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A06788 Englands vievv, in the vnmasking of two paradoxes with a replication vnto the answer of Maister Iohn Bodine. By Gerrard de Malynes Merchant. Malynes, Gerard, fl. 1586-1641. 1603 (1603) STC 17225; ESTC S120062 59,335 206

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measures of land is but esteemed to haue 4400 thousand families and fiue persons to euery family which is but 22000 thousand persons The commodities of France are not so rich and of estimation as the commodities of England much lesse the commodities of Denmarke Russia Poland and other great countries Wherefore let vs now examine for the second point concerning Artificiall riches the goodnesse of our commodities Maister Bodine doth call Salt to be their manna and we may call our wools to be the Golden fleece which we shall not need to seeke in Colchos but here in England in regard both of their goodnesse and quantity Great was the losse and hinderance which the Realme receiued by the licence which king Edward the third gaue vnto king Iohn of Aragon for to transport into Spaine certaine number of Cotswold sheep both in respect of wools and wooll fels For we see what great quantity of wools bettered vnder their climate doth continually come from diuerse places of the king of Spaines dominions into Fraunce and the Low-countries especially in Flaunders where diuerse fine stuffes are made and brought vnto vs and other nations causing a decrease of the custome of the Prince as may be knowne by this that the custome of wooll in this king Edward his time came to aboue threescore and fiue thousand pounds yearely the ounce of siluer being valued but at 20 pence which would make now 200 thousand pound For there went out of the realm at the least a hundred thousand sackes of wooll whereof were made 300 thousand clothes at the least whereas there is now computation made of 100000 clothes yearly or somwhat more the custome being 35 thousand poūds Wherby we may see manifestly that there is a great ouer ballancing of forreine commodities with our home commodities as shall be made more apparant It is wel knowne that since the Statute made in the sixt yeare of her Maiesties most happy raigne all sorts of white clothes haue bin amended for length goodnesse likewise kerseys bayes cottons Northerne dozens diuers other kinds of clothes haue bin bettered since that time whereas the commodities of other countries haue bene made worse Howbeit it were to be wished that with vs good order were taken for the continuance thereof as also that clothiers would deuise to make their clothes after the manner of Venice as it were in hot-houses sauing thereby a great part of their oyle for the making of other clothes which is now wasted and spent which practise is of late put in vre by the Flemmings in some places and yet can they not sell their clothes so good cheape but that our cloth is with thē in great request For all that merchants besides other great charges pay vnto them aboue 20 shillings custome and licence for euery cloth to bring them thither ouer and aboue the charges and custome of the dominions of other Princes and States when cloth is not caried directly vnto them Comming to our other Commodities of lead tinne copper iron bel-mettall and other minerals we shall not need to make mention of gold siluer and copper because our mynes do not yeeld such quantitie thereof as in other countries which haue a better temperature of climate to that effect Howbeit greater store would be found if men did endeuour to find the same as for any thing we can as yet learne one man onely hath bestowed extraordinarie charges therein as some haue done for the copper which by their means is found somewhat plentifull whereby with the addition of the Calamine stone many manuall things are now made within the realme by milles and otherwise which heretofore were brought vnto vs. And now let vs speake of the particulars as of lead tinne and iron Our lead whereof we haue abundance doth exceed in goodnesse that of Germany and other countries and containeth more siluer then theirs which is blacke harder and vncleane and therefore serueth them to make peeces of Ordinance whereof the Duke of Brunswicke hath good store But iron is farre better for that purpose and that which is found in other places is not comparable vnto ours neither hath any Prince the like Tinne a most royall Commodity is exceeding in goodnesse all other Tinne found elsewhere which is but litle as it is not very abundant with vs. For all our mynes do not yeeld aboue 10 or 12 hundred thousand pound waight yearely at the most which in regard of the vse thereof is and hath bene sold by vs very good cheape especially in such places from whence wee bring very corruptible Cōmodities of wines raisins prunes currans such like giuing them this the like staple Cōmoditie for them We haue noted how of late yeares gold siluer copper iron and lead haue bene found more plentifully then in times past but we cannot say so of Tinne the vse thereof in Turky and other places being considered By reason whereof if