not small They had testified an inviolable Loyalty to him in all his Troubles They had spent freely their Lives and Fortunes to defend his Rights and his Life against the Princes of Lorrain who made so many Attempts to keep him from the Throne of his Ancestors and to usurp his place Had it not been for their Valour and their Loyalty the Crown had gone into the hands of Strangers and since we must speak out had it not been for them the Blood of the Bourbons would not this day have been possessed of the Throne The Edict of Nantes then was the Effect and the Recompence of the Great Obligations which King Henry the Fourth had to his Loyal Protestants and not as is slanderously reported the fruit of any violence gained by force and granted against the hair But farther the Law of Nature and common policy might challenge such an Edict for them as well as Gratitude It is true that Soveraign Magistrates are appointed by God to preserve the publick peace and by consequence to cut off or prevent as much as in them lies whatever may disturb it It is true also that new Establishments in matters of Religion may cause great troubles in a State and that there are Religions which have Maxims so pernicious that when Magistrates are of a different opinion or but so much as tolerate such a one their Lives and their Kingdoms are never in safety But Henry the Fourth found the Protestant Religion wholly establish'd in the Kingdom when he came to the Crown Besides he who had so long profess'd it knew perfectly well that it had none of those dreadful Maxims which makes Princes and States jealous that on the contrary in it Loyalty and Obedience of Subjects to Soveraigns of what Religion and what humor soever was to them an Article of Faith and an obligation of Conscience He knew that Protestants by their Religion were peaceable men who sought but to serve God according to his Word and were always ready to spend the last drop of their blood for the service and the honor of their King But he knew also that the zeal of the Romish Clergy always animated the Popish Common People against them and that they would be sure to fall upon them unless he took them into his protection The Law of Nature then did not permit him to abandon to the rage of the multitude so many innocent persons and common policy warned him to preserve so many faithful Subjects for the State so capable of supporting it on occasion as he had so freshly experienc'd It being certain that had it not been for them the Pope and the Ligue had ruin'd the whole Kingdom But it was not possible either to defend them from the fury of the People or to preserve them for the service of the State if he had granted in favour of them any thing less than the Edict of Nantes so that this Edict in truth was to be ascribed to common Equity and Prudence no less than Gratitude But said I to my Friend do you believe that the Grandson of Henry the Fourth is bound to make good what his Grandfather did I do not doubt it at all answered he otherwise there would be nothing secure or certain in Civil Society and wo be to all Governments if there be no Foundation of publick Trust. 1. For if ever Law deserv'd to be regarded by the Successors of a Prince it is this It was establish'd by a Hero who had recovered the Crown for his posterity by his Sword and this Establishment was not made but after mature and long deliberations in the calm of a prosound Peace obtained and cemented by many and signal Victories That Hero hath declar'd expresly in the Preface of the Edict that he establish'd it in the nature of an irrevocable and perpetual Law willing that it should be firm and inviolable as he also saith himself in the 90th Article Accordingly he made all the Formalities to be observed in its establishment which are necessary for the passing of a fundamental Law in a State For he made the observation of it under the quality of an irrevocable Law to be sworn to by all the Governors and Lieutenant-Generals of his Provinces by the Bailiffs Mayors and other ordinary Judges and principal Inhabitants of the Cities of each Religion by the Majors Sheriffs Consuls and Jurates by the Parliaments Chambers of Accounts Court of Aids with order to have it publish'd and registred in all the said Courts This is expresly set down in the 92d and 93d Articles Was there ever any thing more authentick 2. The same Reasons which caused the Establishment remain still and plead for its continuance 1. The Family of Bourbon preserved in the Throne 2. The Law of Nature and common Policy 3. The two Successors of Henry the Fourth look'd not upon themselves as unconcern'd in this Edict Their Word and their Royal Authority are engaged for its observation no less than the Word and Royal Authority of its Illustrious Author Lewis the Thirteenth confirm'd it as soon as he came to the Crown by his Declaration of the 22d of May 1610 ordering that the Edict of Nantes should be observed in every Point and Article These are the very words Read them said he shewing me a Book in Folio called The Great Conference of the Royal Ordinances and Edicts I read there in the first Book Title 6 of the second Part of the Volume not only the Article he mention'd but also the citation of nine several Declarations publish'd at several times by the same King on the same subject Lewis the Fourteenth who now Reigns says our Friend hath likewise assured all Europe by his authentick Edicts and Declarations that he would maintain the Edict of Nantes according to the desire of his Grandfather who had made it an irrevocable Law He himself acknowledges and confirms it himself anew by his Edict of Iune 1680 where he forbids Papists to change their Religion There it is pray take the pains to read it Lewis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre to all persons to whom these Presents come Greeting The late Henry the Fourth our Grandfather of Glorious Memory granted by his Edict given at Nantes in the Month of April 1598 to all his Subjects of the Religion pretended Reformed who then lived in his Kingdom or who afterwards should come and settle in it Liberty of professing their Religion and at the same time provided whatsoever he judged necessary for affording those of the said Religion pretended Reformed means of living in our Kingdom in the Exercise of their Religion without being molested in it by our Catholick Subjects which the late King our most Honored Lord and Father and we since have authorised and confirmed on other Occasions by divers Declarations and Acts. But this Prince is not content to tell what he hath formerly done in confirmation of the Edict of Nantes read some Lines a little lower
Concordat bore in express terms that the Duke of Guise should have in charge to deface intirely the name of the Family and Race of the Bourbons Henry the Third said he to me could he be suspected of Heresie or an â—ider of Hereticks Never was any man more linked to the Catholick Church than he Yet the House of Guise had sworn his ruin They would have shaved him which they highly threatned him with and they one day writ upon the Chappel of the Battes to the Augustins of Paris these four French Verses The Bones of those who here lye dead Like Cross of Burgundy to thee are shown And make appear thy days are fled And that thou surely lose thy Crown They are of the same sense with those two Latin Verses which were found set upon the Palace Dyal Qui dedit ante duas unam abstulit altera nutat Tertia tonsoris nunc facienda manu He that gave two has taken one the other Shakes but the Barber still shall give another The Faction of the House of Guise caused this to be done And this poor Prince after a thousand delays and troubles resolved at length to make that execution so famous in our History it is that of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise who were executed at the States of Blois That Prince must needs have seen his ruin approaching and inevitable to come to that since that he well foresaw that this blow would raise him so many storms and give him so much trouble Who knows not that the Faction of Rome and of Spain had a Design of raising the House of Lorrain to the Throne of France for the excluding the House of Bourbon In the year 1587. the Pope sent to the Duke of Guise a Sword engraven with flames telling him by the Duke of Parma that amongst all the Princes of Europe it only belonged to Henry of Lorrain to bear the arms of the Church and to be the Chief thereof Almost all the Kingdom was engaged in that Spirit of revolt The King found no oâ—her support than the King of Navar and of his Hugonotes It was Chastillon the Son of the Admiral de Coligny who saved the King from the hands of the Duke of Mayenne at Tours This Chief of the League cryed to him retire ye white Scarfs retire you Chastillon it is not you we aim at it is the Murderer of your Father And in truth Henry the Third then Duke of Anjou was President in the Council when the Resolution was taken of making the Massacre of St. Bartholomew in which the Admiral Coligny perished But his Son forgetting that injury to save his King answered those Rebels You are Traytors to your Country and when the Service of the Prince and State is concerned I know how to lay aside all revenge and particular interest he added that after the Assassinate committed by the League in the person of Henry the Third Henry the Fourth was ready to see himself abandoned by his most faithful Servants because of the Protestant Religion which he made profession of which appears by a Declaration that this Prince made in the form of an Harangue to the Lords of his Army on the 8 th day of August 1589 in which he says that he had been informed that his Catholick Nobility set a report on foot they could not serve him unless he made profession of the Roman Religion and that they were going to quit his Army Nothing but the firmness and fidelity of the Hugonots upheld this wavering Party He must be said my Gentleman the falsest of men who dissembles the Ardour and Zeal with which those of our Religion maintained that just Cause of the House of Bourbon against the attempts of the League And to prove said he that their interest was not the only cause of their fidelity we must see what they did when Henry the Fourth turned Roman Catholick It cannot be said but that they then strove to have a King of their Religion However there was not one who bated any thing of his Zeal and Fidelity the King was peaceable possessour of the Crown the League was beaten down he was Master in Paris he was reconciled to the Court of Rome when the Edict of Nantes was granted and published Our Hugonots were no longer armed nor in a condition of obtaining any thing by force of arms Since that the Change of Religion had reduced all the Roman Catholicks to him he would have been in a State of resisting their violence It was the sole acknowledgment of the King and of good Frenchmen that obliged all France to give Peace to a Party that had shed their Blood with so much Zeal and Profession for the preserving the Crown and the restoring it to its legitimate Heirs I acknowledge that we did our Duty but are not those to be thanked who do what they ought How is it possible that these things are at present worn out of the memory of men I am certain that if the King was made to read the History of his Grand-father he would preserve some inclinâ—tion