and Scions from the great Trunk of the Republick had all of 'em the Face of Formal Governments they had Magistracies and Councils Power of Life and Death and to raise Mony for their Common Safety and to make Laws for their better Rule but this is no Argument that they had all the Parts of Sovereign Empire 'T is true the Inhabitants of Ireland from ancient Concessions have a Priviviledge perhaps above the Roman Colonies namely to Tax themselves by their own Suffrages within their own Limits but this is no more than what is claim'd by several Provinces of France which nevertheless account themselves subordinate to the Sovereign Power of the whole State There is a part of Empire not communicable and which must reside Sovereignly somewhere for there would be such a perpetual clashing of Power and Jurisdictions as were inconsistant with the very Being of Communities unless this last Resort were somewhere lodg'd Now this Incommunicable Power we take to be the Supream Judgment of what is best and most expedient for the whole and in all Reason of Government this ought to be there trusted and lodged from whence Protection is expected That Ireland should judge of what is best for it self is just and fair but in Determinations that are to reach the whole as namely what is most expedient for England and Ireland both there without all doubt the Supream Judgment ought to rest in the King Lords and Commons of England by whose Arms and Treasure Ireland ever was and must always be defended Nor is this any claiming the same Empire over Scotland as Mr. Molyneux would suggest for there is no Parity of Reason in the Cases Scotland to England as Aragon to Spain is a distinct State governing it self by different Laws tho' under the same Prince and is truly but a Kingdom Confederated with the Realm of England tho' subject to our King The Land thereof was not acquir'd to the present Inhabitants by the Arms of England protect them we do as the Strongest Allies always are to defend the Weaker but this puts 'em not in the Degree of Subordination we are treating of They are not our Discendants and they are but Politically our Brethren whereas the English-Irish who are now chief Lords of that Soil are naturally our Offspring Their Inferior Rule and Jurisdictions are not disputed but that Super-eminent Dominion and supream and uncontrollable Regiment over themselves which they pretend to is neither safe for England to grant nor for them to ask Such a Power would be dangerous because by some Accident it may come to be so exercis'd as to be their and our Ruin We have had bad Kings and those Kings have had evil Counsellors Suppose us then in some future Age under such Circumstances as to have a Prince and his Council so angry with the People as to desire their Destruction which was our Case once with King John who would have sold us to the Moors to wreak his own Discontents And suppose this Prince willing to set up Ireland in opposition to this Kingdom may not a Prince so dispos'd give the Royal Assent to Laws in Ireland that would utterly destroy England And what Remedy would Poining's Act be in such a Juncture In a Case like this what way have the People of England to preserve themselves but to represent their Grievance to the Prince Who when he sees the Error of his Council may be induc'd to join in some Supream Exercise of the Legislature here coercive and such as may keep Ireland in the degree of Subordination that seems requisite to the well-being of both Nations Suppose a Prince bent to hurt England should give his Assent to a Law there That the Irish may transport all their Wool to Foreign Countries would not this as they say cut the Turf from under our Feet and at one blow in a manner ruin all our Woollen Manufactures There are many other Instances in which if they were indulg'd the greatest part of our Traffick would be carry'd to their Ports In Matters of Trade even the best of Kings may be surpris'd of which we have a late Example and the ill Consequences the Scotch Act will probably have ought to make us very watchful over what our Neighbours do especially where they depend upon us That the greatest part of the present Inhabitants of Ireland chiefly those who claim the Land-Property are a Colony from England has been here peradventure sufficiently made out and we take it to be their best Hold to be always so accompted because it gives them a lasting Title to be protected and defended by us And if they are a Colony it would be a strange Defect in our Constitution if we wanted any of the Powers requisite to pursue the Ends of Government of which the Principal is to take care that no one part of the People be permitted to hurt the other but if the Legislature of England cannot in Important Matters restrain that of Ireland Ireland is at least in a Capacity to ruin England which would make our Form of Government at one and the same time Ridiculous and Dangerous But to be thus out of our Jurisdiction would in the Conclusion be as fatal to them as to us for tho' they should grow Rich at our Expence and tho' a large part of our Trade were diverted thither they would not yet be able to subsist alone and by themselves And if we by Loss of our Trade become weaken'd how can we give them that Assistance which from time to time they have always wanted So that this division of Strength would be destructive to both Countries It must therefore be their Interest as well as Ours That the Supream Power and the chief Wealth should be ever preserv'd to Center here in the Seat of Empire Upon the whole Matter it seems the Right of England and as well for the Benefit of Ireland its best and noblest Colony that the Legislative Authority here should upon all Emergencies make such Regulations and Restrictions relating to Trade especially as shall be thought for the Weal-Publick of both Countries And having premis'd these Things we shall proceed to handle more closely the Subject of our Question namely Whither it is necessary to Prohibit by Law the Exportation of Woollen Manufacture from Ireland to Foreign Parts To put an early Stop to their turning their Stock and Industry this way appears requisite for many Reasons First Ireland contains near a half as much Territory as England and the Soil being of the same Nature may be brought to produce near a half as much Wool as England yields and this Material being the Basis upon which our Trade is built they who can come near us in it will come just so near us in our Trade abroad Secondly Countries thinly Peopled can sooner improve in the Breed of Cattle than any other way because 't is a Work which a few Hands may manage Thirdly Where there is Plenty of a
