Selected quad for the lemma: kingdom_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
kingdom_n	prince_n	state_n	subject_n	1,779	5	6.3897	4	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A55033	Scripture and reason pleaded for defensive armes: or The whole controversie about subjects taking up armes Wherein besides other pamphlets, an answer is punctually directed to Dr. Fernes booke, entituled, Resolving of conscience, &c. The scriptures alleadged are fully satisfied. The rationall discourses are weighed in the ballance of right reason. Matters of fact concerning the present differences, are examined. Published by divers reverend and learned divines. It is this fourteenth day of Aprill, 1643. ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament concerning printing, that this booke, entituled Scripture and reason pleaded for defensive armes, be printed by Iohn Bellamy and Ralph Smith. John White.	Palmer, Herbert, 1601-1647.; England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons.	1643 (1643)	Wing P244; ESTC R206836	105,277	84

such cases they have power to resist because it is a naturall right each hath against all except Parents so farre is it from my being bound not to resist unlesse I have expressly covenanted that I may Though withall I doe not say that I may covenant at all to resist in no case as I shall have occasion to shew anon Fourthly in the meane time if the Doctor grant that in case the agreement be that if the Prince discharge not his trust the states may take Armes and resist as in effect he seemes to doe when he saith That were something for if he doe no such agreement Then is not all Resistance damnable nor Rom 13.2 Rightly interpreted by him For this and more the Brabancons had in their Agreement with their Duke even to choose another as the Doctor himselfe tells us afterward So ever now and then he must contradict his maine Proposition by the force of truth But he saith after that The slender Plea● Election is thought to have a Covenant in it but usually the higher wee rise in all Empires the freer Kings were and still downward the People gained on them And by this he would imply that specially in successive Kingdomes as this what ever may be said of merely elective States there can be no forfeiture of power by breach of Covenant made in after Ages by succeeding Princes REPLY In the first times there was a great simplicity in all covenants in sale of Lands and letting of Lands and the like yet no man ever sold or gave away or lent more then hee meant though the force and fraud of ill men forced after Ages to more express Covenants In like sort Ex malis moribus bon● Leges as well between Prince and people as between common men the tyranny of Princes forced People to require them to sundry necessary expresse Lawes Yet these Lawes now for Phrase or expression will not in reason be thought more then was intended in the first simple Covenant how briefe soever it were for certainly free people and in their right wits never meant to enslave themselves to the wills and lusts of those they chose their Princes But to be subject to them for their generall good which when they found by experience to be violated or in danger to be so for want of expresse Lawes specifications of the Generall Law of Nature the generall good of the society they were forced by necessity to require them to make such Lawes for their generall safety and particularly also to prevent inferiour officers from tyranny under the name of the superiour and so to prevent all necessity of Armes within themselves And some good Princes for their peoples comfort have even been forward of themselves to make such Lawes which yet without our making they were bound for the most part to have done accordingly for the welfare of their Dominions The People then have gained nothing for the great part of Lawes for their Liberties but ability to claime them as undoubted more then before nor have Princes lost any thing almost but a power of impovershing ruining their Subjects so much as before they seemed to have for the satisfying of their owne Prodigalities and Lusts Still then it remaines that the People had a right to all fitting Liberties even after they submitted to a King unlesse they expressly gave them away as unto some C●nq●erours the conquered Party were sometimes forced to doe But yet N. B. even then the Conquerours followers who were part of his subjects at that time and by who●e hands he conquered the rest whether more or fewer did consent and agree to the Peoples and so their owne Posterities having but such and such Liberties and yeelding to the new Conquerour and his Posterity such and such Power and Authority So still consent gave whatsoever a Prince could or can challenge I say then once more unlesse in the first foundation of a State Kingdome or Empire and this Kingdome particularly the People did make their King so absolute as to give away all power of resistance from themselves in any case which the Doctor I beleeve will never be able to prove of this or any other Civill State though they made no expresse conditions or Covenant much lesse any mention of reserving a power of resistance yet the Law of Nature allowed them still some Liberties what they were we shall have occasion to scan in the next Section and amongst them this for one to resist any violence against themselves in any thing that the Law of Nature did undoubtedly make them still Masters of and was not subjected to their Princes power But the Doctor concludes his reasoning against such power of resistance to be in our Parliament with that which indeed hath least shew of strength of any thing he hath said yet Thus he writes where the King as it is said never dies where he is King before Oath or