for the Children of those who sacrific'd themselves for the glory of his House No man can be ignorant of the necessary dependance that must be between the Roman Catholick Clergy and the Court of Rome This Court is the Head the Clergy is the Body the Ecclesiasticks and Monks are the Members and all these Members move by the Orders of the Head Again I have no Design to chocque the Gentlemen of the Clergy whose persons I respect I do not doubt but that they have good French Hearts But in fine they have their Maxims of Conscience they are of a Religion and they must follow its Principles Now the Principles of their Religion binds them to the Holy see and its preservation preferably to all things moreover Interest deceives the Hearts and Minds of men Their Interest obliges them to take the Popes part who is their Preserver and Protectour and what they do out of interest they perswade themselves that they do it out of Conscience First it may be said of the Monks that all the Houses they have in France are so many Citadels that the Court of Rome has in the Kingdom Those great Societies have withdrawn themselves from the jurisdiction of the Bishops they depend immediately on the Holy See they have all their Generals of Orders at Rome and those Generals who are Italians and Spaniards are the Soul of the Society they are obliged to follow their Opinions and their Orders the Italian Divinity is the Divinity of the Cloisters Thus the King may reckon that all the Monks look upon him as the Pope's Subject as being lyable to be Excommunicated his Kingdom put under an Ecclesiastical Censure his Subjects dispensed and released from the Oath of Allegiance and his States given by the Pope to another Prince And every time that this happens they will believe themselves obliged out of Conscience to obey the Pope If in
of our blessed Martyr King Charles the first Their famous Amyraldus likewise took occasion from the Martyrdom of our good King to Print an excellent Discourse of the Power of Kings where by the strongest Arguments taken out of the Word of God he proves beyond dispute That the Majesty and Person of Sovereign Princes ought at all times to be Sacred to all their Subjects We have likewise to the same purpose the Letter of their learned Bochart to Doctor Morley then Chaplain to His Majesty and now most deservedly Bishop of Winchester You may see there how this excellent person defends the Rights of all Crowned Heads He takes in there in the Compass of a few Pages the strongest things that can be said The force of all this is that the performance of these Protestants has exactly answered their Confession of Faith the Prayers of their Liturgy and what their Doctors have taught as often as there was occasion for it They have been always the first in assisting their Kings when there was need with their Lives and Fortunes Every Body knows how many mischiefs the Queen Catharine de Medicis did them Yet when the Guises had seized the person of Charles the Ninth who had nothing but Tears to oppose their violence as Mezeray well observes and that the Queen finding her self under the same streights with the young King had called for help upon the Prince of Condè and his Friends the Protestants came in from all parts and ventured all they had to set their Majesties at Liberty It is a remarkable Story Mezeray does all he can to diâ—guise the matter but so known a Truth could not but extort this confession from him The Queen writ two Letters the same day to the Prince full of pitty and good words recommending to him the safety of the Kingdom beseeching him to take compassion of the innocent tears of his King who was held captive by his own Subjects and that he would generously attempt his rescue aâ—suring him that he should be maintained in whatever he should do The same Historian confesses in his Chronological Abridgement That by these Letters the Queen who was then Regent gave to the Prince who was then a Protestant a just ground to take up Arms which he did so soon as he received the Order Then flew in like lightning to the assistance of the King and Queen the same Protestants that with so much rigour and violence had been persecuted by them He sent presently says Mâ—zeray to the Reformed Churches especially to those upon the River Loire to Bourges Poitiers and others more remote ordering them immediately to seize all the Passes and that for his part he was resolved to expose his person and all that was in his power to make good the Kings Commands and Revenge the injury done to his Majesty You have here Sir the true Cause of these Proteâ—â—ants first taking up Arms and as you see it was upon a glorious account For it was in short to succour their King whom stranger-Princes who aimed at his Crown as it appeared at last held Captive Besides all here was lawful They take not up Arms but by order of the Regent who promises the Head of the Protestants That he should be justified in all he did And she made her word good to him however the great credit his enemies had and the Queens inconstancy had for some time run down the credit of this glorious Action with the people For the King gave an authentick testimony of the Innocence and Loyalty of the Prince and his Friends upon this occasion It is by the solâ—mn Edict of 1563. where the King says That the sincere and true intent of our said Cousin the Prince of Conde may not be doubted we have said and declared and do say and declare That we esteem this our said Cousin as our good Kinsman faithful Subject and Servant as likewise We hold all those Lords Knights Gentlemen and other Inhabitants of Towns Communalties Boroughs and other Places of our Kingdoms and Countries of our Dominion that have followed assisted aided and accompanied him in this present War and during the said Tumults in what part or place soever of our Kingdom for our Good and Loyal Subjects and Servants believing and esteeming what was done before this by our sâ—id Subjects as well in regard of the taking up of Arms as the Articles of Justice agreed among them and the Judgments and Executions of the same was done with a good Intent and for our Service Henry the Third was their mortal Enemy He was the chief Author of that detestible Massacre where by the confession of the Bishop of Rhodes himself near a hundred thousand Protestants had their throats cut And yet all this did not hinder them from coming in to his assistance so soon as ever they saw his Crown and Life in danger They forgot that he had been their Persâ—cutor and remembred only that he was their King And all Europe knows that without their aid he had been lost He was shut up in Tours hard pressed by the Army of the Ligue which consisted as every one knows all of Roman Catholicks Already three parts in four of his party and those of the bravest as Mezeray assures us were slain and the Duke of Mayenne General of this Army of Parricides had made himself master of the Suburb when the Protestant recruits came This brave Captain says Mezeray speaking of Chastillon lodged his Men in the Isle in despite of their continual Firing upon him from every part of the Suburb and made them work so hard that they had covered themselves in less than two hours The Liguers so soon as they had discovered them and knew him by his face did well to cry To your Quarters White Scarfs this is none of your quarrel brave Chastillon we have no design against thee retreat it is against him that Murdred thy Father let us but alone and we will revenge his death adding several reproaches against the King more insolent than commonly upon such occasion Souldiers use to do Chastillon answered That he they spake so ill of was their King that it was for women to rail and that he would see the next day whether they were as good at fighting as they were at scolding But the Duke of Mayenne fearing to stand the shock of the Protestant Troops considering as Mezeray says That it might not be safe to encounter with old Souldiers that had been used to blows he quits all his advantages and marches silently away at three a clock in the morning Thus was Tours relieved and Henry the Third saved by the same Protestants to whom he had done so much mischief And by this the Protestants preserved the Crown to the Family of Bourbon fâ—om which it had been gone past recovery if Tours had been taken For indeed they that laid the siege and intended to dethrone their King were heads of that powerful Faction which as
those Orders of Monks there happen to be some particular men who follow other Principles it is certain that they are in no Number so that the Body of the Monks is absolutely in the Interests of the Court of Rome and by consequence in that of Spain Thus you see already a considerable Party of whose Fidelity the Kings of France cannot be assured And what is this Party One may say that it is all France for the begging Monks and the Jesuits are Masters of all the Consciences they are Confessors they are Directors they persuade what they will to those that are devoted to them The House of Bourbon ought not to doubt of this truth if it never so little calls to mind the endeavours that were used by the Monks for the forcing from it the Crown when the Raâ—e of the Valois came to fail It is against this so considerable Party that the State ought to take its Precautions in preserving that other Party which can never be of intelligence with this it is that of the Reformed History tells us how impossible it is to be long without having Disputes with the Court of Rome It is always attempting and we are obliged to defend our selves against its enterprises It is capable of setting great Engines a going of making Engagements and Alliances It had twenty times like to have ruined Germany it has dethroned great Emperours it has likewise caused great troubles in France and one cannot be too secure against its ambition Par. I fancy that your Hugonot's Advocate would not spare the rest of the Clergy and that he endeavoured to prove that wâ— can be no more assured of their Fidelity than of that of the Religious Prov. What you have already heard may make you easily imagine that for the giving the more force to what he had to say against our Divines he prevented what might have been objected If you understood these matters Sir said he to me you could tell me that our Clergy of France teach a Divinity wholly different from that of Rome that all make profession of maintaining the Liberties of the Gallicane Church the principal Articles of which are 1. That the King of France cannot be Excommunicated by the Pope 2. That an â—cclesiastical Censure cannot be laid upon their Kingdom 3. That it cannot be given to others 4. That the Pope has nothing to do with the Temporality of Kings 5 That he is not Infallible 6. That he is inferiour to the Council These you would tell me are the Maxims of the Sorbonne that have often censured the contrary Propositions This Divinity is maintained by the Authority of the Parliaments who have often declared the Bulls of the Pope abusive null scandalous and impious and have appealed from the Execution of these Bulls when they found them contrary to the Liberties of the Gallicane Church The Estates assembled at Tours during the League caused the Bul 's of Excommunication to be burnt by the hands of the Executioner that had been published against Henry the Third and Henry the Fourth This looks