't is hop'd England will never fall into such destructive Hands Our Wealth and Greatness depend absolutely upon keeping the Legislative Power to future Ages untainted Vigilant for the Public Safety Jealous of the Peoples Rights Watchful over the Ministers and to have the Members not aw'd by Armies nor to be seduc'd by Preferments Bribes or Pensions That we are safe at present is granted and that we are not now under any Dangers of the like kind and that this important Post is well secur'd is allow'd But writing for Posterity to which these Papers may peradventure be transmitted we think it needful to give these Cautions While we preserve our Constitution as we receiv'd it from our Ancestors Bad Men may have a short Power to do Mischief however their Rage and Folly will be at last corrected but if we suffer our Civil Rights to be invaded and if our ancient Form of Government should be lost then ill Ministers will proceed without Comptrol they will in a short time dissipate the Nations Treasure the People will have no Stock for Trade they will lose their Industry they will grow inclinable to change Resty and Indifferent in the cause of Liberty and perhaps willing to submit to any foreign Force like Spain which has been both despotically and weakly govern'd Freedom and Wealth proceed hand in hand together and if one is lost the other will not long continue but this Notion is not much regarded by those who can only be great and have no ways of making their own Fortunes but by the destruction of their Country For such as propose to thrive by Disorder and Misgovernment have a strong Interest to beggar the People The Confusion which Public wants and Private Necessities introduce suits best with their Designs A wealthy Nation may be jealous of its Rights and watch any Invasions upon its Freedome and a Rich Gentry may be unmanageable And such bad Men may think that the best Course to keep us humble is to make us poor If any should be so wicked to have Thoughts of enslaving England they will endeavour to Mate and Quell the Stomachs of the Common People by reducing them to the Misery and want which decay of Trade if it ever happens must bring upon this Nation And they will try to distress the Gentry in their Estates to that Degree as to make 'em rely upon the Court for a Livelyhood and Subsistance for which Reasons they will wink at the loss of our Foreign Traffick and perhaps contrive its Destruction knowing that upon the Prosperity of Trade Rents and Land have for many years depended Nor can ill Ministers desire a better Circumstance than to have Men of the best Fortunes reduc'd by their Necessities to come and Cringe and Sue to them for a small Employment Does not this bring all into their Power Must not such as shall have the Destribution of of these Favours be courted and follow'd by the major Part of the Gentry Would not so great a Capacity of helping others add to their strength make 'em rich and safe and indeed set them in a manner above Impeachments If bad Men should ever get into Power they will not only contribute to ruin our Foreign Trade but they will try to impoverish the Kingdom by exorbitant Taxes thereby to bring the Gentry and People yet more under their Subjection They will likewise plunge their Master into Debts and Necessities to render their Tricks and Arts of more use and to put a higher value upon the Band they shall have in pay for in former times we have seen that when a Court wanted they who procur'd Money to be given were thought to give it by which means they obtain'd Favour cheaply at the Expence of Others And this single Merit atton'd for all their Faults It excus'd false Steps and Negligence It shelter'd their Bribery and cover'd their Disability for the Public Service Besides they will intangle their Masters Affairs because a Prince that does not need Money may come not to need them whose Talents in all likelihood will consist in procuring Taxes not in well laying out the Summs granted Therefore a wanting State a troubled Government and an indebted Exchequer will be their Region Large Premiums Exorbitant Interest Diverting Appropriated Fonds Choice of Fonds on which to place their own Money Preferring one Debt and Postponing another will be always good Matter for ill Statesmen to work upon but afford much a better Harvest when the Government stands in want of Money Immense Summs given every Year will be a brave and ample Field for their Avarice to range in which would be cramp'd and confin'd if bound within the narrow Limits of what a Nation may be able to pay Of all things they love a long and an expensive War and fear Peace for Peace produces Order and gives the Prince leisure to enquire into the Abuses of the State It lets him into a right knowledge of Persons in the Kingdom and the Dregs which float upwards when the Liquor is stirr'd must sink to the bottom in quiet times Peace restores Liberty of Speech whereas in War all is silenc'd with the single word Necessity In Peace there is no need to court Factions Turbulent Spirits are not so useful Thrift