fed them with hopes that the other Cities would speedily joyn with them and relieve them In confirmation of this sometimes Letters sometimes Messages came from without and some News was cunningly raised within the Town it self Though it were very true that Orange and the rest of the Rebels in that Province labour'd nothing more then how to keep a place of such consequence still at their devotion 'T was now the month of August and the Leydenists began already to suffer want of victuals Therefore the States of the Country met to treat of so weighty a business and to find out some way whereby the City might be relieved And this affair began to be mightily canvest The Deputies differ'd in their opinions Some thought that the Town might be easeliest got into by making a gallant assault by Land others held it might better be relieved by some River or Channel but the greatest part concluded that there was small hopes of doing it either one way or other the Kings men having so strongly fortified themselves every where Lewis Boisot Admiral of Holland chanced to be at this meeting A man very expert in maritime affairs of a manlike spirit and good at execution and one who was very well esteemed of over all the Province He whilst they were hottest in the variety of their opinions stept forth to propound his and began to speak thus I wish that our own misfortunes did not too deplorably teach us how perverse the fury of the Sea proves sometimes to our Countries Who sees not how we are daily inforst to oppose our industry to the threats thereof Nor hath our mountainous banks been sufficient so to curb the tempest of her waves but that some time sâ—e hath swallowed up whole Islands on some sides and caused miserable and unbeard of ruines in other parts Wee are now to seeke for remedy in this our present necessitie from these evills which doe so often afflict us Let Nature worke the some effect to day for our good which she useth upon so many other occasions to doe for our hurt And by those weapons wherewith she makes war against us let us by her example make war upon our enemies Every one knows that at the two Equinoxials of the year the Ocean swels extraordinary high upon our Coasts and by the season of the year we are shortly to expect the effects thereof My Councel shall therefore be that we may immediately at the high tides begin to let the waters loose into the neighbouring grounds of Leyden greater tides will hereafter follow And thus turning the siege upon the Besiegers we may hope to destroy our enemies within their own works and at the same time to free the City from all danger It may be thought impossible to relieve it by land or by the ordinary way of channels and rivers whereas by the way which I have prescribed we may believe that our enterprise will be smiled on by success It will be in our power to let in the Inundation where we please We shall see the enemy strangely astonished and confused between the shame of abandoning the siege and the horror of continuing it But being forced at last to fly we shall see our own weapons and those of nature conspire together in slaughtering them on all sides and shall see that punishment justly transfer'd on them which they with open violence prepared for the innocent The Country which shall be drowned will doubtlesly be some what indamaged thereby but who would not bear with such an inconvenience whereby their Country shall receive so great a benefit On the contrary whose hair will not stand on end to think that after the loss of Harlem and of Leyden all the whole Province will shortly remain at the cruel will of the Spaniards we must sometimes be wicked to be good How oft do we cut off some one member for the welfare and safeguard of the rest of the body yet this evil will not prove finally so great but that it will in time be paid with great usury Some worldly actions prove so memorable as they strike envy dumb and add new tongues to fame This of ours will certainly be such and will be every where highly celebrated I who so boldly give the advice do as confidently pronounce the augury and hope that the event will crown both of them with fortunate success At the hearing of so strange a proposition the Deputies were much confused whether they should accept of it or reject it But it is oft times seen that need passing into necessity necessity passeth luckily into desparation And
more great then usual for the heads of all Trades and all those who bore any Office amongst the People were then present he spake thus Since we that are here most worthy Citizens represent the whole body of the City and that through your goodness I enjoy the prime place amongst you I conceive it belongs properly to me to propound unto you that wherein the publike service in these present occurrences is most concern'd We are besieged round doubtlesly a sad spectacle the inconveniences being great which must be suffered within besieged wals It is no wonder therefore if many amongst us doe already wisely foresee this sort of evil and fear it But then we must be wary lest through too much apprehension and fear of the necessity which those that are besieged must undergo we forget not the mischiefs which so cruelly doe oft-times befall those who surrender We have seen two memorable Sieges these late years past in Holland the out of Harlem the other of Leiden The Harlemists would at last yield and rather then to come to the last desperate resolutions try the humanity and clemencie of the Conquerors But how much did they repent it afterwards and doubtlesly they had better have sallied out and with their swords in hand have willingly incountred their own deaths then to die as many of them afterwards did suffering such barbarous and horrid punishments On the contrary those of Leyden resolving rather to dye then surrender the Town did so maintain it though reduced to the utmost extremity of difficulties as at last they were freed from that so cruel siege by that so miraculous succour Which of these two examples shall we follow I believe it will be soon resolved Who can doubt that it is not better to under go not one but a thousand deaths rather then to fall again under the cruel proud and unsupportable Spanish yoke The Countrey groans every where through the so many horrible calamities which it yet suffers thereby But especially for the loss of so much famous bloud Where are the Egmonts Where the Horns Where so many of the Nobility of all sorts Finally where is our glorious Orange that true Father of his Country that unconquerable defender of the Liberties thereof It is no ways to be doubted but that as the first blow came from the hand of a Spaniard whereby he had then almost lost his life so did the second likewise from Spanish orders which brought him so miserably to his end If this our City shall ever prove so unfortunate which God forbid as to fall into their hands what doe you think their first actions will be They will certainly put the Citadel into its former condition which is as much as to say they will put the former insupportable yoke upon us To these and many other violences which they will use upon our persons we shall suddenly have many no less intolerable put upon our consciences The Reformed religion will be forbidden the very first day and the Inquisition will soon after be brought in And thus Antwerp being no longer a Flemish City but a Spanish Colony all Foreigners will forsake it all Traffick will decay and it will finally be intombed like an unhappy Carkass under its own desolate and decaying wals But let us talk no more thus dejectedly Let good auguries prevail And very well they may doe so if we consider the condition of the Enemies siege It is in vain to think that they will ever be able to finish the Bridg or to maintain it when it shall be finished The River it self will oppose them the flowing and reflowing of the Tide will oppose them our Ships will continually oppose them on all sides the Winter with her ice will fight against the Bridg nor will there be wanting many other inventions to discompose and break it down and leave that passage always free unto us And how much more easily may we open their Counterdike On Lillo's side our men have already begun to drown the neighbouring fields We will doe the like on Ordams side towards the City And the Counterdike being inclosed round between these two inundations and between our two Fleets it must of necessity either be born down by the water at the highest tides or being so often assailed by us we may cut it destroy it and freely receive all assistance likewise on that side In which case when we shall have commodity of being succour'd the Enemies can have no hopes in the continuation of their siege This mean while the Forces of our Confederates will still the more unite they will be accompanied with aids from France but chiefly with those which we may in greater numbers and with much more ease receive from England And having so many Forces both by land and sea why shall we not hope to see Antwerp restored to her full and entire liberty and to her former happy condition Let us then most honoured Citizens return all joyfully to our own homes And being to encourage others let us first take courage our selves But let us return always with an immutable resolution of rather perishing let our condition be what it will then of surrendring In fine Or Liberty or Death Thus ended stout Aldegonde Nor can it be said what power this and his other discourses had alwayes with the Antwerpians in making them receive his advices By his perswasion a new form of Oath was composed by which the City obliged it self never to return to the obedience of the King of Spain And an Edict was likewise published wherein it was prohibited under severe punishment for any one to listen to any whatsoever agreement which should at any time be propounded on the Kings behalf They then applied themselves with great fervencie to withstand the Siege Great care was had in the delivering out of victuals Such Citizens as were fit to bear Arms were put under Colours and disposed of in several Companies each of them having a Commander given them But above all things they betook themselves by all possible means to hinder the building of the Bridg and the defence of the Counterdike To boot with the Men of War which annoyed the Bridg they ordered some artificial Fire-boats whereby to assault indammage and utterly destroy the Bridg if it were possible And because the Kings Forts which were upon the River banks did very much hinder any thing that could be done by the Enemies ships the Antwerpians bethought themselves of building a Ship of such a vast greatness as being too good for the Kings Forts and furiously playing upon them with Cannon shot the absolute command of the River might by means thereof remain unto the City It was to be of a bulk answerable to a manageable Castle in the water And the Antwerpians confiding mainly therein and falling to work thereupon they gave it a no less vast title then was the bulk calling it The Wars End They ordered likewise all things which were necessary for the
manner as it will be too hard a matter for any Foreign Nation to land there much more hard to keep there when they are landed That Kingdom is inclosed and fortified on all sides by the Sea the Havens there are but few and any Fleet may be easily kept from entring thereinto The English yield not to any Nation of the world for skill in maritime affairs and their maretime Forces together with those that will be added to them by Holland and Zealand may without doubt oppose whatsoever Fleet Spain can set forth at least by way of defence But say that our men were landed in the Kingdom how can we hope to establish them there Usually in the making of Conquests some internal disposition is required and there is a continual necessity of external aids to maintain them There can no safe correspondencie be hoped for from the English it being a Nation which will suffer no other Government then its own And succours from elswhere will be so hard to be effected so expensive and so uncertain as the Forces of Spain which are already so distracted will never be able to supply them Hath not your Majesty experience by your marriage with Queen Mary how much the English doe hate all manner of Foreigners and how contrary all the Laws of the Kingdom are there unto Is not the Rebellion of Flanders sufficient to let out the best blood of Spain without adding thereunto that which you shall suddenly see arise in England Then since there is so little hope of any good success in this affair methinks it were better to let it alone and so to resent the wrongs done unto you by the Queen as fighting with her at her own weapons not to come to open war upon her States If war shall be made and the design not succeed how much more will she oppress the Catholicks of England and of Ireland How will she foment the troubles in Flanders nourishing still her own desire of usurping the government thereof And how much more justly shall she plot all manner of mischief with the Hollanders and Zealanders to the Crown of Spain in the