Coronation where hee is not admitted upon any such Capitulation as gives any power to the People or the representative Body as is pretended to nay where the Body cannot meet but by the will of the Prince and is dissoluble at his pleasure that therein such a State such a Pow●r should be pretended to and used against the Prince as at this day and that according to the Fundamentals of such a State can never appeare reasonable to any indifferent judgement much lesse satisfie Conscience in the resistance that is now made by such a pretended Power REPL. This is the most plausible Plea he hath or any can bring specially the latter part of it about the calling and dissolving the Parliament at the Kings will and pleasure But to this also as well as all the rest sufficient satisfaction I doubt not may be given before indifferent judgements and unpartiall Consciences in the manner following First as the King never dies so he never growes he never hath more authority unlesse by a new grant from the people then his first Predecessor had unlesse it can be proved that the people then gave away their liberty of defence from outragious violence which all are naturally invested with it is free for them now as well as it was the second day or houre after they chose or consented to their first King as was implyed before Secondly as he is King before Oath or Coronation So he gives away none of his Rights in his Oath nor doe the People when they crowne him But he there professes himselfe bound by his Kingly Office to rule so and so for the common good and they yeeld no more to him then they did to his first Predecessor as before Thirdly as he is not admitted upon any such capitulation in expresse terms as mention this power of resistance in the people or representative body in case of Tyranny So nor doe the people at his admittance expresse a yeelding to him such absolute power as they may not or will not in any case resist I say againe and

whether it be lawfull to resist the officers or souldiers of the King he being besides them and animating them with his commands to doe violence I will suppose for the present the Kings person is and shall be safe notwithstanding the resistance or that els the resistance must be forborne I onely aske whether his followers commanded by him standing by to doe murthers and rapes may be resisted with armes or not 4. If he will say that in all these cases resistance may be made so the Kings Person may be safe 1. The King may thanke him for the care of his Person but his Power and Authority is as much impugned by this as by many that plead for the defence now actually under-taken 2. The Cavaliers and Followers of the King will thanke him never a whit For they may all be knocked on the head or starved and yet the Kings Person be safe And they would soon desert the cause if this were beleeved or would be rooted-out if this were generally practised and that is all the Defendants desire who honour the Kings Person and authority as much as the Doctor or any of his fellows not to say more how ever they resist his Cavaliers 5. If he will deny resistance where the King is present because there his commands are certainly knowne to be his which may be doubted of in remote Countries Then 1. So should it have been exprest for cleare understanding and not coucht in uncertainty 2. Then all these Cavaliers are justly resisted where the King is not present which againe if it were believed and practised would soone end the businesse For even in the next Parish to the King they might be resisted though not where he appeares and speakes 3. What if it be doubted whether the King be not forced by threatnings and feare of his life to command so and so Kings have been prisoners and have commanded so and by wise and good Subjects Castles and Townes have bin kept by force of Armes against such as they bad to assault it if not yeelded Our Law supposes The King can doe no wrong yet supposes wrong may be done in his name by his followers If he then command a notoriously wicked thing The Law will suppose him forced or the like And then resistance shall be as well lawfull as if he were absent Or even necessary to rescue him out of such wicked hands 4. What if it be doubted whether a King be bewitched by sorceries There have bin such things of old and the Devills power doth not seeme to be lessned now 5. What if it be doubted whether the King be distracted A thing that hath befallen Kings as well as meane men Are subjects bound from resisting the commands of a bewitched or distracted Person to the ruine of Religion Lawes and liberties still preserving his person safe 6. Suppose it be certaine he is not forced nor bewitched nor distracted Yet doing as bad as any forced bewitched or distracted person can possibly doe by commanding such tyrannicall Acts what reason can be imagined why such a command should tie subjects hands from resisting his followers offering to act his tyranny more then if he were forced bewitched or distracted Is the liberty of his body and mind from those violences an enslaving of his people to his lawlesse lusts of crueltie and mischiefe 6. If he say further that even his officers or souldiers if they have his Seale or warrant may not be resisted in the remotest Country Then besides the former inconveniences these are to be added 1. Any that come among ignorant common people may abuse them at their pleasure if they will but pretend the Kings Seale or Warrant It hath bin counterfeited for Briefes How ordinary would it be if it might not be resisted How would malicious men murther with it Robbers spoyle with it and who could remedy it 2. By this meanes any that had a designe to depose the King and usurpe the Kingdome might by a counterfeit Seale and Warrant kill all the