But 5. It is apparently against his Interest not onely in regard of the danger he might incur of losing his Crownes but the great loss which would inevitably accrew to him by this change The danger we cannot imagine to be small if we rightly consider those Kingdoms I have had an accompt having been a little curious in those enquiries of 1100000 of his Subjects that by Interest and Inclination were carried counter to the Court. Under these five Heads 1. The Purchasers of Crowne and Church Lands that are now restored and they outed 2. Soldiers and Seamen that had fought against him by Sea and Land 3. Magistrates and Ministers that were removed and turned out of their places 4. Commonwealths Men that were Anti-monarchicall in their judgments 5. Fanaticks properly so called as Anabaptists Fifth Monarchy Men Quakers c. And though I could perhaps give as good a guess as another at the rest of the Substantiall Protestants that are of the Episcopall perswasion yet that needs not now These you must thinke however divided in their Interests Judgments and Affections and many of them no doubt very Loyal to his Majesty yet without all doubt would joyne against Popery and never willingly submit themselves to that yoke of bondage Nay some perhaps would be glad of such an Argument and Plea to the people and the Demagogues gaine thereby no small number of Proselytes to their Party if his Majesty was once a declared Papist And as his danger you see is great so his loss I am sure could not be small 1. Of his Honour not onely in changing that Religion he hath now so long profest and blurring the faire copy which his Father hath set him but in admitting the Popes Supremacy which hath beene so Injurious to the dignities of Emperors Kings and Princes that their complaints how they have beene plagued by the Popes are infinite 2. Of his profit and revenues Vid. Bodin de Rep. l. 1 c. 9. in regard that the Peter-pence or Tenths of Livings and other Contributions paid formerly to the Pope are by Law annexed to the Crowne and paid accordingly to the King 3. Of his Subjects affections wherein his safety especially consists For a Prince that hath the hearts of his people hath their purses and persons at his service and raignes more happily by their love then all his owne power though never so great If we therefore consider his education in and his long profession of the protestant Religion his honour and intrest ingaging him to persevere therein I should thinke no man need feare his changing it for the Popish the fopperies whereof he hath so fully both seen and knowne I might ad to these that which further satisfies me that having been at Bruxels Colen and most of those places where his Majesty during his exile did reside I can say bona fide that in all the variety of companies and converse I was ever in I never heard any probable grounds from any one intelligent person that toucht much les stain'd his Majesties reputation in this particular But I will not impose this upon others though it moves me to say the more because I am not willing to annex my name to what I have written Not that I am ashamed to owne what I conceive to be the reall truth which I have published in this treatise to the world and can make good much more largely but because I know who I am and that my name can ad no estimation to this politicall discourse but rather perhaps prejudice some who knowes me not and are used to judge of writings by their authors whereas those that will impartially search after truth must have regard to things not persons and to what is written and not the writers thereof As for his setting up popery I neither thinke that he will for the foregoing reasons nor if he would that he can for these following especially 1. The Protestant Religion is setled in all his Kingdomes by their fundamentall lawes which the King cannot repeale It is true he hath the executive power of the lawes and so can suspend the execution of penalties but cannot rescind any one law much lesse make new ones without the consent of Parliament in his respective Kingdomes And absolute Soveraingty is not there in use For power paramount to all lawes carries too great a top-saile for an English bottom wherein the Subjects liberties are shipt as well as Coesar and his fortunes 2. The lands and revenues formerly supporting the Romish Religion which are many and great are in the possession of the nobility and gentry for the most part and have beene bought by them of the Crowne at the dissolution of Abbies Monasteries c. And the purchases confirmed by law And can we thinke that they will be ever induced to part with them againe or enact any such lawes as shall tend to their owne ruine and the utter undoing of their families If there was so much danger and difficulty to wrest them out of the hands of the poore Votaries as the Histories of those times tell us What will there be to recover them from the powerfull Nobility and Gentry who legally possessing them will doubtless defend them so that none shall deprive them thereof that have not better courage and sharper Swords then they 3. The great disparity in the number of Protestants and Papists There being not one family of a hundred in England and Scotland Popish and in many and great Parishes not a Papist Now what greater madness can we imagine than that his Majesty should adventure to rely upon the Papists alone against all the Protestants of the three Nations Though their numbers are greater then formerly yet are they comparatively small as we have said to those that profes the Reformed Religion So that it can never enter into my braine that such folly should enter into any Princes brest much les one who hath suffered so much by the former divisions of his Kingdoms 4. The vast difference between a people enlightned by the Gospel and well grounded in their Religion and an ignorant and unprincipled people For the generality of the common people brought up in ignorance as they usually are under Popery are more subject to receive impressions from their Teachers and so by degrees change their Profession Whereas those who are assured from the Word of God that they are in the right will by no means be induced to the same And usually the more force is used the more obstinate they are For a setled Conscience despises dainger and defies all the terrors and torments that their cruellest adversaries can invent If in lesser differences of Church-government the King hath found it so difficult that after all the coercive Lawes and other meanes he hath used he tells the world 't is evident by the sad experience of twelve yeares that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses Declar. March 15. 1672. what shall we think
freedom that will to remove formerly and that hath made so small an alteration as to the ballance of Trade that it is inconsiderable For if I make my calculation right there is not much difference of the English here and the Dutch in England Others argue we are Corrivals for Trade that is the Mistress we both Court and therefore one must marry it But this is but a toyish Sophism when men will compare Commerce to a Mistress that one only can marry For 1. The world is wide enough and the Sea large enough for both Nations to exercise their skill and industry 2. If we think to betroth all Trade and ingross it to our selves alone other Nations will come in and forbid the banes as well as England as I shall shew hereafter 3. If we two could so happily agree and so settle Commerce as it might perhaps be setled we might bid fair for carrying it or at least for retaining it betwixt us And so far as my short sight can reach this seems to me the mark aimed at on both sides by those who have the direction of affairs which I do not despair to see effected Seeing then we are in as much danger that I say not more to lose that part of Trade we have as to gain more by our contesting I hope all rational men will grant it our Interest that England and we so compound for it that each of us may have what Gods blessing and justice and equity gives to eithers industry And this I am sure was the wisdom of former times I have shown it already in part on our side and could much more largely both for us and the English In Queen Elizabeths time we were not grown up to our present greatness In King James's time who all the world knows was no Martial man but in his temper as well as motto truly pacifick the Cautionary Towns that England possest in these Countries were A. 1616. ransomed and we grew up to that greatness of being an equal match for them in power at Sea And this the English account the great error of Political Interest although they must needs acknowledge it but fair and honest dealing King Charles the First that Prince of blessed and immortal memory seeing how he grew up not only kept a fair correspondency with us but having experience how cross Parliaments were to the Court so that no o War could be carried on did by a fair correspondence keep friendship with us and not only so but married his eldest Daughter to the Prince of Orange for this reason