heretofore the proportion of mettals obserued by the Germaines and other nations was 150 pound waight of copper to one pound of siluer or 700 pound of iron 600 p. of lead or 25 pounds of quicksiluer and but one hundred p. of tin much more ought we to diminish this proportion● considering as aforesaid the great quantitie of al other mettals found in diuerse places and but this small parcell of Tinne of that rare goodnesse found onely in England where aboue 80 years past the price thereof was about forty shillings the hundred when anounce of siluer was esteemed forty pence and when the best veluet was sold for ten shillings the yard And omitting to speake of saltpeter coppresse allume and such like minerals whereof wee haue great store let vs conclude with the consideration of the great abundance of sea-coles that are found in England the price whereof might with more reason be farre aduaunced aboue the price of salt The Manna of Fraunce seeing that as Maister Bodine hath noted of all mines the mines hereof can be exhausted and so cannot salt be which with lesse labor doth in a manner raine from heauen vnder their climate the rather for that woods are not onely decreasing with vs but also with other nations that shall in time haue as much neede of our coales as we of their salt wherof the impost in Fraunce amounteth to 450 thousand pound starling yearly as the matter is handled Safforne and cony skins are two commodities exceeding also in goodnesse likewise corne beare fels tallow hops wood hose and many other things are all better then the like had in other countries and so might leather be if the lawes did suffer it to be dressed accordingly For albeit that the difference of water in goodnesse for that purpose maketh an alteration yet they might be qualified and made seruiceable to that effect Our waxe is also better then that of Moscouia and the East countries and this being a commodity had with little labour and without the vse of much ground and of late
doth decrease and it were his expences do become greater or surmount his incomes and reuenues This kind of equalitie is interrupted and ouerthrowne by the merchandizing exchange as in the Treatise of The Canker of Englands Common-wealth is declared For as all the trade and trafficke betweene vs and other nations is performed by three simples namely Commodities Money and Exchange so as we haue proued is the course of exchaunge being abused become predominant and ouerruling the course of money and Commodities whereby the wealth of the Realme doth decrease And this wealth cannot properly increase but two manner of wayes namely by bringing of money and bullion into the Realme or any other things which are not bought for our money or bartered by way of permutation for our Commodities and by buying the forraine Commodities better cheape then we sell our home Commodities And so may the father of the great familie become a seller and not a buyer as is before alleaged We haue hertofore noted the propertie of money to be That plentie of mony maketh generally things deare and scarcitie of money maketh likewise generally things good cheape whereas things are also particularly deare or good cheape according to the plentie or scarcitie of the things themselues or the vse of them According to which plentie or scarcitie of money aforesaid things generally became deare or cheape whereunto the great store or abundance of mony and bullion which of late yeares is come from the West Indies into Europe hath made euery thing dearer according to the increase of money which like vnto an Ocean deuiding her course into seuerall braunches in diuerse countries hath caused a great alteration and enhancing of the price of euery thing and most especially because the money it selfe was altered in valuation in most countries So that the measure being altered and made lesser by denomination there went more number to make vp the tale and of necessitie other things went and were named accordingly in price For money must alwayes remaine to be the rule and square to set a price vnto euery thing and is therefore called Publica mensura the publike measure whereby the price of all things is set to maintaine a certaine equalitie in buying and selling to the end that all things may equally passe by trade from one man to another This money must haue his standing valuation onely by publike authoritie of the Prince to whom properly belongeth the disposing thereof as a matter annexed to his Crown and dignitie And as the money doth set a price to the naturall riches of lands so doth it also set a price to the artificiall riches proceeding of the lands And therfore reason requireth a certaine equalitie betweene the naturall riches and the artificiall riches That plentie of money maketh things deare is found by daily experience whether it be in bullion of gold and siluer or the same conuerted into mony But so long as it is in bullion it remaineth in nature of Commoditie which is giuen by way of permutation or barter in exchange for other Commodities Plentie or scarcitie of Commodities doth also alter the price of the things wanting