may be introduc'd and such sudden Fortunes cannot be rais'd out of the Publick Grievances may be calmly debated The Management of the Revenues inspected The Conduct of the Ministers may be examin'd And good Laws may be propos'd without the Perpetual Objection of Are ye for bringing in the French and Popery But War will better answer their Designs who mean to thrive by the loose Admistration with which War is generally accompany'd and who propose to prosper by the Calamities and Misery of their Country The Business of Ireland at the beginning of the Revolution is a pregnant Instance how much designing Men love a long War That Kingdom might have been presently reduc'd the Nation was dispirited He who held the Government was ready to give up the Marks and Ensigns of his Authority with the Strengths depending on it They were struck with a Panic Fear and had readily submitted if in any reasonable time a small Force had been sent thither But one People does rarely yield so much to the Fame of another as to surrender without being ask'd or summon'd It was desir'd that a few Tropps might be carry'd over to confirm and countenance our Friends and to give our Enemies a fair Colour for pursuing that Course to which they were enough perswaded by their true Interest tho they could not modestly acquiesce unless something had been done that might save Appearances for a great Army could not with any Decency disband without so much as hearing of an opposite Strength to which in the general Fright that possess'd their Party they might have yielded with some Saving to their Honour But Ireland was for a long time slighted and the Natives were suffer'd to gather into a formidable Power
That Diversion gave our Neighbour Kingdom opportunity to take Breath and time to recover from the Fright and Amazement which so potent a League had brought upon them The Troops who perish'd so miserably at Dundalk and elsewhere would have been a great Addition to the Confederate Force The Vigor that actuates the Minds of men in their first Proceedings should have been carry'd against France and not have been let to consume itself and slacken within our own Dominions If by good Conduct the Affairs of Ireland had been betimes appeas'd the Power of these three Nations had been united and we might have enter'd the Lists with our Strength intire and a Treasure unwasted which probably would have wrought such Effects and begot such a Terror as might have produc'd long ago as sound and honourable a Peace as we enjoy at present after the Expence of so much Blood and Money This War stood England in 4,128,672 l. 5 s. 3 d. ¼ and both Nations in 4,515,693 l. 0 s. 8 d. ¾ but if we come to reckon the Burnings Waste and Depredation and the irreparable Loss of Men English and Irish by Sickness and in Battel and the Irish damage redounding to us at last it may be safely affirm'd that we are the worse for that War by at least 7 Millions However that fatal Neglect did divert from the War against France above four Millions and did engage in Civil Broils those Arms which were so needful in the beginning to make a strong Impression upon our Enemies abroad But a certain Party of Men were too busy themselves at home for to mind the Nations Foreign Concerns They were dividing the spoil here They were hunting after Places and sharing among one another the Dignities and Offices of the State which took up all their time and employ'd all their Care Besides such an early Coalition and Union of the whole strength of the three Kingdoms might have terrified France too soon and taken away their Hopes of a succeeding War which is the Crop and Harvest of designing Ministers the Field in which they fatten and a Spend-thrift to whom they are Stewards without Accompt If not minding the Affairs of Ireland did hinder the Peace so long then we owe to that fatal Council the Beginning of the Debt which now presses so hard upon us for without the Colour of such a War those immense Summs could not have been consum'd which for these last five Years have been levy'd in this Kingdom When King James went away we were reduc'd to what Mr Hobbes calls the State of Nature the Original Contract being dissolv'd and the Ligaments broken which held us before together The Nation was then a Blank apt to receive any Impression The old Building was pull'd down and the Faults in it before might have been corrected if the Architects had been skilful and such Lovers of their Country as they pretended to be Never men had such an Opportunity of doing Good as they who had the chiefest hand in making the Revolution They had a Prince willing to consent to whatever might set us upon a right Foot if they had met his design of Landing here with equal Virtues The Gentry and People were at that time newly awaken'd from the Lethargy in which they had been for many Years They saw how narrowly Religion and their Liberties had escap'd Their Fears had made 'em Wise and Sober Their Eyes were universally open'd And they were wrought up to a Temper which seldom happens in a whole Nation of being capable to receive good and honest Councils It was in their Power for ever to have banish'd Flattery and Corruption from the Court and from another Place where those Vices are yet more hurtful and when they had chang'd Persons if they had taken Care at the same Instant to mend Things they had wrought a general Reformation in our Manners It was in their Hands to have given us a Sound Constitution They had before 'em the Errors of preceeding Reigns by which they might have corrected their Model They should have enter'd upon a strict OEconomy neither plundering for themselves nor suffering Others to grow Rich at the Public Cost They should have been as careful in the State as their Master was active in the Field they should have begg'd less and done more They should have avoided Bribery than which