great and magnificent if you please but these fair appearances have no foundation I do not speak of the Divinity of the Parliaments which is that of the Politicians I speak of the Divinity of the Clergy Once more added he I do not at all doubt of the Fidelity of the Divines of France to their King but they shall never perswade me that this Fidelity and Zeal for their Prince is without exception and I make no other exception agaiâ—st it than what they themselves make Will you hear them speak Read the Harangue that Cardinal du Perron made to the third Estate in the name of all the Clergy of France in the Assembly 1616. and remembeâ— that it is not the Cardinal du Perron who speaks it is the Clergy of France assembled in a Body who speak by the mouth of that Cardinal All France struck with a sense of the two horrible Parricides that had been committed in the persons of the two late Kings both of them assassinated out of a false Zeal for Religion would draw up a form of an Oath and establish a Fundamental Law of the State which all the Subjects were to swear to and this Law imported that every one should swear to acknowledge and believe that our Kings as to their Temporalities do not depend on any but God that it is not lawful for any cause whatsoever to assassinate Kings that even for causes of Heresie and of Schism Kings cannot be Deposed nor their Subjects Absolved from their Oath of Allegiance nor upon any other pretence whatsoever This Law methinks is the security of Kings this is a Doctrine which all the Hugonots are ready to sign with their Blood What did the Clergy of France do thereupon It formally opposed that Law Works of Cardinal du Perron p. 600 and following they were willing to acknowledge the Independancy of Kings in regard of the Temporalty they consented that Anathema should be pronounced against the assassinates of Kings But they would never pass the last Article that for what cause soever it was a King cannot be Deposed by the Pope stript of his States and his Subjects absolved from the Oath of Allegiance He who spoke for them alledged all the examples of Emperours and of Kings who had been Deposed and Excommunicated by Popes upon account of refusing Obedience to the Holy See and approved them he alledged the Example of St. Vrban the Second who Excommunicated Philip the First and laid an Ecclesiastical Censure upon his Kingdom because he had put away his Wife Bertha Daughter of a Count of Holland to Marry Bertrade Wife of Foulques Count d' Anjou then still alive He made use of the testimony of Paul Emile who said that Pope Zacharias discharged the French from the Oath of â—ideâ—iâ—y that they had made to Chilperick These two Princes were noâ— Hereticks yet the Clergy of France approved their having been stript of their States by the Popes which makes appear that the Clergy in the bottom judges that the Pope has Right to lay an Ecclesiastical Censure upon the Kingdom of France and to depose its Kings for any â—â—â—er cause as well as that of Heresie Is it not to abuse the World to confess on one side that the Temporalty of Kings does not depend on the Pope and establâ—sh on the other that the Pope may in certain cases Interdict these Kings Excommunicate them and Absolve their Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance In fine this is the result of that Famous Opinion of the Clergy of France So that if Christians are obliged to defend their Religion and their lives against Heretick or Apostate Princes when once absolved from their Allegiance the Politick Christian Laws do not permit them any thing more than whaâ— is permitted by Military Laws and by the Right of Nations to wit open War and not Assassination and Clâ—ndestine Conspiracies that is to say that when a
Pope has declared a Prince deprived of his Sâ—ates his Subjects may set up the Standard of Rebellion declare War against him refuse him Obedience and kill him if they can meet with him provided it be with arms in their hand and by the ordinary course of War I cannot comprehend how one â—an be secured of the Fidelity of those who hold such like Maxims For in fine Kings are not infallible and if they happen to do any thing that the Court of Rome judges worthy of Excommunication and Intâ—rdiction they are Kings without Kingdoms and Subjects accoâ—ding to our Clergy of France as well as according to the Divines of Italy But perhaps the Sorbonne which is the Depository of the Frenâ—h Divinity does not receive these Maxims so fatal to the safety of Kiâ—gs Let us see what it has done In the Month of December 1587 because Henry the Third for the security of his Person and of his State made a Treaty with the Rütres or the German Protestants the Sorboâ—ne without staying for the Decisions of Rome made a private determination which said That the Government might be taken from Princes who were not found such as they ought to be as the adminiâ—tration from a suspected Tutor This was known by the King he sent for the Sorbonne some days after and complained of it After the death of the Princes of Guise which happen'd at Blois the Sorbonne did much worse they declared and caused to be published in all parts of Paris That all the People of that Kingdom were Absolved from the Oaths of Fidelity that they had sworn to Henry of Valois hereâ—ofore their King they raâ—ed his name out of the publick Prayers and made known to the People that they might with safe Conscience unitâ— aâ—m and contribute to make War against him as a Tyrant If I would add to that the Story that I know this Gentleman told you concerning the Death of the late King of England we should find that the Sorbonne has â—ver been of the same Opinion This is the truth of it every time that our Kings affairs shall carry them to extremity against the Court of Rome the Clergy of France will suppress their discontents while matters go well for the Court of France but if things turn other ways the Maxims of our Divines against the King will be sure to break out Every sincere person will allow â—haâ— it has never been otherwise than so and that it will be always thus which may be observed in the very least disputes I was willing to read all these passages to you out of The Policy of the Clergy of France because the Author of that excellent piece proves there exceedâ—ng well all that I prâ—mâ—sed to shew you for the close of our Conferences which is that the Papists are truly Guilty of the Conspiracies and Rebellions which Monsieur Maimbourg would falsly fasten upon the Hugonots Of this the Murder of Henry the Third that of Henry the Fourth the violence of the League the several attempts against Queen Elizabeth King Iames and our holy Martyr Charles the Firâ—t not to mention the late Plot that has made such a noise in the World are undeniable proofs But you have seen likewise which ought to awaken the Protestant Princes to a purpose that all these black attempts have not been the fruit of impatience and human frailty under the temptation of some severe persecution but the natural Consequence and effect of the Principles of the Roman Religion as we are assured by those very men who pass for the Oracles of this Religion For you have seen just now out of Authentick pieces that the Pope the Cardinals and all the Divines of Italy who are the Pillars of the Roman Catholike Religion all the Regulars of France who draw after them more then three fourths of the French Papists and the Sorbonne it self when the rod is not over it own publickly that the Pope may Excommunicate Kings when he judges them Hereticks or countenancers of Heriticks to interdict their Kingdoms absolve their subjects from their Allegiance and expose them to the fury of all the World You have also seen that the whole Clergy of France was of this opinion by the mouth of Cardinal Perron so that this pernicious Doctrine is the vowed Faith of the whole Popish Gallican Church as well as of the Court of Rome the great depository of the Roman Religion and all its misteries From whence evidently follows what the Author of The Policy of the Clergy of France infers That there is no safety for the Crown nor for the life of Kings whether they be Protestants themselves or only protect such as are whilst they are beset with Papists so that there is not the same reason to tolerate Popery in Protestant Kingdoms as there is to toâ—erate Protestants in Popish Kingdoms Monsieur Maimbourg would make us believe that all this is but a poor shift And to convince us of it he says that we need but to consider these two things First that there are not to be found more detestable Conspiracies then those the Hugonots have made against their Kings c. Secondly that it is by no means thâ— belief of the Roman Catholicks princes that a Pope may depose Princes though they were Heretiâ—ks acquit their subjects from their Allegiance and bestow their Dominions upon those that can first take them But I have evidently shewed you the falsness of the first assertion and for the second it is expresly disproved by those undeniable proofs the Author of The Policy of the Clergy has produced to shew that the Roman Catholicks hold that belief which Monsieur Maimbourg afâ—irms they do not You say Monsieur Maimbourg that it is by no means your belief that a Pope can depose Princes c. At this rate the Pope who is the head of your Church this head for whose infallibility you have so much disputed knows not the belief of your Church for he believes that by the principles of the Church of Rome he has the power which you seem to deny him The Cardinals the Bishops and all the Divines of Italy all your Regulars all your Clergy of France speaking by the mouth of your Cardinal du Perron your Sorbonne it self so renowned for its great number of able men did not know in so important a case what was the belief of your Church For they have all held that it believes the Pope can depose Princes c. At least he should have given some answers to the Authentick Acts and notorious matters of fact which the Author of The Policy of the Clergy had quoted to this purpose To say nothing of all this and to think it enough to say at randome It is by no means our belief that a Pope may depose Princes even though they were Hereticks c. this is to pass the sentence of an unjust judge who rather then fairly to confess his errour makes no conscience of denying