Indies and in all other parts So as by this enterprise no glory or advantage will redound to your Majesty but shame and loss Let your Majesty therefore bend all your might to end the Rebellion of Flanders The Duke of Parma's Army being reinforced by Land and the Provinces of Holland and Zealand being set upon by Sea with the same Forces which would be imployed against England your Majesty may safely believe to see that Rebellion subdued and the Church restored to its former right as also your Royal Crown If in the mean while the Queen of England shall continue to aggravate her offences yet more against your Majesty then may you resent your self against her in open war with more expedition more advantage and more happy success The former success will doubtlesly very much help the other where as on the contrary if the design of assaulting England misgive as it is to be feared it will for my part I fear and I wish my fears may prove false the Rebellion of Flanders will never have an end The Duke of Parma being desired to signifie his mind in this point seemed to incline to this second opinion And howsoever if the business concerning England were to precede he said that some Port or Haven in Zealand was first to be won and this out of two very important reasons The one that upon any occasion the Spanish Fleet might have some safe and near refuge and the other that the Kings Havens in the Province of Flanders might not be hindred by the Hollanders and Zealanders in the Duke of Parma's transporting his Army into England The King staggering between these two opinions was a while in dispute with himself which of them to follow But in fine it appeared that the securing of England did so absolutely draw with it the putting an end to the Rebellion of Flanders as it was resolved in Spain to make all the speed and all the greatest preparations that might be for the execution of this enterprise The King was afterwards the more encouraged herein by the disposition he found in the Pope not only of approving but of favouring the design Sixtus Quintus was then Pope who appeared very zealous in maintaining the universal cause of the Church In the particular of England he considered what had befaln in the time of Pius Quintus by whom he had been made Cardinal When Pope Pius found that the Queen of England grew still more perverse in prosecuting the Catholicks and to doe all ill to Religion both at home and abroad he at last published an Apostolical Bull wherein was contained such punishments against her as the Church in like cases had alwayes wont to inflict But instead of being thereby bettered the Queen grew more cruel and impious Nothing was seen or heard of in that Kingdom but a perpetual irremissible fury against Catholicks some were banisht others imprisoned others deprived of their goods together with their Country and many bereft both of goods and life The Priests were chiefly persecuted and Heresie triumphing over their punishments and to see their Ministery already wholly routed out 't was thought the Queen intended fully to extinguish all the remainder of Catholick Religion and all the footsteps of that Piety which for so many Ages had so exceedingly flourisht there Nor was her hatred towards the Church bounded within her own Dominions it was known how greatly and how continually she fomented the Heretical factions of Germany France and Flanders to nourish troubles there and particularly to beat down the Catholick religion by her means likewise Scotland was greatly subverted and her beheading of the Queen of Scots who had been alwayes very zealous in the Catholick cause was generally detested by all the Catholick Princes of Europe and in particular had caused much horror in the Pope Wherefore joyning this with many other actions whereby the Queen did so cruelly afflict the Church and disturb the publike peace almost every where he considered he was not to let slip the occasion now presented of favouring the King of Spains aforesaid enterprise thereby to advantage the Catholike cause universally over all Europe and particularly in England and Ireland To this purpose he thought it fit to make a Subject of England Cardinal and this was Doctor Allen who was one of the antientest and most qualified Ecclesiasticks both for learning wisdom and goodness of all those of that Nation that were abroad Allen was then at Rome and the Popes intention was to send him into Flanders and then into England in case the design should succeed there to exercise such Ministerial duties as should upon such an occasion be most needfull for the service of the Church and particularly for those Catholicks The Pope being thus minded the King applied himself with all fervencie to the business and to make very
sentence and for the most part the justice of the cause gives the victory It imports but little then whether their ends be sincere or fradulent in case of agreement for then they cannot oppress us by their forces We must above all things endeavour to secure our selves from this danger which necessarily consists in one of two remedies either in continuing the war out of hope that their necessity will daily grow greater or else in ending it by some accommodation after which our affairs might be better secured And from hence I come to the second point I deny not but that their present disorders and necessities are great but I cannot think them past remedy so far but that if the war in ure the Spaniards may finde sufficient Forces to do it I for 〈◊〉 own part finde the Monarchy of Spain to be the same thing that it hath alwaies 〈◊〉 during the whole course of this war nay rather increased in this interim by the addition of the Kingdom of Portugal and of the East-Indies which depend thereupon I finde it to be very strong both at land and sea Where hath the formidableness of their forces been better seen then here in Flanders What other power hath at any time maintained so long so far distant so hard and so expensive a war And shall we believe that the Spaniards cannot still maintain it And that they are not likely to finde a remedy for their disorders in these parts and for any hazard they may run in the East-Indies The very necessity of making war will doubtlessly furnish them with means enough to continue it So then we are again engaged in war in a new and more obstinate war then the former and what security can we have that fortune will alwaies favour us We have likewise our necessities and if they be at present great amongst the Spaniaads remember I pray you that they have been greater amongst us and that all humane things being subject to alteration and the events of war usually very uncertain the time may prove propitions again to them and averse to us Do not we know how much our war depends upon the aids from France and England May not the King of France die Is he not already very old May not the Kingdom afterwards alter And shall we not then be deprived of all succour from thence Do not we likewise know upon what fickle terms the affairs of England stand The King being a Scotch-man a stranger in that Kingdom and there being many other occasions which may cause some fear of alteration on his side How much would the affairs of Spain be bettered by any of these accidents How much worse would ours be We ought then to be taught by all reason and by all the rules of good Government not to let slip this happy conjuncture of coming to some good agreement with the Spaniards Fortune is flitting inconstant disdainful and exceeding apt to be provoked 'T is now the time to know how to lay hold of her So as my opinion is that by all means we ought to accept of this ratification come from Spain and proceed on to some Treaty of agreement I confess it is not alwaies in the power of man to enjoy the happiness of peace but I verily bel eve it is now in our power to shun the dangers of war which in my opinion ought by all means to be indeavoured and certainly we may hope for great advantages from the Spaniards by this accommodation which they do so much desire to make with these our Provinces in this their present necessity As all Pilots prefix the haven for their end all Travellers their Country and all motion rest so all war hath peace for its end wherein consists means chiefest happiness and shall the wa◠of Flanders be the onely thing which shall never have an end And shall all our most advantagious successes depend alwaies upon the so uncertain event of war We shall be free from the uncertainties and from so many dangers which troubles brings with them by reducing our selves at last to a quiet condition we shall then much better re-order the Government of every of our particular Provinces and of the intire body of the union when we shall be in a quiet condition This our Common-wealth will then break forth from out the duskishness and horror of arms which how wounderful a sight will it be and what unaccustomed praises will it produce in the Theatre of the Universe When it shall be seen how our Provinces do unite themselves in one body with what sort of Lawes and Magistracy they conspire together how unwounded the Liberties of each of them remain and how uninjured it passeth through every one of them as through so many veins to the intire body of their general Union We shall have Ambassadors sent to congratulate with us from all parts who will return rather envying then rejoycing at this our so great felicity We shall pay the debts we have contracted abroad we shall ease our selves of those we have here amongst our selves and we shall enrich our treasury by taking off so many and so grievous expences our people shall then know that they are truly free when they shall enjoy liberty without any contestation and being once got into such a condition what need we fear to be at any time reduced under the yoak of that proud cruel and tyrannical Spanish Government Barnevelt was listned unto with much attention and the reasons alledged by him appeared to be so weighty and wisely grounded as after some other consultations it was at last resolved on by the States General that they would accept of the ratification yet there was much ado before Zealand could be brought to joyn in this Vote so absolute Authority had Count Maurice in that Province whereof he was not onely Governour but had a great estate there and enjoyed such prerogatives as he appeared rather to be Prince then Governor of that Country The Arch-dukes were then acquainted with this the States Generals resolution and 't was almost in the same words which were used in the answer which was first given to the Commissary and Verreychin when they brought the ratification into Holland And because the term for suspension of Arms was already expired it was by both sides prorogued and continued to be so from time to time in new terms till the end of the Treaty which was after concluded I thought good to insert this in this place to shun the tedious repetition of the same things sundry times Now all the eyes of Flanders were fixt upon that Deputies the Arch-dukes would chose to send according to the first agreement into Holland The greatest weight of the Spanish affairs which were agitated in Flanders lay upon the Marquess Spinola Camp-master-general of the Army and upon Manchichidor the Spanish Secretary of War and as for the Arch-dukes business John Richardotto President of the Privy Councel and Verreychin so often named before
