Enemy into Italy and that leauing the affaires of the Prouince he should make hast to succour his Countrey After which newes Sempronius presently sends backe the Army by Sea giuing them charge to saile directly to Italy and he gaue the conduct of the Army by Land to the Tribunes appointing them a day when they should come to Rimeny It is a Towne seated vpon the Adriatique shore at the end of the Plaines which are about Poe towards the South By this meanes matters being altred and that all seemed to fall out contrary to the hope and opinion of the World euery man vsed diligence to prouide for the future The two Armies were now opposite one to another whereof the Commaunders for the time they had laboured to giue courage vnto their men But Hannibal striuing to encourage them vsed this meanes putting into the middest of the Army assembled together the Prisoners of the Mountaines who were in Chaines The which by their continuall toile and partly by his commaundment were growne leane and feeble for the better to attaine vnto his intention hee had caused them to haue great fetters and had in a manner starued them and finally had commaunded that they should bee cruelly beaten naked Hauing drawne them into the midst of his Army he caused armes to be laid before them after the manner of the Gaules and such as Captaines vse to arme themselues with when they fight single Combats he also gaue them Horses and Cassocks made with great Art Then he demaunded of the Prisoners which of them would fight man to man propounding to the Victor the afore said gifts and to the vanquished that by death he should be freed from his present miseries And as they all cried out that they were ready to fight Hannibal causeth Lots to be cast and makes two men to enter the list arm'd vpon whom the Lot had fallen The which the prisoners hearing they lifted vp their hands to Heauen praying vnto the gods that they would bee pleased to choose them for the Combate As soone as the Lot was cast they vpon whom it fell were wonderfully ioyfull and the rest remained sad and pensiue But when as the Combate was ended the other Prisoners did no lesse commend the fortune of him that was defeated then of the Conqueror Conceiuing that hee was freed from the great and many miseries wherewith they were tormented liuing The like thought the Carthaginians for in making comparison of the misery of the suruiuours and of those who fighting died valiantly they found the fortune of these men good and that of the others moued them to pitty When as Hannibal saw his Army moued to pitty at this spectacle he presently came into the midst of the assembly saying that hee presented it vnto them to the end they should make vse of the example of anothers mans fortune to consider of their owne for that they were to vndergoe the same Combate and that Fortune propounded vnto them the like time and the like rewards for they must of necessity liue or dye or fall into their Enemies hands aliue If they vanquished their spoile should bee more then a Horse or a Cassocke being the happiest men in the World after they had conquered the good fortune of the Romans And if in fighting they died like braue men they should end their liues with good hope free from all miseries and calamities But withall they must expect all miseries and pouerty if being vanquished they should flie with a desire of a longer life or with a resolution to seeke some other meanes to liue and that there is no man so voide of sence which thinkes if hee flies that his safe returne into his Countrey is possible if hee will remember the length of the way with the multitude of Combats which must bee maintained during the Voyage If hee likewise considers the narrow streights and so many troublesome Riuers which were to passe Wherefore it was needfull for them that in laying aside all hope of flight they should vse the like pitty to themselues in their affaires as they haue shewed lately in the example of other mens fortunes For as in the others they commended the fortune of the Victor and the vanquished and held those which remained miserable so they must iudge the like of themselues And therefore they must goe resolutely to the Combate to get an vnspeakable Victory or else to dye like braue men in battell if auerse fortune deny it them and that they must not expect that being vanquished they should finde any meanes of safety Finally if they march to the field with this resolution there is no doubt but the Victory and their safety is in their owne hands for there was neuer any man that haue fought with this intention or with a resolute courage or forced by necessity but hee hath preuailed ouer his Enemies And that this is very easie to doe when as all these things concurre together contrary vnto the Enemy as it happens this Day vnto the Romans For as their flight hath a manifest and an apparent safety in their houses which were neere them so the courage of desperate men will be found insupportable And when as after this Oration together with the example the Souldiers hearts were much inflamed to Warre and that their Generals comparison was pleasing vnto them Hannibal commending them sent them away and commaunded them to bee ready at the breake of day But after that the Consull Publiuâ—s Scipio hauing past the Poe had caused his Army to march to the Riuer of Tesin he commaunded a Bridge to be made by such as were skilfull and made a Speech vnto the assembly according to the opportunity of the time In the beginning he spake many things concerning the Maiesty of the people of Rome and the prowesse of their Ancestors But concerning the present affaires this was the substance They must of necessity sayd he hold the victory certaine although they had not yet tried their vallour with the Enemy But onely for that they were to fight with the Carthaginians Neither must they expect that they would dare to come to Battell against the Romans hauing in the last Warres so often beate them both by Sea and Land to whom they had also so long payed tribute and whose power they had so often tried And to the end I forbeare to speake of the times past why should men of iudgement doubt of the future seeing we haue some experience that they dare not looke vs in the face It is certaine that when lately the Roman Horse-men encountred the Carthaginians in Gaule on this side the Riuer of Rhone they not onely returned safe but they beate them backe into their Campe and that presently when as Hannibal and the Carthaginian Army found the Romans to be so neere they steale away in manner of a flight and passe the Mountaines otherwise then they had resolued in feare and amazement Now behold Hannibal who in passing
King did not hold the outrage which he had done by open Warre in seazing vpon the places of base Syrria to bee vniust or vnreasonable and that he had done nothing but by a iust title For he sayd that Antigonus with one eye and Seleucus who first had conquered those places were the true and lawfull Lords Wherefore the Realme of base Syrria belonged vnto him as it were by right of inheritance and not to Ptolomy For that Ptolomy had fought against Antigonus not for his owne right but to conquer those Countries for Seleucus Moreouer he propounded the mutuall accord betwixt the Kings for at such time as Antigonus was defeated when as Cassander Lysimachus and Seleucus would diuide the Realme betwixt them they adiudged all Syrria to Seleucus This was all that Antiochus alledged Contrariwise Ptolomes Embassadours laboured to produce their reasons making this present outrage far greater then it had bin saying that the accord had bin broken as wel by the treason of Theodote as by the descent which Antiochus had made with an Army into Syrria Moreouer they pretended Ptolomes possession saying that he had made Warre with Seleucus against Antigonus to the end he might conquer all the Empire of Asia for Seleucus and make Syrria and Phenicea his owne These difficulties with diuers others were many times debated betwixt them but they could not conclude any thing although matters were solicited by their common Friends for that the party of Acheus bred a great controuersie and debate betwixt them For that Ptolomy sought to comprehend him in the accord and Antiochus would not heare him spoken of holding it a strange thing that Ptolomy should presume to make mention of those who through Treason abandoned their King Finally the Embassadours departed without any effect In the Spring Antiochus vseth all diligence to leuie men with an intent to assaile Syrria both by Sea and Land and to make subiect all the other Countries of that Prouince But Ptolomy did no lesse to re-enforce the Army of Nicholas so as hee sent him store of victuals out of the Countries neere vnto Gaza furnishing him moreouer with Souldiers both by Sea and Land with other things necessary By meanes whereof Nicholas resuming courage went boldly to Field with the helpe of Perigene Commander of the Army at Sea being sent by Ptolomy with thirty ships of Warre and about foure hundred Merchants Vessels This Nicholas was borne in Etolia as able and resolute a Souldier as any that serued Ptolomy who after he had formerly gotten with a part of his Army the streights which lie neere vnto Platane and marching with the rest to Porphirrion he shut vp the passage of the Prouince from the King with the helpe of the Sea-army Antiochus being come to Marache and Embassadours arriuing from the Arcadians to conferre of the conditions of their Alliance he not onely receiued them courteously but freed the discord which had beene long betwixt them in reconciling the Arcadians which dwelt in the Iland with those that liued in Epirus This done hee comes to Berite entring into the â—rouince by a place which the Countrey-men call the Face of God in passing hee tooke the Towne of Botre setting fire vpon Triere and Calame From thence he sent Nicarche and Theodote before giuing them charge to gaine the streights which are neere vnto the Riuer of Dyce And with the rest of his Army he plants himselfe neere vnto the Riuer of Damure from whence Diogene Chiefe of the Army at Sea was not farre Then againe he takes those that were lightly armed whom hee had sent before with Nicarche and Theodote and goes to discouer the streights which Nicholas had formerly taken so as after hee had well viewed the places hee returned to his Campe. Where the next day hee left those that were best armed vnder the charge of Nicarche and marched with the rest against the Enemy And for that Mount Liban doth much restraine those places towards the Sea-shoare the way must of necessity be narrow difficult and almost inaccessible leauing a streight and short passage towards the Sea Whereas Nicholas hauing then built his Fort hee did hope he should be well able to repulse Antiochus For that he had put him selfe into it with a good number of Souldiers and had also fortified it with Engines and other defences The King diuided his Army into three Troupes whereof hee gaue the leading of the one to Theodote giuing him charge to fall vpon the Enemies which defended the way of the Mountaine Hee gaue another to Menedemus whom hee commanded to striue to get vp thâ— Mountaine And the third he placed on the Sea-shoare vnder the leading of Diocles. Hee put himselfe among the Baggage to see all and to succour where neede should require At the same time Diogenet and Perigene began to fight at Sea approaching as neere to Land as possibly they could so as they might see the Combats by Land and Sea with one view The Trumpets sounding to the charge the fight was long equall at Sea so as the Victory inclined to neither side for that the two Armies were equall in number of men and preparation of Warre In regard of the fight at Land Nicholas had the better in the beginning for that hee had the aduantage of the place But when as they which were with Theodote came vpon them from the top of the Mountaine and charged them with great fury Nicholas and his men fled shamefully There were two thousand slaine in the chase the rest saued themselues in Sydon And although that Perigene in shew had good hope of the â—ight at Sea yet seeing the defeate of the Army at Land he retired Antiochus drew his men together and went and planted his Campe neare vnto Sydon yet hee did not hold it fit to attempt the taking thereof at that time as well for the abundance of munition and victuals that were in it as for the multitude of men as well Inhabitants as such as were retired into it after the Battaile Wherefore he dislodged and went to Philotere sending word to Diogenet Chiefe of the Army at Sea to sayle to Tyre You must vnderstand that Philotere is seated neare vnto a Fenne into the which the Riuer which they call Iordan passeth then takes its course by the Countrey of that Towne which is called Scithes After the suddaine taking of these two Townes he enters into great hope for the future for that their Fields were sufficient to furnish his Army with all kind of victuals and other munitions for the war There he placed sufficient Garrisons and passing the Mountaines he came to the Towâ—e of Atabyre scituated vpon the Mountaine of Mastodia which hath fifteene Furlongs in ascent There laying an Ambush neare the Towne he began to draw the Inhabitants forth to fight who following his men who seemed to retire were in a manner all slaine they turning head And for that the Ambush charged them
a thousand signes and tokens foresee deuising sufficient remedier to auoid it But when a warre is mannaged by Iudgement and discretion as it is requisite the shewes are commonly contrarie to that which they pursue Wherefore the more an Enterprize is dissembled and keept secret the more easie it is to put in execution Finally if wee will confesse the truth it is a profession which among all others requires the greatest vigilancie a continuall Care with an incredible diligence whereof a good Iudgement must haue the conduct that by coniecture drawne from things formerly practized or from a probability of that which hee sees hee may soone after iudge of the Enemies resolution and finally attempt and hope for a victory And although it hath beene alwaies held that Money is the sinewer of Warre yet I hold its force without Conduct like vnto that of a strong able Man opprest with a deepe sleepe whose senses haue made their retreate for his rest So there is nothing so strong nor so quicke in this world as the sense of man Nor any thing so powerfull and terrible which the vnderstanding doth not master and subdue And therefore wee say commonly in France that wit is better than force Yet I know that Courage is a great aduantage and necessary for a souldier but especially for a Generall But I feare that for want of Iudgement and a good consideration it makes them not sometimes ouer-weening and carelesse of danger So as many times it giues occasion to a weake and cowardlie Enemie to vndertake a Victory and to performe the Act of a valiant man Wherefore courage without conduct and vigilancie is alwayes subiect to Ambushes and shamefull flights which are inconuentenees whereof a Coward is alwaies warie for that feare makes a Man vigilant and carefull But was there euer Nation more hardie nor more warre-like nor that more carefully obserued the ordinances of warre than the Romanes How then did Hannibal defeate them so often not onely in Encounters but in pitcht Battailes and in the open field by his great Iudgement and his subtile pollicies In what feare and with what admiration hath the fury of the Gaules beene held in old time by all Natioâ—s who parting from their owne Countrey and Townes to seeke new habitations haue conquered land in diuers Countries by Armes building Townes not onely in Italy their Neighbour but also in Germany and in the end in Greece and Asia Who hath defeated and quite ruinated them in a short time but their owne Consideration and an ouer-weaning confidence in their force and courage I hold for certaine which you know well that it is not sufficient for a Prince or Generall to haue his Armie compleate with foote and horsemen how resolute soeuer and with all necessary prouisions for a warre No more than for a Souldier to haue youth strong and actiue Members a daring courage and compleate furniture Hee must haue to vanquish the which many times the vanquished improperly call mis-fortune that piece of harnesse so well steeled which wee call Iudgement or a good conduct Beleeue mee that like vnto a horse when hee hath taken the â—it betwixt his teeth forcing his Master flies without feare thorow Woods Rockes and Precipices with the danger of his life bee hee neuer so nimble and couragious so a hardie and resolute souldier doth easily his owne ruine if hee wants conduct and Iudgement You must vnderstand that as the body requires Exercise to preserue in health and to make it actiue and hardened to indure labour and paine so the vnderstanding in like manner desires to bee exercised and imployed either by the consideration of things past or by those which are visible It is true that those which are seene by the eye haue a greater viuacitie and a stronger impression than those which are past For that liuing things are of greater force than dead Yet if we shall duely consider the length of time which the experience of a thousand kind of pollicies which warre requires before that a wise Man will dare to aduenture himselfe in a bold and hardie Enterprize wee shall finde that the knowledge of the antient warres which haue beene left vs in writing will bee of no small consequence vnto him For besides the assurance of danger hee may in a short time see by Historiographers the great and wonderfull exploits of the Antient in a manner since the Creation of the world to pleasure and contentment from them with some Encouragement to doe aswell or better hereafter You know well that the warre which is seene by the eye is not alwaies made betwixt warre-like people nor vnder resolute Commaunders that are skilfull in their profession so as it is a difficult thing vnder such to see any valiant exploits nor Enterprizes attempted with good inuention nor well executed Wee say commonly in France that the Combate is dangerous when as courage fights against courage So is it credible that when an Army consisting of warre-like men is vnder the leading of a wise and resolute Commander hauing in front an Enemy equall vnto him in all degrees there must needes bee valiant exploits performed with hardy Enterprizes wisely mannaged If there haue beene any warres attempted by fierce and warlike Nations and gouerned by wise and famous Captaines beleeue me this present Historiographer hath vsed great diligence to set them downe in writing Labouring only to mention the deedes and valour that was most worthy of Relation that with the pleasure and contentment which they may reape in reading them they may draw some instructions and meanes not to fall into the inconuiences of warre into the danger whereof many times both Captaine and souldiers may bee ingaged through want of experience good aduice and councell So as among others you shall see Enterprizes of the Romanes against the Carthaginians for the conquest of Sicily During the which there were many Encounters and cruell battailes as well by Sea as land You shall likewise reade the furious Combat of the Gaules against the Romanes And moreouer the warre betwixt Cleomenes and Antigonus for Morea the which Philip the Sonne of Demetrius tooke afterwards And besides many other notable exploites which at this present I will forbeare you shall see the Conquests which Hannibal made in Spaine with his incredible voiage into Italie performed in his younger yeeres and his victories gotten of the Romanes with such pollicie and wisedome as it is a difficult thing if wee shall consider the people and number of his Armie hauing regard to courage and power of those with whom hee had to deale to iudge truely whether there were euer Captaine in the memory of man that may with reason bee compared vnto him Finally my Masters I doe not promise you in this History those miraculous Battailes which exceed the apprehension of man performed in the Kingdome of Logres nor I know not what Quest of that barking Beast Make your accompt that you shall not finde any Tract or marke of
as passe from Trypanum or Lylibcum into Italy and it hath store of Water There are but three wayes to go vnto this Mount which are difficult and vneasy two vpon the firme Land and the third towards the Sea Amilcar Planted his Campe there where there was no conuenient Towne but was lodged among his enemies whom he did not suffer to liue in rest For many times he went to Sea and spoyl'd the coast of Italy vnto Cumes and then he led his Army by Land vnto Palermo and besieged it within eight hundred Furlongs of the Romanes Campe where he staied neere three yeares performing many braue Acts which were difficult to relate in particular For euen as when excellent Combattants re-doubling their blowes with dexterity and force the prize of the Victory being propounded it is neyther possible for them nor for the standers by to yeild a reason of euery charge and blow taking in generall a sufficient knowledge of their Valour aswell by the Prowesse of the Men as by their mutuall indeauours and by their Experience and Virtue we must conceiue the like of the Commaunders of whom we now speake For if any one will Write the causes or manner how they lay Ambushes and intertayne skirmishes and incounters he should not be able to number them and would cause a great trouble without any profit to the Reader where we may better attayne to the knowledge of things past by a generall narration and by the end of the War They likewise cannot perceiue in this present War any thing by the History of the great pollicies nor by the time nor by the feeling of the present case by things done which haue bin decided with an ouer-weaning and violent boldnesse There are many causes for the which they could not discerne betwixt the two Campes for the Armies were equal and their Forts not easie to be approached vnto for that the space betwixt both was very strong and little so as there daily hapned particular combates Finally they performed nothing which concerned the end of the Warre For many times in incounters some were slayne and others turning away and escaping the danger assured themselues and fought againe where Fortune remayning like a good Distributer changing them from Front to Front hath inclosed them in a narrower compasse and a more dangerous fight in regard of the place and precedent Combat Whilst the Romans as we haue sayd kept the top and foote of the Mountayne of Erix Amilcar surprized the Towne which was betwixt the top of the Hill and the foote of it where the Roman garrison lay By this meanes the Romans which held the top were besieged by the Carthaginians with great danger The Carthaginians likewise were no lesse in the Towne seeing they were besieged from the top of the Mountayne and from the foote and hauing but one way they could hardly draw vnto them that which was necessary Thus either Party persisted one against another with extreame obstinacy Suffring great extremities and running into great dangers Finally they purchased a sacred Crowne not as Fabius sayth as Men weakned and tyred but constant and not vanquished For before that one party ouercame the other although the War continued two yeares yet beganne to haue an end by another meanes Finally the Affaires of Erix and the forces were in this estate You may imagine that these two Common-Weales did like vnto Rauening Birds fighting among themselues vnto the last gaspe For although that sometimes their flight fayled them for want of breath yet they repulse the assaults with great courage vntill that hiding themselues willingly they fled away easily this done some take their flight before the rest In like manner the Romanes and the Carthaginians tyred with toyle grew cold in their continuall combats abating their forces for the ordinary charges And although the Romanes had abandoned the combats at Sea almost for fifteene yeares aswell for their mis-fortunes as for that they did hope to make an end of this Warre by the Army at Land yet seeing their designe not successefull considering likewise the courage of Amilcar they conceiued a third hope in their Forces at Sea They aduised well that if their designe were successefull it would be a meanes to make an end of their Affaires the which in the end they effected First they left the Sea yeilding vnto their mis-fortunes And for the second time for that they had bin vanquished neere vnto Trypanum and finally at the third time they were of another humour by the which being Victors they cut off the Victuals from Erix and made an end of the Warre This attempt for the most part was like a Combate of great courage for the publicke Treasure vnable to furnish this charge But the Citizens contributing euery Man vnto his power many together built a Quinquereme supplying the necessary expences so much the peoples hearts were iâ—flamed to Armes and to augment the Romane Empire By this meanes they made a preparation of two hundred Quinqueremes after the patterne of the Rhodien the which as we haue sayd had beene taken before Lylibeum Wherefore they afterwards gaue the commaund vnto Lucius Luctatius Consull and sent him in the Spring against the Carthaginians who being suddainly arriued in Sicily with his Army tooke the Port of Trepanum at his entry and all the rest which were about Lylibeum In the meane time all the Carthaginians ships retired to their Captaine Afterwards hee indeauoured to take Trepanum with his Engins and other things necessary to force a Towne But for that the Carthaginians Army at Sea was not farre off they had a remembrance of things past and of what importance the knowledge of the Sea was he was not idle nor negligent causing his Rowers and Marriners to bee continually kept in practice not suffring any one to be idle By this meanes the Souldiers in a short time were inured to the Sea The Carthaginians contrary to their hope hauing newes of the Roman Army at Sea presently prepared their ships and rraighted them with Corne other Munition to the end the besieged within the Towne of Erix should not haue any want of things necessary Hanno had the charge of this Army who past first to the Island of Hieronesus and from thence he made haste to sayle aboue the Enemy to Amilcars Campe to discharge his ships and to victuall it But Luctatius being aduertised of their comming and doubting of their enterprize for it was not hard to coniecture made choice of the ablest men of the Army at Land and failed directly to the Island of Eguse which is not farre from Lylibeum Then hauing giuen courage to the Souldiers he makes a Proclamation that euery man should be ready the next day to fight Three daies after the Consull seeing at the breake of day that the wind was good and prosperous for the Enemy and contrary to his Army and that the Sea was much troubled with a storme he was