and you will see that he repeats again his former Ingagements We declare that confirming as much as is or may be needful the Edict of Nantes and other Declarations and Acts given in pursuit of it c. That is to say That by this new Edict he signs once more the Edict of Nantes and for a more authentick confirmation of that important Law he ratifies together with it and seals with his Royal Seal all the Declarations which had already confirmed it If all this is not sufficient to render His Word Sacred and Inviolable there is nothing in the World can do it all things are lawful and it is to no purpose to talk of any Obligation or of any Bond in humane Society They cannot make void or break the Clauses of an Edict so well deserv'd by the Protestants so just and so wise in it self so solemnly establish'd so religiously sworn to and so often and so authentically confirm'd by three Kings without shaking all the Foundations of publick Security without violating in that Act the Law of Nations and silling the World with fatal Principles which by ruining all mutual Faith among men render Divisions in States incurable and consequently immortal Dear Sir said I I am much pleased with what you have inform'd me O how I shall dash them out of countenance who hereafter shall compare the condition of our Papists in England with that of the Protestants in France There is no sort of good usage but what is due to these in their own Country of which they have deserved so well by preserving that Family which now reigns there What have they not a right to hope for under the protection of an Edict so authentick But our Papists in England have they ever deserved a like protection Hath there ever been pass'd any Act of Parliament in favour of them like to this Edict On the contrary have not there been pass'd 1000 against them And not one but upon the provocation of some Sedition or open Rebellion You need but review the Fundamental Laws of the Land now in force against the Pope against the Jesuits Seminary Priests and in general against all the Papists There is decreed justly against them all the contrary that by the Edict of Nantes is promised to the Protestants You are much in the right said our Friend when you use the word justly on this occasion Princes and Protestant Magistrates cannot look upon nor by consequence treat Papists otherwise than as declared anâ— mortal Enemies of thâ—ir Persons and of their States They may disguise themselves as they please 〈◊〉 in truth every Papist is a man who takes the Pope to be the Soveraign Head of the Universal Church and believes that on that very account there is no Prince nor King nor Emperor who is not subject to his Censures even to Excommunication Now who knows not that it is a general Maxim of that Religion that they ought to treat all excommunicated persons as common Pests Upon this all Subjects are dispensed with from their Oaths of Allegiance to their Princes Kingdoms are laid under Interdicts and they are no way obliged to keep faith with Hereticks This is the original and damnable Cause of the many Conspiracies that have been made against the Sacred Lives of our Kings And if you will search our Histories you will find none of the forementioned Acts ever passed but upon some previous provocation given by the Papists Insolence or Rebellions of the Massacres in France and Ireland wherein they of Rome have so triumph'd and of the general consternation into which so lately our Nation was cast They would fain perswade us that these pernicious Maxims are peculiar to the Jesuits and some Monks But a little Treatise called The Disserence between the Church and Court of Rome proves undeniably that it is the judgment of all true Papists I could produce other invincible authority if this point were here to be proved There cannot then be too great caution against such persons whatever they pretend they do not design simply the exercise of that Belief which their Conscience dictates to them they grasp at the Power and aspire at Dominion they design whatever it cost them to have their Church reign once more here in England There is nothing they dare not attempt nothing they are not ready to act that they may compass it They are implacable Enemies who wait but for an opportunity to cut our Throats and we must needs be very senseless and stupid if after so many proofs as they have given us of their desperate malice we should repeal those Laws which tie up their hands You are much in the right I replyed but let us leave them for the present and return to our Protestants of France You have shewed me their Rights now let me understand their Grievances I am willing to do it said he but it is a little late and if you please being somewhat weary with my Journey we will defer it till to morrow I will expect you here in my Chamber at the same hour you came to day I told him with all my heart And as our Conversation ended there I think it not amiss to end my Letter also intending in another to let you know the present condition of those poor People I am your c LETTER II. I Did not fail to wait on my Friend at the appointed hour Sit down said he as soon as he saw me in the Chamber and let us lose no time in needless Ceremony I was just putting my Papers in order by which I would desire you to judge of the Protestants Complaints and the Reasons that have made them leave their Country But since you are here take them as they come to hand The first is a Verbal Process of the extraordinary Assembly of the Archbishops and Bishops held in the Province of the Arch-Bishop of Paris in the Months of March and May this 1681. It is a Piece which justifies a Truth that the World will hardly believe Namely That whereas the Protestants by Virtue of the Edict had the Exercise of their Religion almost every where they have it now scarce any where See the proof in the tenth Page of that Verbal Process where one of the Agents General of the Clergy of France alledgeth as so many publick Testimonies of the Piety of their King An almost Infinite Number of Churches demolish'd and the Exercise of the Religion pretended Reformed suppress'd I leave you to imagine what a consternation such a terrible Blow must have put those poor people into not to mention their Grief to see those Holy Places beaten down whose very Stones they took pleasure in instead of having the Heavenly Mannah shower down at the Doors of their Tabernacles at this present they are forc'd to go 30 or 40 miles through the worst of ways in the Winter to hear the Word of God and to have their Children baptized But let us go on to a
the Bishop of Rhodes testifies would have broken the succession of the Royal Line And the General of the Army was own Brother to the Duke of Guise who as the same Bishop tells us designed the Crown for himself As for King Henry the Fourth Grand-father to our King as well as to the present King of France there is no man that understands the least of those Histories but knows it was his faithful Protestants that preserved him for the Throne and set the Crown upon his Head The Bishop of Rhodes acknowledges That this Great Prince had been bred up from his Birth among the Huguenot party and that they were his best support And indeed they expended their blood more than once to save his against the rage of the Ligue and the ambition of the Lorain Princes who would have usurped his right So soon as ever Henry the Third his Predecessor assassinated by the Fryar Iaques Clement was dead they did not do as Papists that were then in his Army For whereas these for the most part fell into Cabals and gave him a thousand troubles by their Seditious Resolutions which tended either to exclude him from the Succession or tear the Government in pieces the Protestants kept steady they immediately owned him for their King The Huguenot Nobility with the Forces they had brought which were all Protestants swore Allegiance to him presently They are the very words of the Bishop of Rhodes And when unhappily which cannot be enough lamented he forsook their Religion fearing the Papists should choose another King in his stead their Fidelity failed them not for all that they maintained his Cause with the same zeal whil'st divers â—apists continued to keep his Garrisons from him and armed several Assassins to take away his Life Peter Barriere says Mezeray had designed to kill the King because he heard some of the Clergy say That it would be an exploit worthy eternal praise and that would carry a man straight to Heaven When he was come to Lions with this resolution the same Popish Historian adds He communicated it to the Archbishops Vicar General to a Capucin Frâ—ar and to two other Priests who all approved of it and encouraged him to do it Mezeray tells us afterwards That Barriere having a little demurred upon the Kings having forsaken the Protestant Religion Christopher d' Aubry Curat of S. Andrè des Arces and Varade Rector of the Jesuits heartened him by their advice to pursue his Hellish Design of stabbing the King You know the story of Iohn Chastel one of the Jesuits Scholars to the same purpose how he wounded the King in the mouth with the stab of a Knife which he intended for his throat It is well known what share the Jesuits had in this attempt This young Desperate confessed that he heard them say That it was lawful to kill the King There were found in their Colledge several Pieces full of Invectives and most pernicious Propositions against the Honor and Life of Henry the Third and Henry the Fourth his Successor then Reigning The famous Act of Parliament at Paris has eternized the Memory of this Execrable Attempt It Ordains That all the Priests and Scholars of the Colledge of Clermont and all others that stiled themselves of the Society of Jâ—sus should quit the Kingdom in fifteen days as corrupters of Youth disturbers of the publick Peace and Enemies to the King and Kingdom Which was done accordingly And it is fit I should tell you upon this how Cardinal d'Ossat bemoaned their loss by reason of the apparent advantage the poor Protestants had by it You may see it in the eighth Letter of his first Book these are his words It must needs give a Prince converted to the Catholick Religion whom we should have comforted and confirmed by all means possible great offence and prejudice against Catholicks when they that boast themselves the Pillars of the Catholick Religion have thus endeavoured to get him Murdered Whereas if there had been any pretence for Assassinates it should have been the Hereticks that should have procured it and seen it done because he had quitted and forsaken them and they had reason to apprehend him And yet they have attempted no such thing either against Him or any of the five Kings his Predecessors whatever slaughter their Majesties made amongst them You have here at once an authentick Witness of the exact Loyalty of the Protestants of France to their Soveraign how violâ—nt soever the Soveraign might have been and a dreadful warning for all Princes to consider the Spirit of Popery perpetually engaged in Murder and ready to spill the most Sacred Blood if they think it runs cross to their interest The death of this Great Prince Henry the Fourth is a precedent enough to make the heart of any Prince ake that is so unhappy as to have in his Dominion or near his Person these sort of common pests It was to much purpose to profess the Romish Religion while these Monsters out of a suspicion perhaps that his heart was not Roman enough never rested till they had pierced it by the hand of that abominable Villain Ravilliac who had been a Monk as the Bishop of Rhodes assures us And what he says of the hardiness of this wicked Fellow to suffer all without speaking a word plainly shews us who were those Devils and Furies that Inspired him with such cursed Thoughts He was taken in the very Fact says the Bishop of Rhodes after he has given an account of the Crime of Ravilliac being Interrogated several times by the Commissioners of Parliament condemned the Courts met and by Sentence torn between four Horses in the place of Execution after they had tormented him with hot burning pincers in the Breast Arms and Thighs without discoveâ—ing the least fear or grief in the midst of so great Torment which confirmed the mistrust they had that certain Emissâ—ries under pretence of Zeal had instructed and charmed him by false assurances that he should die a Martyr if he kill'd him whom they made believe to be a sworn enemy of the Church But I should not make an end this day if I were to take notice of all the Stories of the malice and fury of the Papists against such Princes as have not had the happiness to please them and give you all the proofs of the affection and untainted Loyalty of the Protestants for their Kings how little secure soever they have been to them However said I to our Friend do not conclude before you have quitted the Subjects from that suspicion which the proceedings of the present King of France has â—aised every where of the innocence of this poor people For according to the manner he has treated them within his Kingdom he must needs look upon them rather as his Enemies than his Subjects Must there not have been some failure on thâ—ir part and that they have entred into some conspiracy or are revolted