of State amongst others For being jealous of this Common-wealth's favouring that party in his Kingdoms which was then called by the Court Puritans and seeing the growing greatness of this State by Sea did for these two reasons of State engage the Prince and this Common-wealth by that Marriage And this was also the reason of State in Oliver's time when Peace was made that we must accord for our mutal Trade How it hath been since we all know and therefore I need not mention it And this is the first weapon our enimies use which you see if we measure rightly is too short to touch much less mortally to wound the truth of that cause that we maintain Yet we must do our Adversaries right the wiser sort of them upon the supposal of equal powers as we have formerly been and which is that I have hitherto spoke of are for peace and judge it the Interest of both Nations but they think our coming under France will render England so unequal and inferior a match for us that we cannot in all humane appearance miss of marrying our beloved Lady Trade and clearly carrying her from our Corrival And I confess ingenously if there be any thing of moment to be said for France 't is this 2. Therefore our Adversaries are for France because thereby we should be able to beat England out of their Trade and so become masters of the whole or the greatest part at least of the Sea negotiation Now because they so much triumph in this though before the victory we will examin it thorowly and see what probability there is of obtaining the greatest part of Trade by this means 1. We grant that England and this Republick being about an equal match at Sea the accession of France would clearly make us an overmatch for England if all was true which they suppose 2. But therein is their mistake that they take these two things for granted which are both false First that these Maritime Provinces should entirely become French And secondly that all other Nations will stand neutral so that we shall have no more to do but France and we entirely to deal with England alone Now how far this is from truth we shall make abundantly apparent and by ballancing of powers how little probability there is of these their designes becoming practicable and such as will effect their desires 1. Hereby they suppose a War and such a long and tedious one as perhaps we may not live to see ended For we cannot rationally imagine the English such tame animals that they will easily part with their Trade but must suppose they will set all at stake before that jewel of the Land be lost Now let us but calmly consider how destructive such a War will be to our Trade and what advantages they have above us of subsisting under a long War some of which we have before mentioned and I do believe no wise man will think this our Interest except there was a greater likelihood of a sudden subduing them then is rationally to be exspected as we shall presently make apparent Now on the contraty if we come under England there is no fear of a War with France at Sea that Kingdom being so much inferior in maritime power to either of us and much more to both And should we have a Land-war with France yet that is more eligible for us than one by Sea in the opinion of all wise men as we have formerly shown and shall have occasion hereafter more fully 2. A War with England being supposed as it must for we must either say we can and will have the Trade alone or the greatest part thereof invitis Anglis or we say nothing to the purpose the readiest way to see what probability there is for conquering them and consequently carrying the Trade will be first by ballancing of powers and then by some other Consideratitions The former of these we shall do with respect to Zeeland and then with respect to other Nations For the first it must be considered that Zeeland hath expresly decare that they will not come under France but that if they cannot defend themselves they will then submit to England It is true as I have said it is the interest of these maritime Provinces to keep their League but if their enemies Sword cuts it assunder and they will not venture the loss of their Religion and Liberty
power in the Soveraign Sect. 5. the less liberty in the Subject as we have already shown So that the more numerous his Armies and so much the worse Doth not France groan under this burden and shall we desire to do so or help to ease them by bearing part thereof on our backs If we be so kind I dare engage we may have it all and a thousand thanks from that Kingdom Which is so wearied with it that above one half of them if my intelligence greatly deceive me not would rejoyce to see it lessened though it were with some loss to the honour of the Nation But because I write not to be known but to better the world and with my bucket of water to help to quench the Flames that threaten destruction to the Protestant Interest I shall desire all intelligent persons to enquire of those that understand France or have come lately thence and then let them consider if their condition be desirable If a numerous Army lies quartered upon us shall we not both be kept under by them and eaten up of them And although they be paid in the Kings name yet must not we find our share of the money I never yet read or heard of any wise people that desired their Prince so potent for fear he should oppress them A due Mediocrity hath always been counted best Let any one read the Greek and Roman Historians or any others that are wisely writ and he shall find if he duly observe that the Princes Potency hath always been the peoples jealousie 2. It is also true that he hath been successful in his Arms against us beyond most mens imaginations and perhaps even his own hopes and expectations But if all things be rightly considered it is no such wonder as the world makes it Our Wars by Sea our intestine Divisions the cowardise of some the corruption of many and our multiplicity of Garrisons whereby our Forces were so parcel'd that fighting severally they were easily vanquished together wiâ—â— several other causes which concurr'd under the hand of Divine Justice makes it no wonderment to wise and considerate men Nor is it any new thing in the world but that which hath befallen most of the Nations in Europe as all their Histories abundantly witness 3. Nor will this evince our defence For it hath often been experimented that those that have won much in a little time have lost it again in less How did the same French Nation under Charles the 8. over-run most part of Italy in a little time and quickly lost it as the many Historians of both Nations relate And in our days how did the Swede like lightning pass through Poland which was quickly extinct and came to nothing And so may this if it please God and we manage our work wisely like a thunderclap and sudden flash of lightning afright and astonish us more than hurt us as I shall shew hereafter 4. If France goes on the world grows so jealous of their greatness that they may possible have work enough when their hand is against every one and every one against them and then where shall be our peace and defence It is known by all that know former times how in the Roman Monarchy when they were distressed at home they still called their Forces from abroad and left their conquered Provinces to shift for themselves as I might instance in Spain France England and many others both Eastern and Western And indeed it always is thus so that should France be fallen into by Spain or England or the Empire or Italy or other several of these joyntly or should they fall into Civil Wars which are more frequent there than any yea I think I may say all the Kingdoms in Europe in what condition should we then be Truly I will tell you I think fighting with the French and more eager to be rid of them then many are now to receive them If any one say but would you have us entertain the English I say no but preserve our own freedom by complying with them as I shall shew hereafter 5. If we will espouse all the quarrels of France we may possibly have more than enow and such as may prove our ruin rather than safety and security Our Marriners have their Wars by Sea our citizens and Souldiers by Land Our Merchants Trade to pay their money and all to raise France to the universal Monarchy to the ruin of the Reformed Religion and also the greatest part of Christendom And though now his friends be many yet if he once comes to receive a check his enemies will be more 6. I see no need we have to fear all his power and prevalency if we will do our duty and quit our selves as men for our Country And if we do upon our friendship with the Crown of England we may have Souldiers enow out of those 3 Kingdoms which are as good Infantry surely as French by their own Historians Confession and it is Foot we want if any for the defence of our Garrisons And besides that they are not so likely to be remanded as those of France those Kingdoms being Ilands less liable to invasion and less likely to be engaged in foreign or to be involved in Domestick Wars Secondly for his treasure it cannot be