Kings faithfullest Subjects and strengthen so himselfe and his party as the King should after have no power to save himselfe Lawes observed will secure sufficiently from this And liberty to resist illegall violences will appeare to be necessary to the Kings safety as well as the Subjects Kings have seldome or never bin murthered or deposed where Lawes have bin preserved in their vigour But often where illegall violences have had place Let this also not be forgotten 7. Well but thus the case I suppose is understood if not by the Doctor yet by the generall of those that take the Kings part against the Parliament that neither the King in Person nor any of his officers or souldiers that have commission from him may be resisted because that were to resist the King which say they all the Apostle forbids and threatens Rom. 13.2 But here again I blame the Doctors negligent handling of that place upon divers considerations further 1. Without doubt the first verse is to be regarded as being the foundation of the second as appeares by the word Therefore Yet that he hath greatly neglected Perhaps for feare the scanning of it would doe him an ill turne as I shall by and by endeavour to shew by comparing the subjection commanded with the resistance forbidden 2. In the first verse he doth very ill to reade alwayes except once by chance as I thinke higher power for higher powers and so never to tell us whether the other powers who are higher in relation to the common-people though inferiour in relation to the supreme S. Peters governours may be resisted or not even with Arms. Perhaps this fraudulently also 3. In the second verse he is very carelesse to tell us whether resistance which is three times in English but there are two Greeke words the first being different from the second and third signifie all kind of opposition though without Armes to the higher and supreme power at least but then much more with Arms Or whether it only signifie resisting with Armes and no other there forbidden and made damnable Yet this a needfull Question for a conscience to be resolved in and more ordinarily then about resisting And so would well have become the Doctors learning and pretended care of Conscience and even regard of Authority to have discoursed upon But since he hath not vouchsafed to doe any of these I shall take the paines to doe it for him and for the conscientious Readers as well as I can 1. The first verse begins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let every soule be subject to the higher Powers Here are two questions 1. What is meant by being subject 2. What by higher Powers By being subject is meant yeelding obedience either active or at least passive that is doing or forbearing acccording to command or submitting to suffering when one do's otherwise It cannot be denied but both these are parts of subjection and that so much is commanded by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉

purposes aforesa●d And this Parliament what ever o●her migh● bee is not deposeable dissoluble but by themselves The Sword cannot be Legally taken from them till they give it up It remaines then that they are bound in Conscience to GOD and to the People and King too that have entrusted them with this Power to use it to these ends to punish Delinquents and tempters though under Colour of surreptiously gotten Commands from the King to subvert Religion Lawes and Liberties and to prevent Tyranny and preserve themselves and Religion Lawes and Liberties They may not onely Lawfully doe this upon these Premises and suppositions but they are by all Obligations to GOD and Man necessitated to doe so and even to take away the wicked from before the King that so his Throne may bee establisht in Righteousnesse This is clearely the● the Parliaments not onely Power but duty I● they m●stake in the present case of which anon yet the generall case stands good they may and ought to doe so to take Armes when such a case comes The Dr. hath somewhat more to say against the Peoples power applicable to our Kingdome Let us heare it also How shall Conscience be satisfied concerning the Peoples power derived from their Election when our Kings are such by Inheritance and claime not by Election and the Crowne hath been oft setled by Conquest REPLY Neither is Conquest any thing of it selfe to power or Lawfull Authority of which onely we argue but only as it obtaines consent by agreement which is all one in Sence and Effect with Election Only Election sounds more Freedome of will Conquest Imports a Force occasioning that will But it is evident in Reason that he that is free as all men are by Nature as was said before except their bond to Parents becomes not subject de jure till his Consent Agreement or Election makes him so and to no more then his Consent reaches explicitely or implicitely and so for many men they can no other way be subject to one to a Prince or Monarch but by their Agreement whether for feare of his Force or hopes of his vertue he is not their King or Lord till he be made so by their Consent I meane at first and Originally But what need I stand to prov● this largely when our Dr. hath confest it in sence before in saying the designing the person and Qualification of the Power is from Men Mans invitation what is this put mans choyce Agreement Consent together And if there be 100. Conquests the Conqueror hath not the qualification of his power one whit enlarged by Right untill the People have consented and yielded up their former Rights and when they have then his Right is setled accordingly and to his s●ccessours if so consented to else not and to h●s ●e●res if consented to else not and to Heires male onely as in France or Fema●e also as in England according to the consent Or if the