the matter he commends the Prince his generosity and said He was likewise ready to justifie his Innocence though privately he took care to have him apprehended In good earnest Monsieur Maimbourg's Morals must be strangely depraved since he is no longer a Jesuit not to find any fault in a Prince guilty of so prosligate a Dissimulation and notorious Treachery And does he think if Lewis the Fourteenth ever comes to open his eyes he will think himself obliged to those that would make such a Man pass for a truly Christian Hâ—ro who has done his utmost to disappoint him of the Crown by taking it from his Ancestors and endeavoring to cut off the Illustrious Race of the Bourbon's If an â—nglishman should Canonize Cromwell and place him among the Hero's Can you imagine he should be well received at Court or that the King should repose any great confidence in his Loyalty Monsieur Maimbourg must know that the Prince of Condè being what he was could not look upon this pretended Hero otherwise than as a Monster He was obliged by the duty of his Relation his Honor Loyalty and all that was becoming a Great Mind with all his might to set himself against those wicked Designs which he saw the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorrain had so plainly layed Would you have had him stood with his hands in his pockets when he discovered so great danger and suffer Strangers to ruine the State and take the Crown away from his Family with a high hand 7. These Usurpers had laid their business so well and were become so absolute Masters of the Person the Mind the Authority and the whole Power of the young King that it was impossible to carry any Address to the King unless by their means and to do any thing against them to bring them to Justice but as one may say in the Kings presence who was continually in their hands and by consequence to redress a mischief that so absolutely required a remedy without resolving upon some great and extraordinary attempt Either therefore the Prince of Condè must have done what he did or else have suffered the Throne to be usurped and the Royal Family sacrificed contrary to that duty he owed to France to his King to Himself and to his whole Race If Monsieur Maimbourg will have it that the Prince of Condè should have let the Guises go on his King ought to look upon him as his mortal Enemy If he believes he did his duty let him retract and be ashamed of those unadvised words That he would have taken the Kings Lodgings by force as Affairs then stood to seize in his presence upon his chief Ministers was to attack the King himself and to seek to make himself master of his Person and Government In the condition matters were then it was the only humane means left to rescue the young King from slavery to give a stop to the Outrages of a Forain domineering Power or rather Tyranny and to preserve the Crown to its right Heirs If God was not pleased in his All-wise providence to give so good success to the attempt as was hoped it failed not nevertheless of doing some good It gave a check to the wicked designs of the Guises and made them sensible that whil'st they had to do with men of that Courage they should not purchase the Kingdom at so cheap a rate as they thought for Besides I must not conceal it from you that the Protestants were not the only Men that Lifted themselves under the Prince of Condè for this important Service to their Country and to the Royal Family several Roman Catholicks shared with them in the glory of this Attempt The famous Mezeray has published it to all the World So that Monsieur Maimbourg is 〈◊〉 out when he would make it a quarrel upon Religion And much 〈◊〉 unjustly is he mistaken when he offers to say that at the business of Amboise The Huguenots entred into a horrible Conspiracy against their King I am satisfied says I to our Friend and I am confident every honest man that knows as much as you have told me of this matter will look upon this Jesuits Imputation with amazement and detestation Pray give me an account now of the business of Meaux The French Protestants repâ—yed he are no less innocent of Conspiracy against their King in the business of Meaux than they were in that of Amboise The testimony of the eminent Cardinal d'Ossat is an invincible Defence to them in this Affair and puts them beyond the reach of Calumny But I suppose you would be throughly informed of this matter I will do it in as few words as possibly I can And I will take the account partly from Monsieur Maimbourg himselff partly from two other Popish Historians who have much a greater esteem in the World than he it is the famous President de Thou and Mezeray We will take it from the beginning You have not forgot what I told you at our former Meeting when I gave you an account of the first War the Prince of Condè was forced to make for rescuing the King at the earnest intreaty of the Queen-mother then Regent I shall not need to take off a thousand odious Reflections which Monsieur Maimbourg lays upon the French Protestants in relation to this War They are either the faults of some private persons who having acted contrary to the principles of the Reformed Religion were disowned by all sincere Protestants or false Suggestions which the solemn Edict of Charles the Ninth in the Year 1563. has sufficiently confuted the King there owning as done for his Service all that the Prince of Condè and his Friends had done in this first taking up of Arms. This noted Edict Ordains That the Protestant Religion should be publickly exercised in several parts of the Kingdom which the Edict names it puts all the French Protestants under the protection of their King in what part of France soever they should make their abode it Wills That every one of them when they come home should be maintained and secured in their Goods Honors Estates Charges Offices c. The Prince and the Protestants observed the Articles of the Treaty of Peace most exactly Monsieur Maimbourg tells us himself That all the places which the Huguenots held submitted to the King Nay we English have occasion to complain of their too great exactness in this point For they were the hottest in taking Havre de Grace from us which we had possessed our selves of only to give them succor against their Persecutors All their great Souldiers came against us to the Siege of this Town The Prince of Condè lodged all the while in the Trenches All the French says Mezeray went thither in great fury especially the Huguenots But their Adversaries dealt not so with them they broke the Edict every where in a shamful and barbarous manner This Illustrious Queen
any favour they built Citadels in the same places no Justice was to be obtained for them either in Parliament or Council they murdered them without restraiâ—t neither were they restored to their Estates or Offices These complaints were brought two or three times to the Prince of Condè and to Coligny who at two meetings had given this Answer both times That thoy ought to endure all patiently rather than to take up arms But when one of the chief Men at Court had given them certain notice that they were resolved to seize the Prince and the Admiral to confine the first to perpetual Imprisonment and bring the other to the Block Dandelot's advice who was bolder than the rest put them upon a resolution not only of defending themselves but likewise to attack their Enemies by open force and for this end to drive the Cardinal of Lorrain from the King's presence and cut off the Suisses They were six thousand Suisses they had raised under pretence of hindring the Duke Alva's passage but indeed to destroy the Protestants as Monsieur Maimbourg himself sufficiently hints and as I shall plainly shew you from a remarkable passage of Monsieur de Thou Which passage shall likewise serve to confirm what Mezeray has told us That one of the chief men at Court gave certain notice to the Protestants that they were resolved to seize the Prince and the Admiral And to convince Monsieur Maimbourg of the greatest Impudence and at the same time of the highest Injustice done to a Prince that was the Hero of his age See but how this Jesuit relates to us the occasion and motive of that he calls The business of Meaux The Prince was always in hopes that the Queen would have procured for him to be Lieutenant General over the whole Kingdom That she had promised to bring him to the point he aimed at when the Treaty of Orleans was made Tho she was no ways inclined to put so great a charge in his hands but said it only to fool him She was resolved to set the Duke of Anjou upon him who was the dearest to her of all her children And she instructed him so well that when the Prince of Condè came some days to the Queens Supper Monsieur who watched for an opportunity to affront him took him aside to a corner of the Reom where he treated him in a strange manner so far as to tell him in a threatning way laying his hand upon his Sword That if ever he thought of this place contrary to that respect he ow'd him that he would make him repent it and make him as inconsiderable as he aspired to be great After this the Prince touched to the quick disputed no farther with himself what party to take though he concealed his resentment at that time to make his Revenge the surer of which from that moment he laid the design And this was the true cause of the second Troubles which he cloaked with the pretence of Religion which had the least share if any at all in that violent resolution which he took and in that unhappy and abominable attempt at Meaux Indeed he had already had two Meetings with the Colignies chief of his Friends one at Chastillon and the other at Valery where nothing was as yet agreed upon But presently after Monsieur had used him thus and that he found himself thus tricked by the Queen and all his credit at the Court lost he went and had a third at Chastillon And there it was that without discovering any thing more than what had been said in the two former about the Ligue which they said was made to oppress and ruine their Religion they resolved to take Arms not only to defend themselves but likewise to assault and to cut in pieces the Suisses which the King had caused to be raised and to make themselves Masters of the whole Kingdom by seizing upon the Sacred Person of the King the Princes his Brothers and the Queen Really this is intolerable I could never have thought so private a Person as Monsieur Maimbourg could have dared to blast by so impudently false a story the memory of so great a Prince in the face of his