denied to be very great But this is rather against than for our Adversaries For the richer the Soveraign the poorer the subject And I never knew any people yet that desired to have their Prince so rich especially when it comes out of their own pockets I will not meddle with the dispute of the Greeks Ostracisme nor that of Politicians whether poverty or riches in the Soveraign be better for the subject A due mean wise men have allways accounted best When neither the Prince may be jealous of his people for their Riches nor they of him for his Treasures but that they may mutually depend on each other for the good of the whole For as it is difficult to determin what the Magistrate may not demand in case of necessity so is it easie to conclude that he ought not to impoverish his people when there is none and make himself rich by their ruins That being tollerable but this intollerable oppression Nor is it imaginable that he will make France poor to make us rich Nor is it credible that if they remain poor we shall remain rich For in all Princes there remain some jealousies of a conquered people that they may upon some revolution of affaires or other revolt And therefore it is their usual practice by all ways possible to drain them and draw their riches home as the Romans into Italy and other Conquerors their own Kingdoms either by bringing it into their own Treasuries or Native subjects purses or rather both that so they may command it upon all occasions Thirdly for their nearness unto us we know it too well And if the subdued Provinces remain in their hands shall find what it
we cannot discerne as Christ tells them the signes of the times Can all Europe allmost be arming and we a sleepe in the Bed of Security dreaming of Peace Besides the incredible preparations of France is not England Sweadland and all our Neighbors allmost up and at worke and can we thinke they would be at that cost for a Comedy of Peace have we not all the reason in the World to thinke it will be to us a Tragedy of War Let others enjoy their opinion and not take the alarme till they see Hanibal ad portas for my part I must needs profes I cannot from what I observe but conclude that the affaires of the ensuing Summer are like to be great and the motions thereof quick and such as will highly concerne us in these Countreys As to this Republick which hath at this time these four declared Enimies England France Colen and Munster I shall briefly speake my thoughts with reference to them all England probably will get a bridle to curb us I have shewne in the Preface what they account the Intrest of the Kingdome We see notwithstanding the Prince of Orange his promotion they still pursue the War and must we not then conclude that they seeke some thing further Whether they will by Sea attacque our Coasts or by marching their Armie about over Land is not for me to determine much les what particular places below they may fall upon or what succes they may have Yet I conclude they will have some hanke or other upon our Navall power one way or other before they make Peace with us otherwise they will continue the War the following Summer to try their utmost to get that which we will not give them France that is allready got into the Sadle will there sit and ride us though we flatter our selves we shall by one means or other shake him out of it and off our backs Truly I cannot but wonder often times to heare what vaine hopes men expres and there 's no contradicting them allthough some times I cannot conteine my selfe from smiling or shakeing my head that France must be content with one or two of our Cities which we can best spare and with a confidence allmost as large as if they was ready to run way or resolved to march out and quit those Cities they have at our pleasure As if the French were such sooles to be at that vast expence great paines even the King himselfe personally and have such advantage upon us and quit the same for a thing of nothing For my part I am affraid they will rather get more then lose that they have gotten already And I know their designe is to get all at last It is true if we comply with England and so strengthen our selves by them and Spaine we may thereby hope either to obteine better conditions by Treaty or compel them thereunto by Force But I am speaking of the state of the War as now it stands Colen that pretends to some of those Cities which we held about the Rhyne that are now in the power and possession of the French may possibly for his paines and permission of their passage c. get some supernumerary girth one place or other that may be of no great concernment to France either for their designes upon us or the Empire and must be contented therewith And perhaps for some time his Counsellors may have their Pensions continued from France Munster that is mercinary and fights for Money will get a bos off the crupper French Lewis's made and minted of Dutch Ducats For elective Princes as Bishops that are onely for life seek more to enrich themselves then to enlarge their Territories as those doe that are hereditary And this is likely so far as I can see to prove our condition except 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appeare in the Tragedy or God Almighty by some wonderfull providence make a change in the Scene of this War Which I confess is very deplorable which way soever we look and we are not so sensible of it now as we shall be hereafter I had thought here to have sit downe a little with a lamentation but I have been so large already that I shall wholly wave it for the present And yet it is a had wind that blows no good we may make this advantage of our miseries so long as we remain amidst our enimies when a Peace is once concluded that we may hold them both fair to us and so secure our selves a little more in quiet then we perhaps think by being ready to close with either to the great prejudice of the other And therefore let me freely insert this important and necessary Caution for England That they take heed they do not overdo their work and so far irritate this Republick that out of a present prejudice and passion and also desperation of their future quietness from them they call in the French to be revenged of them though it be to their own ruine I know many are jealous that this whole War is onely to make the Prince of Orange a Monarch and the two Crowns will have no more to do with the States although I profess I am far from thinking that those two Kings and Kingdoms would be at all this expence of blood and treasure for that end onely and doe believe that if that would set us in our former condition it would soone be assented unto not onely by the multitude but the wiseft men amongst us who know the extraordinary abilities and great capacities of his Highness Therefore let me say it freely without offence either of Him or his Enimies that I perceive many lay this for a fundamental maxim Better a Prince that hath power to defend us then one whom we must onely defend And except my eye-sight fail me some are fast at work in preparing materials to build thereon A word is enough to the wise and therefore I will say no more Nay I will not dissemble my further fears That if France keeps those places on the South Sea and should get others lower either in Holland or Frieslands as may capacitate him to incommodate their Trade though we should have a peace for some time with him we shall fall into his hands at last For the French are already so near us on every side that they hover over us as a Hawk over the grey watching onely an opportunity how they may grasp us in their talons If any shall here aske me Why may we not then as well now become French I also shall aske such one Question which when they satisfie me in I also shall them You know certainly you must die at last whereas here is onely uncertaine fears and yet when you are sick why do you take physick and use means for recovery Is it not because you desire to live as long as you can Doe you not account him a mad man that will cast away his life although he must lose it at
