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A69830 A vindication of the Parliament of England, in answer to a book written by William Molyneux of Dublin, Esq., intituled, The case of Irelands being bound by acts of Parliament in England, stated by John Cary ... Cary, John, d. 1720? 1698 (1698) Wing C734; ESTC R22976 59,166 136

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Civil and Ecclesiastical State were setled there Regiae sublimatis authoritate Solely by the King's Authority and their own good Wills as the Irish Statute 11 Eliz. Cap. 1. expresses it What the Irish Statutes express I think hath no great Weight in this Debate the Question is by what Power the People of Ireland for so I will now call them threw off that Subjection they once owed to the Legislative Power of England If they think their bare Denial is enough to warrant them free from such a Subjection the People of England may expect the like on the same Argument if because they are not present at our Elections I will answer that in the following Discourse We proceed now to pag. 39. To see ●● what farther Degrees the Government of Ireland grew up conformable to that of England which are your own Words you say that about the twenty third year of Henry II. which was within five years after his return from Ireland he created his younger Son John King of Ireland at a Parliament held at Oxford and from this you would infer Page 40. That by this Donation of the Kingdom of Ireland to King John Ireland was most eminently set apart again as a separate and distinct Kingdom by it self from the Kingdom of England but you do not set forth that Grant and our Statute-Books are not so old this had been necessary for many reasons you say Page 40. That by this Donation King John made divers Grants and Chartes to his Subjects of Ireland does this alone shew a Regal Authority and might it not have been done by a Lord-Deputy still subject to the Crown of England Pray let me ask you was he at his return to England which you say was a little after his first going over received here by his Father as a Brother-King and did he take Precedence of his elder Brother Richard 'T is much this young King had not punished his Subjects of Ireland for being angry at his deriding their long Beards at which you say they took such Offence that they departed in much Discontent I say 't is much he had not punished their Undutifulness but rather chose to come away in a Pet and thereby to abdicate his new Kingdom for you do not shew that he left the Administration of the Government with any one else All that can be said in his Defence is that he was young about Twelve Years old pag. 39 and perhaps the obstinate Humour which the Barons of England afterwards found in him might grow up with him and become an Infirmity of Age and during King John's being in England did the Kingdom of Ireland govern its self For if his Father King Henry the Second sent over any other to succeed him all your Argument is lost But after all I find his granting Charters is not of such moment as to prove him a King for this he did to the City of Bristol whilst he was Earl of Moreton which I believe was long after the time you mention and I find by the exemplification of that Charter that his Son King Henry the Third in his Inspeximus confirms it as granted by his Father King John when he was Earl of Moreton without mentioning that he was then also King of Ireland and Princes do not use to abate any thing of their Titles especially when they are of so great Importance as this No body doth believe that King John whilst Earl of Moreton had such a Royal Authority in Bristol as to discharge it from an obediential Subjection to the Legislative Power of England The Statute Primo G. M. Cap. 9. ss 2. saith Ireland is annexed and united to the Imperial Crown of England as well by the Laws of this Kingdom as those of Ireland and I am sure there is a great deal of difference between being part of the Imperial Crown of England as Wales is and a separate Kingdom as Scotland is I find likewise that Henry the Third never wrote himself more than Lord of Ireland and 't is strange if Ireland was established a separate Kingdom in John Earl of Moreton and his Heirs that the Title had not been continued in his Son and how comes it to pass that we have ever since been at the Charge of supporting that Kingdom with our Treasure without keeping a separate Account of our Expences laid out on it which doubtless we should have done had we thought it a separate Kingdom But to proceed on searching Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle I cannot find that he takes any Notice of King Henry IId's sending over his Son John about the Twenty Third Year of his Reign as you say Page 39. which 't is much he should omit seeing it was on so memorable an Occasion as his being made King of a separate Kingdom by his Father in a Parliament at Oxford but he saith that in the Thirty First Year of his Reign he sent his Son John over to Ireland to be Governour there and afterwards in the Reign of Richard I. Son to Henry II. and Brother to this John he speaking of the great Kindnesses shewed by the said King Richard I. to his Brother John hath these Words To whom he made appear how much