nothing could be more unseemly in Reformers of a State and which was certain to keep out the best and let the worst Men into all their Business They ought to have known that a new Settlement was to be maintain'd by severer Rules and Methods than perhaps are necessary in a Court where the Prince is born in Purple And lastly They should have made this Reflection That more than ordinary Virtue of all kinds was needful to answer the Peoples Expectations and that more than common Wisdom was requisite to maintain and justifie so great a Change The worst and most unhappy Kings that ever were would have rul'd better had it not been for the wrong Suggestion and wicked Incitements of the Flatterers about 'em But those Pests and Poisons of a Court are yet more to blame when things suceeed not well with Wise and Virtuous Princes That Declaration which the King sent to England before he came over was the Pole Star by which our State Pilots were to steer their Course 'T was well known that to keep the same Parliament sitting so many Years was what had chiefly debauch'd the Gentry of this Kingdom it was therefore expected that in the Act for declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject some Provision should have been made against thta Evil for the future Several Ministers who betray'd their King and Country have gone on to the last with Impunity by keeping Parliaments quite off but more have found a Shelter for their Crimes in Houses which they have long held together and of which they have had the handling for many a Sessions Could Men pretend to be Patriots and not take Care of securing that Post Could our Freedoms be any way certainly lost but by laying aside the use of Parliaments as was design'd in the Reign of King Charles the First or by keeping them so long sitting till a Majority of Members should be under Engagements with the Court as had almost happen'd in the Reign of King Charles the Second Were we not both times upon the very brink of ruin and in hazard of being no more a free People Did it not therefore import that Party which had heretofore made such high Professions for Liberty to provide that England might be no more threatned with the same danger Should not this have been a main Article in our Contract with their Majesties upon their Accession to the Throne who readily consented to all things that might make us safe and happy The King having promis'd in his Declaration To do all things which the two Houses of Parliament should find necessary for the Peace Honour and
p. 80 Want of Corn may very much Exhaust our Treasure p. 81 What Stock of Corn remains generally in England at the succeeding Harvest p 82 In what proportion a defect in the Harvest may raise the Price of Corn p. 83 The Care of the Hollanders to have Granaries and Store-houses for Corn and the Wealth they acquire thereby p. 84. Considerations about Granaries in England p. 85 86 Countries thrive by Trade as they well or ill manage their Product and Manufactures p. 87 England with Industry may be the foremost People in the whole Commercial World p. 88. It seems more the Interest of England to Imploy its Land in Breeding and Feeding Cattle than to produce Corn p. 89. Of the Breeding and Transporting of Horses p. 90 The Value of the Horses Yearly bred in England p. 91 Of the Mines and Minerals of England p. 92 Of the Mines in Cardiganshire p. 93 Nations who will thrive must look into small things as well as great p. 94 Of the Fishery p. 95 Of Wooll and the Wollen Manufacture p. 96 Of the Old and New Draperies p. 97 Different Countries are adapted to different Manufactures p. 99 Ireland is able to Nourish more than 3 times its present Inhabitants ib. Of the Woollen Manufacture there p. 100 Ireland fit to be Encouraged ib. England gains by the Improvement of Ireland p. 101 Of the Wealth of Rome and the chief Seat of Empires p. 101 102 Ireland has not above 500,000 l. in current Cash p. 102 Of the English Bill for Prohibiting the Exportation of the Woollen Manufactures of Ireland to Foreign Parts p. 104 Whether Laws made here are binding in Ireland p. 105 Mr. Molineux's Argument consider'd viz. Whether Ireland be a Colony from England ib. The Argument stated p. 106 An Historical Deduction of the whole matter p. 107 c. The Case of Ireland compared with the Roman Colonies p. 114 The difference of the Case between Scotland and Ireland p. 116 Whether it be necessary to prohibite by Law the Exportation of Woollen Manufactures from Ireland to Foreign Parts p. 120 Whether the Woollen Goods can be made cheaper in Ireland than in England p. 121 The Author's Conclusion upon this Argument p. 126 Of setting up the Linnen Manufactures in Ireland p. 127 Of taking off the Prohibition which now lies upon Irish Cattle p. 129 Of the course Draperies of England and of encouraging their Exportation to new Places p. 131 SECT IV. Of our Payments to ohe Publick as they affect the Ballance of Trade THe danger of Profusion and of the Crown being brought low p. 135 The Wealth of a Country is finite as well as of a private Man p. 136 Of the Administration of the publick Revenues under Henry III. and Henry IV. of France ib. Machiavel's Sentiments touching Liberality in a Prince p. 137 Whence the ill management in Kingdoms proceeds ib. Of Frugality in absolute Monarchies p. 138 Whether large Payments to the State are hurtful p. 140 Of the Annual Income of England France and Holland ib. The great Increase of our Wealth between Anno 1660 and 1688. was from the small Taxes and Duties then paid comparitively with other Nations p. 142 The Payments in 1688. were little above a 20th part of the then Annual Income of the Nation p. 143 The Duties and Payments now on Foot are one Eighth of the present Annual Income ib. It will be several years before our Annual Payments can be considerably diminish'd p. 144. The Excise and Malt