freedom is accordingly to be accounted of And here liberty is come to maturity and if she be modest and keep within her bounds and fall not into wanton licentiousness ravishes the eyes of all spectators filling their mouthes with her praises and their mindes with admiration But it is high time that we hasten unto the third particular proposed which is the accommodation of these to the subject matter we have in hand First then it is well known that there is a very vast difference in the liberty of the Subjects of these two Crowns The common people under the King of England have 1. A part in the legislative power which is the chief authority in all Governements For the Commons make a third State in all the three Kingdoms and have their representatives freely chosen by themselves in all Parliaments which are the true Conservatories of publique liberty and particular propriety Whereas the common people in France either never had this priviledge or if they had have long since lost it That they had it formerly Francogallioe c. 10.11.15 Derepubl l. 2. c. 6. §. 6. Hottoman endeavours to prove which Arnisoeus denies and answers his reasons nor that only but all mixture in the French Monarchy either with Princes of the Blood Peers or any other State whatsoever But whatever was the Governement under the two first lines of the Kings of France it is generally agreed that in the beginning of the third under Hugh Capet who cantond out France about the yeare 990 the peoples liberty was devoured by the Dukes and Earles of the Provinces and the Monarchie allmost turned into a Toparchie by reason of their hereditary right Which the after Kings soone perceiving to be too great a ballance to the Crowne broke down by degrees and so became the only Atlas's that have ever since sustan'd that Government For the Assembly of the three Estates which were the only bulwark of the publick liberty that was left undemolished by despotical powers if they ever had any share in the legislative lost it long before Capets time for from Charles the great the Kings Edicts have past for Laws and being discontinued in their Wars with England and their remaining power whatever it was broke down by the policy of Lewis the eleventh they were finally laid aside by Lewis the last And although Philip the fourth fixed that Court of Judicature at Paris that was formerly ambulatory and usually accompanied the Kings Court which became a pattern to the rest of their Provincial Parliaments yet both that and these have only the name and shadow not the nature and power of the Parliaments under the Crown of England The Members being neither chosen by the people nor representing them but Lawjers that usually either purchase these places of the Crown or pay an annual pension for the same having no legislative power nor indeed any other but derivative from the King and alterable at his pleasure They tell the Academy of Paris Guagnin in Ludovic 12. se à Rege jussos promulgare leges quas ipsi visum fuerit ferre Apud illum authoritatem esse c. But these things are so well known that I will not stand to alledge Authorities to prove them although if it were necessary I could bring as many as would fill the page even to ostentation But let us briesly run over the rest Those 2. under the Crown of England have the election of Magistrates generally in Corporations and some under Officers in the Country which cannot be removed without due process of Law 3. Have a share in the Judicature by the Juries in England for matter of fact together with the Kings Judges for matter of Law and their last appeal to Parliaments 4. The original power of raising Taxes For the proposal and grant must come from the Commons and the other two States only consent 5. The liberty of bearing Arms. Whereas in France all Promotions Governments Judicatures and Taxes are in the Kings power who permits not the vulgar use of Arms or a standing Militia in his Kingdom but only such as are in his pay and thereby entirely at his devotion So that there is no Communalty that lives more happily than that of England nor none more miserably than the poor paisantry of France 2. Hence we may infer a fair probability of enjoying more liberty under the Crown of England than France I know our freedom will not necessarily follow from the premises for that which is legal will depend upon such conditions as shall be either previously agreed upon or after consented unto yet I leave every one to judge which is likeliest to grant us the best not only for our Religion but liberty in our Persons Priviledges and Estates as also whose Government is most likely to defend the same and make us thereby also actually free If it be argued that the French King may give us more liberty than his other Subjects and the King of England less The reply is easie that we reason not from the power of either or what they can and may do but what in all appearance they will do Although those that hold it for a fundamental in the French Government that whatever is conquered by them or acquired must be incorporated with the Kingdom of France and that this is as indispensable for the body politick as the Salick Law is for the head scruple much whether the King de jure can make us freer than the rest of his Subjects But we neither desire to dispute the Prerogative of Princes much less of such a mighty Monarch nor indeed are we of their opinion herein and therefore take it for granted that he as well as the King of England may grant us as full and ample liberty as He shall think fit in His Royal pleasure We only profess our fears what he will do and such as are rational and becoming men not groundless fancies or frivolous reports which are the usual Bugbears that affright only fearful women and children 1. We cannot flatter our selves into hopes that our condition should be better than either of those two Kings which soever we submit unto natural Sujects If it be equal it is well and all that we can rationally expect And therefore we judge that England will easier be induced to this which is ordinary unto that Government than France to indulge us of extraordinary favour unless we had merited such a priviledge as to be made an exception from the general rule And that Governors under them will willingly and readily maintain that which they are accustomed unto but very hardly such immunities as transcend the bounds which are set to others 2. The many examples we have before us of such Countries as France hath gained keeps our fears continually waking For by whatever Title they have been acquired we find them all generally in the same condition Whether by right of donation as Daulphiny and Provence or purchase as Berry Montpelier
be a way of paying of debts we may happily have Portugal so to pay us 3. Having thus ballance the apparent strength of both sides we shall proceed to some other considerations concerning the same For it is not enough to consider power absolutely but also the management thereof for less powers well managed are usually prevalent above greater And herein are many things which in my judgment were we an over-match for them which you see is not so would render our ruining their Naval power and consequently their Traffick impracticable As 1. Supposing we are under France shall their whole Fleet constantly be here and leave the French Coast naked or shall they from thence come to joyn with us for our Sea expeditions If the former France is subject continually to be molested and diverted from England and if the latter to be intercepted by reason of their situation 2. Who shall have the direction of Naval Affairs is to me very considerable Whether the French alone or conjoyntly with the Dutch for that the latter only should be intrusted is not to be imagined The former way is liable to miscarry through unskilfulness the latter through jealousies and dissentions 3. Where shall Mariners be had for our Fleets shall the French press here as in their own Kingdom If so I foresee we shall soon lose our Sea-men Or shall they only use Volunteers Then their number will be small because the French pay is not great I might mention other particulars as the French and Dutch Officers discord The manner of payments and from whence c. But these are enow to shew us that which way soever we look there 's nothing but difficulty and danger stares us in the face 4. But we have yet that which is more momentous and that is the situation of Great Britain For could we knock their men in the head as easily as our Borinne's their eggs and sink their Ships as if they were shells yet we cannot possibly remove the Island Which is 1. Not only nigh unto us but over against us so that we cannot look out but we are upon them 2. So situated that should we bear them and their Associates which is not easie in equal powers they can still manage a War destructive to us And what good will it do any but the envious to ruipe others if they be ruined themselves For with a few Ships in the Chanel wherein they have Harbours all along to go in and out at pleasure they will force us continually to sail with great Convoys or we shall be forced to fall into their hands And the like may be said of the Northern passage by the Orcades where a few Ships will obstruct our Trade Now how great a prejudice this is to Traffick I leave all knowing men to judge For by this means No single Ships nor small numbers can sail Restraint will be laid upon going out but in great Fleets and with sufficient Convoys Many will be necessitated to lie idle and at great expences to wait for their Company whilst they could sometimes have performed their voyage And Merchants lose particular designs which are usually the greatest profit to such as are able rightly to manage them 3. In storms and tempests we shall be frequently forced into their Harbours and so fall as a prey into their mouths 5. Britain and Ireland being Islands are not easily invaded and so diverted by a Land War but that they may solely attend to a Maritime when they are once engaged therein Whereas France being on the Continent is subject to invasion from Spain on