the Bounty of a Brother was better than the Hardnesses of a Father and afterwards he names the several Earldoms which he conferred on him viz. Cornwall Dorset Somerset Nottingham Darby and Lancaster then treating of Affairs in England during the King's Absence on his Voyage to the Holy Land saith he left William Longshamp Bishop of Ely in chief Place of Authority at which his Brother was disgusted whom he calls there Duke John and in another Place he says that the King after his Return from the Holy Land took from him all the great Possessions he had given him and afterwards the said John submitted himself to the King his Brother Now does this agree with the Honour and Dignity of a King who had a separate Kingdom or were the Grants of those several Earldoms from his Brother which you see were liable to be taken away again at the King's Pleasure to be accounted a greater Largess than the Bounty of his Father if he had made him King of a separate Kingdom and setled it in Parliament as you affirm Besides if any such thing was done by Henry II. in the Twenty Third Year of his Reign it appears if Baker be in the right that that Grant was recalled for he saith plainly that he sent him over in his One and Thirtieth Year to be Governor of Ireland How indeed saith to be Lord of Ireland but neither of them mention any thing of what was done in the Parliament at Oxford Well suppose it to be Dominus Hiberniae on which Word you seem to build so much pag. 40 41. Is this Title any thing greater than Lord Lieutenant or Lord Justice which hath for ought I can perceive been used ever since Does a Title granted in a Patent from the King
did not you set it forth in your Petition to the Parliament of England and endeavour with them to have got it mentioned in their Act which might also have been a salvo to the Priviledge of the Parliament of Ireland hereafter But I cannot think it was so because you very well knew by a long Experience that Acts of Parliament made in England wanted not the Authority of the Parliament of Ireland to confirm them and consequently you needed it not in this Nor was there any reason to fear this Act 's being pleaded against you as a Precedent of your Submission and absolute acquiescence in the Jurisdiction of the Parliaments of England over the Kingdom of Ireland which you complain of p. 110. for I should take the Authority of the Parliament of England to be very young if it depended thereon But now you have done with this Act give me leave to take it up You say That therein King James his Irish Parliament at Dublin and all Acts and Attainders done by them are declared void p. 109. I find then that King James had a Parliament in Ireland which Parliament must be lawfully Assembled if Ireland is a separate Kingdom and not subject to the Statute-Laws of England For though he had abdicated the Kingdom of England and that it was so declared by the Parliament here who had settled the Crown on King William and Queen Mary yet supposing Ireland to be a separate Kingdom that Declaration would no more have reached it than it did Scotland till the same was done by the Parliament there Hence then it follows either that you did tacitely confess Ireland to be no separate Kingdom or that the Parliament of England had Power to declare void an Irish Parliament and all Acts and Attainders done by them for you say That you obtained this Act for your better Security and Relief Please to consider whether I am not in the right as to this Matter The next Act you mention is p. 111. viz. An Act for Abrogating the Oath of Supremacy in Ireland and appointing other Oaths 3. 4. Gul. Mar. This you say binds Ireland and to this and the forementioned Acts you say you conformed your selves because they were in your Favour and you hope that a voluntary Submission to the Commands of another who hath no Jurisdiction over you as you suppose the Parliament of England hath not because they are pleasing to you shall give him no Authority to command you ever after as he pleases p. 112. If this were the Case I confess you have reason on your side but seeing it is not but that the Parliament of England hath made Laws to bind Ireland ever since it was united to the Imperial Crown thereof I hope the Obedience you paid to these Statutes shall not be called a Voluntary Submission which you have Power to throw off when you please except you are of Opinion with what follows viz. That Subjects ought not to obey longer than they see it convenient for them unless they be forced to it which Force they are to free themselves from as soon as they can I am apt to think the Parliament of England will not like this Principle and I do not see how the Parliament of Ireland can neither for if this be allowed pari ratione you may throw off their Jurisdiction also when you please But I will return to this last Act which you say p. 111. was made 3 4 Gul. Mar. It hath slipt my Collection so I can observe nothing from it save what you say your self viz. That the Parliament convened at Dublin Anno 1692. under Lord Sidney and that likewise Anno 1695 under Lord Caple paid an entire Obedience to it From whence I conclude that those two Parliaments thought it their Duty so to do else it would seem very imprudent in them because they