Duty are a burthen upon our Woollen Manufactures p. 145. High Customs are pernicious to our Commerce abroad ib. The high Duties on Salt are of all others the most hurtful to Trade p. 146. Mr. King's Proportion of our own and our Foreign Navigation with a Scheme thereof and several Conclusions thereupon p. 147 to 150. How the Ballance of Trade from time to time might be adjusted from the Custom-house Books p. 151. Mr. King's Position as to the Nations Gain by Foreign Trade ib. The principal Expence in a trading Vessel is Meat and Drink p. 152. Of the Salt used for Barrelling up Beef and Pork and the high Price of it now to what it was before Anno 1688. with the Consequences thereof p. 153 Trade is a necessary Evil p. 154 Freight is the most certain Profit in Trade p. 155. The Tax on Coals affects our Iron Manufactures ib. An Abstract of Mr. King's Scheme of the yearly Increase of the actual Stock of England from 1600 to 1698. with some Conclusions thereupon p. 156. The great Taxes and Variety of new Duties lately levied are a heavy Burden upon our Foreign Trade p. 157. An Account of what Money has been actually granted since the War p. 158. An Account of what Money was intended by the Parliament for the War p. 162. The Expence of the Civil-List during the War p. 163. The Expence of the War and Civil-List ballanced against the Money granted during the War p. 164. Of Interest for publick Monies ib. The Publick cannot be much in Debt if all Accompts were narrowly inspected p. 165. If the Publick be much in Debt how the same must arise ib. We still remain engag'd for upwards of 20 Millions and in what particulars p. 166. England cannot flourish in Trade and Manufactures till we come to pay but 2,300,000 per An. as before the war p. 167. If this be not compassed what will be the Consequences thereof ib. How it comes that France and Holland have thriven by Trade notwithstanding their heavy Taxes though England cannot p. 168. New Impositions and remote Fonds are dangerous to Liberty p. 169. Of our present Payments to the Government and the dangers that may arise thereby p. 170. Of better providing against the diverting and misapplying the publick Treasure p. 172. Danger of stopping the Exchequer ib. Corrupt Ministers will sooner divert appropriated Monies than make new Levies p. 173. Our Mischiefs are only to be cured by lessening as fast as possible our present publick Payments p. 174. By negligence we may come to pay constantly between 5 and 6 Millions per An. p. 175 Of improving the Revenues already granted particularly the Excise p. 176. Of good management in laying out the publick Treasure p. 178. Some Methods propos'd how to get sooner out of Debt p. 179. Of over-haling the Publick Accompts ib. Of the Crown Lands and Forfeited Estates in Ireland ib. Of unwarrantable Gains by Contracts with the Crown ib. Of the surprising Premiums for Circulating Excheq Bills p. 180. Of rejecting the Offer made by the Old East India Company to raise 2 Millions and allowing a large Premium to the New p. 181 Frugal management invites the People to stretch their Purses p. 183 Difference between Human Bodies and the Body Politick p. 184 High Interest and large Premiums divert Money from flowing in the Channel of Trade p. 186 Laws cannot lower Interest where great Sums are continually borrow'd by the Government p. 187 A Prince's
Payments to the Publick and in what manner the Ballance of Trade may be thereby affected SECT IV. Of our Payments to the Publick and in what manner the Ballance of Trade may be thereby affected WHETHER it be under a Common-wealth an Absolute Monarchy or in a Mix'd Government the Affairs of a Country can never go on prosperously unless the Publick Revenues are well and wisely ordered Richlieu says Cest le Point d'Archimede qui estant fermement etabli donne moyen de mouvoir tout le monde Common-wealths are seldom to blame in this part of Polity and when they quit it suffering their Treasure to be imbezzel'd by the Men in Power they seldom fail of salling soon after into the Hands of a single Person In Absolute Monarchies where 't is neglected the Prince is compell'd by his Want to Flea and Rack his Subjects and to wink at all sorts of Rapine in those whose Business it is to contrive Ways of supplying his Necessities till at last he becomes Tirannical and Odious to the whole People Profusion has the same ill Effects in Constitutions where the Regal Authority is limited by Laws Richlieu says A necessitous Prince can never undertake a glorious Action and Necessity ingendering Contempt he can never be reduced to that Condition without being exposed to the Attempts of his Enemies and of those who are envious of his Greatness Besides when the Crown is brought very low it alters the due Ballance of Power which should be kept even and well-pois'd to preserve such Forms of Government for it either inclines the People who hold the Purse to intrench upon such Prerogatives as are necessary for the Prince's Safety and to keep the Kingdom 's Peace or it gives bad Men an opportunity of suggesting to him that wicked Council which was given to King Charles I. of making himself easy by subverting his People's Rights This able Statesman lays down That good Order in the Revenue depends more on those who have the Administration than on Laws and Regulations which remain useless unless such as are employ'd to see them observ'd be willing to perform their Duty The Legislative Part of the Constitution gives the Mony but it principally belongs to the Ministerial Part to take Care that what is granted be not wasted diverted or misapply'd and if such as are trusted fail to do this it is incumbent on the Legislature to interpose and call 'em to a strict Account The Wealth of a Country is Finite as well as the Substance of any private Man and when a Ministry set themselves industriously about it