or abounding according to the vse thereof which is grounded vpon estimation by consent after the pleasure and sensualitie of man The Historie of the West Indies maketh mention that during the great quantitie or abundance of gold and siluer that was found about fourscore yeares past and the rarenesse of other things a cloake of cloth was sold in Peru for a thousand duckets a paire of breeches of cloth for three hundred duckets a good horse foure or fiue thousand duckets and other things then in vse and rare accordingly The Romaines after the conquest of the Persians brought such abundance of gold and siluer to Rome that the price of lands did rise aboue two thirds And on the contrarie concerning scarcitie of money Grafton in his Chronicle of England hath recorded that king Edward the third hauing great warres with Fraunce and Scotland and incorporating the money into his handes for the maintenance thereof caused through the lacke of money the price of Commodities so to fall that a quarter of wheat was sold for two shillings a fat oxe for a noble a sheepe for sixe pence and other things after the rate The consideration of the premises maketh the two Paradoxes of Maister Malestroit one of the Officers of the French kings Exchequer to be most Paradoxicall that is to say farre differing from the vulgar opinion which Paradoxes vpon complaint of the people of the dearth of things in Fraunce he presented vnto the king thereby to qualifie the cause of their complaint The substance whereof I haue thought most expedient to set downe and the aunswer also which Maister Iohn Bodine the greatest Polititian or Common-wealths man of Fraunce hath made thereunto together with my explication thereof and Replication to his answer whereby the truth wil appeare and how things are to be considered of for the good of the Common-weale The first Paradox To complaine of the generall dearth of al things in Fraunce is without cause seeing that there is nothing growne dearer these three hundred yeares The second Paradox There is much to be lost vpon a Crowne or any other mony of gold and siluer albeit one do giue the same in payment at the price he did receiue the same Since that the auncient Permutation saith he hath bene chaunged in buying and selling and that the first riches of men which did consist of cattel was transferred to the gold and siluer whereby all things haue receiued their estimation and haue bene praised and sold for it followeth that those mettals are the right iudges of the good cheap or dearth of al things We cannot say that any thing is now dearer then it was three hundred yeares ago vnlesse that for the buying thereof we must now giue more gold or siluer then we did then But for the buying of al things we do not giue now more gold or siluer then we did then saith he Therefore since that time nothing is growne dearer in Fraunce To proue this he doth alleadge that during the raigne of king Philip de Valois in the yere 1328. the French Crowne of the Flower-de-luce as good in waight and finenesse as the French Crowne of the Sunne now was then worth but twentie sols tournois which for the better vnderstanding being valued according to the common computation of ten sols for a shilling starling is two shillings In those dayes saith he the French elle or yard of veluet was woorth foure liuers which is foure crowns or 8 shillings starling the said yard of veluet doth now cost ten liuers or twentie shillings and the French crowne which was then valued at two shillings is now valued at fiftie sols or fiue shillings So that foure crownes do make the said 20 shillings yet the said french crownes do containe no more in gold in weight or in finenesse then before wherby there
come to perfection yet other nations do not regard at what price soeuer they buy thē And it commeth to passe many times that salt is better cheape in England Scotland and Flaunders then in Fraunce neither can other nations take offence if impositions bee layed vpon these Commodities for they haue done the like vpon diuers Commodities of their owne And so he concludeth that by these meanes there would be the lesse transported and so the dearth of things qualified by greater store remaining within the land Another remedie against the dearth of things especially of victuals is to restore the vse of fish to his auncient credite by meanes whereof beefe mutton foule all such kind of flesh would become better cheape shewing to this purpose the commodious situation of France and the great nūber of riuers within their dominion And so with Galen he doth preferre fish before flesh for that fish is more wholesome and is neuer vnsound as the porke and hare nor scuruie as the sheepe nor lousie as the bucke neither subiect to diuers diseases as beasts are neither hath God created foure hundred seuerall sorts of fishes which doe not cost any thing to feede in vaine being almost all fit for meate whereas there is not 40 sorts of beasts and fowle fit for the nourishment of man but to eate flesh and fish together is very vnwholesome And hereupon he sheweth in what great estimation fish was in times