a great part of Spaine Where staying about nine yeares conquering many Townes by force and othâ—rs by composition to haue their liues and goods safe hee dyed a Death worthy of his actions For when he had made Warre against couragious and powerfull people he dyed after hee had exposed himselfe to all dangers with great assurance and the admiration of all the World After this the Carthaginians made Asdrubal kinsman to Amilcar who had commaunded the Triremes Generall of their Army At which time the Romanes passed to Sclauonia and to that part of Europe with an Army They which desire to vnderstand truely our Discourse with the beginning and increase of the Romane power must diligently obserue it This Voyage by Sea was vndertaken for the causes which here follow Agron King of Sclauonia was the Sonne of Plurate This King drew to field more foote and Horse than any that had reigned before him in Sclauonia It is true that he was corrupted with money at the perswasion of Demetrius Father to Philip so as he succour'd the Midioniens whom the Etoliens held besieged You must vnderstand that when the Etoliens saw that they could not draw the Midioniens to liue according to their Lawes they began to make Warre against them laying siege to diuers places and doing what they possibly could to take the Citty And as in the meane time the day of the assembly was come wherein they were to chuse another Captaine of the Army and that the besieged were growne so weake as they seemed to haue no other thoughts but of yeilding he which at that time was Generall came vnto the Etoliens and let them vnderstand that it was reasonable that he who had indured so great paines and exposed himselfe to so many dangers during the Warre should haue the booty and spoile of the enemies if they were vanquished There were many euen of those which had any colour to attaine vnto that charge who discontented with this kind of demaund intreated the multitude not to determine any thing but to leaue the booty to him to whom Fortune should giue it Finally the Etoliens decreed that whosoeuer should winne the Towne he should share a moiety of all the Booty Riches and Armes with him who formerly had beene the Commaunder While matters stood on these termes and that within three dayes after the Assembly was to meete where according to the Custome of the Etoliens the last Commaunder was to be Deposed and a new choses there arriued in the night about a hundred ships neere to Midionia with ten thousand men of Sclauonia Who after they had recouered the Port and the day began to breake they landed in haste and by stealth and then they marched in battell after their manner against the Etoliens Army And although the Etoliens being aduertised of their comming were at the first amazed at this newes and the boldnesse of the Sclauonians Yet hauing great spirits and courage relying also in their Forces they drew out before their Campe the greatest part of their Horse and Armed men and placed vpon some passages which were not farre from the Camp some Horses and such as were lightly Armed The which were charged and broken by the Sclauonians as well by reason of the multitude of their Souldiers as for that the middest of their battell was strongly fortified In regard of the Horse-men they were forced to flye shamefully vnto their Campe From thence thorough the aduantage of the place they marcht speedily against those which kept the Plaine whom they charged and put presently to flight The Midionians sally forth and pursue them so as there was a great slaughter of the Etoliens and many Prisoners with the spoile of all their baggage hauing found no resistance When as the Sclauonians had performed their Kings Commaund and shipt all their baggage and booty they set sayle and retire to their houses The Midionians also being thus preserued contrary to their hope they assembled and held a Councell among themselues as well for other affaires as for the diuision of the booty taken from the Enemy and of their Armes to deuide them in common by an example taken of him who had beene Chiose of the Etoliens and of those which according to the decree of the Etoliens should succeed him as if Fortune had done it willingly to make the world know her force by the misfortune of the others In truth these in a short time made their Enemies to feele the miseries which they themselues expected suddainly The Etoliens after this misery serued for an example to the world not to hold future things as already done nor to put their hope in things which may succeed otherwise And that wee must alwayes reserue some part in things which may happen contrary to our hope as well as in all other actions seeing we are men as in the affaires of Warre When as the victorious ships were arriued King Agron transported with incredible ioy for the exploits of his men hauing vanquished the Etoliens relying much vpon their forces he gaue himselfe so to banqueting in the night and to a foolish delight of drinking and watching as hee fell into a Pleurisie the which grew so violent as hee died within few dayes after After whose death his Wife Teuca reigned gouerning the Realme by the counsell and aduice of her Friends But afterwards shee followed her womanish affections hauing no care but of this prosperity nor any regard to forreigne affaires suffering all those that would goe to Sea to spoile all passengers Shee also raised a great Army at Sea letting the Captaines vnderstand that the Countrey which was right against hers was Enemy vnto her Who at the first assailed the Elienses and Messenâ—ens whom the Sclauonians spoiled often But for that there is a large Sea and that the Townes of those Regions were all vpon the firme Land they could not easily preuent the Sclauonians courses and therefore they did spoile and ruine the Countrey without any obstacle And as at the same time they sayled to Epirus to fetch victuals they came to Phenice where there were about eight hundred Gaules entertained by the Epirotes to guard the Towne Heere they landed and parled with them to deliuer it whereunto they yeelded so as they tooke it and all that was within it by the helpe of the Gaules When the Epirotes had the newes they came presently to succour them with all their people and lodged vpon the banks of a neere Riuer Then they tooke away the planks of the Bridge to be free from the danger of those which kept the Towne In the meane time they were aduertised that Scerdilaide came by Land with fiue thousand men by the Streights of Antigonia Wherefore they deuided their Army in two whereof the one went to guard the passages of Antigonia and the other remained in the Campeidlely and negligently consuming what was in that Countrey without feare and
the causes for the which the Romans past first with an Army into Sclauonia and into that Countrey of Europe Since they sent an Embassie to Corinth and to the Atheniens at such time as the Corinthians desired to make the Romans partakers of the Warre which they made against them of the Iftmus At that time Asdruâ—al for here wee formerly left our discourse of the affaires of Spaine had by his great vertues much increased the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine and built a Towne which some called Carthagena others Villanoua most commodious by reason of its scituation as well for the affaires of Spaine as of Affricke Of whose scituation and of the benefit it may bring to the two Prouinces we will speake in another place when it shal be fitting The Romans seeing the Carthaginians forces growne thus powerfull in Spaine did not hold it fit to let things passe in this manner But acknowledging their negligence for that formerly like men asleepe they had by their owne weaknesse suffered the Carthaginians name to grow great there they resolued to repaire this errour Yet they durst not begin a Warre fearing a descent of the Gaules whose fury they apprehended much And therefore they resolued to treate first with Asdrubal touching Spaine and then to assaile the Gaules And whatsoeuer should happen to vndergoe the danger in holding it for certaine that it was not possible for them to be Lords of Italy nor to keepe their owne Countrey and houses vnlesse they had subdued the Gaules Thus they sent an Embassie into Spaine to Asdrubal who concluded a treaty of peace By the which among other things it was agreed that the Carthaginians should not passe the Riuâ—r of Ebro with an Army and that they might ouer runne the rest of Spaine Presently after the conclusion of this treaty they prepared for Warre in Italy against the Gaules the which wee haue thought good to relate summarily to the end that as wee haue proposed the preparatioâ— for the other Histories may be more manifest Wee will looke backe vnto the time when as the Gaules seazed first vpon Italy For in my Opinion the History will not onely be pleasant and worthy of memory but most necessary to vnderstand with what people afterwards and in what Couatries Hannibal trusting himselfe durst assaile the Roman Empire And first wee will speake of their Prouince what scituation and what proportion it hath to the rest of Italy For by this meanes they may the better vnderstand the things which concerne the knowledge of the History in declaring first the property of places and Countries All Italy is of a triangular forme That side which lookes towards the Eâ—st is confined by the Ionian Sea and the Adriatique Gulfe and that which tends towards the South and West is inclosed by the Seas of Italy and Sicily These two sides ioyned together make the point of the Triangle Where in front lies the Promontory which the people of the Countrey call Cocynthe and hath its aspect to the South deuiding the Ionian Sea from the Sicilian The third side which tends to the Pole Artique and to the firme land is limited by the continuation of the Alps the which beginning at Marseilles and in those Countries which are about the Sardinian Sea continue vnto the shore of the Adriatique Sea leauing some little space betwixâ— both Within on this side which wee meane to bee bounded by the Alps and is as it were the Basis or foundation of the Triangle there are from the Southerne Countrey tending towards the North Plaines which make the end of Italy and are the greatest and the most fertill in all Europe whose figure is likewise Triangular The Appenin Hill and the Alps ioyning together make a point of the Triangle neere vnto the Sardinian Sea and aboue Marseilles That side which lookes to the North is made by the Alpes whereof the extent is two thousand two hundred Furlongs That side which hath its aspect to the South is bounded by the Appenin Hill the which hath three thousand and three score Furlongs in length The shore of the Adriatique Sea holds the fashion of the foundation of the whole figure whereof the greatnesse which begins at the Towne of Senegaille vnto the Gulfe of the same Sea hath two thousand fiue hundred Furlongs in compasse By this meanes the Circuite of the whole Plaine containeth tenne thousand Furlongs in compasse It is not in my power to describe the great fertillity of the Country so much it abounds in all sorts of Fruites that many times a Bushell of Wheate after the measure of Sicily hath beene sold in our times for two Soulz and foure Dencers That of Batley for foureteene Deneers and a Vessell of wine for asmuch Moreouer it is not credible the aboundance of Mill and Panique which they call Indian Oatmeale There is also a great aboundance of Akornes which come from the Forrests which are in diuers parts of that Region Considering that the Italians breed an infinite number of Swine to Sacrifice and for their vse and necessary prouision of an Army the which the Fertillity of this Country doth supply aboundantly It is easie to conceiue that the aboundance of other particular things necessary for the vse of Man is great Considering that when as Guests come vnto their Innes they neuer make a particular price for the things they take as they do in oâ—her Countries but onely what euery Man is to pay for his share When as the Guests had beene honestly intreated and haue had whatsoeuer was necessary for their reâ—ection they neuer payd aboue halfe an Assaiâ—e which is worth three-halfe-pence they seldome exceed this price Moreouer it is very well peopled the Men are actiue goodly and strong for the Waâ—â—e the which is more easie to be knowne by their Actions than by that which can be spoken The Gaules whom they call Transalpins inhabite the Mountainous places on either side the Alpes towards the Rhoâ—e and the North. And on the side of the plaines dwell the Turinois and the Agoniens and many other Barbarous Nations which are of the same Race with the Transalpins and differ only in their Habitation The other are called Transalpins because they dwell beyond the Mountaines As for the top of the Mountaines it is so farre from being inhabited as they do not find so much as the tract of a man both by reason of the difficulty and vneasinesse as for that it is alwayes couered with Snow and full of Ice But the Genouois dwell aboue Marseilles where as the Appenin Hill begins to ioyne with the Alpes Moreouer they hold all that Coast which lookes to the Champion Country and to the Sea of Italy So as along the Sea they hold all vnto the Towne of Pisa which is the first Citty of Italy towards the West and towards the firme Land to Aretzo Next to the Genouois come the Italians and of eyther side of the
demanded of them for to be put to death for the taking of Sagont Hee acquaints them likewise of the fertility of the Prouince whither they made their voyage making great esteeme and respect of the Friendshippe and alliance of the Gaules After which speech seeing them all resolute and that they demaunded nothing but to parte he commended their good will and prowesse And after he had told them the day when they should trusse vp their baggage he dismist them In the meane time when he had made all necessary preparations for his Voyage hee dislodg'd suddainly when the day of parting was come with fourescore and ten thousand Foote and twelue thousand Horse and past the Riuer of Ebro Then within few dayes hee brought vnder his obedience the Ilergetins the Bargusins the Erinosins and Andolisiens the like they did to all other Townes vnto the Pyrenee Mountaines razing some And as hee performed this sooner than any man could conceiue so he did it not without many cruell battels and great losse of men He setled Hanno Gouernour of this Countrey and made him likewise Lord of the Bargusins for that hee did not greatly trust those people for the Alliance they had with the Romans and hee gaue him ten thousand Foote and a thousand Horse for the guard of their Countrey leauing with him all their baggage which march't with him Hee sent backe the like number of Spaniards to their houses partly for that hee vnderstood they were grieued with the length of the Iourney and the difficult passages of the Mountaines and partly to giue hope vnto others to returne sometimes into their Countrey and that they which he left in their houses should march more willingly into Italy if he needed succours He march't then with the rest of his Army which amounted vnto the number of fifty thousand Foote and nine thousand Horse And passing the Pyrenee Mountaines he drew neere vnto the mouth of the Riuer of Rhone not so well accompanied with great numbers as good men who had beene alwayes victorious But to the end this may not seeme too obscure by the ignorance of places wee haue thought it fit to shew in few words from whence Hannibal parted and what great Countries hee past and into what parts of Italy he entred It is true wee haue not set downe the names of the places as many Historiographers doe thinking that all will the better bee vnderstood if they haue the knowledge thereof For my part I am of opinion that the relation of the names of places whereof we haue knowledge are of great profit for the more easie vnderstanding and more certaine memory of things But where the places are vnknowne their names are like vnto that manner of voice which besides the hearing signifies nothing By this meanes it happens that seeing our vnderstanding doth not comprehend any thing by the name and the which knowne cannot breed any great profit that the relation is altogether fruitlesse And therefore wee must finde meanes by the which speaking of places that are vnknowne we may make the truth to be vnderstood by the Readers with all our power The first and principall knowledge common to all men is the Diuision of this World wherein wee are contained by the which wee know euen Ideots the East West South and North. The second is by the which attributing to euery one of these parts the parties of the World wee come in some sort to the knowledge of places which we haue neuer seene But as the round Circle of the Earth consists of many parts whereof some are inhabitable and others in scituation opposite to ours inhabited by the Antipodes Wee must for the present speake onely of the scituation of the Countrey which wee inhabite And for that it is diuided into three parts and hath three names whereof they call the one Asia the other Affricke and the third Europe It is a diuision which the Riuers of Tanais and Nile make ioyning to the streights of Hercules Pillars Asia is seated betwixt Nile and Tanais taking its extent towards the East and South In regard of Affricke it is seated betwixt the Nile and the Pillars of Hercules taking its extent vnder the South and towards the Hiuernall west vnto the Equinoxiall and to the streights of Gibeltar Finally these two parts seeme to hold more the Countrey vnder the South from the East following our Sea then towards the West And as for Europe it is limited drawing towards the North and continuing from the East vnto the West whose greatest extent lies towards the North betwixt the Riuer of Tanais and Narbonna which is not farre from the Countrey of Marcelles towards the West and the mouthes of the Riuer of Rhone which lose themselues in the Sardinian Sea The Gaules hold all that Countrey from Narbonna vnto the Perinee Mountaines the which extend themselues from our Sea vnto the Ocean and as for the rest of Europe from the Perinee Mountaines vnto the West I meane vnto the Pillars of Hercules it is enuironed on the one side by our Sea and on the other by the maine Ocean The Countrey about which our Sea doth flowe vnto the Pillars of Hercules is called Spaine And as for that which hath its aspect to the Ocean it hath not yet any knowne name that hath come to our knowledge although it bee fully inhabited by Barbarous people of whom we will speake particularly when we come to their Ranke For as the Region which is neere vnto Ethiopia whereas Asia and Affricke ioynes is at this day vnknowne whether it be firme land continued towards the South or inclosed by the Sea So likewise the Countrey is at this day vnknowne which betwixt Tanais and Narbonna drawes towards the North so as they dreame which speake or write any thing It was necessary to make this digression to the end that the deeds which we are to relate might not be altogether obscure to those which know not the places and that they might come the knowledge of the truth as much as is possible by the Regions of Heauen and Earth For we haue beene alwaies accustomed to turne our face continually to that which they teach vs by reason and example The vnderstanding must alwayes haue regard to those Countries which are interposed in the relation Leauing then our discourse let vs returne to the continuance of our speech The Carthaginians at that time held all the Affricaine shore whereas our Sea flowes from the Philonien Altars neere vnto the Bankes of Barbary vnto the Pillars of Hercules this containes about sixteene thousand Furlongs and in passing that little Sea which is betwixt Affricke and Europe they had Conquered all Spaine vnto the Perinee mountaines which diuide that Prouince from Gaule From the which vnto streights of Gebeltar where stand the Pillars of Hercules there is about eight thousand Furlongs And from the streight vnto the new Towne which some call Carthage from whence Hannibal parted to
go into Italy three thousand furlongs And from Carthage to Ebro two thousand sixe hundred furlongs From thence to the Empories sixteene hundred And from thence to the mouth of the Riuer of Rhone sixeteene hundred furlongs Behold the measure of those places which the Romanes haue made with great diligence From the passage of the Rhone following the Bankes towards the Spring vnto the passage of the Alpes into Italy thirteene hundred furlongs and the passage of the Mountayne is held to be twelue hundred After which they come into the Champion Countrey which is about Poe. And therefore Hannibal was to march nine thousand furlongs from Carthage vnto the entry of Italy And if we will obserue the way he had already past the one halfe But if we will consider the difficulty of the Country he had the most troublesome taske to performe Hannibal endeauoured by all meanes to passe the Perinee Mountaines not without some feare of the Gaules least knowing the passages they should interrupt his voyage into Italy In the meane time newes came to Rome of that which had beene spoken and done at Carthage by the Embassadours and that Hannibal had past the Riuer of Ebro with his Army much sooner then they expected making hast to go into Italy for the which the great men of Rome were not a little amazed Coâ—â—iuing that hee would mooue the Nation of the Gaules against them being alwayes desirous of Warre Wherefore after the Election of the Consuls the diuided the Prouinces Whereof Spaine was for Publius Cornelius and Affricke with Sycily for Tytus Sempronius To whom they appointed sixe Legions for that yeare and as many Allies as they should thinke good and as great an Army at Sea as they could make Whilest they Lâ—uied men at Rome and that the Army at Sea and Munitions were preparing and all the necessary Equipage for the Sea they laboured to people their Collonies which they had lately in Gaule neere vnto the Poe. There were Citties newly built and Cittizens enioyned to be there within thirty dayes to either Citty sixe thousand men whereof the one which was on this side the Poe was called Plaisance and the other on the further side Cremona The Boloniens discontented herewith and remembring the auncient quarrels abandoned the Roman party being aduertised of the Descent of the Carthaginians leauing the Hostages which they had giuen in the former Warre whereof we haue made mention in the last Booke And taking Armes suddainly they solicited the Milanâ—â—is to do the like making a tumultuous hurly-burly in the Countrey assigned to the Collonies so as all the people terrified fled to Modena with the three Deputies which were come to diuide the Land Whom the Bolonieus pursued and besieged the Towne The siege continuing some time they made a shew to parley of Peace And when as the Princes of the Gaules had caused some Embassadours to come vnto them they staied them contrary to the Law of Nations refusing to send them backe if their Hostages were not deliuered When the newes of this accident was come vnto them Lucius Manlius the Pretor who was then present with an Army inflamed with Rage makes hast to succour the Besieged whereof the Boloniens being aduertised they layd an Ambush in the Forrest neere the way and surprizing their enemies at their comming they slew a great number of the Romans The rest with great difficulty recouering the fields saued themselues Where although the Souldiers assured themselues for a time yet finding that the Boloniens pursued them in the Reare they â—â—ed to recouer the Towne of Cannet When the newes came vnto Rome the Romans fearing that their Army would be indangered by a long siege they appointed Attillius the Pretor to succour the Besieged with the Troupes prepared for the new Leuy of the Consull enioyning him moreouer to make a Leuy of others Behold the estate wherein the affaires of the Gaules stood vntill the comming of Hannibal In the meane time the Consulls hauing made ready all their necessary Equipage parted from Rome whereof Publius Cornelius bent his course to Spaine with threescore vessels of warre and Sempronius into Affricke with a hundred and three score Quiqueremes taking the Warre so to heart as he made so great a preparation at Lylibeum that it seemed he should presently besiege Carthage As for Cornelius he tooke his way by the Country of Tuscany and the Geneâ—â—is and arriued on the fifth day at Marcelles and entred with his Army at the first mouth of Rhone for it passeth into the Sea by many mouthes And although he were aduertised that Hannibal past the Pyrenee mountaines yet he made his accompt that hee had a long way to go aswell for the difficulty of the Country as for the multitude of the Gaules those parts being very well peopled But Hannibal made hast daily to passe the Rhone with his Army neere vnto the shore of the Sardinian Sea with incredible diligence after that he had pacified the Gaules partly with gifts and partly by feare The which the Consull hearing and beleeuing but in part this suddaine arriuall desiring likewise to know the truth he Lands to refresh his Men wearied with a torment at Sea Then he acquaints the Tribunes with the places by the which they must go to encounter the Enemy and sends three hundred choise Horse before vnder the Conduct of Pronencials and some succours of the Gaules to discouer the Enemies enterprize Hannibal being now neere the Rhone with his Army and within foure daies iourney of the Sea makes hast to passe it with all possible speed And therefore he cals all the inhabitants thereabouts and wins them by Presents from whom he buies Skifs and small Boates which they ordinarily vse and whereof there were at that time a great number by reason of the Faires for the Trade of the Sea And he causeth others to be made in making hollow the bodies of Trees The which the Souldiers likewise did being mooued with the abundance of stuffe and the facility of the Worke So as in lesse then two daies there were so many Boates and Skifs as they were sufficient to passe Euery man striuing not to be at the mercy of his Companion or Comrade but to passe himselfe and his baggage into his owne Skiffe or Boate. In the meane time there were an infinite number of men drawne together vpon the further Banke of the Rhone to hinder the Carthaginians passage The which Hannibal perceiuing and knowing well that he could not passe the Riuer by force for that the Enemy held the other Banke nor stay there long but he should be inuironed by the people of the Country at the setting of the third Watch of the night the sends Hannâ— sonne to King Bomilcar with a part of his Army to whom he gaue some guides of the Country who mounted vp the Riuer two hundred furlongs staying aboue an Iland about the which the Rhone did runne Where