by the Duke to conduct it who was Governour of the Castle of Antwerp and greatly esteemed of by him The Tumultuaries hearing of these preparations they likewise endeavoured by all the power they could to impede the effect thereof They fortified those places where they thought the Spaniards were likeliest to land and with all diligence increased their Forces at Sea intending to incounter and break the Fleet which was to bring the succour Avila began to move about the end of April and had with him 500 choise Spanish foot under the Captains Osorio d' Angulo Gonsalvo d' Ovalla Fernando d' Aguasco Inico de Mediniglia and Joavinni d' Avola To these Spaniards were added as many Walloons all of them also old Souldiers under the Signiors de Liques and de Glimus and Captain Torres And to these were afterward added a good many of Reformado-Officers and other people of quality especially of the Spanish Nation who desired rather to serve as Voluntiers then to take pay upon so hard service Avila went down the Scheld at a low ebb that he might make use of the next flowing water and drew his men towards the lower part of the channel which washes the Island of Walcherin He would have landed his men there because the fuccour would have been neerer from thence Middleburgh lying on that side But he found the Enemy so well fortified in that place as he resolved to go to the opposite place which looks upon the sea A plain situation and of all others furthest remote from the City and where the Enemy by reason of these difficulties did not expect that they should endeavour to land In evils which may happen nothing is worse then not to fear Nothing is more usually seen in war then the insuing of damage where danger was least looked for Avila being arrived on that shore found no impediment in landing his men save only that they must wade a little way through the water before they could come to the land Watching the Enemies proceedings from thence he was informed that they were in no very good order especially toward that place where he and his men had landed as least apprehended The Kings men were greatly hereby encouraged And Avila to make them be so the more spake thus unto them My fellow-souldiers The worst is over now that we are landed and off the sea where the Enemy might have beaten us by power and also by fortune On land all the advantages will make for us We shall not fight here one ship-board flying from another nor will the wind be it propitious or contrary have any share here but the victory or loss will lie in our arms and military valour Which of us can then doubt but that at our first appearance the Enemies are likelier to betake themselves to their heels then to put themselves in order We are for certain fewer then they but 't is not only numbers that fight nor are victories had by unexperienced men And what more contemptible people can be found then those whom we are now to assail Mariners and fisher-men for the most part who are not acquainted so much as with the name of Arms who have tumultuously taken them up and will in like manner lay them down Perfidious to the King and more to God and who by very divine justice are now delivered up into our hands to the end that without any delay they may receive punishment according to their demerit They have with them some Heretick foreign Souldiers but almost all of them vagabonds abject people who in war look after nothing but pillage and understand nothing but rapiue On the contrary who is he in this our so antient Militia who hath not either seen or done some egregious action which of us have not seen our late victories abroad against those very Chieftains who now foment these present rebellions here within us Let us resolve then to overcome before we fight For I presage as much The Rebels doe not look for us on this side so as we shall be upon them at unawares The besieged will at the same time sally out upon them we shall fill their Camp with blood slaughter and runawayes And so by succouring one onely City we shall soon see the whole Iland set at liberty This speech being ended Avila began to march And advancing himself and Liques with some Spaniards and Walloons the better to discern what the Enemy was doing they found that there was no appearance of any opposition on that side Then calling up the rest they went resolutely to assault the Enemy Nor did Avila's presage prove false For they forsaking their Trenches which were either ill made or ill guarded on that side thought rather how to ran away then how to fight At the same time the Kings souldiers sallied out of the City so as the Enemy being inclosed on both sides many of them were slain and the rest in great confusion scattered here and there abroad Thus was Middleburg freed and Ramua was suddenly regained and some of the Enemies ships were there taken which Avila made use of the better to secure the Haven and moreover he fortified the Town where it was most needfull Whilst he was thus victorious he would have endeavoured the recovery of Flushing But the Town being munited and at all times succorable and he having but a few men with him he could not doe it The Duke of Alva sent for him back to know the better from him by word of mouth what was best to be done to establish the affairs of Holland and Zealand so as might make most for the Kings service But he was no sooner come then the Duke heard of another novelty of great consequence which had hapned neer the Frontiers of France Upon that Confine stands the Town of Valentiennes which was the first Town that did rebell in the Dutchess of Parma's time as was then shewn It is one of the best peopled and most Merchant-like Town of all those parts and holds great correspondencie in traffick with the neighbouring Provinces of France Notwithstanding the punishment which was inflicted upon the first Tumultuaries there were yet many Hereticks in it who still held continual practises with the French Hugonots The Duke had already begun to build a Citadel in this Town as hath been said it being subject to suspition both by its situation and condition of Inhabitants And the Citadel was by this time in a good forwardness but it was not as yet made wholly tenable nor yet provided of a sufficient Garrison This conjuncture of time being by the Hugonots observed Monsieur de Fama entred the Town on the 15. of May with 400 men He presently ran to the Town-house and possessing himself of the most commodious places to annoy the Citadel he prepared with some Artillery and some other provisions to besiege it The Duke was beyond measure moved at this disorder both in regard of it self and for fear lest others the
then meet withall which should be sent by Sea from Spain to Flanders Which succours were to be esteemed the speediest and most profitable the others-which were to be expected by land being so far off and so chargeable to convoy that Orange had long governd both those Provinces having great store of wealth and adherents in them that therefore it was to be believed that out of so many considerations of his own advantage he would indeavour to lay the chief seat of the Rebellion there That therefore the Frontiers towards Germany and France being secured the best that might be they were presently to turn with all their forces toward Holland and Zealand That from thence the chiefest head of this new Hydra arose And that it was not to be doubted but that the hardest difficulty being once overcome the rest would afterwards prove much more easie This opinion of Vitelli was grounded upon very solid reasons But amongst others Norchermes was rather of a different then of a repugnant mind He was held to be the ablest souldier of all those Provinces He was Governor of Hennault and therefore adding his own privat ends to the publick considerations he propounded the recovery of Mons in the first place He said That that City might be recovered by a short siege and also all the designes which Orange and the Hugonots could have upon those Frontiers of Germany and France be easily broken That turning the Kings Forces suddenly from thence upon Holland and Zealand they might be there time enough to allay the Rebellion which was there begun Nor was this resolution to be taken so much out of conveniency as out of necessity That the loss of Mons was of too great importance That by the opportunity of its situation the Enemy might make it very strong and make it as it were a Piazzad Armi from whence they might infest the whole Countrie of Walloon and also the two neighbouring Provinces of Brabant and Flanders which were the two largest and most opulent Provinces of all the Low-Countries And how could they be sure but that so many Forces of the Enemy might make further progress in those Frontiers That it was not possible to furnish all the Kings Towns in those parts with all things necessary And though the chiefest should make resistance doubtlesly the weaker would not be able to do it which notwithstanding being quickly fortified by the Enemy would make way for their further entrance on other sides into the Kings Provinces How much would they then molest the Countrie every where and what other commodities would they there receive whereby to maintain themselves the Towns would then be burnt on all sides the fields fill'd with amazement the Inhabitants with horror and to boot with the prejudice the Kings affairs should suffer how much should he thereby suffer in his honour In my opinion then we must in the first place recover what is lost and seek to prevent other greater losses which our Enemies may occasion unto us in our Frontiers upon Germany and France This being done all the Kings Forces may the easilier march to the reducing of Holland and Zealand to their former obedience One success will bring on another and we ought to expect as good successe in the second as we have reason to hope for in the first The Duke was of this opinion He thought he should be able to settle the Kings affairs so soon in one place as he might have time enough to secure them on the other To the which he was the more incited out of a desire not to permit the French to nestle so much as any one minute in Flanders And no less out of the bitter hatred which he and the Prince of Orange bore each to other as well for privat as publick respects as hath been said He therefore desired to oppose him as soon as might be and to drive him now again out of the Countrie more shamefully then he had done before The business of Mons being then resolved on he forthwith dispatcht away some Troops of horse thitherward to hinder the coming of any others thither from France and sent afterwards his son Frederick de Tolledo thither with 4000 foot and 800 horse accompanied by Vitelli and Norchermes Towards the end of June these people appeared within sight of the City and possessing themselves of the fittest places round about it did as it were besiege it at a large distance The City of Mons receives its name from its situation which in that Language signifies a Mountain or Hill but the rise of the earth is there so gentle as it cannot well be said to be mountainous 'T is a very Noble City as well for the concourse of people as for Commerce it hath many good houses in it and there sits the Kings Councel which administers Justice to the Countrie all which Prerogatives gives it the precedency over all other Towns of that Province It commands large and spacious fields round about it which may be questioned whether they abound more in Pasture or Tillage Nor is the Territory thereof less rich in Woods nor generally indeed all the rest of the Province The City is stronger by natural situation then by manual industry It is cut thorough on the lower side by a little rivolet called Trulla which as soon as it goes out of it fals into another somewhat bigger called Hayne which crossing through the Province before it be gotten quite out fals likewise into the Scheld The besieged this mean while sought only how to furnish themselves with victuals which they were not well provided of The Harvest was then ripe wherefore they determined to make a stout sally thereby to afford leasure for the cutting down of the nearest Corn and for the bringing of it into the City The Kings men were not backwards in opposing them so as a very fierce skirmish insued But fresh succours coming still into the latter the defendants were forc'd at last to retreat and Vitelli as he was pursuing them was shot with a musquet in the leg Genlis was not this mean while idle on the French behalf he had with very great diligence gathered together a considerable strength of horse and foot wherewith he marched speedily to relieve the besieged The Province of Hennault looks towards the South on Champania and Picardy in France so as the speediest and easiest succour was hoped for from thence Genlis his designe was to draw so near Mons as that he might put thereinto a good number of soldiers and then to go himself with the rest of his Forces and joyn with the Prince of Orange The Admiral Coligni who was the principal Architecture of all the plots hatched by the Hugonots as well within France as out of it had exhorted him to goe immediately to find out Orange Count Lodovick had signified the like unto him from Mons both of them being of opinion that the body of the Army conducted by Orange being rendred so