past and that the principall banquets were made of fish as that of Caligula which did continue sixe moneths who made all the Mediterrane sea to be fished and but for varietie fowle and other meates were vsed with it The coast of Picardie where the sea is of a sandy ground saith he there the fish is flat the coast of Normandie Guienne which is stonie bringeth foorth the rockefish and the coast of Brittaine which is slimie yeeldeth the round fish as Lamprays Congers such like and yet man knoweth not from whence at one season doth come the infinite millions of Herrings about the coasts of Fraunce and England Pilcheards about Galisiea and Whales and other fishes in new-found land and other seas Commending hereupon our custome of England where men are constrained saith he to obserue fish-dayes in the weeke notwithstanding the great plentie of beasts and fowles The only meane to bring this to passe is the example of the Prince and great men whom the people will imitate Adrian a Hollander was of a poore scholer made Pope by meanes of the Emperour Charles the fift his disciple and because he did loue to feed vpon hake-fish presently all the Courtiers and his followers to please him did the like and the people also so that nothing was dearer at Rome then hake fish The example therfore is of great efficacie which inferiour men do follow of their superiours Then he cometh to the last point which may hold the price of Commodities in a certain equalitie namely certaintie and equalitie of money which for the time must not be mutable or incertaine for if it were no man could make an estate certain the contracts wil be vncertaine the rents charges taxes wages pensions penalties customs and impositions and all things else in the Commonwealth wil be vncertaine wheras the Prince saith he must be the warrant of the monies vnto his subiectes and is to haue a singular care to auoide embasing and counterfeiting And then he discourseth of some auncient monies and waights vsed by other nations and of the propertie and diuersitie of mettals and of the alteration of mony in Fraunce together with their finenesse proportion valuation which for to auoide prolixitie I do passe ouer albeit I meane to touch in part hereafter This is the substance and answer of Maister Bodine vnto these Paradoxes which he hath dedicated vnto the President of the French kings Parliament for to encourage all them saith he that wish well to the Common-wealth to continue in the studie of so good a subiect to the end that Princes which haue the power to commaund together with those that do giue them counsell may be more resolued in those things for the honour of God welfare of the Common-wealth when they shall vnderstand the iust complaints and griefes of the poore people which doe feele the smart but cannot for the most part iudge of the causes thereof and those that haue some iudgement cannot haue audience or meanes to make it knowne but by writings vnto those that can easily remedie the same But if Maister Bodine had according to his wisedome and deepe iudgment in other matters considered of these two Paradoxes he would haue made a direct aunswer thereunto before he would haue proceeded in his discourse before alleaged The first Paradoxe being considered of with the second will shewe a manifest contradiction or contrarietie For the first doth consist in giuing of more gold and siluer for Commodities now then in times past which he denyeth And the second in receiuing lesse Commodities for the gold and siluer now then in times past which he affirmeth which both waies is to be taken in nature of Permutation Now if we do not giue more quantitie of gold and siluer for Commodities then in times past how can we receiue lesse Commodities for the gold and siluer and thereby receiue a losse as in the second Paradoxe is alleaged Again if we do receiue lesse quantitie of Commodities for gold and siluer then in times past according to the second Paradoxe whereby we sustaine a losse how can the first Paradoxe be true That nothing is growne deare for that we giue no more quantitie of gold and siluer for Commodities then in times past The explanation of his intention touching these 2 Paradoxes is more absurd considering the premisses For whereas he saith that the king and his subiects do now buy al things as dere as in times past by giuing as great a quantitie of gold or siluer for it it followeth that the king and other his subiects do receiue the like quantitie of gold and siluer proportionably for their reuenues and not a payment of copper in lieu of gold and siluer as he saith considering the course of mony is all alike betweene the king and the subiect But if we will take his meaning to be that he hath excepted the Crowne landes and incomes of the king and the reuenues of Noblemen others wherof the price as it shold seeme is not altered with them like as the Crowne lands with vs which are at the auncient rent when siluer was at twenty pence an ounce which ounce is now esteemed fiue shillings how can this construction be admitted considering that he doth conclude againe in generall wordes that the losse which we thinke to haue by the dearth of things commeth not by giuing more but by receiuing lesse quantitie of gold and siluer then we were wont to haue which is by enhauncing the price of money saith he which is the