being of two hundred foote Finally they tied vnto these last two other long floats gently to the end they might bee easily vntied to the which were fastned certaine Cords wherewith they might drawe the Boats to the other Banke after they should bee vntied from the other floats Finally they couered them all with Earth to the end that the Elephants might march vpon them without feare as vpon the Land This Equipage being prepared they brought the Elephants who had beene accustomed to obey the Indians in all places but vpon the water by the meanes of two Females which marcht before vpon the floats as vpon the firme land which after they had past vnto the last which presently were vntied and were drawne by the Boats without any feare whilest they were all together But when as the last floate was separated from the rest and that they saw themselues carried vpon the water they made some shew of affrightment for the feare which they had of all parts for that the last fled from the water yet this feare made them quiet for that they saw nothing but water about them When the first were past they went to fetch the rest and past them Some of them tormenting themselues with feare fell into the Riuer and were retired safe although their Masters were slaine For in marching slowly and finding alwaies footing they recouered the other side of the Banke for that their waight kept them firme and by reason of their greatnesse they had their Tronks alwaies aboue the Riuer wherewith they might cast out the water if they had drunke any and so recouer their breath The Elephants being past Hannibal marcheth with them and all his Cauallery along the Rhone towards the firme land drawing all his prouisions in the meane time from the Sea The Rhone comes from three heads of Fountaines aboue the Sea of Venice taking their course towards the West and bending at the foote of the Mountaine something towards the North. Then it enters into the Lake of Geneua where it is not so violent and passing through the middest of it it tends to the Hyuernall West diuiding the Gaules in some sort and then taking its course towards the South it enters into the Sardinian Sea The Valesien Gaules inhabite that part which tends towards the North and on the South side is enuironed with the Mountaines which bend towards the North. And as for the Plaines which are about Poe whereof wee haue formerly spoken the Alpes separate them from the Rhone which beginning at Marseilles extend vnto the Gulfe of Venice The which Hannibal then past about that Countrey which lies neere vnto the Rhone and came into Italy Some Historiographers seeking in this passage to terrifie the iudgement of Readers doe not obserue that they fall into two strange errours contrary to the reason of the History For they are forced to write lies and actions quite contrary shewing Hannibal whom they will haue inimitable as well for his knowledge in Martiall affaires as for his great courage to be wholly voide of sense and reason And in the end when they cannot free themselues from their lies they haue recourse vnto the gods for their History made at pleasure For in making the passage of the Alpes so great and difficult so as not onely the Horse-men Baggage nor Elephants could not passe neither yet the Foot men lightly armed and that moreouer there is so great a Desart that if God or some Angell had not guided the Army without doubt it had perished in the Caues and hollow places they fall directly into two errours First where should you finde a Commaunder more sencelesse then Hannibal who hauing the charge of so many troupes and of so great an Army wherein consisted all his hope to preuaile in his enterprize knew neither the passages nor the places as they say nor which way hee should passe nor against whom For their meaning is that with so great a hope and with such a triumphant Army he should doe that which others after many Combats doe not attempt but through extreame despaire But what can be spoken more vnreasonable And whereas they say the places are desart and rough they shew themselues apparent liars They doe not say how the Gaules inhabiting the banks of Rhone before that time haue past into Italy not once nor twice Nor how in times past they haue past the Mountaines with a great Army against the Romans to succour and helpe the Cisalphin Gaules nor how that those Mountaines are very well peopled But as men ignorant hereof they say that I know not what God appeared to Hannibal and shewed him the way By this meanes they seeme rather Tragedians than Historiographers For euen as they which write Tragedies doe many time their Playes with the gods or some other inuention for that they haue taken a false and strange beginning Euen so these kinde of Historiographers are in the like paine For that taking false beginnings they are forced to fly to some gods or Heroes But how can it bee that from a false beginning the end should bee true Without doubt Hannibal hath not carried himselfe as they imagine but contrariwise like a wise and politique Captaine for hee duely considered the fertility of the Countrey whither hee went and the hatred of the Inhabitants against the Romans And he had to passe the Mountaines which is a hard and difficult thing the people of the Countrey for his guides whom he had already wonne against the Romans This we haue learned from those which were at that time imployed in affaires and wee our selues haue beene purposely to see the Alpes and therefore we haue written it the more boldly Three dayes after the Romans departed from the Bankes of Rhone Publius Scipio the Roman Consull being come to the Enemies Campe with a resolution to fight hee stood for a time amazed seeing the place voide For he made his accompt that the Enemy should neuer take that Countrey to passe into Italy as well for the difficulty of the way as for the multitude of Barbarians which held it But after he had well waighed the great courage of the Carthaginians he presently recouers his ship and drawes his Army together Then he sends his Brother into Spaine with part of his men to the end it should not be vnfurnished of Forces and himselfe takes his course towards Italy to encounter Hannibal at the descent of the Mountaines with more ease and safety Foure dayes after Hannibal arriued at Lisle a rich and fertile Countrey The which was so called for that the Riuers of Saone and Rhone falling from the Mountaines embracing a little quantity of Land runne together and make an Iland like in figure and forme to another that is in Egypt called Deâ—â—a It is true that that in Egypt hath on the one side the Sea with the which two Riuers ioyne But this hath rough and stony Mountaines which in
also prouided Rowers for the Vessels which were at Lylibeum And they sent whatsoeuer was necessary to the Captaines that were in Spaine During these actions at Rome Cneus Seruilius and his Companion Attilius following the Commaundment of the Consuls did not any thing worthy of memory but make light skirmishes both by reason they were forbidden by the Consuls and for the roughnesse of the Weather Finally they mannaged the affaires wisely and with great policy By this meanes the two Armies wintred in view one of another Hannibal dislodged in the beginning of the Spring and leauing Geryona for that he had resolued so to presse the Romans as they should be forced to come to a battaile he takes the Fort of Naples well furnished with Corne and all other munition For the Romans had drawne thither a great quantity of Corne from Canusium and other neighbour Countries wherewith the Campe was vsually Victualed This done they were in great perplexity not so much for the losse of the munition as for that the whole Country was left in prey to the enemy They send men to Rome to acquaint the Senate therewith and that they might aduise what was to be done For that they had resolued to giue battaile if the Enemy approached Seeing there was no meanes of flight and that the whole Prouince was ruined and their Allies wauered The Senate sent them word that they should not attempt any thing but expect the comming of the Consuls whom they afterwards commaunded to depart All the World had their eyes fixed vpon Paulus Emilius They had their hope in him aswell for his Wisedome as for that he had in former times done great exploits against the Sclauonians BEing ready to depart I finde it Written that Fabius stayed him for a time speaking thus vnto him If thou good Lucius Emilius wert matcht with a Companion like vnto thy Selfe or if thou wert like vnto thy Fellow then were my Speech in vaine which I will now make for you both for being good Consuls you would worke effectually for the common wealth although I should be silent But if you were both bad then would you neither heare my words nor admit of my Councell But knowing thy integrity and the conditions of thy Companion I fore-see that thy goodnesse shall little auaile the Common-wealth through the folly of thy Companion So as the Common-wealth doth halt and is halfe same whereby euill Councell shall preuaile aswell as good Wherefore to Thee onely my Speech tends fore-telling Thee that Thou shalt haue as much Warre with thy fellow Tarentius as with Hannibal Neither doe I know which of them will be a more deadly enemy vnto thee For thou shalt not onely fight with Hannibal in the field but with thy fellow thou shalt haue continuall Warre in all places and at all times With Hannibal thou shalt fight with thy Horses and foote-men but Varro will assatle thee with thine owne men I pray thee remember Caius Flaminius who being Consull and hauing his men about him in his Campe beganne to grow mad This man before hee was made Consull and now being Consull euen in the Senate-house before hee sees his field or his enemy is already mad And hee that thus talketh among the Senators what thinke you will he doe when hee shal be in the field among a number of fresh young Souldiers where as one word speaking all the matter shal be decided But in case he make haste to fight as he â—aith he will either I know not what belongeth to the Warre or else we are like to suffer greater losses then we did at Trasimenum There is but one way to maintaine warre against Hannibal the which I haue fore-seene and none will be found so good to make him weary of Italy We are in our owne Country hauing Citties and faithfull Allies ready to assist vs at all times with Horse Harnesse Victualls and all other necessaries Hannibal is in a strange Country among his enemies farre from home he looketh for no peace both by Sea or Land Hee hath no Citties to receiue him he hath nothing but what he stealeth and taketh by rapine he hath scarcely the third part of his Army left which hee brought ouer Iberus more are dead by famine then with the Sword and heere hee can hardly feede those that are liuing Wherefore doubt not but in sitting still you shall vanquish such an Army which decreaseth daily in strength and cannot haue their wants supplied This is the onely meanes to dally and deceiue your enemy Varro desireth battaile and Hannibal hath the like desire Wherefore thou alone must wisely oppose thy selfe against them both and regard not what they speake of thee let not the vaine glory of thy Fellow nor the false aspertions which shal be cast vpon thee mooue thee to the contrary Suffer thy Selfe to be called fearefull slow and vnskilfull in the Warre It is better to be feared of thy wise enemy then to be praised of thy foolish company My meaning is not that thou shouldest do nothing but whatsoeuer thou shalt attempt do it soberly and according to reason not rashly trusting to Fortune follow not the occasions that the enemy will giue Thee And be not ouer hasty for haste is blind and worketh vnsafely To these and his other Words the Consull answered little saying onely that were more true then easie to be followed But hee would professe one thing that his desire should alwayes be to haue things succeede well But in case it should otherwise happen hee would rather expose himselfe to the danger of his enemies Weapons then to the exclamations of his angry Citizens With these words he parted out of the Citty and went to the Campe with his hasty Companion It was ordred that the Warres should be mannaged with eight Legions the which had neuer beene done and that euery Legion should consist of fiue thousand men The Romans as we haue sayd make a compleate Army of foure Legions euery Legion being foure thousand foote and two hundred Horse or else of fiue thousand foote and three hundred horse if there be any great necessity To the which they adde as many foote of theis Allies and thrice as many Horse All the Troupes are equally deuided betwixt the Consuls Most commonly one Consull giues battaile with two Legions and with the succours of their Allies They seldome fight with all their Troupes But the feare and amazement of the Romans was then so great of the Carthaginians as they thought it fit not to fight onely with foure but with eight Legions together And therefore after they had giuen faire admonitions to the Consuls and had laied before them the consequence of the affaires which way soeuer Fortune should turne they Commaunded them to goe vnto the Campe intreating them to doe the duties of good men in the administration of the Warre as the Roman Maiesty required After the comming of the Consuls to the Campe they mingled the new Bands
any paine or danger They are also very profitable to the other Cities of Greece And therefore the Grecians did honour and esteeme them worthy to whom they not onely giue thanks but they are bound to giue them Succours against the Barbarians as doing good to all men We haue thought good to shew the cause why this Citie is so happy for that there are many which know not the nature and property of the place and it hath beene alwayes our desire that such things might come to the knowledge of many and that if it might be they might be visible to the eye if not yet at the lest as much as should be possible they might be comprehended in the vnderstanding The Sea then which they call Pontique hath in circuit two and twenty thousand furlongs or there-abouts hauing two mouthes opposite one to the other whereof the one comes from Propontis and the other from the blacke Sea the which hath in circuit eight thousand furlongs But for that diuers great Riuers fall from Asia into it and more out of Europe it sometimes flowes into the Pontique Sea by its mouth and from thence into Propontis The Mouth of the blacke Sea is called Bosphorus Cimeriques and is thirty furlongs broad and threescore in length As for the mouth of the Pontique Sea it is called the streight of Constantinople whose length is not in euery place equall for from the Propontis the space betwixt Chalcedon and Constantinople containes foureteene furlongs and from the Pontique Sea the which they call Fanum scituated in Asia whereas Iason first as they sacrificed to the twelue Gods returning from Cholchos is distant from Europe tenne furlongs Moreouer they deliuer two reasons why the blacke Sea and the Pontique runne continually whereof the one is well knowne for that the water encreaseth by the multitude of Riuers which fall continually into it and hauing no other meanes to voide it it must of necessity encrease so as it is forced to passe away by its mouth The other is that the bottome is fill'd with aboundance of sand which the Riuers bring continually into it so as the water is forced to swell and so to passe away These are the true causes of their course which neede not the relation of Marchants to purchase credit but onely of naturall reason which is the truest testimony that can be found But seeing wee are fallen vpon this discourse wee must not omit any thing as many Historiographers doe to seeke out the secrets of Nature and wee must vse as much as possibly wee may a demonstratiue relation to the end wee may leaue nothing in doubt to those which desire to vnderstand Neither were it sitting in these times when as all things haue beene discouered to seeke the testimony of Poets or fabulous Writers in doubtfull things the which former Historiographers haue done By this meanes as Heraclides saith they haue not propounded testimonies worthy of credit in doubtfull things and which are in debate Wee therefore say that the Pontique Sea fills it selfe continually with sand which the Riuers bring into it and that in time it will be made euen with the land The like we say of the blacke Sea so as the scituation of places continue as wee see them at this day and that the causes of the sand which fall continually into it cease not For seeing the time is infinite and the bottomes whereof wee speake are enclosed with certaine limits it is manifest that by a long succession of time they would be fill'd vp by the descent of that which falls into them bee it neuer so little so as it continues And for that the sands which are brought into them are of no small quantity but in a manner infinite it is apparent that what wee say will soone happen and wee see it partly already for that the blacke Sea is in a manner fill'd vp for the greatest depth hath not aboue fiue fathome or seauen at the most wherefore they cannot saile without great Ships vnlesse the Marriners towe them off by their Masts And although in the beginning the blacke Sea was like vnto the Pontique in taste as the Ancients confesse Yet it is now a very sweete Marish for that the sea hath beene surmounted by aboundance of sands and the many sweete Riuers which fall into it The like will happen to the Pontique and begins already But it cannot be so easily discouered by reason of the great depth And yet if we shall obserue it well we shall finde it euident for there are made within it by the substance which by the descent is carryed for that the Danowe enters by many mouthes hills which the Marriners call Shelfes a daies iourney from the shore where many times in the night they suffer Shipwracke Behold the cause why these Shelfes are rather made farre within the Sea then neere the shore for the greater force the Riuer hath in their course driuing the waues into the sea it is necessary that the sand and other substance should be carried farre into it And whereas the violency of the Riuers ceaseth by reason of the depth of the Sea rather then by a naturall reason all the sands sinke and findes a bottome where it stayes Wherefore it happens that the shelfes of swiftest Riuers are found farthest into the Sea and their depth neere vnto the shore where as they which haue a slow course are not farre from the mouth Finally wee must not wonder at the great quantity of wood stone and sand which is carried into the Pontique Sea for that many times wee see a torrent or land flood ouerflowe a great Countrey in a short time carrying away earth and stone So as it sometimes happens there is such an alteration made of a great Countrey as in seeing it soone after we doe scarce know it Wherefore wee must not wonder if so many and such great Riuers fall continually into the Pontique Sea in the end fill it vp for this is not onely likely but also necessary if wee will diligently examine the reason the likelihood it should proue so is great for as much as the Pontique Sea differs from ours for that the blacke Sea is sweeter Wherefore it followes that when as the Pontique Sea hath past as much more time as the blacke for that it is of a greater depth it will be sweet and moorish like vnto it and the sooner for that there are more Riuers and greater fallen into it Wee haue spoken these things for those which thinke that the Pontique Sea cannot bee fill'd vp nor become moorish being now a full Sea Wee haue likewise done it for that Saylors report such variety of lyes to the end that like children we should not alwayes giue credit vnto them for that wee haue not visited the places and that hauing some knowledge of the trueth we may discouer whether that which they relate be true or false But let vs returne to the commodity
of the scituation of Constantinople as the length of the Sea which ioynes the Pontique and the Propontis hath sixe score furlongs and that Fanum limits the part which is from the Pontique Sea and Constantinople On the other which is from the Propontis there stands a Temple betwixt both which they call the refuge of Europe seated vpon a Promontory on the mouth of the Pontique Sea and is distant from Asia fiue furlongs It is scituated vpon the greatest streight of the Sea where as King Darius made a Bridge as they report at such time as hee made a descent against the Sythians From the Pontique Sea vnto this place the Waues runne equally for that the shores of either side are of one distance But when it comes to the refuge of Europe where as we haue said the Sea is narrowest the Water of the Pontique Sea beats violently vpon the opposite Country and those places of Asia which are right against it Then it doubles its course against the Promontory of Europe neere vnto the Altars and then it falls into the Country which the inhabitants call Oxe This stands in Asia whereas Io hauing past the Sea first staied as fables report Yet in the end it takes its course to Constantinople hauing bin beaten backe by the Oxe Whereas dispersing it selfe about the City it partly diuides it sylfe and seperates that place which they call the Horne and on the other side it flowes againe in its owne course Yet this violence cannot passe into that Country which is right against it where Calcedon stands For where as it makes so many turnings here and there and that the Gulfe is of no small breadth it failes in a manner in this place passing to the opposite part not in a direct Line but bending So as leauing Calcedon it takes its course by the Gulfe This drawes so many Commodities to the Constantinopolitains and the contrary to the Calcedonians And although it be apparent that the scituation of these two Cities are equally commodious yet the passage is difficult for those which will saile to Calcedon Contrariwise they are carried to Constantinople by the violence of the Waues So as it seemes that they which will goe from Calcedon to Constantinople cannot Saile directly thither by reason of the Violent course of the streame And therefore they recouered the Oxe and the Towne which they call Chrysopolis from whence they are afterwards Transported by force vnto Constantinople Finally the Constantinopolitans haue a good commodity to Saile any way whither they bend to Hellesponte with a Southerly Winde or else from the Pontique Sea to Hellesponte You must vnderstand that the direct and common course from Constantinople to the streights of Propontis is by Abydos and Sestes and in like manner from the streights to Constantinople But it fals out otherwise with the Calcedonians for the reasons which we haue mentioned and for the distance of the Region of the Cyziceneins for it is a difficult thing for them which Saile from Hellesponte to Calcedon to keepe the Coast of Europe and in approaching the Country neere vnto Constantinople to turne vnto Calcedon for the violent course of the streame And againe it is impossible to Saile from thence into Thrace as well for the violence of the Waues which go crosse as the contrariety of the Windes for a Southerly winde is good for those which enter into the Pontique Sea and the contrary for such as go foorth and these two winds only serue to go in and come out These are the things whereby the Constantinopolitains draw such great commodities from the Sea Now we will shew the discommodities which the City is to suffer by reason of the firme Land Thrace enuirons the Country of Constantinople in such sort as it imbraceth it from Sea to Sea So as they are in perpetuall Warre with the Thracians For although they get a Battaile or two against this cruell and barbarous Nation yet they cannot quench the Wars the multitude of people and Princes is so great For that after they haue gotten Victory ouer one there doth suddainly arise three other mighty Princes who ouer-runne the Country for spoile Neither can they doe any thing to haue an accord or to pacifie the Warre by paying of Tribute for presently they find their Enemies multiplied And therefore they are wasted and consumed with a continuall and cruell Warre But what can you finde more disloyall then a neighbour enemy Nor a Warre more dangerous then with a barbarous Nation And with all these miseries wherewith they are oppressed by Land they are moreouer tormented with Tantalus paine as the Poets feigne For the Barbarians considering that they haue a fertile Region ouer-run the Country and spoile it after that the Land hath bin well manured and that the fruite which is very beautifull and in abundance is in Season The Constantinopolitains seeing so great a spoile of their goods and the losse of their labour and charges are wonderfully grieued Yet bearing this War with the Thracians by a Custome they alwaies held their auncient accord with the Gracians But when as the Gaules beganne to be their neighbours vnder the Conduct of King Comontoire they were in great danger You must vnderstand that the Gaules which had made Warre vnder the leading of Brennus and had escaped a great danger at Delphos past not into Asia when as they came to Hellesponte But allured with the commodity of the place they staied neere vnto Constantinople whereas after they vanquished the Thracians and built Tyle the Royall they made Warre against them of Constantinople Who at the beginning pacified their fury with presents when as they first assailed them vnder King Comontoire in giuing them sometimes thirty thousand another time fifty thousand and sometimes a hundred thousand Crownes to the end they should not ouer-runne their Country Finally they were forced to giue them foure score thousand Crownes yearely vntill the time of Clyare at what time the Gaules Empire had an end and this Nation was wholly vanquished and extinct by the Thracians Their Treasure being at that time exhausted by reason of these Tributes they sent first an Embassie into Greece to demaund their assistance But for that most of the Greecians made no account of it they resolued to take a Tole vpon all these which should passe into the Blacke Sea The which all the rest disliking for the nouelty of the thing they blamed the Rhodiens for suffering it as being then Lords of the Sea This was the beginning and Fountaine of the Warre which wee are now to describe The Rhodiens mooued aswell with their owne losse as with that of their neighbours hauing first called their Allies sent an Embassie to Constantinople to abollish the Tole VVho performing their Voyage according to their Charge could not perswade the Commons For that Hecatondore and Olympiodore who had then the Gouernment of the Common weale