Highness the Prince of Condè now living who no doubt shares in so foul a Disgrace cast upon one of the most renowned of his Ancestors 1. Mezeray gives Monsieur Maimbourg quite another reason of the second Troubles and to find out those that were the cause of them there was no need that he should go to make of one of the sincerest Princes the World ever had a Hypocrite and a wicked Person that made a stale of Religion using it for a cover to his pernicious Designs and to a mad unbridled Ambition and Revenge Philip the Second King of Spain says Mezeray contrived a second Civil War in France the severe effects of which had almost put it to its last gasp See from a Papist Writer what was the true incentive of discord in these second Troubles Surely then Monsieur Maimbourg has some secret malice against the house of Bourbon to impute as he does the crime of a Blood-thirsty King to the generous Prince of Condè 2. But with what face dare he say that they resolved at the third meeting of the Protestants to take arms though at that time they discovered no more than what they had done at the two former where by the way no such thing was concluded With what face dare he say this who is told by Mezeray That in this last meeting they determined to resist force by force forasmuch as one of the chief men at Court gave certain notice that they had resolved to seize the Prince and the Admiral In short the learned President de Thou whom he quotes some times in his History could have informed him of all that was needful to hinder him for ever doing so cruel an injustice to so excellent a Prince For he tells us in the beginning of his 42 Book That the Protestants met one and another time with the Prince of Condè the Admiral and d' Andelot at Valery first and afterwards at Chastillon upon Loin That after having well discussed the matter Pro and Con they at last unanimously agree to try all means before they came to the last Remedy that is to take Arms But that after this Provocations growing higher especially by reason of the Suisses which the King would not dismiss though he was entreated to do it and that the Duke d' Alva was now entred into the Low-Countries There came Letters from one of the great Lords at Court who was a Friend to the Protestants by which the Prince was advised that it was determined in a private Councel that they intended to seize upon him and the Admiral to cramp the one in Prison and cut off the others head that at the same time they would put two thousand Swisses into Paris two thousand into Orleans and as
many into Poictiers that then they would repeal the Edict and set out others for the extirpation of the Protestants For that reason it was according to Monsieur de Thou that they came to a resolution and not as Monsieur Maimbourg reproaches them without proof or ground that they might seize the Sacred Person of the King his Brothers and the Queen The Guises Monsieur Maimbourg's Hero's are only capable of such Exploits but to present their most humble Petitions to the young King in such a posture as might secure them from the rage of their irreconcileable Enemies and to drive the Cardinal of Lorrain from the Court who had sworn the ruine of the Princes of the Blood and sought the extirpation of the Huguenots for no other end than because they opposed with all their might this detestable Design as Mezeray very well observes I fancy it will not be amiss to read the passage to you The Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorrain looked upon the Protestants as a hindrance to the establishment of their Grandeur They easily foresaw if the King should happen to dy of that sickness which they apprehended very dangerous they should have no farther pretence to keep the Authority longer in their hands which then they held in his name the Duke of Orleans that was to succeed him being a Minor and that therefore the Princes of the Blood had all the reason in the World to take it from them They knew likewise very well the weakness of these Princes and thought they had strength enough to order them like the others could they but hinder the gathering together of the Factions of the Religionaries who came to joyn them from all parts for which cause they made haste to disperse them before they should be able to form themselves into a Body which would certainly prove very sturdy and formidable and might serve as a retreat for all the rest Some thought and indeed their private dealings and those they confided in made it appear that they had attempted to draw them on their side nay they had a mind to declare themselves head of this Party if the Princes of the Blood should have got the better at the beginning but that the Religionaries did always refuse to come in to them It was they say one of the chief reasons why they set themselves upon their ruine This Cardinal thirsting after the Blood of the Huguenots because they would not betray the Interest of the Blood-Royal and who was wonderfully desirous of troubles as necessary for the setting a Value upon his Power and placing his Nephews in their Fathers Credit became an unmoveable obstacle to the Kingdoms Peace Besides the Prince knew that he was to fall into the hands of this merciless Prelate who had caused him to be condemned to have his head cut off under Francis the Second and that the whole Royal Family was in danger especially the House of Bou-bon if he made not haste to prevent it in seizing upon his person that he might rid the Court of him Therefore he takes Horse with about four hundred of his Friends to make his way to fall at the Kings Feet where he might offer his ‑ complaints of the severe Persecutions the Protestants lay under all over the Kingdom and to remove from his Majesties presence this publick Pest who had ingrossed him to himself and imposing upon his tender years possessed him with Resolutions so pernicious to the Princes of his Blood and to his best Subjects The Queen upon the news of this withdraws the King to Meaux a town of Brie By her Order the Marshal of Montmorancy goes to while off the Prince till six thousand Suisses should be got into Meaux The Constable argued exceeding well for staying at Meaux forasmuch as there was not the least danger to the Kings Person At first says Mezeray the Queen liked well of this advice but within an hour after her mind was altered either through the inconstancy of her Sex or the Cardinal of Lorrain's dissuasions They say that this Prelate being very desirous of troubles as requisite to put a value upon his power and to establish his Nephews in their Fathers Credit suggested as if Montmorency held Intelligence with the Prince That she and her Children would be delivered into their hands representing to her likewise That if this should not so fall out yet she was to consider That by staying at Meaux she would be confined and helpless under the imperious Austerity of the Constable who set himself to keep their Majesties in so inconsiderable a Town for no other end than to have them at his own disposal At the same time to encrease her suspicions his Emissaries spread a Rumour about the Court That the Constable and Chancellor had sent a secret dispatch to the Prince and were to deliver him up one of the Gates of the Town The Queen startled at the Cardinal's Suggestions and it may be at those false reports called the Council a second time in the Apartment of the Duke of Nemours who was strongly tyed up by Interest with the House of Guise There it is resolved by the advice of this Duke that it was fit to carry the King to Paris and to be gone presently aftâ—â— Mid-night It was to no purpose that the Chancellor layed before the Queen the Inconveniences that would happen upon this course and cryed out That they exposed the Sacred Person of the King to the utmost peril that they betrayed the publick Interest for private ones that they cut off all means and hopes of accommodation and that the Ambition of some was engaging the Kingdom to the necessity of entring into an Implacable War The Cardinal 's evil Counsel carryed it The King went away in the midst of seven or eight hundred Horse flanked with the Six thousand Suisses At peep of day they discovered the Princes Troops who were not in all above Four hundred Horse The Kings Troops seeing them in their way and that they cut off their passage made a Halt to receive Orders In the mean time the Prince knowing that the King was there advanced leisurely with his Horse and asked to speak to his Majesty But the young King would not vouchsafe to hear him but kept himself all the while covered under the Guard of his Suisses The Prince enraged that they would not suffer him to lay his just Complaints before the King changed both his Countenance and his Purpose says Mezeray and put himself in a Posture to vent his Fury upon the Suisses who stood here in his way and whom he knew his enemies had appointed to destroy him and all the Protestants But what could Four or Five hundred men do against above seven thousand All ended in some slight Skirmishes of words rather then blows as appears from Monsieur Thou's History who no doubt had better ground for what he said
directed by the Laws and Customs of the Country Had the business succeeded it had been easie for the Prince and his Friends to have excused to the King this indecent Violence and justified by the event of the sincerity of their Intentions in the same manner as by the event it proved that when Charles the Seventh whil'st he was Dauphin took up Arms it was neither against the King his Father nor against the Kingdom which was the Example that was brought to resolve the scruples of some of the Prince's Friends who were afraid of the odious Reflections which might be made upon the attempt at Meaux how necessary or innocent soever it might be in it self And Monsieur de Thou who gives us an account of this particular tells us likewise that the design the Prince and his Friends had in arming themselves was to drive from the Helm the Enemies of the publick Peace to undeceive the young King and to settle all things quiet in his Kingdom But I ought to read you the whole Passage since it is in my hand Objiciebatur Cardinalem semper Regi ejusdem c. It was objected that the Cardinal always beset the King and that the Swisses were continually about him whom if they should attack in these Circumstances they would not seem to assault the Cardinal and the Swisses but the King himself This must no doubt draw the utmost envy of all men upon them but the King whose favour they should seek would never forgive them To this d' Andelot who was almost always for the warmest Counsel answered That the intention of the Protestants would be judged by the event as formerly Charles the Seventh when he was yet but Dauphin made it appear to all the World by the conclusion of the War that he fought neither against his Father nor his King Nor indeed could any one imagine that a Body made up of French should conspire their Kings ruine For though we have an account of the Conspiracies of some single persons an universal revolt was never yet heard of But if fortune should favour their first attempts there would be an end of a fatal War which being crush'd at the beginning the enemies of our common repose might be removed from the Government and the King of whom being better informed of things a confirmation of the Edicts might be