several sides Which was one reason why our Ancestors preferred the guardianship of England before that of France 6. Tangier in the mouth of the Streights will be no small prejudice to our Mediterranean Trade Which if the mould or harbour can be made firm will prove of great concernment to the English Crown and a strong curb to all their enemies Traffick And here I might adde Cadiz and all the Coast of Spain for if we be French no wise man I think will doubt but we shall have Spain our enemies again And these things I think are abundantly sufficient to dismount our Adversaries confidence of carrying away the Trade from England if we should come under the power of France 3. Another grand Argument against us is that we are more likely to enjoy Peace under France than England Peace I confess is an invaluable blessing How many and great miseries doth it free us from Bloodshed violence to our Persons and Estates unquietness and almost all manner of troubles How many and great mercies doth Peace bring along with it It is both the mother that bears and the nurse that brings up all our temporal blessings It gives us mercies the freedom of enjoying them and sweetens their enjoyment It contains liberty plenty equity tranquility pleasure and safety So that he was a mad man that should not chuse Peace But I fear our coming under France is neither the way to procure Peace nor the means to preserve it And that we by so doing shall but have Ixions fate in the Fable embrace a cloudy and tempestuous War instead of the fair and beloved Juno of Peace 1. Let it be considered that if we have Peace by Land we have War by Sea which is to leap out of the frying-pan into the fire It is an old and a good political axiom Ex duobus malis minus est eligendum Theological it was never for in Divinity Nullum malum est eligendum Now if we rightly measure our Interest we shall find a Land War much more eligible for us upon many accounts which I need not here to mention they being easily imagined by all wise men For should it be granted that for the present the two Crowns accord and we have Peace it will either be such a one as will ruine us or cannot be lasting to be sure but in a very few years will necessarily come to the ballance I have mentioned of Spain and England against France and Holland 2. Let us therefore examine their grounds that so we may see before us and not run our selves blindfold into destruction Which so far as I can discern are these four The power and prevalency of his Arms. His treasure to maintain them His nearness to us And his Allies First for the power and prevalency of his Arms. 1. It is true his numbers are great both in Arms and in the Kingdom of France The great advantages he hath by the largeness compactness situation and soil of his Dominions the infinite number of Nobility and Gentry for Cavalry and the populousness of his Cities and Provinces for Infantry which capcitate him above all the Princes of Europe to enlarge his Empire I well know and willingly grant But what relates to the Kingdom of France concerns not us Netherlanders in this case further than as to his Arms and power to defend us Now in my reason the greater
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself
absolute and govern only by an Army like the French Kings by an Army of French men is so ridiculous that I thought it not worthy of consideration Can any man in his wits imagine his Majesty of England so senseless as to give his Crown and Kingdoms to the French King For that is all one with this in effect As for that of Revenge either for Chattam or the affronts mentioned in his Declaration of this War or both I considered his Temper which hath so much Clemency that it rather inclines him to lenity than cruelty and revenge As is abundantly apparent not only by passing but even forcing as I know he did against some adicted to the latter extreme the Act of Indemnity or Oblivion for those many and great injuries he had suffered from his Subjects And his government since in conniving at the violation of such Laws as are thought severe in matters of Religion and indulging liberty therein which hath made some that have sufficiently heretofore cried up Parliaments now run into the other extreme and cry them down as fast and instead of the Parliaments formerly now magnifie the Kings favour and Clemency And yet Kings and Princes are men and men subject to like passions with others liable to suggestions from those about them and tender of their honour as the apple of their eye And therefore I will grant this might come in consideration but not so much I dare say as alone to make a War For the Prince of Orange there was not only near Relation and Affection but Interest also to be considered For the Lovesteyns party having been so cross to England upon his account and the correspondent friendship between us so uncertain without his Headship I verily believe that if what is now done therein had been done timously it had wholly prevented this unhappy War Yea besides the extraordinary affection which the people have for the Prince our very Bores had this Policy and were more than ordinary zealous for his promotion as the best means to procure their peace As to the further interest of the Kingdom of England in regard of their Trade and Naval expences I have expressed my thoughts before in the Preface It is true this War was always intricate and hath proved a Game at Hazard for England beyond not only theirs I believe but all the worlds expectation But yet if it be still notwithstanding cautiously played as they may and so far as I can possibly discern mean to play it they can many ways come to save their stakes at the least if not to win more than we imagine by the War and was far fairer at first than France for winning by the game in all humane appearance as I could manifest by many Arguments But because that concerns them two only and us not at all further than our sufferings I shall wave them at least for the present and proceed For I will not hearken to the curious enquiries of those who would here be asking how I think England will play their game for that let them look to it whom it concerns on all sides as doubtless they will for me to express my private thoughts might do more hurt than good which is the only thing I aim at and what I think the issue will be I shall declare hereafter in my Conjectures But here it will be asked seeing it is Englands interest that we fall not into the hands of France and that the Prince is now promoted will they not make peace with us this Winter I must needs say I fear they will not except we should give them such terms as I see we shall not we thinking our condition far better and they thinking it far worse than really it is For the cause of this as of most Wars is complex as I have shewn so that though two of those I assigned may be past yet the 3d of the Kingdoms interest not They are already too far ingaged in the War and with France The Kings Honour is at the stake and the Kingdoms expectation of another issae than the last War And besides all these how can any wise man imagine now that they are engaged with France and have an advantage against us as well as a Hazard from France that if they know how to secure themselves against the latter as I suppose they do they will let go the former For we must needs think they will be at a certainty on one side or the other and not part with France's friendship till they be sure of our satisfaction What it is they demand or how rightly is not now our design to discourse but only matter of Interest all along And yet I can easily foresee that the danger of our becoming French will be a singular advantage to us as an inducement to them for a more easie compliance with us But at present I see no probability of Peace but that they will go through with the War or continue it so long till they have tryed their utmost to obtain their ends I know there are many wise men amongst us that think the King cannot carry on this War as there was that thought he could not begin it The former they find themselves deceived in and will be so in the latter also I have discoursed this with several in Government who argue that the King hath not money of himself to go through with the War and that he will not convene the Parliament or if he do they will not supply him I grant the first but deny the others For if we rightly consider their defign the Parliament must meet and the representation that will be made thereof and the constitution of the Parliament they will grant him supplies though perhaps not with that facility that they did it with in the former War And therefore let us neither flatter nor deceive our selves with vain hopes herein but rather seek timely to accommodate differences before their preparations in the Spring for I fear the longer we delay and the worse it will be with us Sect. 10. Compliance with England the only means of the Common-wealths continuation HAving thus declared the condition that we are in and that there is no probability of peace we come now to shew the consequences thereof and what is to be done by us to preserve our selves from ruine and destruction And here to my understanding one of these three things must necessarily follow That we must either continue the War against them both or comply with them both or with one of them alone if possibly we can We shall first declare our thoughts concerning these briefly and then shew with which we both may and must comply 1. Then whether we should continue the War against them both And herein would we do as we might and should it may be this were better than to comply with either of them especially if they will impose upon us unreasonable conditions and much better than to comply with them