of Etoliens thinking that he might safely ouer-run Thessaly and by this meanes draw Philip to raise his Siege from Palea But being aduertised of the preparation of Chrysogones and Petrea to come and â—ight with him he durst not enter into the Plaine but alwayes kept the top of the Mountaines with his Army And when he had newes of the comming of the Macedonians into 〈◊〉 â—e lâ—aues Thessaly presently to goe and succour his Countrey where being aduertised of the Kings retreat not knowing what to doe and disappointed in all his enterprizes he remained sad and discontented The King at his departure from Lencade with his Fleete hauing spoiled and wasted the Sea-coasts landed at Corinthe with his Army leauing his ships at Leche Then he sent Letters to all the allied Townes of Morea to aduertise them of the day when they should come in Armes to Tegee Which things being thus ordered without making any long stay at Corinthe he parted with his Army and passing by the Countrey of Argos three dayes after his departure he came to Tegee whereas after he had receiued the Acheins which were there assembled he proceeded in his course passing secretly by the Mountaines he laboured to enter the Countrey of Sparta before the Lacedemonians should be aduertised Where hauing marched foure dayes by the Desarts of the Mountaines he came to those which were right against the City Then leauing Menelaie on the right hand he drew to Amycle The Lacedemonians seeing the Army passe by their Citty they wondred at this strange accident and being terrified with this suddaine feare they knew not what to doe For they were amazed at the valiant exploits which they sayd Philip had lately done at Therme and throughout all Etolia And there was a certaine bruite amongst them that Licâ—rgus was sent to succour the Etoliens As for Philips suddaine descent into the Countrey of Sparta no man had euer thought of it and the rather for that his age seemed worthy of some contempt Wherefore matters succeeding contrary to all hope the world had reason to feare for Philip mannaging the Warre with greater courage and policy then his age did beare he terrified his Enemies And namely as we haue sayd he parted from Etolia and pâ—ssing the Gulfe of Ambracia in one night he came to Leucade where staying two dayes and parting the third earely in the morning he arriued two dayes after at Corinthe hauing spoiled the Sea coasts of Etolia and from thence continuing his course he came within nine dayes to the Mountaines which are right against Sparta neere vnto Menelaie so as they could hardly beleeue it when they saw him The Lacedemonians then terrified with the greatnesse and newnesse of this accident knew not what Counceli to take nor to whom to haue recourse The day following Philip campes neere vnto Amycle It is a place in the Spartains Countrey abounding with all sorts of Trees and wealth twenty Furlongs from Lacedemon Where the Temple of Apollo stands being the most excellent of all the rest of the Prouince as well for Art as wealth being seated in that part of the Towne which locks towards the Sea Three dayes after when he had spoiled the whole Country he went to the Castle of Pyrhus where he stayed two dayes and wasting the whole Countrey he put all to fire and sword and planted his Campe neere vnto Carnia From whence he suddainly marcht to Assina from whence after he had attempted in vaine to take it by affault he raised the Siâ—ge and wasted all the rest of the Countrey marching directly to Tenare From thence â—â—â—ning his way hee drawes to the Lacedemonians Hauen which they call Gythia where there is a safe Port about thirty Furlongs from the Citty The leauing it on the right hand he planted his Campe neere to Elea which is if we consider it well the greatest and best Countrey of the Spartains The which he abandoned to the Souldiers who put it to fire and sword Hee also spoiled the Acriens and Lenques and the whole Countrey of the Boies The Messeniens hauing receiued Letters from Philip were no lesse diligent then the other Allies who leuied men presently within their Townes and sent the most able vnto the King to the number of two thousand Foote and two hundred Horse But the length of the way was the cause they came not to Tegee before the Kings departure And therefore doubting in the beginning what they should doe fearing likewise that it would seeme they had willingly made this delay for the suspition they had of them in the beginning they resolued to enter the Spartains Countrey to the end they might ioyne speedily with the King Being come vnto the Castle of Olympes which is seated neere vnto the Mountaines of the Argiues and Lacedemonians and had set themselues downe foolishly and without consideration for they did not fortifie themselues neither with Ditches nor Pallisadoes neither did they choose a conuenient place But relying on the good-will of the Inhabitants they lodged simply neere vnto the Walls Licurgus aduertised of their comming takes the Mercenaries and part of the Lacedemonians and goes directly to the Enemy Where arâ—iuing at the breake of day he marcheth in Battaile against the Messeniens who perceiuing him abandoned all and fled by heapes into this Castle Licurgus recouered the greatest part of their Horses and Baggage but he tooke not a man he onely slew eight Horse-men The Messeniens after this defeate returned by the Argiues Countrey Lycurgus proud of this good fortune being returned to Sparta vseth all speed to leuie men and to prepare all things necessary for the Warre labouring that Philip might not returne by the Spartains Countrey without a Battaile or danger The King parts with his Army from Elia spoiling all as he passeth and brought all backe on the fourth day to Amycle Licurgus hauing resolued with his Friends and Captaines to giue Battaile to the Macedonians goes out of the Citty and recouers the places about Menelaie with about two thousand Foote commanding them of the Citty to be watchfull and when they should see a signe they should speedily make sallies by diuers places taking their way towards Eurota which is a Riuer neere vnto the Citty These were the actions of Lieurgus and the Lacedemonians at that time But to the end that what wee say may not seeme obscure by the ignorance of places wee must declare the nature and scituation The which we will indeauour to doe throughout our whole worke alwaies ioyning places knowne to the vnknowne For the difference of Countryes doe many times deceiue in Warre as well by Sea as Land Our desire is that all men should know not onely the things but how they were done And therefore the description of places is necessary in all things but especially in Warre neither may we blame the vse of Feâ—s Seas and Ilands for signes and sometimes of Temples Mountaines Townes
in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony and that Eperate Chiefe of the Acheiâ—s was made a scorne to the Youth of the Towne and to the Mercenaries and was not obeyed nor made any preparation for the defence of the Countrey Pyrrhee whom the Etoliens had sent to the Elienses for their Captaine accompanied with thirteene hundred Etoliens and a thousand Foote as well Souldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses and with two hundred Horse being in all about three thousand men aduertised thereof spoiled not onely the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses but also of Patres Finally he pitched his Campe neere vnto the Mountaine Panachaique which lookes towards Patres and wasted all the neighbour Region The Townes thus vexed being no was succour'd they payed the Taxe and charge vnwillingly The Souldiers would not be drawne to succour them for that their pay was delayed By this mutuall trouble the Acheins affaires were in bad case And the Mercenaries retired by little and little the which happened by the negligence of the Commander And when the affaires of Acheia stood in this estate and that the time of the Election was come Eperate left the gouernment and the Acheins in the Spring made choise of old Arate Thus past the Affaires in Europe But seeing that in the distinction of times and the order of actions we haue found a conuenient place for this Subiect let vs passe to the Warres of Asia vnder the same Olympiade Relating first as we haue promised in the beginning of our worke the Warre of Syrria which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy And for that I know well that this Warre was not ended at such time as I left to treate of the Actions of Greece and being resolued to follow this perfection and distribution to the end the Readers may not be deceiued in the true knowledge of euery time I hope to leaue a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it in setting downe at what time in this present Olympiade and of the deeds of the Grecians the beginning and ending of other actions happened Moreouer wee esteeme nothing better nor more honourable in this Olympiade then not to confound things to the end the discourse of the History may be plaine and easie And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible vntill that comming to other Olympiades wee may yeeld to euery yeere its actions according to order And for that we haue not resolued to write them all nor the actions of all places and that wee haue vndertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessours haue done it is fitting wee should be carefull to expresse them in order and that the generall worke of the History may with its parts be plaine and apparent Wherefore we will now write the Reignes of Antiâ—chus and Ptolomy reducing things from farre and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may bee notorious and which squares with that which wee haue to say For those ancients which haue sayd that the beginning is a moiety of the whole they haue vndoubtedly taught vs that in all things wee should vse great diligence that the beginnings may be well ordered And although some thinke they haue vsed a high Stile yet in my opinion they doe not seeme to speake with truth Without doubt you may boldly say that the beginning is not onely a moiety of the whole but hath also a regard to the end Tell mee how canst thou make a good beginning if thou hast not first comprehended in thy vnderstanding the end of thy Enterprize And if thou knowest not in what part to what purpose and the cause why thou wilt make it For how can a History haue order if at the beginning or entrance thou doest not deliuer plainely from whence and how or wherefore thou art come vnto the relation which thou doest presently make of actions Wherefore they which will haue things heard and vnderstood fully thinke that the beginnings doe not onely serue for the one halfe but also for the end wherein they imploy themselues with great care and industry the which I will carefully indeauour to doe Although that I am certaine that many of the ancient Historiographers haue bin confident to haue done the like when as they pretended to write all generally and to haue written a longer History then their predecessours of whom I will forbeare to speake much or to name them Among the which I excuse Ephorus the first and onely man which hath attempted to write a generall History But I will vse no longer discourse nor name any of the rest But I will say that some Historiographers of our time comprehending the Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in three or foure small Pages brag publiquely that they haue written all It is certaine that for as much as there hath beene many and great exploits performed in Spaine Affricke Stoily and Italy and that the Warre of Hâ—nnibal hath beene the greatest and longest except that of Sicily We must also vnderstand that the excellency of this warre hath beene the cause that wee haue all cast our eyes vpon it and the rather for that wee were in doubt of the end This is a Warre which euery man be hee neuer so dull and simple knowes Yet some of those which haue handled the History writing onely superficially the actions of some times yet they imagine they haue comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians Whereof the cause is for that it is an easie thing to promise many great things by mouth but it is not easie to bring a great enterprize to an end And therefore this other is common and as a man may say in the hands of all men so as they haue courage But the last is rare and few men attaine vnto it Finally the arrogancy of some which glorifie themselues too much and commend their Writings hath caused mee to make this digression But now I returne vnto my enterprize When Ptolomy surnamed Philopater had seized vpon the Empire of Egypt after the death of his Father and had made away his Brother with his adherents thinking there was no more cause of feare in his Family for the afore said crime and that for strangers Fortune had in good time assured all things considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus to whose Realmes Antiochus and Philip had succeeded who were scarce eighteene yeeres old he abandoned himselfe to pleasures whose example the whole Countrey followed For this cause his owne people made no esteeme of him And not onely his subiects but also the rest which mannaged the affaires both within and without Egypt The Lords of the lower Syrria and of Cypres haue made Warre against the Kings of Syria as well by Sea as Land They also which hold the chiefe Cities places and Ports which are along the Sea-coasts from Pamphilia vnto Hellespont and the Country of Lysimachia confined with the Principalities of
and opprest the Subiects hee affected the Warre with an assured courage hauing no confidence in Fortune but in wise Councell When he arriued in Spaine he moued them all and hauing enquired of the Enemies actions he vnderstood that the Carthaginians Armies were diuided into three and that Mago made his abode within the Pillars of Hercules at certaine places called Conies And that Asdrubal the Sonne of Scone was neare the mouth of a Riuer by Portugale the other Asdrubal in the Carpentins Countrey held a City besieged Either of which places were many dayes iourney distant from the City of the Ceneteins Studying then whether he should resolue to giue Battaile vnto the Enemy if it were against all their forces he should be in danger to be defeated as well in regard of that which had befalne his Predecessors as for that their Armies were great If likewise he labourd to fight with the one it was to be feared that in flying the Battaile the other Armies would come and by this meanes hee should be inclosed falling into the like Disasters whereunto his Vncle Caius and his Father Publius had beene subiect Wherefore leauing this aduice when he vnderstood that Carthage was a great ease vnto the Enemies and would be a great annoyance to him in this Warre he considere of euery thing wintring among the Eilotes When he was aduertised in the beginning that it had Ports which might containe all the Sea-army of Spaine hauing likewise a Maritine scituation spacious and commodious for the Carthaginians for the Nauigation which comes from Lybia and likewise for that the Treasure and Baggage for the Army with all the hostages of Spaine were kept there adding thereunto the great aduantage for that the Fort had not aboue a thousand Souldiers in Garrison for that they neuer suspected that any man would presume to besiege it the Carthaginians being in a manner Maisters of all Spaine and that finally the rest of the people are in great number yet they were Artizans Mech annickes and Fishermen who had no great experience in the Warre He imagined that his comming to this City would be vnexpected with amazement He was not ignorant of the scituation of the Towne nor of its fortification nor likewise of the disposition of the Poole which things he had learned from Fishermen which had frequented the place This Poole was generally muddy and yet wadeable for the most part and withall the water retired daily about Sun-setting Wherefore concluding that if he preuailed in his Enterprize he should not onely annoy the Enemy but it would bee a great benefit for the Warre And if his aduice and councell succeeded well hee might preserue his Subiects as Maister of the Sea if he might once fortifie and strengthen his Army The which was easie for that the Enemies were far off Leauing therefore all other resolutions hee attends this during Winter And when he had once resolued being of the age we haue mentioned he concealed his resolution from all the World except to Caius Lelyus vntill he thought it fit to manifest it Although that Historiographers giue testimony of this resolution yet when they come to the end of the action they attribute this excellent worke to the Gods and to Fortune and not to him nor his wisedome without any probable arguments and the testimony of those which liued with him for that Scipio himselfe declares plainely in an Epistle which he had written to Philip that making vse of the aduice which wee haue mentioned he had vndertaken the Warre of Spaine and the siege of Carthage Moreouer commanding Lelyus secretly touching the Army at Sea he gaue him charge to saile aboue the City Hee alone was priuy to his designe as I haue sayd Himselfe taking the Troupes of Foote-men marcht speedily There were in the Army at Land about fiue and twenty thousand Foote and two thousand fiue hundred Horse Being come vnto the City on the seuenth Day hee planted his Campe on the North part and fortified it without with a double Rampire and Ditches from one Sea vnto the other without doing any thing towards the City The Nature of the place had fortification enough To vnderstand well how this City hath beene besieged and taken I hold it necessary in some sort to describe the neighbour Countries and its scituation It is seated in Spaine about the middle of the Maritine Region in the Gulfe which hath its aspect towards Affricke whose depth is about twenty furlongs and the breadth at the entrance about ten All this Gulfe makes a kind of Port where there lies an I and at the mouth of it leauing on either side a little entrance And when the Sea is troubled with any torment then all the Gulfe is calme but when the Westerne Winds of the Winter Solstice beating vpon the two entrances cause the storme But as for other Winds it is not troubled by reason of the firme Land which enuirons it Behinde the Gulfe there rises a Cape whereon the City is scituated enuironed with the Sea towards the East and South and with a Lake vpon the West and North so as the space which remaines from one Sea to another by the which the City is ioyned to the firme Land is not aboue two Furlongs In regard of the City one moiety of it is concaue and towards the South it hath the approach of the full Sea Finally it is full of Hills whereof two are rough and difficult the other three are very lowe but strong and hard to passe whereof the highest bends towards the East aduancing to the Sea There the Temple of Asclepie is built Right against the which is another of the same scituation whereon stands a sumptuous royall Pallace the which some say had beene built by Asdrubal affecting a Regall power The rest of the lesser Hills haue their tops towards the North. That of the three which lookes directly towards the East is called Phoste to the which is ioyned that of Alete It seemes that Pheste hath beene the inuentor of Siluer mettals and for this cause purchased diuine honours The third is called Croue In regard of the Lake ioyning to the Sea it hath taken its course by the worke of man for the benefit of Fisher-men and others trafficking by Sea But at the breach of the Banke by the which the Lake and Sea are diuided they haue made a Bridge to the end that Sumpters and Carts might bring things necessary from the Countrey This was the scituation of those places the Romans Campe was fortified in Front without any prouision as well by the Lake as Sea on either side In regard of the space which ioynes the City to the firme Land he did not fortifie it for that it was in the midst of his Campe to the end he might amaze the Citizens and make vse of it for Skirmishes and to sally forth and retire to his Campe. The Walles in the beginning had not aboue twenty Furlongs Although
of innouation whensoeuer they sent their Souldiers and Commanders out of the Countrey and that Leptine was a man of great reputation and of more credit then any other of the Cittizens and that he was very pleasing vnto the Multitude he held it fit to make an alliance with him to the end he might leaue some report in the Citty for him whensoeuer he should goe to the VVarre and lead an Army out of the Countrey Hauing therefore taken the Daughter of Leptine to VVife knowing well that the old band of forraigne Souldiers were changeable and subiect to mutinies he led his Army of set purpose against the Barbarians who held the Citty of Messina And hauing seated his Campe neere to Centoripe and put his men in battell close vpon the Riuer of Ciamossure he stayed in a place apart all the Horse and Foote of his owne Nation as if he meant to charge the Enemy on the other side suffering the forraigne Souldiers to be defeated by the Barbarians and whilest the others fled he makes his retreate safely with all the Saragossins to the Citty When he had by this pollicy brought his designe vnto an end and had freed his Army of all the Mutines hee makes a great leuy of Souldiers Soone after when as all things were settled in good order Hieron seeing that the Barbarians were growne too audacious and proud of their late Victory he parts from the Citty with an Army of his Countrey souldiers well trained and disciplined and making dilligence he came to Myle where along the Bankes of the Riuer of Longane he fought with them with all his forces Hauing vanquished them and taken their Captaines seeing their pride much abated by this Victory he returnes 〈◊〉 Saragosse with his Army and was by the generall fauour and consent of all the Cittizens saluted King by the Allies The Mamertins as we haue sayd being depriued of the succours of of the Romane Legion and hauing lost so great a Battell their hearts being broken they retire for the most part vnto the Carthaginians and yeeld themselues and their Fort The rest sent vnto the Romans deliuering their Towne vnto them and requiring succours as to those that were of the same Nation The Romans were long in suspence what to doe For they found it strange hauing lately punished their Cittizens so seuerely for violating their faith with the Rhegins to send succours now vnto the Mamertins who were guilty of the like crime They were not ignorant of all these things Yet considering that the Carthaginians had not onely drawne Affricke vnder their obedience by force of Armes but also many places in Spaine and moreouer all the Islands of the Sea of Sardinia and Italy they doubted that their Neighbour-hood would be dangerous if they made themselues Lords of the rest of Sicily They likewise vnderstood that it would be easie to effect if the Mamertins were not relieued And there was no doubt that if Messina had beene deliuered vnto them they would presently haue recouered Saragosse for that they held all the rest of Sicily And as the Romans considered these things they were of opinion that it was necessary not to abandon Messina nor to suffer the Carthaginians to make vnto themselues as it were a Bridge to passe into Italy at their pleasure This was long in debate yet it was not concluded in that assembly for it seemed vnto them as vnreasonable as profitable to relieue the Mamertins But as the Commons much weakned with their former Warâ—es seemed to haue need of rest so the Captaines shewing the great profit that might ensue they resolued to succour the Mamertins This Opinion being confirmed by the Commons presently they appointed Appius Claudius one of the Consuls to passe the Army into Sicily and to relieue the Mamertins who had put out of their Towne aswell by threats as pollicy the Captaine of the Carthaginians which as we haue sayd held the Fort. And they called vnto them Appius Claudius deliuering the Citty into his hands The Carthaginians hung him on a Crosse which had had the Guard supposing that he had yeelded it basely for feare and want of Courage Then suddainly they drew their Sea-army neere vnto Pellore and that at land about the Countrey called Sene holding by this meanes Messina streightly besieged In the meane time Hieron thinking to haue found a good opportunity to chase the Barbarians which held Messina out of Sicily followed the Carthaginians party And going from Saragosse he takes his way to the Towne and layes his Siege on the other side neere vnto Mount Calshidique By this meanes he tooke from the Townesmen all meanes to sally forth on that side But the Consull passing the Sea by night with great danger in the end he arriued at Messina where seeing the Enemy round about it and that this Siege was as dishonourable vnto him as dangerous for that the Enemies were the stronger both by Land and Sea he desired first to try by Embassies sent to both Camps if it might be possible to pacifie things so as the Mamertins might be freed But the Enemies not vouchsafing to heare them he was in the end forced to vndergoe the hazard and resolued first to giue battell to the Saragossins He therefore causeth his Army to march and put it in battell to the which the King likewise came speedily But after that Appius had fought long in the end he preuailed ouer his Enimies pursuing them into their Fort. The Consull after the spoile of the dead retires into the Citty and Hieron being frustrate of all hope recouered Saragosse speedily the Night following The next day Appius Claudius aduertised of the flight of the Saragossins and hauing resumed courage and confidence he had no will to stay but to goe and fight with the Carthaginians Wherefore he commanded his men to be ready and the next day he past early and chargeth his Enimies whereof some were slaine and the rest forced to saue themselues in the neighbour-townes By this meanes the Siege being raiâ—ed he rauaged and spoyled the Countrey to Saragosse and their Allies without danger And after that he had ruined all in the end he besieged Saragosse Behold then for the causes aboue mentioned the first Voyage which the Romane Army made out of Italy And for that we haue held it fit for the entrance of our designe we haue made it our beginning in looking somewhat backe to the times past to the end we may not leaue any occasion of doubt vpon the causes we shall yeeld And in truth I haue held it necessary to declare first at what time and by what meanes the Romans being in extreame danger to lose their Countrey began to grow fortunate And when likewise after they had subdued Italy they began to conquer other Countries to the end that the greatnesse of their Empire which was since may seeme more likely in knowing the beginnings No man must