could not but conclude that it would be interpreted an Acknowledgment of the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of England over them not that I urge it against them for a Precedent in favour of the Parliament of England 't will imply a weakness in their Authority if they wanted it which they do not by your own Confession for you say p. 64. That several English Acts of Parliament were allowed in the Parliament of Ireland held 10 Hen. 7. tho' I think that allowance utterly unnecessary and rather an Incroachment on the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of England But why did the Parliament of England Anno 3 4 Gul. Mar. make this Law at a time when the Parliament of Ireland was so near sitting which you say was Anno 1692 Truly though I cannot give their Reasons for it and it will not be good Manners for me to ask them yet I will adventure my Thought which is That they knew they had Power to make it and that the Parliament of Ireland whenever they met was bound to pay Obedience to it And now it comes into my mind let me ask you Gentlemen of Ireland this Question Did you think King William and Queen Mary King and Queen of Ireland before the Calling of that Parliament or did you not if you did not how came that Parliament to meet by Vertue of their Writs For if Ireland be an Independant Kingdom the Declaration of the Parliament of England as I said before was nothing to you but if you did it must be by Vertue of the Act of Recognition made in the Parliament of England if so then that Act also reached Ireland though you do not mention it and then it follows that here is a New Original Compact whereby Ireland is become a Dependant on the Kingdom of England and your Parliament on the Parliament thereof I do not see how you will get over this Argument though there is no need to make use of it in favour of the Parliament of England yet I may with much more Reason draw this Conclusion from hence then you can from the supposed Donation of King Henry II. to his Son John that Ireland was then made a separate Kingdom But I go forwards p. 113. you come to your Arguments drawn from the Liberty of the People and tell us That the Right of being subject only to such Laws to which Men give their own Consent is so inherent to all Mankind and founded on such immutable Laws of Nature and Reason that 't is not to be alienated or given up by any Body of Men whatsoever I confess my self intirely of this Opinion and I cannot think the People of Ireland ought to be deprived of that which I would not lose my self much less can I Argue for it So that you see I am no Friend to Slavery or any thing that looks like it when I cannot defend my Argument without subjecting Ireland to this State I will give up the Gantlet But let us rightly distinguish in this Matter and since we agree in the main let us consider what you mean by giving Consent
discharge any Persons or the Places they govern from Obedience to the Legislative Authority of England If it doth I should think That granted by Henry IV. to Sir John Talbot would go a great way in it which you give us pag. 33. in these Words Dilecti fidelis nostri Johannis Talbot de Hallom shire Chevaler locum nostrum tenentis terrae nostrae Hiberniae which you interpret pag. 32. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and it is not to be doubted but Henry IV. thought he had not divested himself of his Regal Authority in Ireland thereby for though we do not find any Statutes made in his Reign to bind that Kingdom yet we do in the Reign of his Son Henry V. and those Kings who succeeded him if then John Earl of Moreton was never created King of Ireland nor That made a separate Kingdom in the Parliament at Oxon as you alledge but do not prove then all your Arguments drawn thence pag. 41 42 43 44. beginning with this Paragraph Let us then suppose that c. fall to the Ground As for its being annext to the Imperial Crown of England by several Acts of Parliament both here and there which you mention pag. 43. I do agree to the Reason you give for it pag. 44. as one viz. That it should not be alienated or separated from the Kings of England But I hope you will not draw any Inference from this that Ireland therefore is not subject to our Legislative Power it seems to me a greater Argument that it is and those Acts made in Ireland look like an Acknowledgement of it seeing the Members there knew the Opinion of the Parliament of England by their continued Practice of making Laws to bind it I am the longer on this Subject of Henry the Seconds making his Son John King of Ireland and That a separate Kingdom because I find you insist upon it as a thing unquestionable through your whole Book and I am willing to clear it here to prevent often Repetitions I will proceed with you to King John's going over into Ireland after he became King of England pag. 44. for which you quote Mat. Paris who saith Cum venisset ad Dublinensem civitatem occurrerunt ei ibidem plusquam 20 Regul'● illius Regionis qui omnes timore maximo praeteriti Homagium ei fidelitatem fecerunt Fecit quoque Rex ibidem construere Leges Consuetudines Anglicanas ponens Vice cometes aliosque ministros qui populum Regni illius juxta Leges Anglicanas judicarent This you know was long