wherein the example of the Prince is predominant But leauing the matter of Commodities let vs come to intreate of monies Money as we haue said before being the rule and square to set a price vnto euery thing as being the publike measure to maintaine a certaine equalitie in buying and selling must therefore haue his standing valuation onely by publike authoritie of Princes as a matter annexed to their Crownes and dignities For they be the warrant of the monies vnto their subiects And to the end that this measure of things namely money should not be falsified by making the same generally more or lesse whereby the price of things would become incertaine if priuate men be suffered to haue the handling thereof therefore are Princes so carefull to obserue a certaintie and equalitie of the price of money from time to time Howbeit that the due regard which is to be had betweene their monies and the monies of other Princes is by some lesse regarded then the course thereof within their owne dominions being of lesse importance hauing some base money currant with the good The price of money becommeth incertaine in particular when priuate men will giue or receiue any money in specie aboue the price of their valuation imposed by the authoritie of the Prince whereby euery man vndertaketh to aduaunce still the price according as he seeth occasion to aduance his gaine by the necessitie or vse of another man that hath cause to employ the money The vse hereof is in many countries seuerely prohibited and yet another way in a manner suffered for the good of their Commonweales as those that are skilfull in mint matters do very well know The price of mony in generall becommeth incertaine when vsury is tollerated whereby one hundreth pounds are esteemed and valued in regard of time to be worth one hundreth and ten pounds and in some other countries more which was the cause that commodities were sold accordingly when dayes were first giuen for the payment thereof euery man supposing that he could make so much of his money which did proceede of his commodities This course being tollerated by the lawes of the land maketh vs to forbeare to speake hereof sparingly because Pollicy doth thinke that therby greater euils are auoided which being compared to the operations and effects of vsury written allegorically by me in another treatise may be ballanced in the iudgement of the wise Onely to the end that through ignorance merchants and others might not fall within the compasse of the Statute of vsury we haue thought good to giue them this Caueat and to make them to vnderstand the true sence and definition of the branch of tolleration of that Statute the rather for that some men do seeme to charge the makers thereof with a great absurdity For say they the Statute giueth ability for a man to take one way ten pounds ten shillings or more for the vse of one hundreth pounds for one yeare being deliuered out for two yeares and another way he cannot take ten pounds fiue shillings and lesse for one yeare but he shall be within the compasse of the Statute But if they had a due consideration that Time is properly the Iudge hereof and that they could not make the Statute without the limitation of a time certaine they would not find any absurdity therein For it was impossible to make it otherwise more certaine The words of the Statute be in effect None may haue receiue accept or take for the lending or forbearing of his or their money for one whole yeare or for a longer or a shorter time or for a more or lesse summe aboue the rate of 10 pound pro 100 yearely 37. H. 8. And this Statute to be most strongly strictly cōstrued for the suppression of all vsury both directly and indirectly as by the Statute of the 13. of her most excellent Maiestie To make it euidently appeare that of necessity Time is herein Efficient and Actiue and the rate of 10 pro 100 Positiue and Passiue Let vs suppose that you do deliuer at interest one hundreth pounds for three moneths after ten vpon the hundreth you may lawfully receiue at the three moneths end two pounds ten shillings for your interest and continue the hundreth pounds againe for other three moneths by a new contract or agreement and then receiue againe two pounds ten shillings continuing in this manner for the whole yeare by foure seuerall agreements whereby you do receiue three parts of your interest at seuerall times within the yeare which interest you may put out also to vsury and so take aboue 10 pro 100 without incurring the danger of the Satute because your agreements haue from time to time altered the property of the interest money which you did receiue and that which before was anothers is thereby become yours and thereof you may lawfully dispose againe But if you do deliuer out 100 pounds from the beginning for one whole yeare then you can haue but 10 pounds interest for the same at the yeares end with your