they can as well ruin a whole People as the Duke of Buckingham could see an end of his great Estate Harry III. of France for want of Order and by being ill-served in a few Years consumed an immense Sum and anticipated all the Crown-Revenue His Successor Harry IV. with a very little Care of his own but by the infinite Application Prudence and Honesty of the Duke of Sully his Treasurer paid most of those Debts off and left behind him at his Death Five Millions Sterling in his Coffers And at this Day for want of Conduct in the Ministry Spain is not the richer for the Silver Mines of Potosi So that the Wealth or Poverty of the Publick does in a manner wholly depend upon the good or bad Administration of its Affairs Machiavel does not seem to think Liberality a necessary Virtue in a Prince because to support it there must go so much Oppression of the People And that a frugal Prince shall be accounted Noble to all from whom he takes nothing away which are an infinite number And that he shall be esteemed Near and Parsimonious only by those Few to whom he gives but little And he says That a Prince ought not so much to concern himself so he exacts not upon his Subjects so he be able to defend himself so he becomes not despicable and commits no Rapine upon his People tho' he be accounted Covetous for that it is one of those Vices which fortifies his Dominion And he observes That Pope Julius II. was liberal till he came to the Papacy but frugal afterwards which enabled him to do such great Things against the Power of France That the Business of most Kingdoms has been ill managed proceeds from this It imports the lower Rank of Men only and the People whose Cries seldom reach the Prince till it is too late and till all is past Remedy that Matters should be frugally ordered because Taxes must arise from their Sweat and Labour But the great Ones who heretofore have had the Prince's Ear and Favour or who hoped to have him in their Possession were sway'd by another sort of Interest they liked Profusion as having had a Prospect to be Gainers by it They can easily set their Account even with the State a small Charge upon their Land is more than ballanc'd by a great Place or a large Pension At the same time the People who are to pay all and expect to receive nothing are glad to see a frugal Court which tho' it be not so good for its Followers never fails to inrich a Nation 'T is true Galba is an Instance that the Virtues of a close-handed Prince may be unsuccessful in Countries govern'd by the Sword and where the Soldier is riotous and in long Possession of a slack Discipline And perhaps in all Absolute Monarchies he who Governs should rather lean towards Munificence than Thrift But Frugality in the State can never be dangerous in a Trading Nation rul'd by Laws of its own making and it is not only necessary in it self but profitable in the Example teaching private Men that good Husbandry in their Domestick Affairs which never fails to inrich the whole Body-Politick Much nobler is it to enjoy the Praises of an Universal People living in Plenty and at their Ease not burthen'd by Taxes and Duties than to have the good Words of a few Flatterers or those Harpies which commonly haunt a Court to gripe all they can who when they are gorg'd themselves pollute all the Remainder with their foul and obscene Claws so that no Body else desires to touch it Besides we have hardly an Instance of any Prince that in time of Need was truly assisted and defended by his Minions and the Creatures of his Bounty and Favour but a King belov'd for wise just and careful Government has been very seldom deserted by his People But suppose a Prince should desire to exercise in a very ample manner the inbred Magnificence of his Mind if he will discharge the Trust committed to him by the King of Kings if he will not make what he counts Virtue distructive to his People he must find Matter to supply his liberal Inclinations which he only can do who sees that his Ministers look well after his Income and Expences Some Persons have a strange Notion That large Payments to the State are not hurtful to
Derelict Et primi Occupantis We do not observe it has been so order'd in that Kingdom that both the Body of the People and the Public too are Poor at one and the same Instant their Ministers have not suffer'd the Commonwealth to be consum'd by Usurious Contracts with the Common Lenders and by their Care and Wisdom they have obtain'd such Credit even under a Despotick Power that they have not been forc'd all along to pay above 7 per Cent. Interest for Money lent the King whereas 40 per Cent. has been paid for mighty Sums in one Free Government so that upon the whole Matter 't is evident enough that this Devouring Monster War is to be fed where the Men of Business are Honest Foreseeing and Frugal for the State Mix'd Governments among many other Excellencies have this Advantage that a good Administration may be obtain'd by any one part of the Constitution that will set it self strongly to so good a Work Kings can at all times set things right if the Business of their Wars do not compel 'em to be often Absent Either of the Houses when they have set themselves to inquire into and correct Disorders have been terrible to the most Bold Subtile and most Powerful Statesmen that ever went about to undo a People or to mislead a Prince If in any future Reign the Treasure of this Kingdom should be mis-manag'd and profusely wasted and if Debts hardly to be waded through should be contracted the Representatives of the People may by looking strictly into all these Matters perhaps immediately lessen the publick Engagements at least they may put some Stop to the farther Progress of the Mischief In such a Juncture good Men will think it their Duty to see whether this Debt is not to be lessen'd by reviewing former Accompts they will examine whether