Conquerour to obtaine the Peoples 〈…〉 his posterity will offer to have le●t power then his Predecessour bed ●e● upon such cons●●t the q●alification of his power is lessened for ever after to h●m and his Conquest th●n first or last one or many are no more to right o● power then an occasion or Motive to consent consent Choise Agreement are all in all Secondly as for Inheritance it is nothing but a succession of consent Indeed posteritie are bound to the consent of their Parents for the Person Family qualification but to no more In all other Cases and respects they are as free as their Parents at first were A Prince then onely inherites what was given the first of the Nation or others since by consent of the people and by written Law or custome he must claime any power he will exercise or else he cannot plead any right title to it And his qualification of power admits of encrease or decrease as he and the People agree and consent His power is altogether derived by Election and consent first and last whence I will inferre no more but as before that therefore in case of necessity the people may use so much of it as may suffice to save themselves from Ruine and that may be inferred from it by what went before As for his Repetition of Rom. 13. and the Roman Emperours being Monarchs absolute I need say nothing to now I have said enough before After this he comes to the Covenant and Oath which the Prince takes to confirm what he promised which he denies to make the Kings Admitttance to the Kingdome altogether conditionall as is the meerely Elective Kingdomes of Polonia Swethland c. and that it is nothing to allow resistance unlesse in the Covenant could be shewed that in case he will not discharge the trust it shall be Lawfull for the States to resist REPLY The Oath is onely urged to shew that the Kings Conscience is bound more firmely then what he is sworne to and as a Testification of the C●venant The matt●r sworne to is the maine nor that urged for an absolute forfeiture but for the case of necessitie Secondly in more Elective Kingdomes the conditions of the Covenant are more largely perhaps and more solemnely explicite then in successive and the Power is mor● Restrained then in some successive yet consent b●ing the foundation of succession as was said before a King that enters upon the succession doth by that ver●ually before his Oath o● Coronation consent to the first Conditions or Covenant those that have been made consequently and in that sence his Admittance is altogether conditionall not that the people may refuse him at their will without new Conditions but that he may not refuse the former Covenant and Conditions by offering to take more power then those gave him or his Ancestors which is all one And if he doe the people are not bound to obey those Commands the Dr confesses before and I adde as before they may resist his illegal Violences 3. For now the case is all one as if the choyce or agreement Covenant o● consent were originally made but yesterday And then consider it We are a multitude of Free-men and whereas we might have agreed on an Aristocracy We agreed on a King on such and such Covenants or Conditions without mention that wee will resist if he break them But simply promise Obedience on those Conditions and he on those accepts the Crowne But next day breakes all and shewes hee is bent to subvert all Religion Lawes and Liberties How now in Reason for of Scripture we spake enough before can it be supposed that such a choyce or agreement hath turned us into such Slaves as we must onely suffer and not at all resist or rather is not all reason plaine that I have given away no more of my naturall freedome which is to resist all violence and wrong then I meant and exprest to give away I say then that unlesse a Nation have covenanted not to resist in such and

not to foresee that their very flying to Armes was and would be a great suffering and might prove if God should defeat them the meanes of extreame suffering A people so taught so enured to Passive obedience and no way enured to Warre could not be supposed willing or forward to engage themselves their purses or much lesse their Persons against the Name of their King and each day since the first Necessity hath continually sounded this out so that they had no reason to be forward to fly to Armes 3. By what I said on the former Section and added with the Petition by the E. of Holland even now mentioned It appeares they did not fly to Armes but fly from it as far as they could and durst 3. Wheras the Dr. often in this Section in the beginning middle and end insists mainly upon the breach of Charity in suspecting the King upon Remote feare and meere Jealousies causelesse Jealousies c. Repl. This may sufficiently be satisfied both in the behalfe of the Parliament and then of the People that adhere to them joyntly and singly For the Parliament and people both joyntly This may justly be said 1. The Dr. mistakes it is not simply a Jealousie of the King but rather of the Kings Councellors and Followers who find so much favour with him as they and others did before the Parliament against the Scots and us both and Ireland too witnesse all their heavy complaints against the Great Favourite Strafford that they are able to put him from time to time upon these Actions which his goodnesse of it selfe rightly informed and councelled would abhorre and hath so often declared against and yet Actions againe have discredited those declarations as the Memory of those that have been awake cannot forget both Referring to Religion and Liberties and the Parliament Remonstrances do amply set out besids other Books If therfore Security be once obtained against such persons I am perswaded the King will be no more suspected and in the meane