principall for the property of the 10 pounds is not till then altered by your agreement Thus is it with money deliuered for a shorter time In like manner is it for money deliuered out for a longer time as for example One deliuereth out an 100 pound for foure yeares for the which at the foure yeares end he can receiue but 140 pound but if he do deliuer out 100 pounds for one yeare he may at the yeares end receiue 10 pounds for interest and continue the 100 pounds againe for the second yeare by a new agreement and then receiue another 10 pound and so for the third and fourth yeare Now whereas by reason of his seuerall agreements according to the time he hath altered the property of the interest mony and receiued 10 pounds the first yeare he may put out againe this 10 pound as his owne for another yeare and so haue interest thereof twenty shillings whereby he receiueth 11 pound the second yeare which being put out for the third and fourth yeare will yeeld him accordingly in like maner for the 10 pound receiued the second and third yeare which will yeeld him after the same maner accordingly So that he shall haue aboue 146 pound being thus deliuered out the body of his sum still remaining whole and being only distinguished by time which maketh the difference Againe let vs suppose that the 100 pound were deliuered out from the beginning for foure years to be repaied by 25 pound a yeare and the interest it followeth proportionably that the first yeare he is to receiue 27 pound 10 shillings the second yeare 30 pound the third yeare 32 pound 10 shillings and the fourth yeare 35 pound which maketh all but 125 pound adde vnto this the interest of 25 pound receiued in deduction of his principal three yeares before the time which is 7 pound 10 shillings and of 25 pound more in like manner for 2 yeares which
famous and learned Maister Iohn Bodine making answer vnto these two Paradoxes first sheweth how M. Malestroit hath abused himself to vse the example of veluet to proue his assertions For he proueth that veluets were yet vnknowne in France during the raign of Philip surnamed the Faire And that although he should admit the example of veluets yet it were no consequence for all other things which were not so deare proportionably And concerning the price of wines and corne he doth prooue the same to be dearer 20 times and more or lesse vpon occasions concluding that those examples are also vnfit And then he cometh to the price of lands which cānot increase or diminish nor be altered of their goodnesse if they be manured Whereupon he taketh occasion to shewe the fertilitie of France and that certaine Dukedoms Earledomes and Baronnies are now worth of reuenue as much yearely as they were sold for in times past The lands being so much risen in price he sheweth that within sixtie yeares all things are growne deare tenne times the price comparing it to any mony in Fraunce and so setteth downe the causes of this dearth which are 5 in number 1 The principal almost only cause The abundance of gold and siluer nowe extant in the kingdome more then in times past 2 The Monopolies 3 The want of things caused by excessiue trade and wast thereof 4 The pleasure of Princes that aduance the price of things 5 The alteration of the valuation of money Concerning the first and principal cause he saith that the enhauncing of the price or dearth of all things in what place soeuer proceedeth of the abundance of that which giueth price and estimation vnto things and herupon doth alledge diuerse examples Plutarch and Plinie do witnesse that Paulus Aemylius after the conquest of Macedon against the Persians did bring such abundance of gold and siluer to Rome that the people was freed of all imposts and the price of lands aduaunced vnto two third partes in a moment The Emperour Augustus brought such great riches from Egipt that the price of vsurie did decrease and the lands became much dearer then before which was not for the want of lands which cannot increase or diminish nor for the Monopolies which can take no place in this case but it was the abundance of gold and siluer which abated the estimation thereof as it happened at Ierusalem at the time of the Queene of Candace and in the West Indies when the Spaniards became maisters thereof By which reason the Emperour Tiberius was much mistaken to cause him to be beheaded that would haue made glasse soft and malleable fearing that gold and siluer would thereby haue lost their estimation whereas the abundance of glasses which are made almost of all stones and many herbes would haue diminished the reputatiō thereof as it falleth out with all other things Therefore saith he we are to shew that there was not so much gold and siluer in times past three hundred years ago as there is now which may easily be known For if there be mony within the realme it cannot be so wel hidden but that Princes in their necessitie and occurrences will find the same whereas it is well knowne that king Iohn in his great necessitie could not find 60 thousand frankes let it be crownes for his raunsome but did remaine a prisoner to the king of England for