A moneths space past over therefore before the Kings men did any thing of consideration concerning the siege In which interim the Harlemites received a succour of 800 French and Walloon Foot who had been at the defence of Mons led on by Signior di Serras together with good store of ammunition and victuals The enemy grew so proud upon this success as becomeing rather insolent then audacious they appeared openly upon the walls jeering and scoffing at the Spaniards And joyning impiety to their insolence they caused themselves to be seen in usual places as it were in Procession with Priests and Friars habits upon them with Mitres and other Church-accoutrments contending who could best express their hatred to the Spanish Nation or their derision to the Church and Catholick religion And this their heretical frensie grew to that height as exposing in that wicked Scene the sacred Images and chiefly such as were most frequented in the Churches they made them a mark to be shot at and finally cut them all to peeces with their swords This mean while the Kings men when they had made necessary provisions desirous to redeem the time they had lost they betook themselves with all fervencie to the siege intending notwithstanding to pursue it not with immature assaults but with well ordered patience Whereupon opening their Trenches they diligently pursued them The Battery followed which they made not in the former place but placed it against the Curtain which ran between the Gate de la Croce and that of Sil which lay nearest the Camp on the right hand They made a great breach therein and yet those within did so well repair it as they without thought it not yet fit to fall to an assault And because the Curtain was too well fenced by the aforesaid Ravelin therefore 't was thought absolutely necessary to bereave the Defendants of so great an advantage Leaving then the Battery for a while they came in a short time to the entrance of the Ditch here their whole endeavour was against the Ravelin For going the longest way about but yet the most secure they would advance by degrees with the pick-axe spade and mines and thus drive the enemy from thence At last they made themselves masters of it but with no less expence of blood then of time such valour did they within shew and plaid so often their parts rather of Assaulters then Assaulted The Harlemists lost not their courage though they had lost their Ravelin But their diligence increasing answerable to their danger they ran suddenly from every place women as well as men to fortifie the gate de la Croce which the Ravelin being lost lay altogether open They did the like to the Curtain which was already battered and which ran as hath been said toward the gate Sill. And fearing lest the Kings men should play likewise upon the other Curtain on the left hand which joyned with the next gate called S. Johns gate they fell industrionsly to repair that side also not omitting any labour either in making of Ditches Traverses Countermines and other Inventions which are usually found out by the most industrious Defendant against the most cunning Opposers But they without lay at too much disadvantage in comparison of those that were within The Kings men by reason of the Enemies continual excursions came hardly by their victuals Great store of men were required to conduct them the remainder were not able to maintain the siege well And together with other hardships being mightily tormented by the cold their numbers lessened every day by sickness death and running away The Harlemists on the contrary did abound in warlike men they were easily succoured with men and victuals their houses saved them from the injuries of the weather and the ice was not of greater use to the Kings Camp for ordering the Country then it was to them by affording them means to bring all necessaries into the City It is not to be said how dexterous the Hollanders are upon the ice Their Country as we have often said is full of standing waters which are usually frozen over every year though they be not so excessive there as in other less humid and watry Countries The waters doe therefore then loss their nature and the use of Boats being changed into the like of Chariots those Fields of ice as if they were so much firm land are travel'd on by men and horses Their Chariots are usually little and drawn but by one horse they are not born upon wheels but upon little joysts or rafters according to those sledges which are used in Lombardy Their men are likewise very ingenious in going a great pace and yet very safe upon the ice They harness the whole length of their feet with sleek and narrow irons bowing a little outward in the part before they govern themselves upon these and upon these wings if I may so call them they rather flie then walk their course being then so fast as it can hardly be followed by the eye Nor is the use hereof less practised by women then by men nay in contentions which have somtimes hapned herein between both sexes the women have often had the better The women there find no trouble at all in running upon the ice but at the same time when they go fastest do some one or other of their womanly works By means then of these Chariots or Sledges the Harlemists received whatsoever they needed they came in troops upon that great neighbouring Lake call'd Harlem-meer All that side is call'd by that name which looks most upon the City whereinto the River Sparen enters on that side And because the same Lake comes almost as neer Leyden on another part it is there called Leyden-meer This communication between Leyden and Harlem by means of this Lake furnished the besieged with all things necessary who with frequent excursions received in their succours and oft times made the Kings men repent the going about to hinder them Nor did Orange forbear to bring in such aids into the City as he could by the usual land-way But to secure the succours the better from those parts he made a Fort be erected almost half way between Leyden and Harlem whither bringing the provisions he conveyed them the easilier from thence to the besieged But the Kings men though upon such disadvantagious terms ceased not to pursue what they had begun They pursued to batter the broken walls and to endeavour the undermining them hoping thereby to make the breach more commodious and consequently the assault more easie On the contrary the Defendants were not less vigilant in using all possible means to obviate all the Enemies endeavours and make them invalid To Mines without they opposed Mines within meeting thus with them spoiling them and springing them They repaired the walls where they were amiss So as they no wayes feared the threats of being assaulted from without This mean while December ended and the new year of 1573. began which
Signior de Glimes was appointed to be his Vice-admiral Sancio d'Avila commanded the greater ships and Glimes the lesser with whom the Camp-master Romero went as chief Commander of all the Souldiers that were aboard who in both the Fleets were either Spaniards or Walloons but the greatest part were Spaniards Avila put from Antwerp and sail'd before upon the Honte The other Fleet put from Berghen ap Zome in sight of the Commendador himself who followed it upon the Schelds bank till he came to a Village called Schacherlo which is over against Romerswal a Town feated on the other side Here Glimes and Romero staid expecting a more favourable Tide that they might the easelyer free themselves and get rid of those Sands which occasion many Shelfs in that branch The Enemies were very well acquainted with the design preparations and proceedings of the Royalists by reason of the intelligence held between the Flemish and especially in that maritine part where the people did exceedingly favour Orange Nay it was held for certain that many of the chief Pylots who served the Spaniards were wrought upon by him and that this Fleet of the lesser ships was unluckily lost as we shall relate rather by fraud then fortune A much greater provision of shipping being made by the contrary part the Enemies Fleet which was commanded by Lewis de Boisot Admiral of Holland made straight towards Romarswal to hinder the Kings ships from going any further The Vice-admiral would not have fought knowing the great disadvantage which was on his side The enemies ships were much bigger built and very much more in number But Romero were it either that his courage did transport him or for his want of skill in maritime affairs or rather that he was necessitated to adventure because succour could suffer no longer delay and that this Fleet carried much the greatest part of the victuals was of a contrary opinion and would by all means fight Hereupon the Vice-admiral together with all the rest made towards the Enemy but whether it were chance or fraud as it was doubted the Vice-admiral ran on ground as did likewise some other ships which were nearest her The Enemies were not slack in setting upon them on all sides A showre of Musket-shot poured down upon them from their taller ships and the great Guns thundred apace But a tempest of artificial fires proved most prejudicial which the Enemies ships hurl'd into those of the Kings the Viceadmiral suffered most of all hereby for the fire bursting forth in her in sundry places and continuing pertinaciously to do so she sunk at last it being questionable whether the fire or water wrought most in swallowing her up Romero made speedily towards them with his Admiral and some other ships but his courage was greater then the help he gave for he partook so deeply of the others danger as he threw himself into the water and so saved himself by swimming Divers others of the Kings ships ran the same fortune of being either consumed by fire or sunk in the river and all the rest fell into the enemies hands who triumphed very much in the victory And that their joy might be the greater the Commendador himself was upon the above said bank of Shacherlo and saw with his own eyes this so unhappy misfortune which made him foresee others of no less consequence which were of necessity to be shortly expected Glimes was slain together with many Spanish and Walloon Officers and about 800 common souldiers This defeat being given Avila thought only how to retreat and save his ships but being pursued by those which the Enemy had severed from the others which Boisot commanded he had much adoe to get into Tergoes and at last brought his Fleet safe to Antwerp This was the end of the relief So as Mandragone having neither time to expect succour nor hope to get any and having first made good Conditions to march himself with all his men safe and freely out of Middleburgh he presently surrendred the Town to the Enemy Ramua fell likewise into their hands which till then had kept its obedience to the King And thus they were possest of the whole intire Island of Walcherin which they had so much desired and were puft up with hopes that they should shortly be masters of the whole Province The new year of 1574. was now begun when the Commendador had not well received this blow by Sea but that other novelties were heard of and of greater danger to the Kings affairs more within land We told you before how that Count Lodovick brother to the Prince of Orange after the loss of Mons leaving his brother in Holland was gone to Germany where he was not idle but being eg'd on by his own courage and more by that of the Prince his brother he had there occasioned divers practises that he might again enter Flanders with the Forces of that Nation The unhappy success of the two Brothers taking up Arms against the Duke of Alva had made them be rather commiserated then scorned by the Germans And the Spanish Forces in Flanders being by such success become more formidable to all their neighbours the suspition thereof grew daily every where greater Orange in all those parts made alternate use of the instigations of Fear and Hope representing sometimes what danger Holland Zealand were in sometimes what advantages he had there and the hopes of their daily increase not only in those two Provinces but in all the rest if some Foreign aid might be added to the Domestick forces of the Country The Spaniards mutiny falling out afterwards and the Kings expeditions by land at Alckmar and by Sea under Bossu proving so very bad and finally the Duke of Alva being gone from Flanders he had so much the more set on fire the minds of his partakers both within and without Flanders to favour the new preparation which his brother was contriving That at last the Duke of Alva was gone but that Rechesens was chosen by the King in his place Medina-Celi having refused to accept it That the one and the other of them were Spaniards and that both of them as likewise the Duke of Alva were reduced to such a condition of fortune as the Flemish had reason to be scandalized at such a choice That the Kings neglect of the affairs of Flanders did clearly appear and that he did intend to introduce by violence the Government of Spain into those Provinces That then the person rather then the intention was chang'd in the new Governour That this man had a more pleasing aspect and more benigne appearance but in his soul the like pride and the same resolutions in his thoughts That the allurement of words were to be esteemed treacherous while the force of Arms continued Nor could the Flemish ever confide till they saw their Country free of Foreigners their Cities free of Citadels their goods of paying Tributes their Consciences of oppression and the Laws of their