after that Amicable Concession or Original Compact you mention pag. 37. to be made between Henry II. and the People of Ireland and long after the same King John was made King of Ireland by his Father and yet your Author says fecit quoque Rex ibidem c. which I English thus He appointed Officers to govern them by the English Laws wherein he caused them to be instructed So that here is a second original Compact if you will call it so viz. That they must be govern'd by the English Laws and Customs and now I think we are agreed the Matter viz. That they were to be govern'd by the English Laws Let us see then where we differ for I am very willing to part Friends with a Gentleman of your Parts your Fault is that you would willingly make more from things then was ever intended by them Page 45. You proceed to speak of a Magna Charta granted by Henry III. to Ireland dated at Bristol the 12th of November in the first year of his Reign which you say is agreeable to the Magna Charta granted to England I have not seen it nor have you set it forth so I can say nothing to its Contents I will only ask you whither it doth discharge Ireland from being subject to the Legislative Power of England which is the matter in hand and if it does whether it was confirmed by Parliament I will not differ with you whose Seals were put to it whether the King 's own or the venerable Persons you there mention if it doth not discharge from Obedience to Laws made by the Parliament of England and was not confirmed by them I examine no farther And I do not remember I ever heard of a Parliament held at Bristol nor doth this seem to be one because you say it was by advice of his Council of England whose Names are particularly recited which I therefore take to be the Privy Council in opposition to the great Council or Parliament of England and the rather because I find this was the usual Form of granting Charters in those days I shall only Note that this you say was eight years older then that which he granted to England Page 46. You set forth another Charter sent them by the said King in February following the Substance whereof you give us Page 47. Volumus quod in Signum fidelitatis vestrae tam praeclarae tam insignis libertatibus Regno nostro Angliae a Patre nostro nobis concessis de gratia nostra dono in Regno nostro Hiberniae Gaudiatis vos vestri Haeredes in Perpetuum This was made by advice of his Common Council and Sealed with their Seals as it follows in the same Page Quas distincte in Scriptum reductas de communi Concilio omnium sidelium nostrorum vobis mittimus signatas sigillis Domini nostri G. Apostolicae sedis Legati fidelis nostri Com. W. Maresc Rectoris nostri Regni nostri quia sigillum nondum habuimus easdem processu temporis de majori Concilio proprio sigillo signaturi Teste apud Glouc. 6 Febru So that here you see there is a difference between the Communi Concilio and the Majori Concilio but neither do you set forth nor can I guess what those Liberties were being before our Magna Charta of England as you confess p. 45. and does appear by our Statute-Books the latter being made the Ninth Year of his Reign and this you say in the First But I cannot allow of your Paraphrase on it p. 48. Here we have a free Grant of all the Liberties of England to the People of Ireland I differ with you in this because the Grant you mention doth not say they shall enjoy all the Liberties of English Men but all those Liberties which had been granted by his Father and himself to his Kingdom of England what those were you do not set forth and it can have no Reference to our Magna Charta besides it seems strange he should ex mero motu then grant those Priviledges to Ireland which if I mistake not cost England afterwards a great deal of trouble to bring him to acknowledge to be their right But be this as it will I do not see how it signifies much to the question in hand except it be allowed that the King by Charter can discharge the Subjects of England from Obedience to the Legislative Power Nor can I see
Item We Will and Grant that no Licence or Priviledge to make Passage by English-men Irish-men or Welch-men of Wools c. out of the same Realm and Lands c. Cap. 10. Sect. 2. We Will and Establish that one Weight one Measure and one Yard be through all the Land c. Here Ireland is comprehended under these words throughout all the Land which I suppose will without Objection be admitted to be the Kingdom of England if Ireland is not comprehended under those general Words then Wales is not and then one Weight and Measure was appointed for England and another permitted to be in Wales but if Wales is comprehended under them then Ireland is also And this you may know by considering what Weights and Measures are settled in Ireland and when Cap. 11. Item We have Ordained and Established That all Merchants c. that do bring Wines c. to the Staples Cities c. within our said Realm and Lands Cap. 12. Item no Merchant c. shall carry out of our Realm of England Wools Leather c. Here Ireland is again comprehended under the general Words our Realm of England or else Wales is not and the purport of the Act shows that for can it be thought that the People of Wales and Ireland had Liberty to export Wools Leather c. into Foreign Parts when