obtained and a firm peace setled in the Kingdom Here is enough to convince all the World of the Insolence and Malice of Monsieur Maimbourg in treating the renowned Grandfather of the present Prince of Condè so rudely in an attempt which as it had nothing in it contrary either to the Principles of Christian Religion or good Politicks was doubtless every way glorious and deserves the highest commendations The Prince appeared in this a true Hero He comes to the succor of his King and Country and all the honest part of the Kingdom and with five or six hundred men he attempts to cut off the six thousand Swisses who were to be the Tools and Bulwork of a Forain Tyranny He had not failed of success had not the contrivances of the Queen who then favored the enemies of the State disappointed him of the Conquest But God was not yet pleased to give repose to France The King retreats from Meaux to Paris against the advice of the wisest of his Councel And the Prince to hinder the utter ruine of a Party that was the only check to the wicked designs of the House of Lorrain found himself obliged to raise a small Army to give Battle at St. Dennis to besiege and to take several Towns But the deep respect he had for his King made him and all his party lay down their Arms at a time when he was just ready to take the Town of Chartres and to have reduced all the enemies of the State So soon as ever they proposed any safety for his Person and for the security of his faithful Protestants who were the only true Supports of the Crown against the ambition of the Guises he immediately quitted all his Advantages and accepted of the Peace which was offered him This was the substance of the Articles says Mezeray That they should fully and peaceably enjoy the Edict of Ianuary without any Qualification or Restriction whatever That they should be put and maintained under the Kings protection as to their Estates Honor and Priviledges That the King would esteem the Prince for his good Kinsman and his loyal Subject and Servant and all those that followed him for good and loyal Subjects You see now what this business of Meaux was with the Consequences of it that Monsieur Maimbourg has made such ado about so as to make it pass with the affair of Amboise for horrible Conspiracies which the Huguenots have contrived against the Kings of France To hinder the Princes of the House of Guise from usurping the Crown of the French Kings and taking it from Lewis the Fourteenth in the person of his Predecessors and destroying the whole Race of the Bourbons must pass according to this man for contriving horrible Conspiracies against the Kings of France Thus It is that he courts his Hero and complements the present Prince of Condè But what does he mean said I to our Friend when he says moreover Not to speak of their cruel Rebellions that have cost France so much blood and the mischievous intelligences they have held with the enemy to rid themselves of the Monarchy and with open face set up a Commonwealth as they have done more than once Our Friend answered me That since he distinguishes this from the pretended Conspiracies of Amboise and Meaux he must by the Rebellions and Plots he Imputes to these Protestants needs mean the other Troubles that happened after these two first to the Reign of Henry the Great and those that were revived in the beginning of the Reign of Lewis the 13th Indeed he accuses them upon this account that contrary to the Treaty they had made the Protestants refused to surrender to the King Sancerre Montauban Milhaud Cahors Albi and Castres but especially Rochel the Rebellion of which Town says he openly maintained by the Heads of the Huguenot party who were resolved to make it their chief place of strength was the true ground of the breach because it would not admit the Garrison which the King would have put in there but received several of the chief Leaders of the Huguenots went on with the Fortifications and gave the Court reason to believe that the Prince and the Admiral were preparing for a War Upon which it was resolved to surprise them and carry them away The Marshal de Tavannes a great Friend to the House of Guise and Confident of Queen Catharine undertook to do the thing whil'st the Prince was at his house called Noyers in Bourgoyne But the matter being discovered just as it was to be executed the Prince made his escape to
for a pretence to â—ish in troubled Waters But if there happened to be any sincere Protestants who were drawn in by these Hypocrites to take up Arms with them as it is not to be doubted they did it not in pursuit of the Principles of their Religion which is point-blanck against such proceedings but out of too great a fear of Death or something worse through a usual Infirmity of Nature from which the best of Christians are not wholly exempt The first need no defence the second deserve it not and the third sort plead their fear the rather because just as it were easie to prove as well as their repentance As the first are they that held to the true Principles of their Religion it is but reasonble that we should make our judgment of the French Protestants from their behaviour The second as they did but act a part and were Impostors there is no reason their Extravagancies and Rebellions should be charged upon the true Protestants who disown their Fraternity And because the third falled out of weakness it is the duty of a Christian Compassion and the sense of our own Infirmities to forget and forgive their Failures I propose nothing in all this but upon the most authentick Authority that could be wished for upon such an occasion it is a Declaration of Lewis XIII given at Bourdeaux the 10th of November 1615. upon the joyning of the Protestants with the Prince of Condè Many says this King speaking of the Protestants of his Kingdom have taken up Arms against us to assist the Commotion begun by our Cousin the Prince of Condè amongst which there are that use Religion only for a better Pretence to conceal their Ambition and extream thirst of bettering themselves by the disturbance and ruine of the State and the rest have been Cheated and Imposed upon by false suggestions and vain fears that the former sort have put into their heads as if there were no avoiding Persecution but presently to take up Arms with them in their own defence making them believe the better to work upon their easiness That in the private Article upon the Match with Spain it was agreed and covenanted to drive them out of the Kingdom or wholly to destroy them which they being too forward to believe have run into this Engagement out of a conceit that they are forced to it in their own defence which makes their Fault pardonable and worthy rather of Pity than Punishment But these tricks have not prevailed or seduced the wiser and better sort who profess the same Religion purely out of Conscience as expecting to be Saved by it and not to promote a Faction who to a considerable number as well Lords Gentlemen Towns Corporations as other private persons of all qualities condemn and abhor the wickedness and rashness of their attempt and have publickly declared by word of mouth and writing That it ought to be esteemed as neither more nor less than a down-right Rebellion c. We have declared and ordained and do declare and ordain upon Consideration and in favour to the Loyalty which has been observed towards us by an infinite number of our good Subjects of the said Religion amongst which there are of the chiefest and best Quality who deserve a special Proof of our Good-Will That what has been committed by those of the same Religion who have taken up Arms against us or that have in any manner aided or assisted them have likewise the favour of our Edicts and that they share in this Grace as if they had always continued in their Duty c. This same King would by no means have the least Reproach lie upon those Protestants whose Fault he had declared Pardonable though they had joined with the Prince of Condè For when they came to consider ' all things for appeasing these first troubles he owns them for his faithful Subjects and maintains all they had done as done for his Service It is in Article XVII of the Edict of Blois in the Year 1616. and by your leave I will read you the Article That there may be no question of the good intention of our dearest Couâ—in the Prince of Condè and of those that joyned with him we declare That we hold and esteem our said Cousin the Prince of Condè to be our good Kinsman and faithful Subject and Servant as likewise the other Princes Dukâ—s Peers Oâ—ficers of our Crown Lords Gentlemen Towns Communalties and others as well Catholicks as those of the pretended Reformed Religion of what quality or condition soever that have assisted joined and united themselves with him either before or during the Cessation of Arms understanding also thereby the Deputies of the prâ—tended Reformed Religion lately assembled at Nismes and now at our City of Rochel to be our good and Loyal Subjects and Servants And having seen the Declaration addressed to us by our said Cousin the Prince of Condè We believe and look upon what was done by him and the aforenamed to have been done for a good end and purpose and for our Service In all the following troubles the same distinction is to be made The whole Body of Protestants was never engaged in them the greater and more sober part always kept to their Obedience and Duty in despite of all the Injuries that were done them They were contented to encounter God and their â—ing with Tears and Prayers or if they were seen in Arms it was in the Armies and under the Standards of their King whil'st they that were not Protestants but in shew made all the stirs which they unjustly impute to the true Protestants of which if any were drawn in by the insinuation of several disaffected persons and through impatience of the unjust Severities they were treated with against the Engagement of the Edicts to defend themselves by force of Arms their Religion which is from Jesus Christ never allowed it in opposition to their Superiors But after all it was but a small number of the Protestants that gave in to those rough Provocations they then lay under In so doing they departed from the Principles of the Protestant Religion Their own Brethren an inâ—inite number of them have condemned them for it true Christians are pardon'd daily for faults committed upon far more flight motives The King himself that then Reigned has determined That the cause of their taking up Arms which was undoubtedly a very just grievance as well as a sudden terror made their Crime pardonable and rather deserving Pity than Punishment However to lay the fault of particular Men upon the whole Body or the Protestant Religion it self as their Enemies do every day is as if we should charge the whole Church and Romish Religion with the Faults of those Papists who to a very great number followed either the late Prince of Condè in the troubles of the year 1615. or the Queen-Mother Mary de Medicis in those of the year 1620. or the present Prince