secure the passage the better some other Forts were added to the former chief ones of S. Mary and S. Philip. But the proof did not answer the design for notwithstanding any shot that could be made from the Royal Forts the Enemies ships had ever the better of the business For this so great difficulty this remedy was thought on They made a great Cut in the bank of Scheld on Flanders side near to the Village Burcht which lay higher then where the Bridge was made and by means of that Cut they drowned all the neighbouring Country even to Callo where by another opening of the bank the water past again into the River a little above the Bridge and so the necessary preparations for the fabrick were at last brought with more safety The adverse ships ceased not notwithstanding to molest that situation likewise but to make the greater obstacle they raised a Fort on one side of the Cut to the which the Kings men opposed another on the other side but with little advantage for it did not sufficiently bridle the Enemies Fort so as their ships keeping still thereabouts were always prejudicial to the Prince his Barks The Bridge went therefore but very slowly on the which did as much glad the Antwerpians as it did trouble the Prince Great numbers of Boats appeared daily from Holland and Zealand with victuals and all other sort of provisions to furnish the City and to put it in a posture of standing out stoutly The great Fort of Lillo was already munited answerable to occasion and Monsieur de Teligni son to Monsieur de la Nue was put in to defend it one whose valour shewed him to be descended from his Father Wherefore the Enemy full of hopes thought that Fernese would never be able to finish the Bridge and if he should not thereby block up the Scheld the Siege would in all other considerations signifie nothing But no binderance can be so great which industry will not at last either overcome or make more easie The abovesaid remedy of the Cut not proving sufficient to convey materials by water answerable to the work the Prince bethought himself of another expedient which furnisht afterwards all things sufficient for the building of the bridg By the gap or Cut which was made in the bank at Burcht all the tract of Country from that Town to Callo was drowned as we have said From the utmost inundation within land the Prince purposed to make a deep and large Ditch and to lead it away from that part of Flanders to a certain Town called Stechen where the Ditch was to fall into a River which passeth by Gaunt by which all things which were necessary for the building of the Bridge might be brought by water from that City An egregious work of great praise to him that first proposed it but of greater glory to him who undertook it as did the Prince with very much resolution though many other were affrighted at the immense expence of monies time and labour for the Ditch was to be full 15 miles long The Ditch was afterwards commonly called Parma either for that it was first motioned by the Prince himself or that the Kings Camp did willingly shew their approbation thereof by giving it that name And not without reason for it may truly be said that this Ditch made the bridg and that the Bridg did afterwards fully compleat the Siege On that side towards Flanders was Fernese's own Quarters in a Village called Buren which lay very opportunely for the giving out of all requisite Orders for all that was done thereabouts and especially for the making of the new Channel To sollicite the making whereof the Prince himself did almost continually intervene in his own person nor was he wanting in doing the like in all the rest of the proceedings He encouraged others by his own example sometimes he himself would put his hands unto the work he oft-times transformed himself from a General to a private Souldier and set aside all rest and delight that the burthen of so great and difficult an undertaking might be the better sustained by his own labour and disquiet This was the condition of the Siege on Flanders side On the opposite side towards Brabant was the Lieutenant of the Army Count Peter Ernestus Mansfield quartered in the Village of Strabuch a little within land and Mandragone was quartered near Lillo almost upon the river and had intrencht himself there against that adverse Fort to keep the Enemy in on that side who did what they could to advantage themselves there and their design would have been to overflow the inland Country as well to incommodiate the Royalists as to make use thereof themselves for bringing succours the more easily to Antwerp But this their last design was conterdicted by a Counterdike which came to joyn with the principal Dike of the River from the Village Cowstein For it was seen that without either the breaking or gaining thereof they could by no means compass their ends A Dike in Flemish is a Bank in English and a Counterdike a Counterbank if I may so call it which is drawn out against another bank From the Village of Cowstein there was a lesser Dike thrust out for the space of a league which went to joyn with the greater Dike of the River which was commonly called the Counterdike of Cowstein This lesser Dike was made that it might be gone upon particularly in the winter all that part which lies very low being then full of water and mire It was not above ten or twelve handfuls broad nor higher then was requisite for the necessary service of the Country people This Counterdike was guarded by the Royalists chiefly to hinder the excursions which the Enemy might make from the Fort of Lillo and out of no other fear of danger on that part But when the Enemy letting in the water of the river had drowned the Country thereabouts Mandragone suspected the truth which was that they would either make some Cut or gap in the Counterdike or endeavour to make themselves wholly masters of it so to have that passage free to bring in succours into Antwerp And at the first they did make a Cut but the Royalists running quickly to where the danger lay did soon remedy it driving the Enemy from thence and stopping the gap as well as for the present they could And indeed if the Enemy had either sooner or with more forces endeavoured to cut the gap the Royalists could never have brought their Siege to a good end But all those of Holland Zealand and Antwerp were so verily perswaded that the River could never be blockt up by a Bridg as they neglected the taking of the Counterdike and even the victualling of the â—ity more then it became them to have done whilst yet the passage by Scheld was but weakly secured by the Royal Forts Fernese finding what danger the siege might inour on that part gave order to Mansfield to
munite it on the one side and to Mandragone on the other Mansfield therefore fortified the Village of Cowstein from whence the counterdike was thrust out and that Fortification was called the strong House he inlarged and heightned the counterdike where it was most needfull he planted a little Fort upon the one side which was called La Motta because Signor de la Motta had the command thereof He made also another on the other side and named it Palata because for want of earth it was made of pales which want was found almost every where in fortifying the counterdike so as they were fain to supply it with fagots and other such like materials Where the counterdike joyned afterwards with the chief dike of the river Mandragone raised a Fort and called it the Cross in relation to the position of the place which was almost of the same form and because 't was doubted that the enemy might make a great cut in the chief bank of the river beneath Lillo which might have more prejudiced the counterdike Fernese caused three Forts be raised in that place which for that they were triangular were called the Forts of the Trinity All these Works which we have named were made from time to time according as need required which we have here set down the better to present them before your eyes and to give you the clearer intelligence thereof The Prince had shut up the Passes towards the land side about Antwerp which coasted upon Brabant by Garisons which were placed in Hostrat in Herentales in Breda in Lira in Diste and in divers other Towns by which Antwerp was kept from being relieved on that side Particularly the horse scoured the whole Country every where not only out of a bare intention of incommodating the Antwerpians but to keep them from having any communication with those of Brussels or Malines so to make both them Towns fall the sooner into their hands The fiege being thus ordered on each side the river it remained totally to block up the same river which was the chief business and which brought with it not only the greatest advantage but also the greatest necessary and met with greatest opposition The Marquis of Rubays General of the horse was of great authority and esteem in the Kings Camp Wherefore Fernese gave him the chief care of the bridg and gave unto him likewise the command of a great many men of War which were a preparing to facilitate the enterprise Rubays was not wanting in acting his part in all these imployments He was in action both day and night he uncessantly divided his labours now on this side now on that with infinite industry and valour So as by his dilligence all necessary provisions for the building of the bridg did in time so increase as all the Army began to hope to see their work soon brought to perfection Whilst the Kings Camp was amongst these labours and difficulties the besieged within the City were not agitated with less uncertainty and perturbances From the very beginning of the siege they had sent expresly into Holland and Zealand and to the rest of the Confederate Provinces to desire the best and speediest assistance which could be sent them from those parts But knowing that they could not receive sufficient succour from thence they had sent particular personages into France and into England to do the like in those Courts and endeavoured to interest both those Crowns again if it were possible in their cause They had good hopes from France but the effects were not answerable That Kingdom was still full of troubles and that King would not more irritate the King of Spain who was already too much incensed for what the Duke of Alanson had done in Flanders They received greater hopes from England and might much more easily come by them But the Queen after Alansons death willing to make such advantage of the Flemish as she could not do before made them believe she would assist them but was very slow in doing it It appeared at last that her end was to see them reduced to such necessity as they should be inforced to throw themselves into her hands and contenting her self at first with a bare title of protection she might come more easily afterwards so to be totally master of them These practises from abroad proceeding but very flowly and with much ambiguity the Antwerpians hopes consisted chiefly in succours from Holland and Zealand Provinces which were nearest them and which by their naval forces might best disturb the siege especially by way of the river Nor were these parts wanting in doing what possibly they could to this purpose But the work about the bridg advancing every day and the Forts of the Kings Camp being already increased on both sides and Rubays having commanded his barks to withstand those of the enemy victuals could not so freely be brought to Antwerp by water as formerly And all passes by land being shut up they had less hopes of any relief from thence Their wants therefore still increased But the Inhabitants were chiefly afflicted to see that Commerce began already to fail and that by continuation of the siege they were likely to be totally deprived thereof And peradventure not without danger of new plunder and firing which was that that they most apprehended calling to mind what they had undergone not many years before in that kind by the Spaniards A great part of their people especially of meaner sort lived upon Merchandizing and Traffick wherefore they began to complain very much of their already sufferings and of those yet greater which they daily feared more and more And those who were of better condition were not well pleased to see themselves thus incommodiated And those that were of the best condition and wealthiest amongst them the more they feared to lose so much more did they desire to avoid the danger thereof And though they did all of them abhor to return again under the Spanish Command especially those who were most infected with heresie yet well weighing all Interests they preferred that of their lives and estates before all other respects The meaner sort of people began already to speak freely of these inconveniences and dangers and whispers were heard to the same purpose amongst the more civiliz'd people So as wavering thus in their minds it appeared that they could not but grow very cool in sustaining such a siege so vigorously as they ought to do Il Signor di Santa Aldegonda was chief of the Magistracy which governed the City by the Title of Burgamaster Before Orange his death he was put into that Office that he might particularly advance Orange his ends as he had always endeavoured to do and as we have often told you And when Orange was dead there was not any one that more partially maintained his memory nor his passions with more vehemency then did Santa Aldegonda Wherefore occasion being one day offered when the Magistracy was much