the space of 8 yeares In like sort the king of Scots being prisoner could not find means for his ransome of a hundred thousand nobles vntill the French king Charles the fift payed the same making alliance with Robert the king of Scots anno 1371. King Saint Lewis was in the like predicamēt being prisoner in Egypt And the auncient histories do record that for want of siluer money was made of leather with a naile of siluer Wherby appeareth the great want of siluer and gold in Fraunce in those daies whereas comming to our age we shall find that the king did find in Paris in sixe moneths besides the incomes and reuenues more then three millions 4 hundred thousand pounds which after 10 pounds for the pound starling is 340 thousand pounds starling Herunto he hath added a comparison betweene certain reuenues and monies giuen in mariage with Princes and their kindred in those dayes with the like done by Princes of late yeares and how Italie through peace and meanes of their trafficke had drawne all the gold vnto them the treasure in Europe being generally increased since the discouerie of the West Indies For it is incredible saith he and yet true that since the yeare 1533 there came frō Peru more then one hundred millions of gold and twise as much in siluer Then he commeth to the causes of the increase of the wealth and treasure of France shewing how the Spaniard running to the vttermost corner of the world for gold siluer and spices doth come vnto them for their corne linnen cloth and diuerse other commodities On the other side how the English man Scot the people of Norway Swaden and Denmarke are continually digging an infinite number of mynes euen to the very center of the earth for mettals and minerals for to buy their wines prunes and other Commodities and most especially their Manna of salt which God sendeth as it were from heauen their Climate being more apt thereunto then that of other countries which causeth the Flemmings to come with their emptie vessels to buy the same for readie mony for the maintenance of their trafficke of salt-fish And this is the first cause The second is the increase of people which by reason of the ciuill wars which ceassed betweene the houses of Orleance Burgundie are much augmented vntill the troubles for Religion Whereas the warres of neighbor countries was but a necessarie purgation of the ill humors of the bodie of their Commonwealth and the wars at home had before that time wasted the countrey ouerthrowne husbandrie and spoiled all handiworke the Englishman hauing sacked their townes burned their villages murthered and robbed the most part of their people and gnawed the rest to the bones howbeit within these 100 years the towns haue bene reedified villages new builded woods increased the people augmented in such sort that colonies of Frenchmen haue bene sent into other countries to inhabite them and the Spaniard being negligent and lazie is for the most part in Arragon and Nauarre without any labourers or any other workmen but only Frenchmen which are more seruiceable and actiue Another cause of the riches of Fraunce is the trade had since their king Francis the first with the Turke and Barbarian the Banke of Lyons erected in his time brought aboundance of gold and siluer into Fraunce when he payed 8 vpon the hundred for money and his successor ten afterwards 16 and 20 vpon vrgent necessitie which made the Florentines Lugueses Genowaies Germaines and others to come dwell in the realme By which meanes also the
1 400. m. Limborgh and Walkenborgh 233. m. Flaunders Lyle and Doway 1 559. m. Henault 1 050. m. Artois 722. m. Holland 572. m. Zealand 101. m. Ouerysle 840. m. Freezeland 464. m. Malnies 15. m. Namure 196. m. Vtricht 227. m. Grocninghen 250. m. Zutphen 357. m. Meiers 35 m. and other places of the Empire 141. m.   All 10. 049. m. measures Italie which lyeth on the South-side of the Alpes and Germanie and stretcheth it self out in length towards the South East may thus be described Vnder Spaine Naples 14 700. m. Lombardie 2 100. m. Vnder Venice Treuisana 3 290. m. Verona 740. m. Frioul 1 400. m. Mantua 570. m. Vnder Rome Liguria 1 865. m. Romagnia 1520. m. Latium 570. m. Hetruria 642. m. Sauoy 2 520. m. Piamont 2 100. m. Tuscane Florence 6 160. m. Siena 570. m. Marca ancona 1 790. m. Parma plaisance 2 015. m. Sicily 4 200. m. Cyprus 2 100. m. Candia 2 800. m. Corsica 1 680. m. Sardegnia 5 600. m.   All 55 580. m. measures Prusia lying on the East North corner of Germany 11 200. m. Poland lying on the East side of Germanie containeth 21 000. m. Russenia 10 500. m. Volhimia 6 300. m. Massouia 2 098. m. Liuonia 30 152. m.   All 70 050. m. measures Denmarke lying on the North side of Germany hauing on the North and East side the kingdome of Sweden on the North side West of Sweden lyeth the kingdome of Norway containing all with their dominions as followeth Denmarke 13 643. m. Norway 37 296. m. Sweden 64 000. m. Finland 8 392. m. Holsten 1 398. m. Ditmars 442. m. Gothia 23 334. m.   