Peripateticks doctrine that honestum and utile are really distinguished is every where prevalent and no where more than amongst Politicians which hath occasioned that known saying that all States are Atheists I do not approve any and much less so high uncharitableness but this I will say that as the world goes now all States must be considered as Gamesters And what if I should say that neither of the Courts are so strait laced in their Consciences but were they assured from us of such conditions as they require they would let the other go and get theirs as they could Nay what if I should say there may be none iniquity in this If I should I think I can prove it for if in mutual covenants either side do that which is a breach it is folly to think that the innocent should be bound and the peccant party free which they may know though others do not as it is clear in the strongest covenant that is in the World I mean that of wedlock I do not say that this is so betwixt them but I say it may be so though we do not know it so that either of them in such case may conclude with us And I am sure it is no dishonesty on our part But it will here be said they will not Do not tell me that I know they either of them will And if any one asks me how and if I be of their Cabinet Council I shall only smile perceiving they do not know me I am far from that or having ever to do with Kings or States in that kind or pragmatically trinketing with State affairs it being a Rule which I live by never to ask great men mercy Common favour and justice I desire of men but mercy only of my God And yet I know this very well and I will tell you how and that is from their Interest which is the compass by which all States-men steer their course and may be discerned by a skilful passenger although he sit not at the helm If any man be so ignorant of the affairs of the World as to think that States-men trouble their heads with the Scool-mens quiddities and haeccieties or their consciences with Casuisticall nicities as a late German Divine that puts the case whether we should pray Vader onse or Onse Vader and learnedly concludes that custom must carry it let him enjoy his opinion it is very charitable and can do no hurt But yet I may say that for above 20 years I have observed that the custom of the World carries it with them and have known few I had almost said none of the strictest Sect of the Pharisees though I have some and my charity obliges me to hope there are many that seriously mind the weightier things of the Law justice righteousnes temperance and the World to come Now that this is the Interest of both the Kings rather to deal with us apart than jointly as well as ours I could many ways make apparent But seeing it is our interest to chuse England we shall prove only that it is theirs to comply with us omitting that of France as superfluous to our purpose 1. They know they cannot wholly conquer us themselves Not only in regard of our own strength of which I haven spoken before but the French which are in the Country already and if they were not would never permit it as I have formerly shown sufficiently Nay I dare say they never designed any such thing because they know it is impracticable that being always true of the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or things impossible come not into consideration I doubt not but they both intend and hope to have their share what ever it is that is agreed upon between the two Crowns in case of Conquest but that they should have the whole could never so much as be dreamt of by them 2. They know also that it is their interest never to suffer France have all no nor any of these Maritime Provinces If he have some of the superior that is the utmost their interest can permit Nay indeed he is nearer these inferior than that will allow if they could help it but that 's now past What vast disadvantage it will be to the English to let France have footing upon our Coasts and so come to cope with them at Sea I have formerly shown and I know they are very sensible of it and therefore may well infer a willingness on their parts to a compliance 3. The Prince of Orange his interest being also theirs cannot but sway something with them For if it had been Gods will those Kingdoms had continued in peace and the succession of the Royal reign uninterrupted there and the Orange family continued alive and in power here I perswade my self we should never have warred with one another so I doubt not if it please God to preserve his Highness that they may confide more in our friendship than they could formerly he will be a happy Instrument of a better understanding between the Nations when these unhappy quarrels come once to be composed because this is their interest as well as ours and it is interest that rules and reigns in the World And thus I have shewn you that we may I shall now shew briefly that we must comply with them or without a miracle of mercy we are ruined 1. Because if the War continues and we be too weak to make strong resistance so that our enemies prevail they will share the Country betwixt them and then we fall into the worst condition that can possibly befal us It is true I foresee that several particular Persons may save themselves and their estates by friends on the one side or the other but I speak of the community and it is well if the hopes many have of that make them not more negligent for this There are two famous Republicks in Italy Venice and Genoa and what is the cause of the formers flourishing so much more than the latter which was anciently both their better and their Master but this that the Venetians are more intent upon the Publick and the Genoese upon their private concernments whereby they become obnoxious not only to many factions among themselves but also to oppressions from their Neighbours I could say more herein of our selves than I shall at present in regard it might create more jealousies which are already too many of those that are or at least have been in Government amongst us But though I will accuse none yet I must needs say that I ascribe a great part of our present miseries to this Genoan practice and heartily wish this prove not fatal to us at last 2. Because if we be not senseless we may clearly see that France's design is absolutely to conquer us whereas England seeks only to use their expression their own security And therefore in my Logick the inference is plain that we had better part with something than lose all as
in their exorbitant designes Who from the beginning of the Reformation under Francis the first Henry the 2d and Francis the 2d had growne to that strength and greatnes that they grew formidable to the Crowne of France And notwithstanding the Massacre of Merindel and Chabries A. D. 1545. and the 8 several civill Wars that was made against them by Charles the 9 and 3 by Henry the 3 the great Massacre at Paris 1572. yet God so blest them and multiplied them that in the yeare 1560 there was reckoned above 1250 Churches of them and by their severall capitulations with the two forementioned Kings at the end of their civill Wars and the Connivance of Henry the 4 formerly Head of their party they got 300 at least Garrisons and forts for their defense which he used to call the Common-wealth of Rochel that and Montauban being their principall places of strength From whom they obteined severall immunities but especially that of the liberty of their Religion which he confirmed to them by the ratification of the severall concessions of his Predecessors in the Edict of Nantes 1598 passed in the Parliament of Paris February the 25 in the following yeare Allthough the promulgation thereof out of respect to Cardinal Medices was deferd till March the 2. 1599. Which he then vehemently prest begining his speech with a strange prodigie that had fallen out betwixt Himselfe and the Duke of Guise 26 yeares before who being about to play at tables in the presence of many Nobles there appeard drops of blood which though once and againe wiped off yet new still were perceived and none knew whence there being not any in the roome that bled which he then declared for a sad omen of much blood that should be shed betwixt them two which having accordingly happend to his great grief he desired to take away all further occasions of their civill Wars by publishing that edict c. which may be seen in Thuanus Lib. 122. This great King by name and merit having fought 140 battels and skirmishes with his owne hands beleagured 300 Cities and forts was no sooner shine by the dagger of that Rascally villane Ravillac in the midst of his greatest glory and designes But his Son and Successor Lewis the 13. confirmes the same May the 22. 