time it must be a strange Charity that can chuse but suspect them 2. Where the danger is of much importance both for Greatnesse of Mischiefe and Inevitablenesse according to Man if not timely prevented Charity to ourselves and others will not onely allow but commend and even command to suspect and accordingly prevent such dangers by suspecting Persons and Actions which in lesser matters they would and might and should venture to trust Fire neere straw or Gunpowder is to be suspected more then neere hard wood Hedge-breakers and breakers of Houses are not equally to be suspected Religion Laws and Liberties are precious things and may be sooner lost then recovered And his Charity hath drunk of the water of Lethe that forgets these were lately attempted and endangered The Kings own Declarations acknowledge Laws and Liberties have been broken And how since the E. of Straffo●ds death all the old Projectors are become Converts is too hard a morsell for Charity to swallow when it must hazard such deare things to many of the same Persons againe Specially seeing still what they have done since the first sitting of the Parliam toward their old Projects as hath been partly noted already and somewhat more must be said by and by Next for the Parliament alone They are the great Councell of the Kingdome the publique Watch-men the Highest Court of Judicature it concerns them therfore to exercise their Charity for the safety of those that have trusted them Charity towards Attempters against a City is none of the Vertues of a Watchman nor toward Attempters of dangerous Treasons against a King and Kingdome the Vertue of a Judge Were they onely to loose their own Liberties or Lives their Charity might venture much further then now it may when they must Answer for Religion Laws and Liberties and so Lives and Consciences of a whole Kingdome of 2 Kingdomes England and Ireland as formerly of England and Scotland if not rather then and still of all 3. in a degree Who would not Curse their Charity detest their Folly if by their Credulity all this should be betrayed and ruined If Rhetorick needed in this cause no Subject could deserve it better then to cry down such a pernitious Charity as this would prove if they should be deceived with credulity And then for the People alone have they not a charity to exercise toward the Parliament as well as toward the Kings Followers whom have they trusted to be publike Watchmen the one or the other Whom hath the law trusted to be the great Councell and chief Judges the one or the other Who hath pleaded for their Liberties the one or the other 12. Subsidies were demanded with intent thereby to engage us in a bloody War against Scotland in the Parliament of Aprill 1640. Onely for taking away of Ship-money But this Parliament hath proved it so illegall and other things more that it was taken away without any cost at all by way of Exchange and many other happy Lawes hath the ●arliament passed and obtained for us But what one thing did the Kings former Counsellors move him to offer to his people by way of prevention for State or Religion in a whole yeer together To whom then must the People exercise their charity Must they condemn their watchmen as scaring them needlessely with Old Enemies discredit the law that saith No dishonourable thing ought to be thought of such a great Councell such a high Judicature And that when they more then ever any Parliament before give account to all men of all their Actions and the grounds of them Well shall that People deserve a ruine that believe Old Wolves rather then their faithfull Dogs then their Councell of Shepheards That shall thinke themselves bound to be charitable to those that have attempted their ruine and uncharitable to those that under God have hitherto saved them In a word let those that love Religion and Laws and Liberties compare the best actions on the one side with the best on the other and the worst on the one side with the worst on the other and then let charity judge if it dare or can the Parliament Fooles or Traytors to GOD and the KING and the STATE and the Kings followers the only wise men that have discovered their cunning Treachery and the only faithfull men to Religion his Majesty and Kingdome Take in then the Declarations and Protestations on the one side and on the other and remember is is not a single charity whether I shall suspect the King but first mixt whether I shall or may suspect the Kings followers who can doe any thing with him so farre as that they may doe contrary to what he saith and then a distinguishing charity whether I shall suspect them who were once most of them apparently Delinquents against Religion and the Laws Or the Publike Watchmen and the great Councell an Judicature of the Kingdom who have done so much and with such diligence to save and restore

enough that her illumination hath been so farre from the endeavours of those who might have bin heard by the King and the Queen both that Ministers have bin check't for praying for Her conversion 2. But no man hath said this alone is a sufficient Cause nor was the Chief cause at the first It is well known tha● at the first and for diverse y●e●s Shee carryed her self so as those that loved the true Religion pitied her rather then severely blamed her and hoped good of her if any meanes were used for Her good But when after some yeeres a Nuncio from the Pope was brought over and setled here those about her have been more active and yet more since the Q● Mother came first over things have ripened apace and how farre Her Religion hath beene a Cause of the dangers of Scotland England and Jreland by the countenance of the Popish Party generally and multitudes of Jesuites and Priests in Court City and Country any common understanding may judge that remember specially what even a Solomon did for Out-Landish Idolairous wives which Nehemiah set so home ● 13. 