Captaynes had held a Councell concerning the Affayres of the War they were of opinion that it was necessary to relieue the Prouince and not to indure so 〈◊〉 a pillage and spoyle of the Country Marcus Attilius some few dayes before marching into the Country razed the weaker Castles and besieged the stronger But when he was come to the Citty of Adis which was worthy of a siege he plants himselfe before it and indeauours to force it The Carthaginiansâ—â—uertised â—â—uertised hereof made hast to succour it desiring to Raise the siege And therefore they march with all their power against the Romans Recouering a little Hill to the preiudice of their Enemies and very commodious for themselues Whereon planting their Camp they hoped for an absolute Victory by the meanes of their Horse and Elephants Leauing therefore the playne they drew 〈◊〉 high and vneuen places as if they would aduertise the Enemy what they had to doe the which vndoubtedly they effected For when the Romanes had considered the little vse of Elephants for they were in a Mountainous and Hilly Country in the which the Enemies had setled their chiefe hope as of great effect and terrible they aduised not to attend their Descent into the playne Wherefore vsing the opportunity of the time they shut them vp at the breake of day in the Mountayne of all sides By this meanes their Cauallery and their Elephants were altogether vnprofitable Their aduenturers onely did their duties in â—ighting on the top and had already forced the Roman Leginaries to giue backe a little when as suddainly the rest which had gayned the top of the Mountayne shâ—wed themselues The Carthaginians seeing themselues inclosed of all sides abandoned their Fort and fled into the deserts of the Mountaines The Elephants and Horses recouered the Playne and saued themselues without danger The Romans made some little pursuite after the footemen then they spoyled the Campe and ouer-ran the whole Country wasting all and ruining the Towne Some few dayes after they besieged Tunes which they tooke by assault where they planted their Campe for that the place seemed conuenient vnto them to mannage the Warre being a frontier to Carthage and to the whole Prouince The Carthaginians hauing a little before beene defeated at Sea and now by Land not by the cowardize of their Souldiers but by the basenesse of the Commanders they fell into a miserable and desperate estate For after their last defeate and flight by the Romans a great Troupe of Numidians gaping after spoyle fell vpon them doing them in a manner as great harme as the Romans It is a wandering and vagabone Nation and great theeues carrying away all they finde The Carthaginians terrified by the Numidians abandoned the Country and retired to Carthage where they suffered much aswell by famine as for their owne cowardize and moreouer the multitude being great they feared a long siege And although that Marcus Attillius was perswaded that the Carthaginians were wonderfully weakned aswell by Land as Sea being in hope that the City would be in short time deliuered vnto him yet fearing that the new Consull whom they expected soone in Affricke would reape the honour of his prowesse and valour he began to treate of a peace with them whereunto they willingly 〈…〉 Wherefore they sent the chiefe of their City in Embassie to the Consull to make this treaty But when as they were arriued they were so farre from agreeing as they could hardly without choller heare the vnreasonable things that were enioyn'd them Make your account that Marcus Attilius did hope that his offer would bee accepted as a thing of grace for that he had preuayled in all his affaires The Carthaginians on the other side thought that when as fortune should reduce them to extremity the Consull could not make them a more bitter answere Their Embassadours therefore returned not onely without any agreement but dâ—â—â—ting wonderfully the Consuls answere as to hard and proud The which being heard by the Senate of the Carthaginians they entered into so great an indignation vpon the Consuls demaund and resumed such courage that although formerly they were out of hope yet then they resolued to attend all extremities and rather to trye their fortune and to attend the time then to suffer so ignominious a thing and vnworthy of their valour It happened aâ— the same time that some one of those which had beene sent into Greece in the beginning of the warre to Leuie Men returned and brought with them a good number of Souldiers among the which there was one Xantippus a Lacedemonian a man of Iudgement and practised in the warre who after that hee had heard a relation of the defeat of the Carthaginians and the manner the place and that what time it happened hauing also considered the equipage of the Carthaginians with the number of their Horses and Elephants he returned suddainly to his Companions saying that the ignorance of the Captaines not the Romans had defeated the Carthaginians This speech ran presently thoroughout the whole Citty and came vnto the Princes The Carthaginians caused him to be called and resolued to vse his Councell who in their presence deliuered plainly the Reasons of his speech and the cause of their Defeate and if they would follow his Councell and hereafter keepe the Plaines leauing the hilly Country and there plant their battell hee would teach them how their Army should be out of danger and their Enemies Vanquished The Captaines mooued with the words of Xantippus presently Resigned vnto him the Conduct of all this Warre and now there ranne a bruite throughout the whole Campe of Xantippus speech with great Hope and Ioy. But after that all the Companies of the Army were drawne into the field and that hee had put them is order there was so great a difference betwixt his and that of the other Captaines who vnderstood not the Art of Warre that presently the common cry demanded nothing but to fight so much they were assured vnder the leading of Xantippus This done the Carthaginian Captaines seeing the courage of their Men exhorted them a little according to the opportunity of the time and within few dayes after they marched to find out the Enemy There were in the Carthaginians Army aboue twelue thousand foote foure thousand Horse and neere a hundred Elephants When as Marcus Attilius heard of the comming of the Enemy and that the Carthaginians kept their Horses vpon an euen Country camping contrary vnto their custome on the plaines hee wondred as at a new accident Yet hee marcht directly to them desiring battell and lodged within twelue hundred paces of their Campe. Three dayes after the Carthaginian Captaines held a Councell what was to be done But the multitude desiring the combate turned towards Xantippus calling him by his name with a countenance seeâ—â—ing to be willing and ready to vndergo all dangers and intreated him to lead them speedily vnto the battell When as the Carthaginian
againe Maisters of the Sea with out contradiction seeing the Romans had no more any Fleete at Sea Moreouer they had great confidence in their Army at Land and not without cause For after that the report of the battell giuen in Affricke came to Rome and that they vnderstood that the defeate of their men hapned by the force and fury of the Elephants for that they had broken the Rankes and opened the battalions and that they had made a wonderfull slaughter of them Their feare of the Elephants from that day was so great as for two yeares after they neuer durst charge the Carthaginians although they made many incounters in Affricke and in the Country of Selinuntia nor Campe in the Plaines within fiue or sixe furlongs of them keeping alwayes the Mountaynes and hilly Countries to saue themselues from the Elephants so as they only forced Theruce and Lipara Wherefore the Romanes knowing the feare their Army had resolued againe to put a Fleete to Sea At that time the Romane people being assembled they chose vnto the Consulship Caius Attilius and Lucius Manlius They also made fifty new ships and Rigg'd out the olde the which they furnished with Souldiers proportionably When as Asdruball Generall of the Carthaginians knowing well the feare of the Romans had beene aduertised by the Fugitiues that one of the Consuls was returned vnto Rome with halfe the Army and Cecilius remayned alone at Palermo with the other he parts from Lylibeum when as Haruest approached with his Army to spoile and falls vpon the Territory of Palermo planting his Campe vpon the Mountaines Cecilius hauing newes of their comming and knowing that Asdruball desired nothing but a battell kept his Army within the Towne By this meanes Asdruball growing very confident conceiuing that Cecilius kept himselfe close for feare he causeth his Army to March to Palermo hauing ruined and burnt all the Champion Countries The Consull was alwaies of opinion not to go to field vntill that his enemy was drawne to passe the Riuer which runnes neere vnto the Towne Walls But when he saw that the Campe and the Elephants approached he caused a â—ally to be made by the nimblest and most actiue men of his Army commaunding them to skirmish with the enemy vntill their whole Campes should be forced to come to the combats And afterwards considering that matters had succeeded as he desired he ordaines the lightest and most actiue to plant themselues beyond the Towne ditch giuing them charge to cast Pertuisans Darts and Spits a farre off at the Elephants And if they came running vpon them with fury and violence they should slip into the Ditch and from thence cast their Darts at them He also commaunded the Archers of the Marker place to go out of the Towne and to fight at the foote of the wall In the meane time he issued foorth with all the Eâ—signes by another side of the Towne right against the enemies left Wing and sent many to those which fought with Darts Presently after the skirmish beganne the Maister of the Elephants who with a desire of glory would haue the honour of the Victory incensed them against the enemies not attending Asdrubals pleasure The Romans obseruing the Consuls commaundment turned head presently and when as the Elephants pursued them with fury they slipt into the Ditch the Elephants being vppon the side of it they were suddainly charged with Darts and Pertuisans aswell by the Townesmen which were vpon the Walls as from the Souldiers which lay in the Ditch And when as they could passe no further they turned head being necessarily forced to fall vpon their owne battallions with great slaughter In the meane time Cecilius goes suddainly to field hauing his whole Army entire and in good order by another gate and chargeth his enemies furiously who being already broken by the Elephants and charged againe by the Consuls Troupes were easily defeated A part of them were slaine the rest saued themselues by flight There were ten Elephants taken with their Indian Maisters 〈…〉 after the battell their Gouernours being cast downe This Victory purchased great honour to Cecilius as the Man who by the report of all the whole World had beene the cause that the Romanes after that time resuming courage camped in the Plaines When the Romanes had newes of this Victory it is not credible the ioy which they conceiued not so much for the taking of the Elephants whereby the Carthaginians power was much decreased as for that their men seemed to be grownâ— more hardy in the Warre for that they had conquered them Wherefore they Prepared an Army at Sea as they had formerly resolued and sent the Consuls into Sicily with two hundred Vessells desiring to make an end of that Warre Whither they past hauing made prouision of Victualls and other things necessary This was the foureteeneth yeare since the beginning of the Warre The Consuls being arriued and receiuing the Bands of Souldiers that were there they go and lay siege to Lylibeum hoping after the taking thereof they might easily transport the Warre into Affricke But the Carthaginians mooued with the like considerations resolued by all meanes to keepe it knowing well that after the losse of Lylibeum they had nothing else remaining in Sicily The Romans in truth held in a manner the whole Iland except Trepanum But to the end that what wee speake of Sicily may not seeme obscure to some one by reason of the ignorance of places we will deliuer the Scituation in few words All Sicily hath its Scituation in regard of Italy and the limits thereof like vnto Morea in respect of Greece and its bounds It is true â—here is some difference for that there is a little Sea betwixt this and Italy Whereas Morea is ioyned vnto Greece by a little slip of Land for they may goe on dry foote from Morea vnto Greece and not from Sicily into Italy without shipping Sicily is of a Triangular forme and so many Angles as it hath so many Capes or Promontories there are vpon the Sea shore Among the which that whereon the Sicilian Sea doth beate is called Pachinus and lookes towards the South that which tends towards the North where the Sea doth end and is not aboue a mile and a halfe from Italy is called Pelorus The third which hath his Aspect towards Affricke and towards the Winterly West and which is right against Carthage from the which vnto the Affricke shore there is not aboue one hundred twenty and seuen miles is called Lylibeum diuiding the Sea of Sardinia and Sicily There is a Towne on this Cape which carries the same name the which the Romans besieged at that time The which is strong with Walls and Ditches and moreouer with Marshes and Pooles by the which lyes the passage for ships into the Port but the entry is difficult and not accessible but by expert Marriners The Romans then to besiege it throughly made round about it Trenches
crossed and troubled for the reasons aboue mentioned the more beneficiall and fortunate it was for the Carthaginians For they might easily discouer the Enemies and all the Engines and if they they cast any thing against the Romans or their Engines the Winde draue it with great violence and made the blow more forcible Finally the fire was so great as the foundation whereon the Towers were set were burnt and the Heads of the Rammes consumed The Consuls after this had no more care to repaire their Engines resoluing to carry the Towne by a long siege in causing a great Trench with a Rampiâ—r to be cast vp round about it and there Campe with a resolution not to raise the Siege before they had taken it When as they of Lylibeum had rampired all places necessary they indured the Siege with great courage But after the Romans had receiued newes of this Disaster the Senate caused ten thousand men to bee raised which they sent into Sicily to refresh their Army for that many had died at this siege and their Army at Sea was bare of Men These faild first vnto the Port then they marcht by Land vnto the Campe before Lylibeum Appius Claudius being now Consuil and chiefe of the Army and the other Consuls vpon their returne to Rome seeing the Succours also arriued assembled the Captaines and let them know that in his Opinion it was time to sayle to Tripanum with all their forces by Sea to surprize Adherball the Generall of the Carthaginians nothing doubting of the Succours which were newly arriued into Sicily and would neuer conceiue that the Romane Army would put to Sea after so great a losse of men during the siege of Lylibeum When as this aduice was approued by the Captaines hee made choice of some out of the old and new Bands and furnished all his ships with the ablest men in the whole Army who imbarked most willingly for that the Voyage was short and the promises great Being then ready they parted at mid-night vnknowne to the Enemy and sayled directly vnto Tripanum But at the breake of day being neere the Towne and they discouering that they were Romane ships Adherball recouered his spirits and assured himselfe although thaâ— at the first hee was amazed at their â—uddaine arriuall resoluing to try the fortune of the fight and to vndergoe the hazard rather then to be besieged shamefully in the Port. Wherefore he presently caused their Oares to imbarke and caused the Trumpet to round to draw the Souldiers together shewing them in few words according to the necessity of the time that if they did their duties there was hope of Victory But if they refused to fight he layed them before the miseries of men besieged And when as the Souldiers made shew of resolution crying oâ—t that hee should make no stay to march against the Enemy then Adherball commending their forwardnesse causeth them all to imbarke giuing them charge to haue an eye vnto his ship and that they should follow with courage Presently after hee parts first our of the Port as he had said on the contrary side to the Romans But the Consull seeing the Enemies contrary to his hope not to abandon the place nor ready to flye but seeking the Combat with great heate hee called backe his shippes whereof some were already in the Port others at the entry following them neere And when as the first turned head according to the Consulls commaund and that the rest which followed farre off made hast to enter into the Port they fell foule one vpon another at the entry and at the comming foorth so as the Romans were in danger to haue lost all Finally after the Vessells had recouered the open Sea the Captaines Ranked themselues along the shore one after another turning their Prowe to the enemy But the Consull who from the beginning had alwayes followed the Army made the left Wing casting himselfe into the open Sea In the meane time Adherball hauing gotten aboue the left Wing of the Romans with fiue Vessells and turning the Prowe to the enemy he fortified himselfe by the Sea commaunding other foure which followed him to do the like When they were thus in Front against the enemy he giues them a signe to charge the Romanes whose ships as we haue sayd were Rank'd along the shore It is true they had done it to the end that the enemies Vessells which should part out of the Port might be incountred with more ease The battell was long and furious so as the danger seemed equall without doubt they were the choyce men of both the Armies at Land Yet the Carthaginians had alwayes the better for that their Vessells were lighter their men more expert in Rowing and moreouer they were in the open Sea where they might turne vp and downe at their pleasure If any one were neere prest by the Enemy he knew how to sauâ— himselfe suddainly by the lightnesse of his ship And if the Enemies pursued him many others turning presently together compassed and hemb'd them in by their lightnesse By this meanes they spoiled them much and sometimes sunke them And if any one of their companions were in danger they relieued him easily without perill sailing in the open Sea Contrariwise the shore neere vnto the Romanes did annoy them much for being forced in a streight they could not Retyre in necessity nor defend themselues nor succour them that were prest nor passe beyond the Enemies to charge them againe Which is a mâ—st requisite thing in fighting at Sea For that they were closed vp in a streight and their Vessells were heauy and their Marriners vnskilfâ—ll in Sea causes nor well practised to Rowe The Consull seeing that all went from â—ad to worse some of his ships being broken vpon the shore others sunke and finally being voide of all hope he flyes away first There were about thirty Vessells remayning of the whole Army which by chance were neere him and followed him all the rest to the number of fourescore and thirteene were taken by the Carthaginians Moreouer all the â—ands of men were taken except those which 〈◊〉 by the Wracke Adherball was in wonderfull great esteeme among the Carthaginians for this Victory hauing well mannaged the Affaires by his onely Wisdome and great Courage Whereas on the other side Appiâ—s Claudius was infamous and indured a thousand iniuries by the Romane people for that he had carried himselfe so indiscreetly and had drawne the Romane Common-wealth into so great danger Finally being Deposed from the Consulship he dyed by the hand of Iustice with great ignomy and shame And although the Romans were very sensible of this great Defeate yet like Men of great Courage and Resolution they suddainly prepare a Fleete at Sea with a new Leuy of Men and send Lucius Iunius the Consull into Sicily to whom they giue charge to Relieue the Campe before Lylibeum and to carry them Victualls and other necessary Munitions He saiâ—'d