1610 wherein he acknowledges that Experience having taught the Kings his Predecessors that the fury and violence of Armes had not onely been unprofitable to draw their subjects to the Romane Church but was rather hurtfull which made them have recourse by a more happy Counsel to mildnes granting them the exercise of the Reformed Religion they professed in whose imitation his father Henry the 4 had made the Edict of Nantes to reconcile all his loving subjects the observation whereof had setled and assured quiet amongst them which had ever since continued without interruption And declares that though that Edict be perpotual and irrevocable and by that meanes hath no need to be confirmed by any new declarations yet to the end his subjects may be assured of his love and intention to have the said Edict inviolably kept being made for the good and quiet of his subjects therefore it is ordained by him with the advice of the Queen Regent Princes of the blood c. that the same be kept inviolably and those that shall infringe it severely punished as troublers of the publick peace of the Kingdome c. Yet notwithstanding all this the King being provoked by them is induced much against his inclination to War against them whom he declared Rebels 1621. and tooke many of their cautionary Townes from them yet this was at last composed and they reserved Rochel and severall other places still for their defence But afterwards at the instigation of Cardinal Richelieu not out of any zeale for his Religion being called the Hugonot Cardinal but of Policy to free France from their feares of the Protestant party at home with much regret the King makes War against them againe 1625. and sent to the States for Twenty sayle of Men of War according to the late Treaty which was assented unto though with great reluctancy and they was sent under Admiral Hauthain which were especially instrumentall of ruining the Protestants power at Sea and of Rochel aftewards and consequently all the power that party had left under the Duke of Rohan with nere 50 places for their Protection All their Cautionary Townes being dismantled and they having no other shelter but the shaddow of the Almighty and their Kings clemency left them to flie unto for their defence So that as I wish we had otherwise imployed our power so I pray as Schookius * Imperium maritimum c. 27. in our first War with England Deum rego fillis nepotibus non imputet quae a parentibus facta fuerunt that God may not lay this sin to our charge The Protestants having thus made their last will and Testament whereby the Crowne became sole heir and executor of all they had Lewis the last thereby became the greatest Monarch since Charles the Great his predecessors having reduced the many Provinces dismemberd from France by Hugh Capet into one entire body and he all the parts thereof to the entire subjection of the Crowne and that Kingdome at liberty to look abroad and carry on their designes where they please having for this end gained 3 keys to their neighbor Kingdoms Pignerol to enter Italy Brisack Germany and Perpignan Spaine We have seene how we have gon against our intrest in overdoing our worke le ts now see how England have been no les guilty in not doing their duty wherein they have not onely been greatly awanting to themselves but more to the Protestant intrest in Europe The Protestants in France having by Armes Treaties Concessions and Confirmations of severall Kings obteined that strength which we have declared There could be nothing more clearly the intrest of all those of the Reformed Religion and especially their Neighbors then to support them in their just rights Which Queen Elizabeth and her Council so well understood that though she had assisted these Provinces both with money and men considerably whereby she had drawne upon her a War with Spaine which was very costly to her and allso occasioned the Rebellion in Ireland which to reduce stood Her and her Kingdom of England in 4 yeares time no les if we take Morisons accompt then 1198000 L. Sterling yet she neglects not to supply Henry of Navar against the Guisian league and faction for the support of the Protestants with 101560 franks for the Baron of of Donna to raise an Army in Germany A. D. 1587 for his service and 71165 besides 20000 she spent in sending 4000 men under the conduct and command of the Lord Willoughby A. 1589. and 33333 to levy an Army under the Prince of Anhalt Camdeni Annales 1590. for the service and as much money she lent Navar himselfe the following yeare
challenge for him That if any Gentleman English or French pleases fairely to state this Question in hypothesi according to the circumstances of those times let him take which side thereof he pleases and use what weapons he will and I think that 's very faire and he shall not want an Antagonist that shall fight him fairely whether he pleases to appeare in Roman buf or in his halfe shirt made of his owne mothers language upon the publick Theater of the World And truly his designe is so honest I dare be his Compurgator and being a litle acquainted with it I shall tell you briefly It is to let men see how hard it is sometimes to discerne on which side the true intrest of State lies there being so many circumstances considerable which often in the Scale of Policy weigh heavier then that which by-standers think the maine and therby allso to check the sawcines of every shopkeeper who like the litle Spanish Dons will be censuring Princes Counsels and condemning Ministers of State though they are ignorant of the grounds of their Actions and much more of that which is true policy Having thus shewne the true State of France and its continuall growing greatnes downe to the times of his present Majesty who hath not onely got Dunkirke regained Lorraigne conquered a great part of Flanders from the Spanish but three Provinces allso entirely from the States It will clearely follow to be the Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France in their future progress except they meane to follow our fate I had thought to have been larger heerein then I shall in regard my paines is heerein in part prevented by the Authour of la France Politique from page 470 to 525 or the end And having been so long allready I may happily hereafter discourse this more largely in another language I shall therefore be bries in that which remaines The Empire though greatly concerned the French being not onely nigh them but among them and having got such places of the Rhyne capacitated to pas over all at their pleasure yet seeme a sleepe and are therefore to be roused and if no words will doe it yet let the alarmes of War raise them and the strength of their enimies make them combine lest fighting singly they be all foiled I shall not stand to particularize but surely the Duke of Newburgh and Prince of Liege that have been most guilty in letting the French have passage through and quarter in their Countries will have the first cause to repent except they meane to sell them to the Crowne of France which yet may happily beat them downe in price now they are so impoverished by them For though Gulick belonging to Newburg be strong the Castle especially which was the Patterne to that of Antwerp yet it is on dry ground easily approachable and in a champaigne Country and not relievable from a siege And if that small City once be taken all that pleasant corne Country may cry out Impius haec tam culta novalia miles habebit Barbarus has segetes And though Liege or Luyke be great and populous and the desperatest people in all times that I know in Europe yet vana est sine viribus ira the City hath such hills overhanging it that it is neither strong by its situation nor can hope of relief if they should be distressed except it be by a confederacy from others and if this single City be lost all their Country will be so quickly Yea not onely those on this side the Rhijne but even all the rest will quickly find that if the wings of the Roman Eagle be clipt and prove too short to shaddow her young Ones they will soone become a prey to the power of France and will be throwne out of their nests as spurious if they cannot stedfastly behold the rising sun and will not receive their warmth from his beames Spaine is sensible enough of their concernments knowing that not onely their Netherlands but their Indies and Italy lie at the stake for if France be Master of all these Provinces they will soone be so of the Indies allso and the Dutch fetch thence the Spanish Gold for the French Crowne and the Lilies of France be the Royall flower in all their Gardens both in Italia and Sicilia England though now their Confederate cannot but know what danger they are in for their Trade which is the best jewel in that Crowne and the greatest darling of