be brought by small boats into la Fera. This design required great secresie wherefore Basti having very secretly acquainted Osorio Governor of the Town therewithall and suddenly assembled the 800 Horse together upon some other pretence came with such speed so near the Town as he might easily effect the Succor The Agreement made between him and Osorio was that Basti should come at a certain prefixt time to a part where the Marish was most watry and that Osorio should send all the Boats he could get to receive the Corn to bring it to the Town And just so it fell out to Basti's unspeakable praise and honor he having been continually on Hors-back for little lesse than Forty hours and having known so well to choose his time to deceive his own men first and then the Enemy much better and how to return without the loss of so much as one man nay more having defeated some of the Enemies horse which would have opposed him as he returned This small succour gave some hopes that a greater might ensue but the former oppositions still arising and it being known that the King did still more and more fortifie his quarters and that his Forces grew still greater the Cardinal began to incline to the making of some important diversion and hereupon they gave their opinions in the Councel of war Some were for besieging Peronne others St. Quintain and others other Towns thereabouts The Camp-master General Ronye was very well acquainted with every corner and every pass of the Province by reason of his being so long thereabouts in the time of the League he was more averse to the succour then any other and advised more to the diversion and willing to speak his minde clearly therein to the Cardinal but with such secresie as so jealous an affair required He took an occasion to speak thus unto him in his Chamber when but some few were with him It is now agitated most excellent Prince whether it be better to succour la Fera by all our Forces or to endeavour such a diversion as the King of France may be thereby more damnified then he shall be advantaged though he doth not raise his siege enough hath been already said touching the difficulties of the siege which truly are so great as there is no hopes of overcoming them Let la Fera then be lost provided that in lieu thereof we get another Town which may recompence the loss thereof with advantage I must confess the keeping of la Fera and other Towns in Picardy was of some concernment during the League and Civil wars of France but now that there is no sign of League left nor of civil commotions and that la Fera is surrounded with so many Towns towards the Frontiers of Flanders what considerable advantage will it be to the King if be do chance to get it Nay how great will his trouble and expence be to keep it Let the King continue then at that siege and let us betake our selves to a diversion but as I have already said let it then be such a one as the acquisition which shall thereby be made may much exceed the loss which may be apprehended by the other I shall not propound Peronne St. Quintain nor any of those other Towns wherewith la Fera is surrounded unto your Highness every one of which may be thought equal or rather inferior to this I shall advise you to another of so much greater concernment as it may of it self alone weigh against all those put together I mean Callis Callis a Sea Port the Key to the English Channel from whence passage may be had in a few hours into that Island and in a few more into Holland and Zealand Callis where succour may so commodiously be received by Sea from Spain and which certainly will be the sharpest Thorne at the present in the sides of France which fears nothing less there abouts then to see Callis besieged The Commander there is a very weak man the Garrison at the present is as weak and you shall find all other provisions for defence of equal weakness This is the diversion which I propound in enterprises of this nature in the first place great secresie is requisite in the resolving thereupon and then speed in putting it in execution Your Highaess must therefore possess your self of all the Avenues about Callis before the Enemy get any inkling of it otherwise succours will be soon sent thither both by Sea and Land and so the undertaking will be defeated before it be begun when on the contrary if the Avenues be speedily secured either my military experience deceives me or our Arms and your Ensignes shall in a few dayes be seen to enter there The Cardinal seemed to be mightily pleased with the propounded diversion which was fully approved of by the rest that vvere vvith him vvho vvere the chief commanders of the Flanders Forces They then fell to treat of putting it into execution and the Cardinal chose Ronye to be the guider thereof vvho was the first adviser but for the better concealing it they gave out that they vvere resolved to relive la Fera or attempt some diversion thereabouts To this purpose Valentiennes vvas chosen for their Randezvous one of the neerest Cities upon that Frontier and after having made great store of victuals be brought thither the Army began to march vvhich vvas one of the most flourishing ones that had of a long time been seen in Flanders It consisted of 5000 Spaniards 1500 Italians 1000 Burgonians 1000 Irish 2500 Germans and 6000 Walloons all these vvere very choice Foot and to these vvere added 3500 Horse the Train-bands of Flanders being numbred thereinto vvhich did serve upon that occasion The Cardinal vvas in Valentiennes about the beginning of April and had with him the greatest part of his Army and ordered divers marches the more to confound the King of France and to keep his true design unknovvn to him From hence he sent Ronye vvith great celerity and secresie tovvards Callis vvith the Camp-masters Lewis di Vilasco Alonsa di Mendosa la Barlotta and the Count Buckquoy The tvvo first Spaniards vvith their Brigadoes and the other tvvo Walloons vvith their Brigadoes also and these Foot vvere accompanied by 400 Horse Callis lies upon the very brink of the Channel vvhich divides France from England and in that very point of Land vvhere the two Kingdoms are nearest one another This vvas the last place from vvhence the English vvere driven after they had so long possest Normandy together vvith so many other provinces of France and as the repurchase thereof made by the French vvas thought a great concernment so did they ever after studiously endeavour to keep it But the Kingdom falling into civil discord Callis vvas no happier then vvere the other Tovvns vvhich being all of them almost in private mens hands for their ovvn ends could not be so vvell kept as the service of the Kingdom and Crovvn
Walloon Brigadoes and with some horse commanded by Henry di Berg to try whether they could get into the Island or no by passing over the Wahal on any side a little lower These made up the number of 4000 foot and 600 horse The Cardinals Orders were That they should endeavour to pass the River two leagues above a certain Town called Tiel where for divers circumstances it was thought more feisable The good event thereof consisted chiefly in secrecy But Maurice having an eye every where got notice of it and sending some armed boats down from Niminghen he ordered them to make fitting opposition by the River Wherefore these men when they found their designe discovered were very much in suspence and afterwards varied much amongst themselves touching what they were to take in hand Zapena was of opinion that howsoever they were to try the passage and Estenly was of the same mind on the contrary Barlotta thought it would be to no purpose and that to endeavour it would be the loss of many men They notwithstanding put some of their boats into the River and from the shore-side sunk three of the enemies boats with the Artillery which they brought with them And endeavoured to get with their men which were imbarked to the contrary shore But finding great obstacles both by land and water they saw they could not make the passage From thence the Kings men went down the River with their boats and the rest of their souldiers and provisions on the left shore And the enemy did the like on the other side that they might be the readier to meet with them every where The Cardinal had given order that if they could not pass the Wahal they should at unawares affail the Fort Worden and indeavour to take it which if they could not do that then the Campmasters were to use all diligence to get into the Island of Bomel and to secure themselves there of the Pass in the best manner they could As for getting the Fort they had no hopes to effect it considering what the enemy had done Wherefore leaving Wahal and carting their boats again they went forthwith towards the Island of Bomel and coming to the Mause about the Village Emple they past it with such secrecy as they scarce met with any impediment At their entrance into the Island they took the Castle Hill which was nearest the shore and did thereby so much the more secure themselves of the Pass Then coming again out of the Island according to the directions which the Cardinal had first given them they went against the Fort Crevecoeur which was not far from thence This Fort was very prejudicial to Balduke because it shut up the mouth of a River which runs through that City and which not above a league from the walls thereof falls into the Mause The Cardinal therefore intending to make himself Master thereof willed the aforesaid Campmasters that when they should have secured the pass whereby to enter into the Island they should incamp before that Fort. Which when they had done and had given the Cardinal notice of it and of all that they had done besides the Kings Camp rose presently from before Schincks Sconce and went to before Crevecoeur which was not in a condition of making any considerable resistance wherefore the Army was no sooner quartered about it and had threatned it with batteries and assaults but that those within expecting no longer and without making almost any resistance quitted the Fort. The Cardinal was this mean while gon to Balduke to make divers provisions there for the business of Bomel And therefore the Admiral after the taking of Crevecoeur turned towards the Island of Bomel and entred thereinto with all his Army about the beginning of May. Great banks are made all along the sides of those Rivers to defend the fields which are subject to innundation The Army parting thus from the Mause marched upon the bank on the right hand and bending towards the Wahal staid in the Village Hervin which stands upon the same River in which were many of the enemies men of war For Count Maurice had discovered the Cardinals intention and therefore had not omitted to prepare such obstacles as were fitting by water that the Kings men might find more difficulty in passing it They notwithstanding indeavoured by their Artillery to drive away those Vessels and did somewhat prejudice them but they putting themselves into some creeks that were in the River the Kings men could never free themselves from that opposition They past from Hervin and drawing nearer Bomel they quartered their Army in sundry parts one part thereof was lodged upon the bank and the rest more inward according to the opportunity of the situations Maurice was this mean while come with all speed and with the most of his Army and quartering on the other side of the River in the face of Bomel he had sent 1000 foot thereinto for the better defence thereof Here with all diligence he placed two bridges over the River the one above the Town the other beneath it the one was of small boats for the foot to pass over and the other of greater flat-bottomed boats which served for the horse and commodity of Carriages and this was so broad as two Carts might pass one by another upon it The Bridges being thrown over he sent 3000 foot more and 400 horse for the defence of Bomel and the Town not being capable of so many men hequartered them without the Town and did so shelter them with Trenches Flankers Redouts Ditches and strade coperte as Bomel of a little Town seemed suddenly as if it were a large City The Kings men were very much indamaged by the Enemie Artillery before they could sufficiently fence themselves on the Rivers side For being at the same time thundred upon both by those of Bomel and by those that were placed upon the contrary shore and in the ships that were in the River they knew not well what to doe nor how to defend themselves But at last such Rampiers of earth as were requisite being made and many Peeces of Artillery being placed upon the bank they likewise began to play furiously upon the Town of Bomel and upon all those Works wherein the Enemies Forces were lodged without the Town nor was the damage little which they did them till they sheltred themselves better This mean while the Enemies whole Army was met together which was so increased as it amounted to 18000 Foot and above 3000 Horse And Maurice having quartered them in divers Towns and Villages on the same shore that he was seemed not any thing to value the siege which the Royalists had undertaken nay rather his men which were in such numbers in Bomel resolving rather to play the parts of assailants then assailed began to issue out against the Kings men and to annoy them in sundry sorts both day and night They notwithstanding forbore not to advance with their Trenches covering them as well