long in suspence what he should doe but suddainly he resolued that if his men came to fight during the storme he should haue nothing to doe but with Hanno and his Army at Sea and with ships that were laden and incumbred But if he should delay the fight vntill the Sea were calme he should haue to deale with ships that were light and very swift and with the choice of the Land souldiers and moreouer with the courage of Amilcar who was then held to be very terrible Finally he resolued to fight with the Enemy notwithstanding the storme and the contrary Winde The Carthaginians comming with full sayle he put himselfe before them with his Army ready and in battell When the Carthaginians saw their course to bee hindered by the Enemy and their ships in battell they strooke saile and prepared to fight where they charged of either side with great courage But for that things were mannaged in another manner than when they were defeated at the battell of Trepanum it was no wonder if that their Affaires had another successe In regard of the Romans their ships were very light and free from all incombrance but of that which was necessary for the Warre Their Rowers had beene long practised and were therefore eager and ready to fight They had also made choice of the best men in their Army at Land the which fell out contrary with the Carthaginians Their ships were laden and therefore vnfit to fight Their Rowers and Marriners were men gathered together by chance and not accustomed to the War their Souldiers were also new and had not seene any thing for they had no more care for the affaires at Sea imagining that the Romans would not attempt any thing more at Sea And therefore as soone as the Battell began the Romans had the Victory whereas fifty of the Carthaginians ships were broken or sunke and three score and ten others that were laden taken The rest set sayle and got the Winde and recouered Hieronese with incredible swiftnesse by a suddaine change of the Winde After the Battell the Consull retired to Lylibeum with his whole Army whereas the booty and Prisoners were deuided amongst the Souldiers For besides the dead there were aboue ten thousand men taken The Carthaginians amazed at this heauy and great defeate found themselues troubled for many reasons although their minds were alwayes inclin'd to Warres First they had no meanes to victuall those that were in Sicily after the defeate of their Army at Sea Considering that their Enemies were Maisters of all the Sea Moreouer they imagined that it would be a Traiterous act to suffer their Generall and the Souldiers which had serued their Common-wealth to be lost In regard of continuing the War they had neither Men nor Captaines to mannage it wherefore they sent a Man to Amilcar and gaue him full power and Authority to doe what he should thinke fitting for the good of the Common-weale Amilcar performed the duty of a good and wise Captaine For whilest there was any hope in the Carthaginians affaires he neuer complained of his paines nor auoided perill but being a man of great industry and courage he thrust himselfe continually into all dangers to vanquish aswell as any of the other Captaines But when as he saw there was no more hope in the Carthaginians affaires hee sent Embassadours to the Consull to treate vpon an accord yeelding wisely and discreetly vnto the time For wee must know that the duty of a good Captaine consists aswell in considering of the time not onely to vanquish but also to strike sayle Whereunto Luctatius did willingly giue care knowing well the necessities which the people of Rome endured by this tedious War Finally a peace was thus concluded that the Romans and Carthaginians should line in amity and friendship if the people of Rome would consent vnto it And that the Carthaginians should leaue all Sicily Neither should they hereafter make War against Hieron nor against the Saragossins or their Allies and that they should restore all the Prisoners without ransome And moreouer they should pay thirteene hundred and twenty thousand Crownes within twenty yeares These Articles were sent to Rome which the people notwithstanding would not yeeld vnto but committed ten men with power from them who were sent into Sicily Being arriued they altered nothing of the treaty of peace but the time of payment which they shortned augmenting the summe with 600000. Crownes more Moreouer they did articulate that they should not onely dislodge out of Sicily but also out of all the Islands which are betwixt it and Italy Behold the end of the first Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians for Sicily It continued foure and twenty whole yeares and hath beene the longest and the greatest that was euer heard spoken of During the which I omit other things worthy of memory they haue fought at one instant with aboue fiue hundred Quinqueremes on both sides Afterwards with not much lesse then seauen hundred The Romans haue lost seauen hundred Quinqueremes besides those which at sundry times the torments haue sunke and the Carthaginians about fiue hundred Wherefore they which formerly haue admired Armies aswell by Land as Sea and the Combats at Sea of Antigonus Ptolomey and Demetrius haue reason to cease considering the great deeds of the Romans and Carthaginians But if they will consider how great a difference there is betwixt the Quinqueremes and Triremes whereof the Persians made vse against the Grecians and which the Athenians and Lacedemonians vsed in their Warre they shall vndoubtedly see that there was neuer seene such great forces fight at Sea wherefore that appeares plainely which we haue propounded in the beginning that the Romans haue not onely indeauoured to conquer the vniuersall Empire by vallour but they haue also accomplished their desire not by good Fortune as some Grecians suppose nor by chance but by a wonderfull experience and practice in such great affaires Although that some may demaund how it happeneth that the Romans who are at this day farre greater Lords both at Land and Sea considering that they held in a manner the Empire of the whole world cannot draw together so many Vessels nor rayse so great an Army at Sea at one instant The reason will be easie when they shall let them vnderstand what the Romane Common-wealth was what their Lawes and their manner of liuing although it will not be profitable neither for vs nor for the Readers of our Workes to make mention of things which concerne not our purpose Without doubt the Reasons are great the which notwithstanding in my Opinion no man hath knowne vnto this day by the errour of Historiographers Whereof some knew not what they wrote and if others vnderstood them they haue made them obscure and vnprofitable If they would duely consider this War they shall finde that the courage and power of these two great Citties were equall First their desire was alike they had the same
making a shew to refresh themselues with water and victuals they resolued to take the Towne They of Durazo being confident and fearing nothing suffered them to enter without Armes vnder colour of water and victuals although their true intent was to take the Towne by Treason But when they â—aw themselues within the Towne they tooke their Armes which they had hidden in their vessels for water and killing the Guards at the Gate made themselues Maisters thereof Those in the ships â—eing ready entred in like manner and seized vpon a great part of the Walles And although that they of the Towne were much amazed at this great and suddaine accident yet they made a long resistance defending themselues valiantly so as the Sclauonians were forced to retire By this meanes it happened that the Durazins who were in danger to lose themselues and their Citty by their negligence after they had escaped the perill by their vertue did afterwards settle a better order in their affaires The Sclauonian Captaines weighed Anchor presently and put to Sea ioyning with those who as wee haue sayd went to Câ—rfue and made haste ioyntly to besiege the Towne They of Corfue being thus suddainly surprized and not finding themselues strong enough sent to craue aide from the Acheins and Etoliens the like they did to them of Appolonia and Durazo intreating them not to suffer them to bee thus shamefully chased away from their naturall Countrey by the Barbarians who hauing pitty of their fortune armed ten ships of Warre of the Acheins and within few dayes after sayled to Corfue hoping to raise the Barbarians siege at their comming But the Illirians hauing recouered seuen Vessels armed from the â—carnanians with whom they had made a league marched against the Acheâ—ns whom they encountred neere vnto the Islands which they call Paxes and there they fought The Acarnanians and the Acheins ships fought equally and continued long firme onely their men were wâ—â—nded But the Illirians interlaced themselues with their Enemies who were tied foure together and enuironing them they hindred them much Then the Enemies Vessels were much troubled being peirced and grapled withall their Spurs being fastned to the Sclauonians Vessels who entred them with fury and vanquished them easily by reason of their multitude By this meanes foure Quadriremes of the Acheins were taken by the Illirians and one Quinquereme sunke and all that was in it In the which was Marcus Caryneus a man of great esteeme among the Acheins who had alwayes performed his duty well for the Countrey But when as they which fought against the Acarnanians saw that the Illirians had the Victory they fled relying much in the lightnesse of their Vessels And saued themselues from the Battell retiring to their houses The Sclauonians growing proud of this Victory besieged the Towne more boldly than they had done They of Corfue hauing no more hope after they had maintained the siege for a season in the end yeelded it to the Illirians receiuing their Garrison and Demetrius of Pharos their Captaine After which the Illirian Captaines returned to Durazâ— and besieged it In the meane time the Roman Consuls Caius Fuluius with an Army at Sea of two hundred ships and Anchus Posthumus with the Army at Land parted from Rome So as Fuluius came to Corfue thinking that the siege had continued still But when hee saw that hee came too late for that the Illirians were within it hee resolued to passe on as well to vnderstand what had beene done as to try what Opinion they had of Demetrius And for that he had vnderstood that his Enemies had brought him in disgrace with the Queene and that hee feared her fury he had sent men to Rome to promise theâ—â— the Towne and whatsoeuer he held They at Corfu being ioyfull at the Romans arriuall deliuered vnto them by the consent of Demetrius the Towne and the Illirian Garrison Finally they put themselues vnder their protection hoping that by this meanes they should bee no more subiect to the outrages of the Illirians When the Romans had receiued them into league they sayled to Apolonia whither Demetrius guided them At the same time Ancus Posthumus caused his Land-army to imbarke at Brunduzium being about twenty thousand Foote and two thousand Horse all which met at Apolonia the which being yeelded they sayled to Durazo for that they had newes the Illirians had besieged it who being aduertised of the Romans comming they raised the siege for feare and fled here and there When the Romans had receiued them of Durazo into friendship they sayled on into Sclauonia taking many Townes in their way and shut vp the Sardiens In the meane time there came an Embassie from Parthenia to the Romans giuing themselues and their Citty vnto them Who being receiued with the Antitanes they tooke their way to Isse hauing vnderstood that the Illirians held it besieged where they entred after they had raised the siege After which they tooke many Townes in Sclauonia by force wherein they lost not onely many Souldiers but also some of their Tribunes with the Questor neere vnto Nutria They tooke twenty of the Illirian shippes which serued them to victuall their Campe. In regard of those which were within Isse they were all defeated and fled to Narente except those which were of Pharos which were giuen to Demetrius Queene Tâ—uca with a small company retired to Rhyzon a strong Towne and farre distant from the Sea seated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer of Rhyzon When the Consuls had put many Townes and great Seigâ—uries into the hands of Demetrius they returned to Durazo with their Armies both at Sea and Land From thence Caius Fuluius returned to Rome with the greatest part of both Armies But Posthumus stayed at Durazo whereas he riggd forty Vessels and after hee had leuied men in the neighbour Countries he setled his Garrisons hauing in his company the Ardienses and all the rest that were allied to the Romans When the Spring came Teuca sent an Embassie to the Romans to treate a peace the which in the end shee obtained vpon these conditions That shee should pay them a yeerely tribute and that shee shâ—uld leaue all Sclauonia except some petty places And as for that which concernes the Grecians shee might not sayle beyond Isse but onely with two ships without any furniture of Warre During these actions Posthumus sent an Embassie to the Cheins and Etoliens to aduertise them of the cause of the Warre and of the Romans voyage by Sea And to let them vnderstand what they had done and to reade the conditioâ—s of the peace Who after they had obeyed the Consuls commaund and had beene well receiued by these two people they returned againe to Corfue the Cittis of Greece being then freed from feare by this accord made with the Illirians For in those times the Illirians did not assault any one in particular but all the world in generall These are
Maximus the which his family retaines vnto this day The Dictator differs from the Consull in this that the Consull hath but twelue Axes before him and the Dictator hath foure and twenty Moreouer the Coâ—sull must referre many things to the aduice of the Senate but this other hath a soueraigne and free power vnder whom all other Magistrates cease except the Tribunes But this shall be for a larger discourse Moreouer they gaue vnto the Dictator Marcus Minucius for a Constable or master of the Horse which is a Magistrate subiect to the Dictator and supplies his place when as the necessity of affaires forceth him to be absent In the meane time Hannibal marching along the Coast of the Adriatique Sea by small iournies fed his Army in a rich and fertile Prouince causing the Horse-feet to be washt with old Wine whereof there was great abundance the better to cure them of their Scabs Hee also caused the Souldiers which had beene wounded to bee carefully looked vnto and fortified the rest for future affaires Hauing past the Countries of Pretutian and Adrian hee ruined the Countrey of the Marrucins and Franqueuille Moreouer he bent his course towards Iapygia diuided into three whereof some are called Dauniens and the others Messapiens Hee first ouer-runnes Daunia beginning by Lucerna a Collony of the Romans thundring ouer all the Countrey Then setling his Campe at Ibonium he falls vpon the Artins and vtterly ruines all Daunia without any resistance At the same time Quintus Fabius hauing taken his charge of Dictator and performed the accustomed Sacrifices parts from Rome with the Master of the Horse and foure Legions leuied in haste And within few daies came to Appulia whereas receiuing the Army from the Consull Cneus Seruilius being come from Rimeni he sent him to Rome with some troups giuing him charge to raise an Army at Sea at Hostia and to defend the Coasts of Italy if the Carthaginians should attempt any thing by Sea Finally he marches with all his troups and plants himselfe in front of the Enemy neare vnto Aigues and within sixe miles of them Hanniball aduertised of the comming of Fabius and meaning to amaze them suddainly drawes his Army to Field and presents it in the Battaile before the Romans Fort But when he had stayed some time hee retired to his Campe seeing that no man came forth to fight You must vnderstand that Fabius had resolued from the beginning not to hazard any thing nor to fight thinking it would bee very beneficiall to the Romans if he might defend their Townes from the Enemy Hee was constant in his opinion so as at the end hee purchased the reputation of a slacke man and Coward as if hee fled from danger onely for feare But soone after hee forced the World to confesse that they could not make choice of a Captaine that was more constant nor wiser to mannage the Warre the which appeared soone after in their affaires Beleeue mee this wise Dictator vnderstood well what great difference there was betwixt the Carthaginians Army and that of the Romans Considering that the others had from their Youth frequented the Warre hauing a Commaunder which was bred with them in the Campe in the raine and winde and who from his very Cradle had learn'd the trade hauing gotten so many famous victories both in Spaine and Italy against the Romans and all their Allies and who moreouer distrusting in all things put their onely hope of safety in the Victory the which would proue contrary to the Romans Wherefore he was not resolued to fight fearing the Numidians for that hee was too weake in Horse so as retiring for his aduantage with good consideration he stayed and led away his Army The aduantages which the Romans had were abundance of munition and victuals and a great Army And therefore hee ledit alwaies by the hilly Countries following the Enemie neare yet giuing him no meanes to fight being alwaies well victualed and neuer suffring the Souldiers to goe forth but kept them alwaies close together By this meanes his men were alwaies in safety aâ—d beate the Enemy if at any time they went from the Army for pillage so as many times there were some taken and others slaine This he did to the end that by little and little hee might weaken their forces and encourage the Souldiers by these petty Victories being amazed with their former losses nor to distrust their Forces or Fortune Moreouer they could not perswade him to come to a Battaile But Marcus Minucius discontent with his temporizing blamed him of cowardise and feare Hee was a proud and rash man who found nothing more tedious and troublesome then to bee absent from a Battaile The Carthaginians after they had ruined the former Countries and had past the Appenine Hils they goe to Samnium which is a very fertile Countrey of Italy and which for a long time had not felt any Warre There they found so great abundance of all things as they could not consume the Bootie neither in vsing it moderately nor wastfully From thence they spoiled Beneâ—ent a Collony of the Romans They tooke the Towne of Telesia which had strong walles was well victualed and furnished with all things necessary the Romans followed the Enemies still within a daies iourney or two When as Hannibal saw that Fabius fled from all occasions of fighting and yet did not abandon the field but followed him still by the hilly Countrey hee resolued to goe speedily into the Countries of Capuâ— and Falerna thinking that of necessitie one of the two would happen either that the Romans would come to a Battaile or that the World would soone see that the Carthaginians camp't and that the Romans kept themselues within their Forts By this meanes he did hope that the Townes of the Prouince being tertified they would yeeld vnto the Carthaginians For vnto that day not any one had fallen vnto them although the Romans had lost two great Battailes and there were many to whom their perswasions were very vnpleasing Whereby wee may see of what authoritie and power the maiesty of the Roman Common-wealth was with their Succours and Allies Certainly Hannibals conceit was not idle for the Capuan is an excellent Countrey for abundance of wealth fertility of land and the beauty and pleasure of the place First it is seated along the Sea whither infinite number of people come from all parts of the World to Italy Moreouer the noblest Townes of Italy are scituated there for vpon the Borders of the Sea stand the Switzers the Cumans the Fozolois the Neopâ—litans and at the end the Nucerins And towards the North vpon the firme land are the Calleniens and Teanins towards the East and South are the Dauniens and Nolains and in the mid'st of the Region Capua stands the richest of them all whose Lands are famous amongst the fabulous Poets which they call Phlegrees and it is likely that the gods haue spoken
preparation for war Wherefore after hee had prepared an Army at Sea of fiue and thirty Vessels he made choise of the ablest men of his whole Army and most actiue to fight at Sea The which being imbarqued he set saile to encounter the enemy and three dayes after hee had sail'd from Tarracona to places neere vnto Ebro hee comes vnto a Hauen ten miles distant from the Enemy From thence hee sends two Vessels of Marceilles being very swift to discouer This was a people which had a great League with the Romans and had held their party during the time of the second Punique Warre But as soone as these Scouts had made Relation that the enemies Army at Sea was in the mouth of the Riuer of Ebro he weighes Anchor and sayles towards them being desirous to surprize them vnprouided Asdrubal had beene aduertised of the comming of the Roman army by a signe which was giuen him from a Beacon or watch-Tower and therefore after he had ordred his Army by Land along the shore and and caused his Rowers to imbarque hee puts all into armes When the Romans not onely approacht but also put their shippes in battaile they gaue warning to fight The Carthaginians assayling them resolutely had for a time some shew of Victory But afterwards Fortune began to turne for they which were vpon the shore gaue not so much courage to their men to fight as hope of safety for those that would flye And therefore the Carthaginians got to Land after that two of their ships had biâ— taken and foure sunke But when as the Romans pursued them with all their forces the Carthaginians fled to shore abandoning their ships and retired to their Army which was there in Battaile Finally hauing followed them with great speede they towed away with Ropes all the Vessels which floated And after they had vanquished their Enemies they parted ioyfully as being masters of the Sea and of the forty shippes they tooke fiue and twenty Being therefore proud of this Victory they were afterwards more carefull of the affaires of Spaine The Carthaginians aduertised of this mis-fortune sent three-score and ten Vessels Rigg'd sooner then they could imagine vnderstanding well of what consequence it was to be masters of the Sea Who sail'd first to Sardinia and afterwards to Pisa in Italy to the end they might ioyne with Hannibal if it were possible But when as the Romans were aduertised of the comming of the Carthaginian Army they so terrified them with sixe score Quinqueremes which they sent as they presently returned to Sardinia and from thence to Carthage Cueâ—s Seruilius Commaunder of the Army at Sea had them long in chase but when as he heard there was no hope to ouer-take them he came vnto Lylibeum with his Fleete From thence soone after he sailes vnto the Iland of Cercinetes where taking siluer of the Inhabitants not to ruine the Country he turnes backe and takes the Iland of Cossyron in passing Where after he had put a Garrison into the Towne he returned to Lylibeum where lodging his Vessels in the Port within few dayes after he went to the Army at Land In the meane time the Senate hauing newes of Cneus Scipio his Victory at Sea in the mouth of Ebrâ— they not only held it fit but also necessary to pursue the War in Spaine and to annoy the Carthaginians with all their power both by Sea and Land And therefore they presently prepared twenty shipps of War and sent them to Publius Scipio in Spaine continuing his authority after his Consulship was ended to the end that being ioyned with his brother Cneus Scipio all the affaires might be mannaged by their common Councell For the thing which the Romans feared most was that the Carthaginians preuailing in Spaine would be masters of the Sea So as afterwards they might Saile into Italy and furnish and supply Hannibal easily with men and Treasure Publius Scipio going into Spaine ioyned with his brother after which the War was gouerned by their common Councell Wherfore presently they past the Riuer of Ebro the which before they neuer durst attempt Then Fortune began to smile on the Romans And after they had made subiect those which dwelt in the passage of Ebro finding no resistance they came to Sagont Where being within fiue miles of Cape Decrux they camped in a place safe from the Enemy and conuenient to draw Victuals from the Sea Soone after that their Army at Sea arriued whereas this accident hapned You must vnderstand that Hannibal at his going into Italy had taken the Children of the noblest Families in Spaine and had left them in guard at Sagont For that the place was strong and they which kept it confident to the Carthaginians There was at time within the Towne a certaine Spaniard whom they called Acedux of a noble house and as honest a man as any other Spaniard and among the rest very loyall to the Carthaginians But at that time after the manner of most of the Barbarians hee changed his faith together with his Fortune This Spaniard seeing the Romans to prosper in Spaine had a desire to deliuer the Hostages hauing a conceite that it would be a great meanes to purchase their fauour When he had well considered of all the meanes to bring his enterprize to an end he goes to Bostar Chiefe of the Carthaginians Asdrubal had sent him into Spaine to keepe the Romans from passing the Riuer The which not daring to attempt he seated his Campe beyond Sagont vpon the Bankes of the Riuer He was a mild man and contrary to the nature of the Affricans not very politicke He drawes him a part as a man which held his faith assured to the Carthaginians and lets him vnderstand the estate of the affaires The Carthaginians sayd he haue held vnder their obedience vnto this day the people of Spaine by cruelty for that the Romans were a far off But now the Enemies Campe hath passed Ebro so as euery man hath thereby occasion of a new enterprize And therefore it is necessary to bind those by benefits and fauours whom they could not retaine by feare Moreouer that the Romans were neere vnto Sagont in Armes and furnished with Armies both by Sea and Land so as the Towne was in danger For this cause he was of opinion that hee should send backe all the Hostages to their Townes The which if hee did hee should first of all frustrate the Romans of their hope for that they did chiefly besiedge Sagont to haue them And that moreouer he should purchase the loue and fauour of the Spaniards to the Carthaginians He likewise thought that it would be for the safety of the Hostages and that if hee would giue him the charge to carry them backe hee would do him no small seruice to winne their loues and that he should not only bind their hearts by the sending backe of the Children vnto their Parents but he should set