All 148 505. m. measures The great Monarchie of Russia or Moscouia beginning on the East side of Sweden extending it self from Lapland and Finmarke vnto the Caspian sea containeth in it a great part of Europe and part of Asia whereof we are to make a deuision hauing only purposed to make a particular description of Europe That part which is vnder Europe containeth 302 957. m. measures So all Europe containeth 940 198. thousand measures of land Hungarie containing 21 000. m. Dalmatia 4 900. m. Transiluania 7000. m. with whole Turky cōtaining 527,100 m. and Moscouia 187,143 m. Tartarie containing 420,000 m. Persia 560,000 m. and the lands of Calicout 840,000 m. maketh all Asia to containe 2567 143. m. measures Africa all Egypt 2240,000 m. America containeth 1674,286 m. Noua Spania containeth 1960,000 m. Summa tot 9 381 627. m. measures the whole earth of 1000. measures for a league of 4 English miles The territorie of Rome after the foundation of Romulus did containe but 18 thousand iourneys of land which he did deuide into three equall parts allotting the one third as it were Ecclesiasticall lands for the defraying of the sacrifices the other third to the common wealth as it were Crowne land and the last third part was deuided betweene three thousand citizens of all sorts after the rate of two iourneys for euery one William the conqueror caused after the conquest a description to be made of the Realme of England and the land to be measured reseruing for the Crowne so much as he thought conuenient and bestowing the rest vpon his Barons and Knights he caused an imposition or taxe to be made of sixe shillings vpon euery hide of land being twenty acres making 160 acres to be a Knights fee. And so hauing left the Dukedome of Normandy vnto Robert his eldest sonne did thereby maintaine his royall estate dignitie The Grecians had diuerse meanes to maintaine their estate but the Romaines hauing a very large and spatious iurisdiction had most means by conquest and tribute of other nations The ordinary meanes that Princes haue now a dayes for the maintenance of their royall estates or dignities may be comprehended vnder these three The first vpon the estimation of the body of their lands and dominions of all immoueable goods according to their value by a computation vpon the hundreth or a proportion of the fruits thereof which is comprehended vnder Natural riches The second vpon the things which are consumed proceeding thereof namely of victuals as of flesh fish wine beare fruit and such like of rents as of houses and farms liberties and franchises manors and townes of fire as of wood and coales of apparell as of wollen clothes silkes furs flaxe and such like The third vpon the trade and trafficke of merchandise and vpon the persons of men according to their degree and quality Which meanes are increased by the inhabiting of countries and multitude of people which causeth Princes to study to make their countries populous and to increase the cōmerce trafficke by the gaines whereof the wealth is increased For albeit that the multitude of people maketh the price of lands to rise and victuals to become dearer yet the Prince and the subiects meanes of maintenance do also increase and one doth liue by another alwayes so as there be had a singular care to set poore men on work and that the idle droane do not consume the sweete honey Hereupon two speciall points are incidently to be handled namely that as I haue made a commparison of country and countries vnder the dominion of the Princes in Europe so is it not very difficult for me to make a comparison of the wealth thereof and likewise of the ordinary meanes which these Princes do vse for the maintenance of their estates and what ordinary charges and expences they do sustaine whereby would appeare manifestly that England is able to hold out with any kingdome in Europe But fearing the reprehension of some Apelles this being a matter of State I will containe my selfe within the compasse of my profession The second part is to delare many and diuerse extraordinary meanes which Princes haue vsed heretofore and might vse in their necessities and occurrences But this would proue vnnecessary considering we do liue vnder so gratious a Princesse whom God long preserue to raigne ouer vs whose most royal disposition and clemency doth rather moderate impositions and taxes then inuent any that neuer were her subiects also being most dutifully obedient and thankfully inclined to make her Maiestie voluntarie offers of subsidies and other meanes for the generall defence of the Realme not expecting that the same should be of them required Yet to giue some glaunce of comparison betweene England France the greatest kingdome of Europe let vs take notice of the obseruation of Polititians which affirme England properly to be deuided into 52 thousand villages or hamlets as there are weekes in the yeare much after the deuision which the Athenians made of their land in 365 parts as there are dayes in the yeare and to containe as they say 2800 thousand families euery family 6 persons is 16800 thousand persons England containing by our computation but 34 millions 438 thousand measures of land square whereas Fraunce containing 91 millions 350 thousand