Forts which we had taken would have so long entertained the Enemy till the Town being as we know but ill provided might have faln into our hands The Fortune of war alters the condition of affairs in a moment and so she hath dealt with us upon this occasion But we ought to thank her for it because that suddenly altring the face of affairs she hath proved more favourable to us when it was to be feared she might have proved more averse And truly if the Arch-Duke weighing affairs better on his behalf had made his Army stay betwixt Newport and Ostend in what straits should we now be All hereabouts unless it be Ostend is the Enemies Country we should not have been able to have got thither And then being enforced to have retreated by Sea with how much advantage might the Enemy have assaulted us Clean contrary the advantages will now lie wholly on our side They come wearied with marching short in numbers blinde with rage and with the very fury of mutineers Did they peradventure after this mornings tumultuous action think that we either buried in sleep or born away by fear would either not have taken up Arms at all or else have thrown them away without any waies disputing the business Will this be the first time that our Forces shall have beaten theirs Nay I hope this shall prove the most noble victory that we ever got of them Our men are as good as theirs we exceed them in numbers and we will take the most advantagious place to fight upon But still our greatest advantage must lye in our Arms and courage I for my part will be in all places and from this time forward I declare my self unworthy the prerogatives of a Commander if upon this occasion I be not equally forward in all danger with every common Souldier And that there may be no escaping out of the Battel I have given order that all the ships stand off at Sea far from the shore That I might make the Victory certain I have chosen to adde despaire to hope In fine my Souldiers we must this time either overcome or die with our swords in our hands This discourse was received by the Army with joyfull acclamations and all readiness to fight was shewn Then Maurice gave out his Orders He assigned the Van to Colonel Sir Francis Vere the Battel to Count Solme and the Rear to Monsieur de Temple mixing together the Souldiers of all the several Nations He disposed of the Horse of which Count Lodovick de Nassaw was Generall some on the Front and some on the Flanks and kept no particular place for himself resolving to be at his liberty of transferring himself wheresoever the greatest need should require He had with him his brother Henry a Youth of 16 years of age and the Duke of Alsatia the Prince of Henault and Count Coligni Grandchild to the late Admiral of France together with divers other young Gentlemen of great quality who were come a little before from the Heretick Countries into Flanders to be trained up under him in the exercise of Arms would keep near his person The Armies met upon the Sea-shore From thence more towards the Land appears great Hills of Sand which seem to be on purpose placed by Nature to keep the Land from being swallowed up in those low situations by the Seas when they are most tempestuous Those little Mountains of Sand lie all along the Coast of Flanders and are called Downs The Sand is there moveable and is easily raised by the wind which makes them the more troublesom to be dealt with The Tide began to flow when the Armies marched wherefore they were forced still to draw towards the Downs and in fine the Main Battel must be given there To boot with the Catholicks being wearied and fewer in number the Sun was then going towards the West on which side the Enemies Camp was and therefore his beams gave upon the Catholicks faces which were on the East side It was in July and the hottest hours had very much inflam'd the sands and there was then likewise a little wind stirring which raising the sand did much more incommodiate the Catholicks Camp then it did their Enemies Count Maurice placed some Peeces of Artillery between the Downs and the Sea-shore where the high Tide had left way for his better advantage on that part He possest himself of the highest parts of the Downs where on one of the most advantagious sides he likewise placed some Peeces of Artillery And having all these advantages expected that the Enemy should come and assault him Nor were the Catholicks long in coming The Archduke in few words endeavoured still to encourage them to the conflict He put them in mind of their former victories of the service they did to God to the Infanta to himself and to the King of Spain And that as he himself would be an eye-witness of their this dayes behaviour they might with more security expect to be largely recompenced The Mutiniers Horse gave the first assault who led by the Admiral through that passage which remained then betwixt the Downs and the Sea met with a fierce encounter and were quickly very much indammaged by the Enemies Artillery placed with the aforesaid advantage At the same time almost did the Foot fall on on both sides upon the Downs betwixt whom happened one of the fiercest fights that hath any time been known The Spanish Mutiniers were on foot in the Front of the first Catholick Battalion who together with the rest gave miraculous testimony of their valour And the Enemies Van began already manifestly to give ground for Sir Francis Vere who commanded them being wounded and many of their first Ranks slain the rest observed orders no longer But new Souldiers of the Battel coming in to reinforce the Van the latter was sustained by the former and the fight continued more hot then before Their Muskets and other Fire-weapons being discharged they came to closer fight to the push of Pike and managing of their swords Various but equally fierce were the instigations on each side They fought out of Honour and out of Hatred as if what for hope what for despair they had been mad Each side hoped to overcome and as if they had despaired at the same time they would rather die then be vanquished You might therefore see the Squadrons of each side to billow up and down like waves sometimes advancing sometimes giving back the place whereon they fought being full of dead and wounded men and the fighters full of sweat blood and fierceness And by this time all the Forces of both sides were joyned in Battel But the disadvantage on the Catholicks behalf was too great Tired men fought against those that were fresh and the excessive heat of the sand made them more sensible of their weariness they suffered likewise more by the dust and by the sun Yet did they valiantly make good their party when the Catholick Horse
even one of the chiefest of all Flanders That from that Line of the Confines which was towards France it lay far enough inward in the Kings Territories but yet not so far but that it might be easily succour'd from without That it might easily be made very strong being on one side in a very low and spongy situation and well provided of Walls and Ditches on all other parts That being near the very Province of Flanders and that of Brabant it might easily further the Tumults both in the one and the other of them and consequently make the fire more lasting which was to be kindled in so many parts He therefore with much fervency apply'd himself to the sudden regaining of it and hoped well therein by his having so easily recovered Valentiennes He saw that Lodovick of Nassaw might be succoured on two sides to wit by the way of Germany by the Forces which Orange prepared and by the way of France by the Forces raised by the Hugonots these were doubtlesly the nearest and therefore likely to be the speediest The Duke therefore resolved to make his quickest opposition on this side of France hoping that when he should have interrupted that succour he might more easily impede the other but such and so grievous commotious happened suddenly in Holland as they put upon him new and greater necessities and rendred him much perplext touching what he was to resolve upon The Town of Eachusen had there led the way first to open disobedience which Town lies very opportunely for situation as lying upon the point of a great Gulf which the Sea makes in Holland towards the North and no less for the quality thereof and number of shipping which are continually built there and which makes it one of the best and most esteemed Arsenals of all that Province Nor was it long ere other greater revolts followed For Dort Harlem Leyden Gouda and almost all the other Cities and chief Towns did at once the like except Amsterdam which continued then and long after in Allegiance to the King Great raising of Arms was likewise heard of in Germany and that Orange having past the Rhine grew still stronger in men intending to enter Flanders again by the same way he did before To obviate so many evils which threatned him in so many several parts the Duke of Alva betook himself suddenly to raise great levies both of horse and foot and gave order for the taking of 5 or 6 thousand horse into pay in High Germany the chief care whereof was had by Henry Duke of Brunswick formerly imployed by the King upon like occasions by Salentine Count of Isemburg Archbishop of Cullen who shewed himself very faithfull to the Catholick Cause and the Crown of Spain and by Peter Ernestus Count of Mansfield who came originally from Germany and who had yet many friends and kindred of great esteem there he gave order for the raising of 18 thousand foot in six Regiments to wit 3000 in the Upper and 3000 in the Lower Germany The first were taken into pay by Ottone Count of Erbestein by George Baron of Fronsberg and by Nicholas Purvighliere all of them natives of the same Country And the latter by Giles Count of Barlemonte by Maximilian Count of Bossu and by Lancelot Count of Mega all of them the Kings Vassals in the Provinces of Flanders These levies required great store of money whereof the Duke was very much exhausted But he had represented unto the King the affairs of Flanders to be in so dangerous a condition as he was in some sort presently furnisht therewithall for his necessities and the King promised him to see him continually furnisht with what should be requisit for maintaining the Churches Cause and his own which was now become one and the same in those Provinces The new Insurrections which had happened in Holland bore with them very bad consequences to boot with the former in Zealand And the Novelties which had succeeded and which still grew greater in the Frontiers towards Germany and France required powerfull and speedy remedy The Duke of Alva consulted therefore with the chief Commanders of the Army to what part it was best to bend the Kings Forces or if by dividing them they might suffice for both occasions 'T was generally thought that there were not enough to be divided And as for the turning to the one or the other place Marshal Vitelli Camp-Master-General who was greatly esteemed in the Army as well for the prerogative of his Place as for his Valour was of opinion that they were to bend all their Forces immediately towards Holland and Zealand saying That by good reason of War Forces were to be turned thither where their imployment was of greatest consequence And how much did it most import first to secure the Maritine Country That in those parts which lay more inward in the Country the people were neither so infected with Heresie nor so inclin'd to Rebellion And though some loss might be suffered by the Forces from Germany and France it was to be hoped that they might be easily regain'd That the Hugonots Forces were of no substance of themselves nor was it to be thought that the King of France would favour them if for what might concern the good of Spain at least for what might respect the service of his own Kingdom so grievously infested by them That the heretick Forces of Germany which were to enter Flanders were to be esteemed of the same nature being tumultuously raised ill provided of men and worse of money more ready to pillage then to fight and that prey and pay failing they would soon forgoe their obedience and insteed of carrying their Colours against their enemies they would turn them against their Commanders That for these reasons it was to be believed that the noise was greater then the blow would be from either of both those parts and that those foreign Forces being soon scattered by the opposition made by the Kings Towns which to that purpose were with all diligence suddenly to be munited Mons would easily be recovered as also whatsoever other damage might insue in any other part upon those Frontiers But on the contrary how firmly was heresie radicated both in Holland and Zealand how much were the people alienated from their former devotion to the Church and to the King That by reason of the Sea and Rivers Merchandise did very much abound there as also monies and victuals and that every Town there was so strong by Nature that allow but a little time to Industry every Pass would require an Army to overcome it and every Siege almost an Age to finish it That by the opportunity of the Sea new Forces might continually be sent unto the Rebels on those sides from Germany and France But especially from England And they being Masters of the Maritine parts what advantages might they by other designes work unto themselves in the more inward Countries What difficulties would the succours