freed And therefore when as Canare King of the Gaules approached neere vnto the City labouring by all meanes to pacifie this Warre both they and Prusias referred themselues vnto him for all their Quarrells Whereof the Rhodiens being aduertised and desiring to bring their Resolution to a finall end they sent Aridix and Polemocle to Constantinople with three Triremes meaning as they commonly say to send them peace or Warre After the comming of this Embassie vnto Constantinople there was an Accord made with the Rhodiens that the Constantinopolitains should not take Tole of any one that sail'd into the Pontique Sea The which if they performed the Rhodiens and their Allies would make a firme peace with them And as Prusias they concluded and agreed vppon these Conditions that Prusias and the Constantinopolitains should liue in Peace and Amity and neuer heereafter make Warre one against another And that Prusias should make restitution of all the Prouinces Townes People and Slaues without any recompence in the like manner hee should doe of the Shippes and other Booty which hee had taken from them in the beginning of the Warre Moreouer the Carpenters VVorke Tiles and remainder of Houses which hee had transported from Fanum for Prusias fearing the comming of Thibete had razed all the Burroughes whereinto the Enemy might retire himselfe and that finally hee should bind himselfe with all the Souldiers of Bythinea to restore vnto the Inhabitants of Mysia which are vnder the obedience of the Constantinopolitains all they had taken from them This was the beginning and ending of the Warre of Prusias and the Rhodiens against the Constantinopolitains At that time the Gnosiens sent an Embassie to the Rhodiens to draw from them three or foure well built Tritemes with the which Polemocle had lately made his Voyage with three other stately Vessels of Warre against those which lately had Reuolted against them The which being done when as the Army arriued at Candy the Eleuterneins doubting that some few daies before Polemocle had slaine Timarche their Burgesse to please the Gnosiens made Warre against the Rhodiens after they had made their complaine A little before the Lyciens had so many seuerall crosses Finally all Candy was in Combustion The Gnosiens and Gortiniens making Warre with one Councell and consent reducing all the Iland vnder their obedience except the Lyciens Towne For the taking whereof they did their vtmost power and indeauours thinkking in the end to rare and ruine it quite To the end it might serue for an Example to other Cities to terrfie them from a Reuolt For that it alone would not receiue them for their Lords In the beginning all they of Candy made Warre against the Lyciens but they beganne presently to fall into Discorde vpon a very light cause The which happens often with that Nation So as the Polyreneins the Certeins the Lampeins and moreouer the Noreins and the Arcadians held the Lyciens party forsaking the alliance of the Gnosiens The Gortiniens were in diuers opinions The most aged held the Gnosiens party and the young men that of the Lyciens The Gnosiens seeing the will of their Allies thus changed and that the Affaires went otherwise then they formerly expected they drew a thousand men from Etolia by the right of Alliance Which being done the most aged of the Gortiniens seazed suddainly vpon the Fort drawing in the Gnosiens and Etoliens and deliuered them the Towne chasing away the party of the young men and killing some most cruelty The Lyciens had by chance at that time made a Roade into the Enemies Country leauing no forces within the Towne whereof the Gnotiens being aduertised by their Spies they tooke it vnfurnished of any forces and sent the Women and Children to Gnoson And when they had burnt and razed it with fury they retired The Lyciens returning were so amazed when they saw all in fire and ruine as no man durst enter into the Towne But going about it in troupes they lamented their Countrey and Fortune From thence turning head they returned to the Lampeins who receiued them louingly and with great affection Who being Fugitiues and strangers were in one day admitted Burgesses and made Warre against the Gnosiens with the Allies Behold how Lycia a Collony of the Lacedemonians and the most auncient of Candy was suddainly and miserably ruined The Polyreneins Lampeins with all their other Allies seeing the Gnosiens to be in League with the Etoliens and the Etoliens to be enemies to Philip and the Acheins sent an Embassie to the King and the Acheins to make a League with them and to draw succours from them Who receiued them and sent them foure hundred Sclauonians vnder the Commaund of Plator and about a hundred Phoceins who at their arriuall did greatly assist the Polyreneins allied to the Achiens For within a short time their forces being increased they forced the Eleuterneins Cydoniates Aptereins and diuers others being shut vp within their Wals to abandon the Gnosiens alliance and to imbrace their party Which things being effected the Polyreneins and their Allies sent fiue hundred Candyots to Philip and the Acheins Not long before the Gnosiens had sent a thousand to the Etoliens Thus the Warre was mannaged for the loue one of another The banished men among the Gortiniens surprized the Port of the Pheastins and that of the Gortiniens from whence they made many sallies against them of the Towne And this was the estate of the affaires of Candy At the same time Methridates made Warre against the Synopenses which was in a manner the beginning and cause of his mis-fortune And when as they required succours of the Rhodiens they made choise of three men for this businesse To whom there was giuen foure and twenty thousand fiue hundred pounds to furnish the Synopenses with necessary prouision for the War They which had this Commission made prouision of ten thousand Goate skinnes fill'd with Wine of thirty sixe thousand pound weight of Ropes made with Haire and ten thousand made with sinewes a thousand Armes compleate three thousand pieces of gold coyned foure Merchants ships with Crossebowes and other Engines of battery in great number The Synopenses hauing receiued all this prouision returned to Synope They were in great feare least that Methridates should besiege them both by Sea and Land Synope is seated on the right side of the Pontique Sea where as the Riuer of Phasis enters into the Sea and likewise vppon a Cape which stretcheth farre into the Sea The necke whereof is closed in by the Towne which ioynes vnto Asia and hath in length about two Furlongs The rest of the Cape aduanceth it selfe into the Sea which is a flat Countrey and the approaches very easie and contrariwise very difficult and inaccessible to those which come from the Sea neyther hath it any passages The Synopenses fearing that Methridates should besiege the Towne not onely on that side which ioynes to
Asia but likewise on the other drawing his Army to Land they did carefully fortifie that part which is inuironed by the Sea leauing a good Guard there to keep the Enemy from landing for the place is of a small Circuit and requires no great guard This is all which past at that time in Synope King Philip parting with his Army from Macedony for there wee left our former Discourse caused it to march by Thessaly and Epirus making hast to passe by those Regions into Etolia Alexander and Dorimache resolving at the same time to take Egirus hauing drawne together twelue hundred Etoliens at Oeanthy which is one of their Townes opposite vnto that whereof wee now speake and their shippes being ready to passe they only attended an opportunity to put their enterprize is Execution It happened that an Etolian hauing liued long at Egire and finding that the Guard at the Gate kept no good Watch by reason of their Drunkennesse hee acquaints Dorimache therewith soliciting him to take the Towne by night he being a man accustomed vnto such Actions Egire is a Towne of Morea scituated neere vnto the Gulfe of Corinthe betwixt Egia and Sicyon vpon a certaine Hill which is rough and difficult drawing towards Parâ—ase and about seauen Furlongs distant from the Sea When the time was come Dâ—rimache hauing imbarqued his Army and prouided carefully for all things necessary he came before the breake of day to a Riuer which runs neere vnto the Hill whereon the Towne stands From thence he with Alexander and Archidamus the sonne of Pantaleon accompanied with a great number of Etoliens marcht directly vnto the Towne along the way which leads to Egia The Fugitiues was gone before with twenty of their best foote-men for the knowledge he had of the places And had gotten the Walls by Rockes which seemed inaccessible Where as entring the Towne by a sincke he found the Guards a sleepe Who being slaine and hauing broken the barres of the Gate without discouery they made way for the Etoliens who entred with great fury and carried themselues simply and without discretion which was an occasion of the Egirates Victory and of their defeate and shame For thinking that all had beene lost for the Egirates they suddainly Armed and put themselues in Battaile within the Towne where they staied for a certaine time But at the breake of day euery man thought of his owne priuate profit and gaine And dispersing themselues throughout the whole Towne they fell vppon the Burgesses houses and rifled their goods Finally they had no care at all but of spoile and Rapine The Egirates mooued at this strange accident some fled out of the Towne amazed with feare whose houses the Enemies had forced for that the Etoliens were apparently masters of the Towne But they who hearing the sound of the Trumpet were gone foorth with their seruants to aide and succour the City retired vnto the Fort Wherefore their number and force augmented continually and the Etoliens grew weaker For that the Egirates repaired still to the Fort and the others dispersed themselues in houses for spoile And although that Dorimache saw the apparent danger yet without any amazement he assaults the Fort with a wonderfull Resolution imagining that they which were retired into it being amazed at his comming would presently yeild vnto the Etoliens But the Egirates incouraging one another defended the Fort with incredible resolution and assurance By this meanes the Combat was furious of either side But for that the Fort was not inclosed with wals they fought man to man and the Combat for a time was furious and equall For that the one fought for their Country and children and the other for their liues But the Etoliens in the end beganto flie shamefully whom the Egirate growing more couragious pursued so as a great part of the Etoliens died in fallying out at the Gate oppressing one another in the throng Alexander was slaine fighting valliantly Dorimache striuing to get forth died in the presse The rest were presently slaine or kill'd themselues falling into Pits There were few saued who abandoned their Armes and fled to the ships By this meanes the Egirates by their incredible courage recoueted their Countrey in a manner lost by negligence At the same time Euripides who had beene sent by the Etoliens to be Chiefe of the Elienses who after he had ouer-run the Countries of the Dimenses Pharences and Tritenses tooke his way through the Elienses Countrey chasing before him a great Booty whereof Micchus of Dime being aduertised who by chance was at that time subrogated in the place of the Commander of the Acheins and following the Enemy vpon the retreate with the helpe of the Dimenses Pharenses and Tritenses fell vnaduisedly into their Ambushes and was defeated with the great losse of his men whereof there died forty Foot and there were two hundred taken Euripides glorious of this good fortune soone after went againe to Field and tooke a Castle from the Dimenses which was of consequence the which the people of the Countrey called Mure and they say that Hercules built it in old time making Warre against the Elienses to vse it as a Fort and retreate in the time of Warre The Dimenses Pharenses and Triteâ—ses hauing made this losse and fearing for the future by the taking of the Castle by Euripides they first sent Letters to the Chiefe of the Acheins to aduertise them of their misfortune and to demand succours against the Etoliens And afterwards they sent some of the Chiefe of their Towne in Embassie Arate could not raze any mercenary Souldiers for that during the Warre of Cleomenes the Acheins had payed them ill and withall hee mannaged the affaires fearefully and without consideration And therefore Lycurguâ— tooke Athence a Towne of the Megalopolitains the like Euripides did besides the former prize to Gorgon and Telphusia The Dimenses Pharences and Tritenses being frustrate of the hope they had in the Chiefe of the Acheins resolued among themselues not to contribute any more money to supply the necessities of their Warre And that they would leuie at their owne charge about three hundred Foote and fifty Horse to defend their Countrey Whereby they seemed to haue taken good order for their priuate affaires but they had no great respect to the profit of a Comminalty For they haue giuen a very bad example to others to make a new enterprize vpon any occasion whereof the blame may well be layd vpon the Commander who by his sloth and negligence had frustrated his men of their expectance It is a common course that all they which are in danger hold that Friendship is to be entertained and kept so long as there is any hope to draw succours from them and when that ceaseth then they are to prouide for their owne affaires And therefore the Dimenses Pharenses and Tritenses are to be pardoned for that in the
and certaine Countries nor finally the difference of circumstances For these are things common to all men It is also the meanes to aduertise the Reader of things vnknowne as we haue sayd The scituation of places whereof we speake is this Although that Lacedemon seemes to stand in a plaine yet it hath here and there rough and hilly places Neere vnto which towards the East passeth this Riuer which they call Erota the which for the most part of the yeere is not to be waded thorough by reason of its great depth The Mountaines wherein Menelaie stands are on the other side of the Riuer towards the Citty which looke towards the Winters East the which are tough and difficult and wonderfull high And bend ouer the Plaine which lies betwixt the Riuer and the Citty by the which it takes its course along the foote of the Mountaines The King was of necessity to passe that way hauing the Citty on the left hand and the Lacedemonians ready and in Armes And on the right hand the Riuer and those which were in the Mountaines with Licurgus Matters standing in this estate the Lacedemonians bethought themselues of a stratagem by the which in breaking of a Damme they should drowne all the Plaine betwixt the Citty and the foot of the Mountains so as neither Horse nor Foote should be able to passe By this meanes they saw the King should bee forced to lead his Army by the foote of the Mountaines the which he could not doe without great danger for that he should be forced to extend his Army in length and not vnited and close and to march a slow pace Philip seeing this assembles his Friends and was of opinion that he must first chase away Licurgus from the places which hee held Wherefore he takes in his company the Mercenaries the Targeteers and the Sclauonians and began to march directly towards the Mountaines to passe the Riuer Licurgus vnderstanding of the Kings resolution put his men in Battaile and perswades them to doe their duties in fighting and withall hee makes a signe to them of the Citty as he had promised Which done the Souldiers presently sally forth putting the Horse-men on the right wing When Philip came neere vnto Licurgus he sent the Mercenaries to giue the first charge of whom the Lacedemonians had the better at the first by reason of the aduantage of the place and the manner of their Armes But when as he had sent the Targeteers with the Sclauonians to succour the Mercenaries there was so great an alteration as the Mercenaries seemed to haue the victory in their hands And the Lacedemonians amazed at the fury of them that were well armed fled presently as despairing of their safety There died about a hundred men and some few more taken the rest recouered the Citty Licurgus taking his way by inaccessible woods arriued the night following at the Citty When as Philip had put a sufficient strength of Sclauonians into the Mountaines he returned with them that were lightly armed and the Targeteers to his Army At the same time Arate bringing back the Army from Amycle was not far from the City with whom the King passing the Riuer ioyned and appointed them that were well armed to make head against the Horse-men at the foot of the Mountaine When as the Lacedemonian Horse-men had charged the Macedonians and the targeteers had fought valiantly and withal the King had performed his duty well they were in the end repuls'd shamefully to the gates of the City Afterwards the King past Eurota safely and was forced to settle his Campe in the night at his comming forth of the streights in a place which was very strong by nature Finally the King had an humour to ouer-run the Countrey neere to Lacedemon In the beginning of the said streights vpon the approaches from Teges by the firme Land to Lacedemon there is a place about two Furlongs distant from the Citty vnder the which the Riuer hath its course the which imbraceth the Citty and the side of the Riuer with a steepe and inaccessible Mountaine The foote of this Mountaine is a slimy and watery Plaine as well for the entry as the going forth of an Army so as whosoeuer plants his Campe there in seazing vpon the Hill seemes to campe safely and to be in a sure place in regard of the Towne which is opposite hauing vnder its power the entry and issue of the streights Philip hauing seated his Campe there he causeth the Baggage to march the next day and drawes his Army into the Plaine in view of the Towne Where after he had stayed some time hee wheeles about like a Bowe and takes his way towards Tegea And when hee came into the Countrey where that famous Battaile was fought betwixt Antigonus and Cleomenes he planted his Campe there Three dayes after when the places were well viewed and the Sacrifices performed in two Mountaines whereof the one is called Olympe and the other Eua he went on his way and came to Tegea where he stayed some time to diuide the spoile Then suddainly hee returned to Corinthe with his Army Thither came Embassadours from Rhodes and Chios to the King to mediate a peace betwixt him and the Etoliens To whom the King giuing a gracious reception he told them that he had long and at that present was ready to imbrace a peace if the Etoliens held it fit and that they should goe vnto them and consider of the meanes therof From thence he went to Leche and prepared himselfe to imbarke desiring to decide some pressing affaires at Phocis At the same time Leonce Megalee and Ptolomy thinking yet to terrifie the King and by that meanes to repaire their errours calls the Targeteers and those whom the Macedonians terme the Kings Troupe whom they informe that they are dayly in great danger without any recompence or any share in the spoile according to the ancient custome approued by all men By meanes whereof they perswade these young men to assaile and spoile the Lodgings of the Kings principall Minions and that falling vpon the Kings owne Lodging they should ouerthrow the Gates and couering The which when they had done there grew a great mutiny in the Towne Philip hearing the noise makes haste to returne from the Port And drawing the Macedonians together he pacifieth them partly with words and blaming them for the things which they had done And when as the fury increased and that some were of opinion to chase out of the Towne those that had beene the cause of the mutiny others saying that this fury of the Commons ought to bee pacified without any greater punishment the King dissembled his conceite for the present And being as it were perswaded by them hee returned to the Hauen after hee had giuen them many admonitions knowing well the heads of this villany But hee thought good to deferre it to a more conuenient time Leonce and his Faction despairing for that
Romans were vanquished and defeated neere vnto Cannes by the Carthaginians For there wee haue left the actions of Italy and haue written in this Booke and the precedent the proceeding of the same time in Greece and Asia The Warre being ended when the Acheins had made choice of Tymoxines for their head and Gouernour resuming their ancient kind of liuing they gaue order by little and little for their Common-wealth The like did the other Cities of Morea So as they laboured their lands and restored their Games and Sacrifices to the Gods All which things were in a manner forgotten by reason of the continuall warre It is certaine that as they of Morea among all other men are inclined to a milde and curteous kind of life the which in precedent times they did not enioy Being as Euripides saith alwaies tormented by their neighbours and without rest Yet it seemeth reasonable for for all they which tend to a Principallity and haue their liberty in recommendation haue continuall quarrels amongst them they tending to a superintendency The Athenians freed from the feare of the Macedonians seemed to liue in great Liberty but following the besenesse of their Commaunders Euriclides and Micion they payed Tribute in a manner to all Kings and namely to Ptolomy who soone after that time made Warre against the Egyptians For as hee had beene assisted in the Warre against Antiochus they presently abandoned him For that growne proud with the Battaile giuen neere vnto Raphia they would no more obey the King seeking only a Commaunder as if they had beene able of themselues to mannage the Warre the which was soone after done Antiochus during Winter had leuied a great Army and the Summer following past Mount Tauris where making a League with King Attalus he renewed the Warre against Acheus And although the Etoliens found the peace good in the beginning for that the Warre had taken a better end then they expected Hauing chosen Agelaus of Naupacte for their Chiefe Commaunded by whose meanes the peace had ensued yet after some time they blamed him much complayning that by his meanes they had lost the great profits they had drawne from Forreine parts For that he had made a peace not onely with some Prouinces but generally with all Greece But Agelaus bearing their blame with patience abated their fury And so they were forced contrary to their nature to pacifie their Choler Scerdilaide vnder colour of money due vnto him had spoild all those he met and as we haue sayd had taken shippes of Leucade and had rifled a Towne in Pelagonia which they call Pissea with diuers other Citties of Dassarete as Antipatria Chrissndion and Gertonte Hauing moreouer gained a good part of Macedony aswell by perswasions as by force Philip after the peace concluded hauing imbarqued himselfe and his Army to saile thither and to encounter Scerdilaide he tooke land being wholy bent to recouer the sayd Townes Finally when he had fully resolued to make Warre against Scerdilaide holding it necessary to Conquer Sclanouia as well for other Enterprizes as chiefly for his passage into Italy The which is an aduice whereof Demetrius laboured to make him susceptible saying that he had seene Philip do so in a Dreame He did not presse this for any loue he bare him but for the hatred he had to the Romans Thinking by this meanes to recouer the Country about Pharos from whence he had beene expell'd Philip recouered all the sayd Townes approaching neere them with his Army For in Dassarate hee tooke Creone and Geronte and neere vnto the Fennes of Lychnide Enchelane Cerece Sation and Boies and Bantia in the Prouince of the Calicenins and towards the Pissantins and Orgysse This done he sent his Army to Winter It was the same Winter when as Hannibal had spoiled the best Countries of Italy and past his Winter in Daâ—nia and the Romans making their Election created Gaius Terrentius and Lucius Emilius Consuls Whilest that Philip spent the Winter he drew together a hundred Vessels which neuer King of Macedony had done before him thinking it necessary to make prouision Not so much for the Combate at Sea for that he did not hold himselfe equall in forces to answere the Romans as to passe his Army into Italy Summer being come and the Macedonians in-vred to the Oare hee parts with his Army At the same time likewise Antiochus past Mount Tanris Philip then passing by the Euripus and Malea came vnto the Countries which are about Cephalenia and Leucade Where planting his Campe he fortified it with Ditches and Pallisadoes for hee feared much the Sea Army of the Romans But when he was aduertised by his Spies that it was neere vnto Lylibeum his Courage increased and hee proceeded in his Enterprize taking his course directly to Apolonia When as hee was neere those Countries which are about the Riuer of Loia which passeth neere to Apolonia he fell into the same feare which doth many times befall Armies at Land For some of his Vessels which followed in the Reare and had sailed towards an Iland called Sason lying at the mouth of the Ionian gulfe came by night to Philip telling him that they had spoken with some of the Sycillian Sea who aduertised them that they had left the Roman Quinqueremes about Rhegium bending their course to Apolonia and Scerdilaide Philip immagining that the Army was not farre off was amazed And weighing Anchor retired with great feare and disorder hee came the next day to Cephalenia sailing continually by night Where assuring himselfe he stayed some time making shew that his returne was for some pressing affaires in Morea It hapned that this was a false Allarum For you must vnderstand that Scerdilaide aduertised of the great multitude of Vessels which Philip had drawne together in Winter and fearing his comming by Sea had obtained succours from the Romans by his Embassadours So as they sent him ten ships out of their Fleete which was at Lilybeum the which passing neere vnto Rhegium were discouered If the King had not beene amazed without reason he might well haue vanquisht them and performed his Enterprize against Sclauonia And the rather for that the Romans had receiued a wonderfull losse neere vnto Cannes against Hannibal where they were in a manner quite ruined But being then terrified without cause he made a safe flight into Macedony and remained infamous At the same time Prusias did an Act worthy of memory For when as the Gaules whom Attalus had drawne out of Europe into Asia for the Warre of Acheus had abandoned him for the causes aboue mentioned they spoil'd all the Townes of Hellespont with too much auarice and cruelty And when in the end they had besieged the Townes of the Elienses then they of Alexandria neere vnto Troade performed an Act worthy of memory for sending Themiste against them with foure thousand men they not onely rais'd the siege of the Elienses but chast all the