this was denied to the People of England Cap. 13. Item We Will and Grant That if any Merchant Privy or Stranger be Robbed of his Goods upon the Sea and the Goods so Robbed come into any Parts within our Realm or Lands Cap. 14. Item We have Ordained That all Merchants Privy or Strangers may safely carry and bring within our said Realm and Lands Plate of Silver c. and in the next Sect. Provided always that no Money have common course within our said Realm and Lands but the Money of Gold and Silver of our Coin So in Cap. 17. the Words Realm and Lands are thrice expressed as comprehending England Wales and Ireland By all which it appears to me That in those Days there was no thoughts of Ireland's being a separate Kingdom or making Laws for themselves any other than By-Laws But they were supposed to be part of the Kingdom of England and under the Jurisdiction of the Legislative Power thereof and yet this was long after the pretended Grant of Henry II. to his Son John to be King of Ireland as a separate Kingdom which does confirm me in what I have said before that what is now call'd the Parliament of Ireland was formerly no more than a Summoning the Great Men of the Kingdom together and commanding them to obey the Laws made in England as you have it in the Writ sent over by King Henry the Third to Richard du Burgh mentioned before which is transcribed by you P. 53. Coram eis publice legi faciatis c. The Parliament of England in those days was very careful of their Power and did not easily part with their Jurisdiction they presently put in their Claim so soon as the Kings of England got any footing either by Conquest or Submission In the Statutes made at Westminster 27 September the 11th of Edward III. Anno 1337. I find Laws made to bind Scotland cap. 1 2 4. are repealed so I cannot see their Contents But cap. 3. runs thus Item It is accorded and established That no Merchant c. shall bring c. into the said Lands of England Ireland Wales and Scotland within the King's Power And cap. 5. runs thus Item it is accorded That all the Clothworkers of strange Lands c. which will come into England Ireland Wales or Scotland I do not find any Acts of this nature made either before that time or after which put me upon perusing the Histories and Chronicles of England about that time How saith That Anno Regni 5 Ed. 3. 1331. Edward Baliol who was Son to John Baliol sometime King of Scotland was by the Assistance of the said King Edward crowned King of Scots but afterward he resigned it to the said King Edward of England and remained under his Protection many years after Baker saith That to hold a good Correspondence with the King of England hereafter he doth him homage for his Realm of Scotland And no doubt had Scotland still continued so the guilded flourishes of a separate Kingdom would not have tempted the Parliament of England to have parted with their Authority of making Laws to govern it and can it be thought they should so easily let Ireland slip it doth not appear so by any Act of their own and for the Acts of others they can be no Precedents against them But to proceed There are yet other Reasons why Ireland should be more bound by the Statute-Laws of England then Scotland Ireland hath been always accounted so much a part of the Imperial Crown of this Kingdom that on the late Revolution when the Crown of England was settled on the then Prince and Princess of Orange Stat. primo Guil. Mar. cap. 2. They are declared King and Queen of Ireland as well as England and by that Recognition they had been so though the Parliament of Ireland had opposed it whereas the Case was not the same with Scotland The Rights and Priviledges of the People of Ireland were also settled by the same Statute equal to those of the People of England But the Rights and Priviledges of the People of Scotland were not Nor was this Recognition made in their Names they took their own time to do it and to settle the Rights and Priviledges of their own Kingdom as they pleased being a separate Kingdom without dependance on the Kingdom of England I wonder you hang so much in this Paragraph on Ireland's being a separate Kingdom in the Person of King John no Man of Sence who had examined that matter would make any dependance thereon and such I take you to be therefore it looks as if you had a mind to betray and give up the Cause did I not think you a Gentleman of greater sincerity you had certainly found a better Argument in your original Contract could you have made it out Page 85. You proceed to take into consideration such English Statutes as particularly name Ireland and these you divide into Ancient Precedents and Modern Instances and conclude That if the former do not make against you the latter are only Usurpations made upon you I think this fully answer'd before But I will take your own way and follow the Thred of your own Arguments though I think you spin it too long The Ancient Precedents of English Statutes designing to bind Ireland you say are first Statutum Hiberniae 14 Hen. 3. Secondly Ordinatio pro Statu Hiberniae 17 Edw. 1. Thirdly An Act concerning Staples 2 Hen. 6. pag. 85 86. And are these all What think you of the Statute of Merchants made at Westminster 13 Edw. 1. Anno 1258 wherein are these words Sect.