3. The little businesse of her journey into Holland and the great businesse that hath been acted by meanes of that is but an unhappy comm●nt or explication of the iustnesse of feares and Jealousies from her Religion 4. As for the Doctrines and practises of these Times which the Doctor saith are not the way to make her fall in love with our Religion and draw her to it She hath little reason to be offended with them if she be pleased with the Doctrines and practises of her own Popish Religion Witnesse the Parisian Massacre the powder Treason and the present too lamentable rebellion of Ireland Let but that be compared with the worst can be imagined of our Doctrines and practises and then let her love which is fairest and meekest 3. Then he comes to the resort of Papists and his Majesties entertaining them and Davids example 1 Sam. 22.2 toward Ziba is alledged to justifie it Rep. 1. But the Dr. forgets that the time before the Parliament the Papists and popish party had undeniably made an inrode upon our Doctrine publike Worship Laws and Liberties and against them in speciall was the Militia desired to be setled by people and Parliament And after all this upon a difference about the Militia to imploy them against the Parliament sooner or later is an example beyond example and beyond the power of words to take off the exception Suppose a Woman suspected of incontinence And Popery is spirituall whoredome should take to her selfe the parties with whom she were suspected to be her servants the better to defend her honour were this a way to cleare her selfe Or a Captaine to take in Forces to defend himselfe having been challenged that they had a designe to ruine his Army or Castle 2. What charity can stretch it selfe to beleeve they intend to assist the King in maintaining the Protestant Religion and the Laws against themselves which yet his Protestations proclaime Surely some about him must needs give them other assurance or they would not be so mad as to fight for their own suppression and their Adversaries promotion 3. But if they be so good subjects as the D●maintaines and helpe the King in such an extremity must they not be counted to deserve a great reward and what can that be but Ziba-like to divide the Land A Tolleration at least they must needs expect if not indent for or be promised 4. Or if they be strong enough to overthrow the Parliament will a division content them Will they not be able to command King and All hence-forward N. B. If Protestants charity can be so sottish by this Doctors delusions as to trust to their faire dealing with Religion and Laws when the Parliament is by their force ruined they deserve no other pitty then a bewitched or distracted Man who is not afraid of Fire nor Water but let Straw or Gun-powder lye neare the one and pulls up floud-gates to give the other passage 5. Davids followers 1 Sam. 22.2 were far from Popish qualities The Text describes them thus Every one that was in distresse and every one that was in debt and every one that was discontented bitter of soule Here is not a word of all this that signifies them to be wicked A faithfull Man may be in distresse severall wayes he may be in debt through Gods hand upon him not his mispending and not able to pay but willing if he were able and resolved when he should be able and may be bitter of soule through oppression c. So that though in likelihood among so many there were some vicious Yet here is nothing to affirme that they came as vicious but as afflicted 6. Had any of them been Idolaters as Papists are had they been of confederacy with the professed enemies of Gods true Religion and people and so known then David had been too blame to have entertained them and Saul would have been sure to have laid it to his charge Neither could he ever have purged himselfe so long as he had made them his Guard that he meant to be faithfull to God and Israel And specially if Saul had before excepted against such Men as treacherous This is the Case now The enmity of Papists by their very Religion against ours our Parliament and Protestant people is known to all the world that understands any thing The Parliament hath often and often declared their feare of them these two Yeares and in reference to the setling of the Militia that so their designe on the Kingdome might be defeated The King protests not to owne them nor their helpe Yet things all along since the first discontents are still acted as they could wish and did and doe applaud And now after all this to take them into the Armies and imploy them against the Parliament is as far from Davids fact in entertaining his Troopes as their designes against the Parliament are far from his against Saul 7. It is true indeed that professed Papists were not actually entertained at the first It had been too grosse for them to have appeared at the first specially in any number and would have raised all the Kingdome against them The Ice therefore must be broke by others first and by Court-converts Of whose Religion the Priest that had lately written on the subject on which Dr. Featly had animadverted hath given a faire warning sufficient to startle any man almost To which purpose let me adde a word of a Booke I have seen cal'd Jesuitica Negotiatio printed neare 20 Yeares since by Order of the States of Frizeland which containes Instructions surprized of the Jesuites toward the Conversion of the united Provinces Among which this was one That whosoever they could convert to the Romish Religion should be still allowed to professe the Protestant Religion and keep any Office or place he was possest of and give sentence against any Papist