inaccessible Rocke as well by Nature as by Art It is enuironed with Riuers For towards the South runs a Riuer of the Townes name and on the Westerne part towards the Winter Solstice passeth the Riuer of Hypse The Fortresse is seated vpon the side of the Summers East The which hath without an inaccessible valley and within it one approach to the City On the top is built the Temple of Minerua and of Iupiter Aâ—abarin like as at Rhodes For as Agragas hath beene peopled by Rhodiens their God with good reason hath the same name as at Rhodes Finally the City is stately adorned with Temples and Porches In regard of the Temple of Iupiter Olympian it is none of the most sumptuous But likewise it seemes not lesse in its height and greatnesse then any other of Grecce The Oration of Chlenee Embassadour for the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians IT is so true my Maisters of Lacedemon that your power hath beene the beginning of Seruitude to the Grecians the which I hold so certaine as no man at this day will say the contrary Wee may iudge of it in this manner For what a multitude of Grecians are there in Thrace whereof the Athenians and Calsidonians haue planted Collonies What City hath had a greater estate and power then that of the Olynthiens The which when as Philip had made Captiue and ordained to serue for an Example hee hath not onely beene Lord of all the Cities of Thrace but hath moreouer made subiect the Thessalians being terrified with feare And when as afterwards hee had subdued the Athenians by Armes he vsed his Fortune nobly not so much for the good of the Athenians for there wanted much but to the end that by the same of his benefits towards them he might draw others to a voluntary obedience In regard of the authority of your City it seemed for a time to fauour the other Grecians Wherefore propounding what hee thought good he went to Field with an Army and in spoiling the Countrey he hath ruined and sack't your houses and finally your Countrey distributing part to the Argiues part to the Tegeates some to the Megalopolitains and the rest to the Messeniens seeking without reason to benefit others to the end he might endammage and and annoy you Alexander hath since taken vpon him the power and command Who thinking that there was yet remaining some comfort for Greece in the City of Thebes I conceiue you all know how hee hath ruined it But what neede is there to relate in particular the Deeds of those which haue succeeded them and how ill they haue intreated Greece There is no man so negligent of the actions of Warre which doth not know how Antipater the Grecians being vanquished neare vnto Lamiai did most wickedly intreate the miserable Athenians and others To whom hee was so outragious and vniust as hee sent Inquisiters for Fugitues and sent to the Cities against those which had contradicted him or in any fort offended the honour of the Macedonians Whereof some being violently drawne out of the Temple and others from the Altars themselues haue beene miserably defeated and slaine the other Fugitiues haue beene chased out of Greece There was no freedome but onely in the Nation of the Etoliens In regard of the executions done by Cassander Demetrius and Antigonus Gonas who is ignorant of them The knowledge hath beene manifest seeing they haue beene done without any disguising Some of them placed Garrisons in Townes others setled Tyrants By which meanes there hath not beene any City free from the name of this kind of seruitude But leauing this Discourse I come in the end to Antigonus to the end that none of you considering plainely my intent may thinke himselfe beholding to the fauour of the Macedonians Antigonus in truth hath not made Warre against you for the preseruation of the Acheins neither for that he was offended with the Tyranny of Cleomenes he desired to set the Lacedemonians at liberty it were too great a folly if you were of this opinion but for that he saw his power was not assured if the principality of Morea were vnder your gonernment and withall he saw the industry of Cleomenes and that Fortune smiled vpon you the which he feared with enuie He came not to giue succours to Morea but to rauish your hopes and abate your greatnesse Wherefore the Macedonians are not so much worthy of loue Lording it ouer this City which they haue ruined as to be held for Enemies and odious seeing he hath alwaies hindred you when you had meanes to command all Greece In regard of the iniquity of Philip what neede is there to vse any long discourse His execration towards the Gods for the outrages committed in the Temple of Thermes is plainely declared And as for his cruelty to men it is fully exprest by this preuarication and the accord violated with the Messeniens Finally the Etoliens haue alone among the Grecians made head against Antipater in the view of all the World so as they liued in safty which were outragiously afflicted They haue also withstood the attempt of Brennus and the Barbarians which accompanied him And they alone being called haue endeauoured with you to set the principality of Greece at liberty But it is enough of this Subiect Wee must now aduise in some sort and take order touching this present Councell as with them that resolue for the Warre Wee must consider it according to the truth I am also of opinion that as the Acheins as the weaker should not onely forbeare to spoile your Countrey but also giue great thankes vnto the Gods if they may preserue their owne The Eliences and Messeniens will make Warre against them for the league they haue with vs the like you will doe As I vnderstand Philip will desist from his Enterprize being assailed by the Etoliens at Land and by the Romans and Attalus by Sea It is moreouer easie to iudge of the future by the actions past For making Warre onely against the Etoliens hee could neuer subdue them how then will hee support this present Watre Take these words according to my first proposition that it may be notorious to all men that you ought not by a rash and vnaduised Councell but by a mature setled deliberation rather giue succours to the Etoliens the Macedonians And if you haue formerly preuented and giuen order for those what meanes can there remaine If you haue granted vs present succours before you haue receiued the benefits of Antigonus wee must with reason enquire if it be fit that in yeilding to the succeeding benefits you should contemne the precedent which you haue enioyed How this liberty and safety being published hath beene consumed by Antigonus there are some which reproach it vnto you and turne these things to euill demaunding often whither you should follow the party of the Etoliens or Macedonians You would enter League with vs in many things to
preuaile Wherefore being out of hope to enter it they rais'd the Siege Soone after Newes came that the Romans prepared an Army at Sea to send into Affricke For the which the Carthaginians being mooued they vsed all dilligence to repaire their old Vessels and to make new Presently after they laboured to stand vpon their guard and to hinder the descent of the Romans into Affricke with two hundred Vessels armed and well furnished But when as the preparation of three hundred and fifty Roman Vessels was ready they sent Marcus Emilius and Seruius Fuluius with the whole Army into Affricke in the beginning of the Spring When as the Consuls had set sayle to draw first into Sicily and from thence into Affricke they were not farre from the Cape of Mercure but they presently discouered the Carthaginian Army the which as wee haue said watched their comming at the passage and charged them suddainly with great fury taking a hundred and foureteene Vessels armed sailing from thence to Aspis they retired their Men and after they had stayed some time in Affricke they returned into Sicily But when they had past the Sea betwixt Affricke and Sicily with a prosperous Winde and had anchored neere vnto the Camarins Towne it is not possible to deliuer the greatnesse of the torment and misery that befell them Hardly could they preserue foure score Vessels whole of foure hundred three score and foure which were in their Army All the rest either sunke in the Sea or split against the Rocks fill'd all the shore with wracks or dead Bodies It is not in the memory of man of any such shipwracke by a tempest This miserable misfortune happened not casually and by chance but by the ouerweening of the Consuls considering that the Marriners had let them vnderstand that they must auoid the Coasts aboue Sicily for that it was not to be approached being bad and difficult to sayle in especially at that season for they sayled betwixt the Starres of Orion and the Dog-starre Whatsoeuer it were the Consuls disdaining the admonition of the Marriners made hast with a glorious confidence of their late Victory to surprize some Townes a long that shore where as they fell into extreame calamity vnder the shaddow of a poore hope Then they knew their folly carrying the repentance of their presumption Defacing by this wracke the things which formerly they had done well And although that in all things the Romans relye vpon their forces and thinke whatsoeuer they resolue must be put in execution holding nothing impossible when they haue once vndertaken it and that this obstinacy doth many times turne to good Yet sometimes they fall into great and apparent errours especially in Sea-matters It is true that in Battels at Land fighting with men it is not so strange if they vanquish For the Combate is equall although they bee sometimes vanquished But as for the Sea for that they thrust themselues into hazard and without consideration they fall many times into great inconueniences This happened at this time and hath done formerly and will befall them many times hereafter vntill they haue supprest and reformed this ouer-weening thinking they are able to goe to Sea at all seasons The Carthaginians being aduertised of the shipwracke of the Romane Army they had the greater desire to raise an Army both by Land and Sea For that their force seemed as great at Land as that of the Romans by reason of the defeate of Marcus Attilius The like they conceiued of the Sea after the great losse the Romans had indured Wherefore they presently sent Asdruball into Sicily with the old Bands and a new leuie of the Men of Heracleum with an hundred and fifty Elephants They wrigd out a Fleete of two hundred Vessels and other Equipages necessary for Nauigation When as Asdruball landed at Lylibeum with his whole Army he trayned his Men and exercised his Elephants making roads into those Countries which were allied vnto the Romans Finally he was very watchfull and dilligent And although the Romans losse had much abated their courage yet they vsed all possible diligence to rayse a Fleete of two hundred and twenty Vessels with a Pallisado the which they effected within three Moneths and put it to Sea the which is difficult to beleene to the end the World should not thinke they would strike sayle vnto the Carthaginians Lucius Aquilius and Caius Cornelius Consuls were appointed to leade this Army to fight with the Carthaginians in Sicily who passing the Sea presently arriued at Messina where they receiued the Remainder of the ships which had beene preserued in the storme By this meanes their Army consisted of three hundred Vessels From thence they tooke their Course to Palermo the chiefe Towne of the Carthaginians the which they assailed vigourously erecting two sorts of Engines and other preparations to that effect so as they easily ouerthrow a Tower seated vpon the Sea by the which the Souldiers entring by force tooke that part of the Towne which was called Naples After this the Burgesses dying for feare yeelded vnto the Consuls the other part which they called the old Towne After the taking of Palermo the Consuls put in a good Garrison and then returned to Rome The yeare following Gneus Sempronius and Caius Seruilius wâ—re Consuls who in like manner past into Sicily with an Army to goe from thence into Affricke where being arriued they dispersed their Men into diuers places and committed great spoiles yet they did not any thing worthy of Memory Finally they arriued at the Island of Lotophages which they call Mirmyx which is neere vnto a little Shelfe or Barre of Barbary where not knowing the passages they were in a great streight and were stayed by reason of the ebbing of the Sea They were for a time in suspence what to doe Finally the Flood comming suddainly vpon them they were almost driuen to dispaire Yet they could not saue themselues vntill they had lightned their ships and cast out their baggage to saue themselues After that Day the Romans were so amazed with so many dangers as they sailed continuallly as if they had fled Soone after they returned into Sicily and leauing Lilybeum they tooke Port at Palermo But soone after that they were gone from thence to saile into Italy there rose so great a storme as aboue a hundred and fifty of their ships were driuen vp and downe and in the end perished And although the Romanes after so many losses were of aduice to preferre the honor and Maiesty of the Empire before all other things yet they were so broken with so great miseries as they resolued to abandon the Sea And therefore they only leuied an Army by Land wherein they thought they should be more confident and of better hope the which they sent into Sicily with the two Consuls Lucius Cecilius and Caius Curius To whom they deliuered only three score Vessells for their Victualls By this meanes the Carthaginians became
Appenine Hill lye the Vmbrians Then the Appenin Hill being distant about three score and three miles from the Adriatique Sea leauing the Plaine bends to the right hand and in crossing Italy extends it selfe to the Sea of Sicily The Country which is betwixt it and the Adriatique Sea extends vnto Senegaille The Riuer of Poe which the Poets call Eridanus and which beginnes at the Foote of the Mountaines where as they make in a manner a point of the Triangle as we haue sayd takes his course to the plaine towards the South aâ—d from thence bending towards the East it enters by two mouthes into the Adriatique Sea It is the greatest of all the riuers of Italy For all the waters which descend from the Alpes and the Appenins fall into the Poe. It is farre greater in Summer than in Winter by reason of the abundance of Snow which melts It is nauigable from a place which the people of the Countrey call Volane two hundred and fifty miles towards the Alpes It s spring is but a small Riuolet but after it deuides it selfe in twoâ— and enters into the Adriatique Sea by two Armes which they of the Countrey call Padoua and Volane The last is the safest Port of all those of the Adriatique Sea They which dwell vpon the Poe haue sometimes called it Bodencus Finally the Grecians spake many things of this Poe as that Phaeton gouerning the Horses of his Fathers Chariott fell into it 〈◊〉 and how that the Heliades powre forth teares continually the which are preserued by a Tree and that the people of the Countrey since that day began to weare blacke Robes in signe of mourning and haue alwayes vsed it since with many other things whereof I will now to leaue to speake for that in my Opinion they doe not conduce to the preparation of our Worke. Hereafter notwithstanding we will treate of them when any necessary occasion shall be offred being most certaine that Timeus did not vnderstand those things which did concerne this Region The Tyrreins haue formerly held all the Champion Countrey which is confined by the Appenine hill and the Adriatique Sea at what time also they enioyed the Countrey called Phlegrein which is about Capoua and Nolaâ— at what time also they purchased a greate esteeme of vertue Wherefore Historiographers must not attribute the power of the Tyrreins to the Region which they now inhabite The Gaules frequented much with them by reason of their neighbour-hood who moued with the beauty and fertility of the Countrey vpon a small occasion made Warre against them and hauing chased them away setled themselues there The Countrey betwixt the Poe and the Alpes is inhabited by the Layes then by the Vercellains Neere vnto whom are the Milanois in great numbers and vpon the banks of Poe lye the Cenomans In regard of those places which are neere vnto the Adriatique Sea they are inhabited by people which are aunciently descended from Paphlagonia whom they call Venetiens who differ nothing from the Gaules in their manner of liuing and habite but onely in their tongues Of whom the tragicall Poets write many strange fooleries Moreouer that which lies betwixt the Appenin Hill and the Poe is at its entry inhabited by the Ananes by the Boloniens by the Eganes and then by thee Senogallois These are they who borderers to all the rest haue inhabited neere vnto the Adriatique Sea Behold the principall Nations of all the Gaules which dwelt in Italy liuing in Villages without any inclosure hauing no furniture for their houses but lay vpon the bare They liued of flesh and made no profession but of Warre and Tillage leading a simple life without Arts or Sciences Their wealth was in Gold and Cattell for that they were things easie to transport where they pleased when necessity pressed them They did all striue to purchase Friends for they much esteemed a man that was honoured by many In the beginning they not onely held this Countrey but they also drew vnto them a great part of their Neighbours being terrified with their fury Soone after making Warre against the Romanes they defeated them with their Allies and put them shamefully to flight Within three dayes after they tooke Rome except the Capitoll and afterwards returned to their houses hauing concluded a Peace with them and restored their Citty For that they were forced to returne by reason of the inuasions which the Venetiens made into their Country From thencefoorth they began to make Warre amongst themselues For they which dwelt at the Foote of the Mountaines seeing the others to increase daily in power made Warre often against them In the meane time the Romanes recouering their Forces preuailed ouer the Latins Thirty yeares after the taking of Rome the Gaules returned with a great Army to Alba But for that the Romanes were surprized and had no leisure to Leuy an Army nor to require succours from their Allies they made no resistance against them And when as they returned twelue yeares after the Romanes being presently aduertised of their comming and drawing together the succours of their Allies marcht with great courage to incounter them with an Army desiring nothing more than Battell by the meanes whereof they should soone decide who should haue the Empire The Gaules amazed at their Resolution and withall there falling a mutiny amongst them they made their Retreate little lesse than a flight and so continued thirteene yeares without making Warre But when they saw the Romans power increase daily they beganne to treate of Peace the which they obtayned and continued thirty yeares without Warre The Transalpins renewed the Warre against them Wherefore fearing to be assailed on two sides they intreated them that for asmuch as they were of one Nation they would not be their enemies Moreouer they sent them rich presents intreating them to turne the Warre against the Romans and that they would assist them with all their meanes Whereunto being easily perswaded they marcht all with one consent against the Romans by Tuscany for a great number of the Tuscans held for them and hauing made a great spoile they retired out of the Romane Prouinces to their owne Houses without losse Where as there fell out a great debate vpon the deuision of this great booty so as they not onely lost a great part of their booty but also the best part of their Empire the which doth vsually happen to the Gaules by reason of their gormondize and drunkennesse Foure yeares after ioyning with the Samnites they assailed the Romanes of whom they made a great slaughter in the Region of the Camertins Some few dayes after they assailed them againe and had a Battell neere vnto the Country of the Sentinates where they gaue them a great defeate and forced the rest to recouer their Houses Ten yeares after they made a great assembly of men of Warre and descending into Tuscany they besieged Arezo The Romanes comming to succour
Asia and the Ilands And as for Thracia and Macedony the Princes of Enos and Maronia and of Townes that were more remote had alwayes an eye ouer them Wherefore imploying their forces to assaile forreine Princes farre from their Realmes they were not troubled for the Empire of Egypt Their chiefe care then was for the Warres of forreine Countries In regard of this King of whom wee speake there were many in a short time who for his infamous loues and ordinary excesse in drinking had an eye vpon him and his Realme Amongst the which Cleomenes of Lacedemon was the first He made no alteration whilest that the other King liued who was surnamed Benefactor as if he were perswaded that during his life he should want no meanes to reconquer his Realme But when as after his death the affaires required his presence Antigonus being also dead And that the Acheins with the Macedonians made Warre against the Lacedemonians which they maintaine according vnto that which hee had aduised them in the beginning being allied to the Etoliens Then hee was forced to thinke of his departure from Alexandria Wherefore hee first solicited the King to send them backe with an Army and sufficient munition And when as the King would not giue eare vnto it he intreated him at the least to suffer him to depart with his family for the time was now come when as great opportunities were offred to recouer his Fathers Realme The King neither considering the present nor fore-seeing the future for the causes aboue specified like an ouer-weening man and without iudgement neuer made any esteeme of Cleomenes But Sosibius who chiefely gouerned all the affaires of the Kingdome at that present holding a Councell with his Friends was not of aduice to suffer Cleomenes to goe with an Army at Sea and munition disdaining forreine affaires and holding this charge lost considering the death of Antigonus fearing likewise that this death being so fresh the way might be made easie to stirre vp some Warre And there being no man found to resist Cleomenes he would soone make himselfe Lord of all the Citties in Greece Finally they feared he would become their Enemy considering the present in regard of the Kings manner of life which was well knowne vnto them With this disaduantage that Sosibius saw the Prouinces of the Realme to lie one farre from another and to haue great opportunities of reuolte For there was neere vnto Samos a good number of Vessels and great Troupes of Souldiers neere vnto Ephesus Wherefore he did not hold it fit to send backe Cleomenes with an Army for the afore-sayd reasons But when they considered that it would not be profitable for their Common-wealth to let goe so great a personage who afterwards might proue their open Enemy there was no preuention but to retaine him by force The which notwithstanding the rest disliked conceiuing that there would be great danger to keepe the Lyon and Sheepe in one fold Sosibius was of the same opinion for that or the like cause At such time as they resolued to take Mega and Beronice and that they feared to bring their enterprize to a good end in regard of the fiercenesse of Beronice they were forced to drawe together all those which followed the Court and to make them great promises if they preuailed Then Sosibius knowing that Cleomenes wanted the Kings fuccours to recouer his fathers Realme and that he had found him by experience to be wise and politicke in great affaires he discouered his whole secrets vnto him propounding vnto him great hopes Cleomenes seeing him pensiue and fearing the strangers and Mercenaries perswaded him not to care promising him that the Souldiers should not trouble him and that moreouer they should giue him great assistance to bring his enterprize to an end And when as the other stood in admiration doest thou not see sayd Cleomenes that there are about three thousand men of Morea and a thousand Candyots all which will bring vs where we please Hauing these whom else doest thou feare What The Companions of the Warre of Syrria and Caria And when as Sosibius liked of his words hee entred more boldly into the Action And afterwards considering of the Kings soolery and negligence hee often called to minde this Speech and had alwayes before his eyes the Courage of Cleomenes and the affection the Souldiers bare him Wherefore considering this at the same time hee gaue the King and his other familiars to vnderstand that hee must seaze vpon him and keepe him close and priuate For the working and effecting whereof hee vsed this meanes There was one Nicagorus a Messenien a friend to the father of Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians betwixt whom there had formerly beene some friendship But at such time as Archidamus was chased from Sparta for feare of Cleomenes and fled to Messena hee not onely gaue him a good reception into his House with his friends at his first comming but hee alwayes liued with him afterwards during his flight so as there grew a great and strict familiarity betwixt them When as after these things Cleomenes made shewe of some hope of reconciliation with Archidamus Nicagorus beganne to treate of the Conditions of peace VVhen the accord had beene made and that Nicagorus had taken the faith of Cleomenes Archidamus returned to Sparta assuring himselfe of the conuentions of Nicagorus whom Cleomenes meeting vpon the way slew suffering Nicagorus and his company to passe away In regard of Nicagorus he carried the countenance of a very thankfull man for that he had saued his life But hee was vexed in his Soule and incensed for the deede for that hee seemed to haue giuen the occasion This Nicagorus had failed vnto Alexandria some little time before with Horses whereas going out of the ship hee met with Cleomenes Panthee and Hippite walking vpon the strande whom Cleomenes perceiuing saluted curteously demaunding what businesse had brought him thither To whom he answered that he had brought Horses I had rather sayd Cleomenes thou hadst brought Concubines and Bawds for these are the things wherein the King at this day takes his chiefe delight Then Nicagores held his peace smiling VVhen as within few dayes after he discoursed by chance with Sosibius by reason of the Horses he related vnto him that which Cleomenes had arrogantly spoken of the King And seeing Sosibius to heare him willingly he acquainted him with the cause of the â—pleene he bare him VVhen as Sosibius knew him to be wonderfully incensed against Cleomenes hee did him great curtesies for the present and promised him great fauours hereafter Finally hee wrought so that imbarquing he left Letters concerning Cleomenes which a seruant of his brought after his departure as sent from him The which Nicagorus performing the seruant vsed speed to go vnto the King assuring him that Nicagorus had giuen him the Letters to carry to Sosibius The Tenour whereof was That if Cleomenes were not soone dispatcht