that Kingdome And therefore it is high time surely that the Soveraigne straiten not his interest at home by espousing any particular party nor the subjects quarrel about Ceremonies when the substance of Religion is so endangered that so they may timously looke abroad before it be too late and all be lost and his Majesty in due time retire from France and make himself and successors as is much desired the Head of all the Protestant party in Europe Denmark surely knows that if the Empire fall they cannot stand but must lose both their toll in the Sound and what by Land the French pleases This Republick of all others is most immediately concerned for he is blind that sees not whatever some may flatter themselves that the French intend nothing les then reducing of us to their obedience And when this is done and they advance upwards in the Empire what are Stratsburg Colen Aken Breme Hamburg and the rest of the Hanse Townes and free Cities but as so many morsels easily eaten up and devoured Yea their constant friends and Allies may looke to themselves Sweden how they will save their Bishoprick of Breme Pomeren and what lies on this side the Baltick and how they will sell their Copper which is the Staple commodity of their owne Countrey And in stead of the French Crownes which is now their usuall money amongst them when that Kingdome hath no more neede of their service they may carry their owne Copper coyne on their backs to pay a collation or laden a horse when they travel to pay for 2 or 3 good nights lodging Savoy knows he is at France's mercy and therefore dances after their pipe endeavouring to save himselfe by his devotion But they may remember the Lamb in the Fable who when the Wolf above quarreld him because he troubled the water answered that could not be so in regard it descended to him not from him the Wolf then said he had reviled him 6 months before to which the Lamb replying he was not then borne But thy Father then did saith He and that 's cause enough for the sons suffering For Switzerland though their mountaines and Poverty may secure perhaps their Countrey yet what shall secure their liberty which consists in an equality amongst them or what shall secure the. Religion of the Protestant Cantons or the good pay which the Popish have long had for their service in the Wars of France They must then be content with what they can get or be turned to graze on their
1590 and continually upon all occasions supported him and the intrest of the Reformed Religion in those Kingdoms so that she was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoresse No sooner was this great Princesse dead whose glory yet will never dye Lib. 129. being accounted by her very enemies the Guisians the most glorious that ever swayed Scepter gloriosissima omnium quoe unquam sceptrum gestarunt foelicissima famina as Thuanus tells us adding many great elogiums of her and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that sex and King James called in to succeed in that Crowne but the French though they had underhand opposed the conjunction of those two Kingdoms all they could having still made use of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diversion to them by setting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them and as loath allso that such an accession of power should accrew to their old enemies the English yet now they are the first that come with a splendid Embassage to welcome him to his new Crownes This King if he had had as much of the Lions courage as he had of the soxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it how happy had it bene both for his owne family and his Kingdoms But as he was the occasion of the sad disasters that happend to both as is shewne not only by the Historians but particular Authors in the English tongue Rushworth Welden Osburne c. so I shall now briefly shew how he occasioned many and great irreparable losses to the Protestant intrest abroad especially by his pusillanimity How he perswaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine and how prejudiciall it was to these Provinces is well knowne How earnestly he was prest to assist his son the Palsgrave both by forreigne Princes abroad and his Parliaments at home I need not mention nor how he spent more in Embassies their traines and Treaties then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery I shall onely speak of that relating to the French Protestants as the proper subject of my discourse When Lewis the 13 set upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Protestants had in his Kingdome by the grants of severall Kings as we have said and the distressed sought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe K. James according to his usuall custom onely imployes Embassadors the Lord Herbert once and againe whom the French delayd with words till they had done their worke For knowing King James's temper too well Luynes the High Constable of France Howels Hist of Lewis 13. A. 1621. being appointed to give Herbert audience first sets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings that being an eare-witness of what past might relate to the Reformists what small grounds of hope they had of having succors from the Crowne of England and then in stead of hearkning to his Embassage in a most insolent manner affronted both his Master and himself with menaces which when he could not brooke but roundly replyed His Master then knew what he had to doe and offered the Constable who was chollerick thereat the satisfaction of his Sword the French Embassador misrepresents what past to K. James and procures Herbert to be called home and the Earle of Carlile is sent in his place to as little purpose as before Nor was this the worst for the Duke of Guise obteined 8 English sayle of men of War to joyne with him against the Rochellers and them of the Religion to distres them by Sea as the Count of Soissons did by Land for which the Duke of Buckingham was after questioned in Parliament and thus the greatest part of the Protestants power was broke downe and had been wholy but that the French had not then time by reason of the Spanish worke in the Valtolin so that a peace was skind over for a small time till they had leisure to open the wound againe and make the poore Patients bleed their last These things caused great complaints of England every where amongst them of the Reformed Religion and occasioned Deodate's saying that King Jame's sins of omission were greater then all his Predecessors sins of Commission Though the pacification was published at Montpellier yet Richelieu being made Minister of State and chief Director of affaires in France A. 1624 he made it his first worke to go on with the designe of destroying the Protestants power in that Kingdome and though the King was against it at first yet the Cardinal carried it on at last so that afterwards he said He had taken Rochel in spight of three Kings meaning his owne England and Spaine For the accomplishing this worke the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreseeing that England and these States might stand in his way and obstruct him he resolves to charme us both to a compliance For which end France makes a stricter league with these Vnited Provinces affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain agrees for ships for their service c. And for England though they knew K. James would not disturb their designes yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe there were meanes used to ingage him by a Match with Henriette the onely Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was desirous to match his onely son Considerably had for 9 or 10 year beene Courting of Spaine to this purpose that so with one he might have the Palatinate restored to the Palsgrave and the Prince of Wales having past through France incognito into Spaine to make love personally to the Infanta and see with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty and being there still delayed but not denyed the Spanish desiring to see all the Daughters of France first matcht to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome and the busines of the Palatinate still kept in suspence he is commanded home by his Father K. James But having seen the Lady Henriette at a maske in his passage through France under the notion of an English Gentleman and being taken with her beauty more then the Infanta's overtures are made of a Marriage with her and though some in the French Council were rather for her matching to Lorraigne that so those Territories might be gained to France which had been long troublesom to them yet this reason of State of obliging him not to interrupt their designe of ruining the Protestants and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded Richelieu thinking France secure of these two they most feared falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles his Father K. Iames being then dead his assistance This good King thinks himselfe obliged in conscience and honour notwithstanding his marriage with the King of