the Sums already granted were not sufficient to pay off all the Forces we have had at Land and Sea They will inquire from whence such a high Article of Arrears proceeds They will see how so many Fonds come to be Deficient and whether such Deficiencies have not been occasion'd by some ill Conduct in those who have manag'd the respective Branches They will inform themselves which way the many Millions are gone which the People have paid They will desire to know what Necessities could compel the Men of Business to give such large Premiums and high Interest and whether the Promoters of a Council so pernicious did not lend their own Money and whether they have not been Parties deeply concern'd themselves in all usurious Contracts They will inquire upon what Consideration and for what Services immoderate Grants of Lands and Money have been made and they will do it the more strictly if when such Grants were pass'd it should happen that the Nation was indebted and paid heavy Taxes The Representatives of the People can look into all these things and no Doubt it is a Duty which they owe their Countrey that has trusted 'em with so unlimited a disposal of their Fortunes To prevent Mismanagement in the Revenue of this Kingdom it seems necessary that a Law should be made to put the Lords of the Treasury under such an Oath as the Lord High Treasurer of England takes for it appears an Absurdity in our Government that the meanest Officer concern'd in the King's Revenue should be sworn to a true and faithful Discharge of his Trust and that the Treasury who are trusted with the whole whose Authority is so boundless and who have it so much in their Power to hurt the Nation should be under no Oath at all Some Objections there are against this but he who considers 'em well will find 'em of no weight and that those Necessities which have broken into and over-rul'd the Ancient Course of the Exchequer might have been avoided by Care and Conduct If in future Times England should have any Grounds to doubt that the Treasure of the Public has been Imbezzel'd if prodigious Fortunes rais'd in ten Years by obscure Men who have had no Dealings but with the Court should Minister Occasion of Suspition if Resumptions should be thought fit we mean in Cases where Persons of no Merit have been inrich'd with the Kingdom 's Spoils if it should be thought reasonable to see whether any thing is to be sav'd in an immense Debt out of the unwarrantable Gains which the Lenders have made if it should be judg'd expedient to inquire into any Male-Administration in those through whose Hands the Revenue passes if it should be deem'd necessary Thrift to look into all Pensions if it should be thought reasonable fairly and impartially to state the Accompt of so many Millions given and expended so great and difficult a Work as a Strict Inquiry into all these Matters will prove cannot be enter'd upon and brought to a good Conclusion but by the united Wisdom of the Nation No other Power can face that Strong League which will be made between Fellow Criminals to save one another Ordinary Remedies prevail but little against stubborn and inveterate Diseases If therefore our Affairs should be ever in disorder the Legislative Authority can bring the most effectual Helps to set us right And in such a Case peradventure it may be thought advisable to promote a Bill That such sort of Abuses as have been here described and all other Male-administration of the like kind may be inquir'd into by Committees of both Houses to sit in the Interval of Parliament with all requisite Powers without Salaries and to be chosen by Ballot And supposing past Errors to be too big for Correction yet so Awfull an Authority and the fear that it will from time to time be renew'd may for the future be some Check to the growing Corruptions of the Age. All the Premises consider'd we submit it to better Judgments whether it is not the Duty of such as represent their Country To look narrowly into the Income and Expence of the Kingdom and to examin which way immense Debts have been contracted and how that Money has been dispos'd of which the Nation has already granted Sixthly That They should hold a Strong Hand over the Men of Business calling those to an Account who either through Folly or upon some wicked Design pursue destructive Measures Helvidius Priscus after the Example of his Father-in-law Petus Thrasea in the Philosophy he made use of to fit himself for the Service of his Common-wealth follow'd the Opinion of the Stoick who plac'd all Good and Evil in Honesty or Dishonesty accounting the Gifts of Fortune such as high Birth Power and Wealth to be but things indifferent towards the constituting of Happiness which they define to be internal only in the Mind But tho' Aristides Socrates Phocion Publicola Cinciunatus Attilius Regulus and many others have been great Men under a constant and willing Poverty yet without doubt Nobility and Riches help good Spirits on of their way and set 'em forward He that is high