less severe in maintaining the power of command The King was more ready in resolving and the Duke more circumspect in ripening his resolutions The King loved battels it being the custom of France so to do the Duke a wel-wisher to industrious advantages according to the manner of waging war in Flanders but in the diversity of action they were notwithstanding so conformable in reputation and in the glory of souldiery as few will be found amongst either the modern or ancient Commanders more famous at one and the same time who in such a difference have continually so much resembled one another The Duke of Mayne had very much prest the Duke of Parma at their meeting that if Fernese could not go then himself in person to relieve Paris he would at least furnish him Du Maine with some men to recruit his Forces in France whereby he might indeavour that succour the which Fernese easily granted and to that purpose gave him a Brigado of Spanish Foot under the Camp-master Antonio di Zunica and another of Italians under Camillo Capizucchi and moreover 500 Horse But Du Maine could never compass his design wherefore the Duke of Parma hastning his departure went from Brussels in the beginning of August The Army which he carried with him consisted of 14000 Foot made up of Spaniards Italians Germans and Walloons and 2800 Hose which were of two sorts the one of the Flemish usual Train-bands and the other of the abovesaid Nations The Prince of Semay commanded the former and Marquess de Renty the others for that Marquess Vasto was not then in Flanders and the Lieut. General of the Horse being likewise wanting George Basti supplyed his place who was Commissary General of the Horse and a gallant souldier With the Duke were the Princes of Ascoly and of Castelvetrano the Counts of Aremberg and Barlemonte with divers other Flemish Lords and Count Charles Mansfield General of the Artilery not being to be dispenst withal in Flanders the Duke had assigned that command over to Monsieur de la Motte one whom he greatly esteemed and who for many famous military acts had won the same opinion of all men Amongst the Camp-masters Peter Cajetan Nephew to the Legat was particularly in very great esteem and Alonso d' Ideaques as well in consideration of himself as for the reputation that John his father was in in the Court of Spain who hath been spoken of before The Duke of Parma being come with this Army to the Frontiers of Flanders towards Picardy he called all the Commanders together and gravely advertised them whether he was going He told them That the Kings Forces were now entring into a Country which did naturally hate the name of Spaniard That those of the League had now invoked the Kings Forces and desired his protection meerly out of necessity of Interest That therefore they were to be reputed of the like nature that is to say soon jealous and therefore apt to change That then out of all considerations as well Civil as Military they were to proceed so in the leading on and in the ordering of this Army as not to hazard any action nor put any in execution without great maturity He desired that if Military Government were ever well observed under him in Flanders it might be now exactly observed in France that therefore he straitly commanded every Captain to be all of them very diligent in the performance of their duties That they should not permit the souldier to do any the least imaginable prejudice unto the Country people That they should always march in as good order as if they had the enemy before them That they should be very accurate in fortifying their quarters That to afford the better commodity for all things necessary he would make short marches That he would be moving by the sun-rising and be in his lodging before it should set Munite the Camp continually well bring it into as little a compass as he could have diligent Gards kept on all sides and especially in safely conveying the victuals which were to serve for the great necessity of Paris For what remained that they should all follow him couragiously That he hoped that France would now prove a Theatre still more and more to confirm the honour due to the King of Spain 's Forces in Flanders that he would not be wanting on his behalf but that he would expose himself to all labour and shew himself no less equal to every one of them in incountring dangers then he was superior to them all in point of command Fernese prest very much the observance of these things and to move others the more by his example after he once began to march he was almost every hour every where and more by night then by day he alwaies marched with his Army in good order which he divided into three parts The Marquess of Renty had charge of the first the Duke himself took the charge of the second and Monsieur de la Motte guided the third after whom followed twenty peeces of Canon In this manner and with short marches the Duke came on the 23d of August to Maux a City not above ten leagues from Paris Here did the Duke du Mayn's Army joyn with him which was about 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse the souldiers of both the Camps were selected men and under well disciplin'd Ensignes Paris was this mean while reduced to the very utmost of necessity after that so numerous a people had suffered what possibly was to be undergon in point of Famine their necessity grew at last so great as they must either dye or throw open the gates to the King of Navar. The Duke of Parma was much troubled at this news for he would by no means be precipitate in his councels and yet found the necessity of hastening the succour He therefore incouraged the Paresians and put them in great hopes that he would in a very short time free them from that siege The Legate incouraged them to sufferance and the Spanish Officers but chiefly the Duke of Nemours who was Governor of Paris and brother by the Mothers side to the Duke du Mayne Wheresore the people overcoming their misery with new constancy did with unexpressible anxiety number the hours in expectation of being succour'd When the Duke of Parma marching from Meos with both the Armies joyned in one came towards Paris The King of Navar was then in his hight of hopes that that City would every day fall into his hands The Seene runs through it and two other rivers accompany the Seene neer Paris the one is the Marne two leagues before the Seene come to the City walls and the other the Oyse a little lower on the contrary side These rivers are the nurses which continually give milk to this vast City to boot with the wonderful abundance of its own Territories The King had possest himself of all the Avenues as well by the rivers as by the land Upon the
Marne he made Laigny in particular be guarded a good Town having a large bridge and Corbel upon the Seene on the same side which is a great Town and provided likewise of a bridge He caused likewise the places of greatest passage upon the Oyse to be guarded And thus Paris being kept from victuals on all sides it was reduced to the utmost necessity of Famine When the King heard Fernese was on his way and that he already drew neer Paris he called together all the chief of his Army and exhorted them that they now would make their accustomed military worth appear more then ever He said That the Duke of Parma was now in France with the Forces and sense of Spain That the true intention was to oppress that Kingdom under pretence of defending the League and that the Duke came with so great Forces to effect it as soon as he could That those of the League who called in such assistance were perfidious and the rest no less perfidious who made so false a cloak thereof That therefore such opposition as was fitting was to be made by those that were true French-men by birth and faithfull to their legitimate King against the Forces of these Rebel French and the Spaniards their enemies That it was Gods pleasure the Crown should fall upon him and that he hoped the Catholicks should very shortly receive such satisfaction as they desired in matter of conscience That the adverse forces were great but his no whit inferior Nay for number and goodness of horse he was far above them That therefore he desired to come to battel as soon as might be And that he thought to endeavour it on his side was a no less generous then profitable resolution That when the enemy should once be routed they knew not where to get new Forces and so the battel being won the war might be said to be ended That on the contrary if any ill should befall his men he could much more easily return again into the field But why should they doubt victory were not many of the Spaniards forces of Flanders joyned with the Rebels of France in the late battel of Yury yet where the cause was justest there was the greatest valour shown and there did fortune smile That doubtlesly the presence of so gallant a Commander as was the Duke of Parma in the enemies Army ought to be considered That therefore it was more necessary to use all such preparations as should be thought most advantagious upon such an occurrency not only in point of valour but also of discipline That to this purpose he had called this Councel wherein were so many and so famous Commanders in War He desired them that they would speak their opinions as well for what concerned the continuing of the siege or the raising of it as in the other point of provoking the enemy to battel That he would ground his opinion upon theirs nor should his acts come short of those words which he now had spoke The principal and most esteemed Chieftains of war that were with the King were the Duke of Monpenciere Prince of the bloud the Duke of Nevers the grand Prior the Marishals of Aumont and Bironne the Lord his son Messieurs de Ghishe and de l' Avardine who were all Catholicks The Duke of Tremullia the Vicecount Tureine and Messieurs de la Nue and de Chatillion who were Hugonots It was first considered whether the Kings Forces were sufficient both to continue the siege and to march to withstand the Duke of Parma And it was joyntly resolved they were not sufficient to do both these at one and the same time Wherefore the common opinion was that they should raise the siege and go with their whole strength to incounter with the Duke of Parma and to endeavour by all means but also upon all advantages to provoke him to battel That very oft and in very many wars the most cry'd up Commanders had raised sieges that to do so now would little advantage Paris if thereby the Duke of Parma might be kept from relieving it for that numerous people would soon consume whatsoever victuals they could at the present receive from the inlarged Country that the relief being hindred the King might soon reassume the siege and that then that City would immediately fall into his hands and he should with the greater glory compass his designe The King was very much troubled to think he must be inforced to rise from before Paris but conforming himself to the opinion of his Captains and to what his own Military experience did dictate to him he raised his Camp on the last day save one of Auguct and marched towards where the Army of the League was quartered In the Kings Army then was above 20000 foot and above 6000 horse His whole body were French except it were some Dutch and Swissers All the cavalty were choice men for the better half of them were Gentlemen who served upon their own inclinations and much more out of honour then for gain The King went from Paris to lodg in the Village of Celles some four leagues from thence This Town is situated in a spacious Champian having notwithstanding some appearances of waters and woods about it From this plain you mount by easie ascents upon two little hils betwixt which when you have gone a little you afterwards descend towards Maux The King possest himself of all that Champian about Celles till he came to those two little hils And the Army of the League was come to lodge on the other side towards Maux where the Duke of Parma had fortified himself in all places where it was necessary and the King of Navar failed not to doe the like on his side Who was not well got thither when desirous to make his Enemy acquainted with his intention to fight he sent a Herald with a Challenge to the Duke Du Mayn telling him That it would be much better to end all the Differences by another pitcht Battel then to carry them further on to the Peoples so great misery The Duke du Mayn excusing himself that he could not give the Answer for that he had not now the supreme Command sent the Herald to the Duke of Parma who returned answer That he was used to fight as he thought fit himself and not at the pleasure of his Enemy That he would not refuse battel when it should not become him so to doe and that upon other occasions he himself would offer it when he should think good There was only the two aforesaid Hills between the Kings quarters and the Dukes wherefore their being so near caused some skirmishes daily The Duke kept four whole dayes in his quarters in which time he himself had several times advanced towards where the King lay to the end that he might the better and more distinctly observe his Quarters He then began to move with his whole Army He had with great secrefie resolved to cozen the Enemy and