to a Law This I presume must be done either by a Man's self or by his chosen Representative if so then we will consider how far this will affect the People of Ireland with respect to the Matter we are now upon For I believe you will grant that if a Man denies or neglects to qualifie himself for such an Election or if qualified refuses to be present thereat or removes himself at such a distance that he cannot if he would this Man is not denied his Consent nor is his Liberty broken in upon though he be afterwards bound up by Laws made by a Parliament in the Election of whose Members he actually gave no Vote the Laws governing Elections being made by a common Consent though they may seem to affect some Persons severely yet being thought convenient for the whole Community ought to be submitted to And as for the other two things being Acts of a Man 's own his Choice is supposed to go along with them If this be not allowed there never was any Election free For suppose I will not make my self a Freeholder for a County Citizen or Burgess for a Corporation must the Laws already made be Cancelled to gratify my Humour Or suppose that I go on a Voyage to Sea or settle my self in the Plantations Abroad shall not I be bound by the Statute-Laws of England because I was not actually present at the Election of the Members that made them If this be admitted few Men will care to be there 'T is a pleasant way of Arguing till it comes to be closely applied Now there is no English Subject in Ireland but may put himself if he please under one of these Qualifications that is he is capacitated to do it as he is an Englishman and this is what his Ancestors did before him to whose Privileges he succeeds and must not expect that new Itinerant Courts of Parliament shall be erected to follow him where-ever he thinks fit to remove If this be allowed to the Gentlemen of Ireland why should it be denied to those who settled in our Plantations in America they all removed out of England on the same Principles of advancing their own private Fortunes and what a Jumble of Laws should we then have Not but that I think it highly reasonable they should all have power to make private Laws for the better governing their several Colonies and this they do by Representatives chosen by themselves which in the Lesser Plantations they call Assemblies but in Ireland a Parliament which Assemblies and the Laws they make ought still to be in Submission to the Superior Power of the Parliament of England But if I do not mistake you have somewhere own'd that Ireland did once send Representatives to the Parliament of England I must turn back and I find it in p. 95. where you say There have been other Statutes or Ordinances made in England for Ireland which may reasonably be of Force here because they were made and assented to by our own Representatives And you go on to shew from the White Book in the Exchequer in Dublin the form of a Writ sent by King Edward I. to his Chancellor of Ireland wherein he mentions Quaedam Statuta per nos de assensu Prelatorum Comitum Baronum Communitatis Regni nostri Hiberniae nuper apud Lincoln quaedam alia Statuta post modum apud Eborum facta These you suppose to be Statutes made either at the Request of the States of Ireland or by the Assent of your own Representatives the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of Ireland and from this you Argue p. 96. That the King and Parliament of England would not Enact Laws to bind Ireland without the Concurrence of the Representatives of this Kingdom Well Sir put what Sence you please on it this shews plainly that you then came to England for your Laws and that the Parliament of England had a Legislative Jurisdiction over you in those early days so that all makes the worse for your Argument How then came you to be free from it For either you cast off the Parliament of England or the Parliament of England cast off you 't is not the latter for the Parliament is still careful for your Welfare and makes good Laws for your better Government and I see no Power you had to cast them off except you will at the same time say you are not English-Men which I hope you will not but I find you are like froward Children who will not eat their Bread and Butter unless it be Sugar'd nothing will please you unless the Parliament of England will resign their Legislative Authority which they shall never have my Consent to except I see better Reasons for it than any you have yet produced But you proceed p. 96. Formerly when Ireland was but thinly Peopled and the English Laws not fully currant in all parts of the Kingdom 't is probable that then they could not frequently Assemble with conveniency or safety to make Laws in their own Parliaments at Home and therefore during the Heats of Rebellions or Confusion of the Times they were forc'd to Enact Laws in England Truely 't is a very probable Story you tell us I take Bevis of Southampton or Guy of Warwick to be altogether as probable Come let us examine it In the former part of your Book you lay it down as undeniable That Henry II. in the Parliament at Oxford made a Donation of Ireland to his Son John as a separate Kingdom and as such Parliaments were there settled I must confess I think 't is all of a piece now you tell us that because the People of Ireland could not Assemble with Conveniency and Safety to make Laws during the Heats of Rebellions and Confusions of Times there they came to England to make them here just like the Birds that remove at their Pleasure from colder Climates to make their Nests in Warmer But you prove nothing of this nor is it at all likely Pray when were these Heats of Rebellions not in the Days of Henry II. for you say p. 8. that Anno 1172 Ireland was quietly surrendred to him by Richard Strongbow at Dublin afterwards p. 30. you say he settled a modus tenendi Parliam p. 39. you say that five Years after his return from thence he created his Younger Son John King of Ireland who went thither and that the Irish Nobility and Gentry immediately repaired to him 'T is true you say there was some Difference between them about their long rude Beards but I hope you will not call that a Rebellion p. 40. you imply to us that King John made another Voyage thither which How and Baker say was the 31 Hen. 2. being eight Years after You proceed also and tell us That King John govern'd them Two and twenty Years during the Lives of his Father Henry II. and his Brother Richard I. in which time he made them divers Grants and Charters so that hitherto