Absence from his Dominions is prejudicial to the Ballance of Trade ib. Recapitulation of the Methods for getting sooner out of Debt ib. 'T is dangerous for one part of the People to be indebted to the other p. 189 Fonds divide the Kingdom into two sorts Creditors and Debtors ib. High Taxes introduce Arbitrary Power p. 192 A Summary of the three foregoing Sections ib. SECT V. That a Country cannot increase in Wealth and Power but by private Men doing their Duty to the Publick and but by a steady Course of Honesty and Wisdom in such as are trusted with the Administration of Affairs OF the Romans running into Slavery p 193 Why the Romans never attempted to restore the Common-wealth p. 194 How Arbitrary Power may be settled here upon a lasting Foot p. 195 Of Corruption in the Representatives of a People p. 196 By what Methods mixt Governments may come to be the greatest Tyranny in the World p. 197 The danger of a legal Tyranny ib. The Wealth and Power which must defend the State depends upon our preserving inviolate our ancient Constitution p. 198 Of studying to deceive and be deceived ib. Honours and Preferments will avail little when Liberty is subverted p. 199 Ill Conduct in a State is an incurable Consumption requiring the Interposition of the Legislative Authority p. 200 Contenders for Liberty ought not to be called a Faction ib. To whom the Name of a Faction truly belongs p. 201 A Description of the two several Parties which are commonly in great Assemblies and of the Country and Court Party so called p. 202. Of such as stile themselves Managers in publick Assemblies p. 204 Good Kings may repose their intire Concerns upon a House of Commons p. 205 The Qualifications fit for Managers p. 206 Giddy young Men not fit for Managers ib. Instances of the unsuccessful Conduct of young Ministers p. 207 The ill Consequences of a young Ministry with a Majority at their Back p. 208 What our Wealth and Greatness depends upon ib. Of preserving our Constitution p. 209 Freedom and Wealth go hand in hand together ib. The Methods which wicked Ministers will take when they are in Power and have Thoughts of enslaving England p. 210 What Field bad Ministers love to range in p. 211 Bad Ministers do not love Peace the Reasons why p. 212 Designing Men love a long War instanced in Ireland p. 213 The Charge of the War in Ireland p 215 The fatal Effects of not timely minding the Affairs of Ireland p. 216 The great opportunity there was of doing good at the Revolution and giving us a sound Constitution ib. Of keeping off Parliaments and continuing long ones p. 218 Of the Act for Triennial Parliaments p. 220 The Ingredients of a Statesman in the former Reigns ib. Of the 6 years Parliament after the Revolution p. 221 The Peoples Expectations upon the Revolution p. 222 But some Persons were then acted by no Principle for the Publick Good p. 223 Of the Apprehensions of Popery and Universal Monarchy p. 224 The temper of the People with respect to the Ministers ib. The Ethicks here advanced are directed to Posterity p. 225 The subtil Arts of ambitious and designing Men ib. By what Steps publick Vices and Immoralities first creep into a Country p. 226 A Description of the Persons and Councils of such who may design to change the Constitution p. 227 Considerations of the Posture of Affairs at the Restoration of K. Charles II. ib. Of the prudent Administration of the Lord Chancellor Clarendon and the Lord Treasurer Southampton p. 228 Of the Designs of others to make King Charles II. absolute and so to alter the Constitution p. 230 Of the open Invasions upon our Liberties in King James the 2ds Reign p. 231 There were always virtuous Persons who opposed the Designs of ill Ministers p. 232 Liberty was cunningly attackt and as nobly Protected in the 18 years House of Commons temp Car. 2. ib. After the year 1679 the two Parties fell into the Distinction of Whigs and Tories p. 233 234 A Description of the two sorts of Whigs in the two last Reigns p. 234 A Description of the Tories in K. Charles 2. Reign p. 236 The Measures these Parties took in the last Reign p. 238 Upon what Principles the Change was made at the Revolution the necessity of keeping up to the same Principles and the Danger of receding from them p. 239 to 241 Free States yield to Slavery when Men in Vogue are corrupted instanced in Rome apply'd to England p. 246 When a Free State degenerates into Tyranny it makes no farther Increase in Riches or Power p. 248 The Objection as to France in this particular answer'd ib. If our Constitution should be given up Poverty will creep insensibly upon us p. 249 When Things go amiss it will awaken the Parliament to animadvert upon the wild Proceedings of State-Empericks p. 250 The publick Virtue which must preserve a State is a constant and perpetual Will to do our Country good p. 251. To encounter bad Men good Patriots of both Sides must join together in Defence of their Princes Person and the Establish'd Government p. 253 The Success of particular Men is oftentimes foreign to their Deserts and Conduct but it is not so with Governments p. 255 Whence the ill Management in former Reigns proceeded p. 256 The Legislative Authority can correct the Pride of insolent and undertaking Ministers p 257 Qualifications of a Member of Parliament 258. The Imployments of England may be made the Engins wherewith to subvert our Constitution p. 259 Good Men should strive to be in Power ib. Men of Parts and Probity should assist the Publick with their Wisdom when the Administration is any thing right but should have no hand in it when it is intirely bad p. 260 261 The proper time for such Men to undertake the Management of Affairs p. 262 The Duty which private Persons owe to the Publick instanced in six Particulars p. 264 1. That such as represent the People be Uncorrupt Unbiass'd and Disinterested p. 265. 2. That they diligently attend the Nations Service p. 266 3. That they carefully watch any Innovation or Incroachments upon the Constitution p. 268 4. That they make Provision against future Evils p. 273. 5. That they look narrowly into the Income and Expence of the Kingdom and examine which way Immense Debts have been contracted and how that Mony has been dispos'd of which the Nation has already granted p. 277 6. That they hold a strong Hand over the Men of Business calling those to an Account who either through Folly or upon some wicked Design pursue distructive Measures p. 288. Ministers whose chief Aim is their own Gratness are neither good for Prince nor People as in many Instances p. 296 1. When they take no Care of their Master's Revenue ib. 2. When they have more regard to themselves than to their Princes Honour p. 297. 3. When they are ready to sacrifice their