to charge them with Rebellion upon this account Are men Rebells when they defend themselves against the invasions of a Prince that is not their King This is so evident said I here to our friend that you need say no more I must confess the French Protestants are set right in my opinion They are not guilty of the Wars which infested France from the Reign of Francis the Second to that of Henry the Fourth They lived in perfect good understanding with their Countrymen during the Reign of this great Prince The Wars under Lewis the Thirteenth cannot justly be imputed to them because the greater and sounder part of them were not engaged because the real promoters of difference were Protestanâ—s only in name because if any true Protestants did go in it was upon motives and mistakes which in the opinion even of their King made their fault pardonable and because the standing out of Rochel must by no means pass for a Rebellion So that indisputably it is the effect of a dark and devilish malice in Monsieur Maimbourg and his Brethren to cry them down at such a rate as incendiaries and seditious by which they would render them suspected to the Magistrates and people where they go to be out of the reach of that cruel persecution that wasâ—s them I cannot recover my sâ—lf out of the astonishment that so wise a Prince as theirs is should desire to lose such subjects by driving them into despair All Europe sayes our friend is of the same mind They say plainly that the King of France cuts off the hand which saved his Crown and of which he or his son may stand in need some time or other to defend themselves against the Ligues of the Roman Clergy It is more then fifty years that they whom they persecute have given the highest testimony of their loyalty and zeal for the service of their Kings But what is yet more surprizing they make use of their loyalty for an occasion of persecuting them more severely For I know it from the first hand in the Memorial which was Presented to their King by a certain Abbot some years since to invite him to root them out and to open to him the way they lay down plainly their loyalty which sayes this Memorial they make an Article of faith and a point of conscience to satisfie him that there was no danger from them whatever injury or rigour they used towards them I have seen this Memorial of which there was means found to get a copy the Abbot who was the bearer having forgot the Rule and charge that he was under to be secret But I can assure you the French Court were not a little pleased with this motion since it doth only follow the Memorial step by step in all the tricks and outrages that have been practiced upon the Protestants against the security of the Edicts To be short that which will compleat your amazement is that this Great Lewis the Fourteenth whom the whole World has in admiration was disposed quite another way as appears not only by his Letter to the Elector of Brandenburg which I have already communicated to you and is but a private transaction but by a solemne Declaration which I must needs read to you before we part The King's Declaration by which he confirms the Edicts of Pacification LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navar to all that shall see these present Letters Greeting The late King our most honoured Lord and Father whom God rest being convinced that one of the most necessary things to preserve the Peace of the Kingdom was to maintain his subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion in the full and entire enjoyment of the Edicâ—â— made in their favour and to have the free exercise of their Religion took special care by all prudent means to hinder that they should not be molested in the fruition of the Liberties Prerogatives and Privileges granted to them by the said Edicts having to this end immediately upon his coming to the Crown by Letters Patents of the 22. of May 1610. and after he came of Age by his Declaration of the 20. of November 1615. declared it to be his will that the Edicts should be observed thereby to incourage his subjects so much the more to keep within their Duty And after the pattern of so great a Prince and in imitation of his bounty we intend to do the like having upon the same grounds and considerations by our Declaration of the Eight of July 1643. willed and ordained that our said subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion enjoy all the Concessions Priviledges and Advantages especially the free and full exercise of their said Religion in pursuance of the Edicts Declarations and Ordinances made in their favour upon this account And for as much as our said subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion have given us certain proofs of their affection and loyalty particularly in the present Affairs of which we are abundantly satisfied Be it known that We for these reasons and at the most humble request which has been made us from our said Subjects professing the said pretended Reformed Religion and after having it debated in our presence at Council We by the advice of the same and upon our certain knowledge and Royal Authority have said declared and ordained say declare and ordain will and it is our pleasure That our said Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion be maintained and protected as indeed we do maintain and protect them in the full and entire enjoymâ—nt of the Edict of Nantes other Edicts Declarations Acts Ordinances Articles and Briefs set out in their favour Registred in Parliament and Edict Chambers especially in the free and publick exercise of the said Religion in all places where these Orders have allowed it all Letters and Acts as well of our Council as of Soverain Courts or other Iudicatories to the contrary notwithstanding Willing that the transgressors of our said Edicts be punished and chastised as disturbers of our publicke peace So we give in command to our well beloved and faithfull the persons holding our Courts of Parliament Edict Chambers Bayliffs Seneschalls their Deputies and other our Officers whom it shall concern in their respective places that they cause these Presents to be Registred read and Published where it shall be requisite and keep observe and retain according to their forme and Tenure And forasmuch as there may be need of these Presents in divers places We will that the same credit shall be given to Copies duly collated by one of our well beloved and faithfull Counsellors and Secretaries as to the present Original For such is our pleasure In witness whereof we have caused our Seal to be set to these Presents Given at St Germains en Laye 20. of May in the year of Grace 1652. and of our Reign the Tenth Signed LOUIS and a little below by the King PHELIPEAUX And Sealed with the Broad Seal Can we
doubt but they who perswade this great Prince to violate a word so solemnly given are his mortal Enemies Enemies to his glory as much or more then the Protestants Were I not obliged to go abroad I would instantly discharge my self of the last part of my promise to you which is to shew you that the Papists are the really guilty persons of the sins of Rebellion and conspiracie which the Jesuits Maimbourg and such as he falsly impute to the French Protestant But this shall be for our next meeting Upon which having first appointed an other time we parted I am c. The Sixth Letter Papists themselves Antymonarchists SIR I was sure to come at the hour appointed Our friend had two little Books in his hands just as I came into the room He compared them one with an other and I observed him to smile whilst he was doing of it Pray said I give me leave to awake you out of your pleasant Dream and ask you what you are so intent upon that for what I can perceive pleases you very well If you please to sit down replied he I will tell you in short So I took my seat and he went on One of the two Books that you saw me have is The History of Calvinisme and the other The Policy of the Clergy of France Whilst I was expecting you I read what Monsiuer Mainbourg says in the First to take off the prejudice Protestant Kings and Princes might have taken against the Principles and usual practice of Papists And I must confess to you I could not forbear smiling when I saw the ridiculous evasions this man made use of especially after I had compared them with the objections of the Author of The Policy of the Clergy of France which he pretends to confute I must needs read all this to you You shall find proofs enough there to justifie you in what I promised That they are the Papists who are really to be feared in the point of Rebellion and conspiracies into which the principles of their Religion have so often lead them and not the Protestants of France whose Religion is so directly opposite to these sort of practices and who by the help of God have never been guilty of them properly so speaking as I have before demonstrated to you It is certain says Monsieur Maimbourg that in the glorious condition the King is at this day having vanquished all those that conspired against this Soverain Power to which they all bow he might with ease and justly deal with the Huguenots as the Protestant Princes do with the Catholicks Nay his glory seems to oblige him to it For is it not a wonderful thing to see some Princes who come infinitely short of him in every thing denying the Catholicks the free Exercise of their Religion within their Territories and yet to have it expected thâ—â— he should endure those that profess theirs freely to Exercise in his Kingdome Might he not very reasonably Say to the Huguenots Either let these Princes allow the free Exercise of my Religion under them or else do not look that I â—hould allow you the freedom of â—xercising yours and theirs in France If you would have us observe the Edicts that were made in your favour see then that they make the like in favour of the Catholiks And it signifies nothing what one of their last witnesses has 〈◊〉 of late to give the best answer he could to this powerful argument which overthrows them He thought to take it off by saying that there is a great difference betwixt the one and the other in this respect in as much as the Catholicks believing that the Pope may depose a Prince who is esteemed at Rome a Heretike or Excommunicated Person there is reason to be at defiance with them and to apprehend their conspiring against such a Prince which cannot be said of the Protestants who are far from any such belief so that there is no ground to suspect them or imagin they should attempt any ill against the Catholick Princes their Soveraigns To shew plainly how little force there is in such an Answer which is indeed but a poor shifting we need only mark these two things which have been laied down in this History of Calvinisme and which cannot be denied The first is that more dismal conspiracies are hardly to be met with then those the Hugunots have made against our Kings such as the accursed attempts of Amboise and of Meaux not to take notice of their terrible Rebellions which have cost France so much blood and of the unhappy Plots they have entred into with their â—nemies to withdraw their subjection from the Monarchy by openly setting up a Commonwealth as they have done more then once The second is that it is by no means our belief that a Pope can depose Princes though they be Hereticks nor absolve their subjects from the Oath of Allegiance and give up their right to him that can first take it Far from this our most Christian Kings who are known to have been the most zealous Defenders of the Catholike faith and the greatst Protectors of the holy See to which they have always unmoveably held notwithstanding all the differences they had with some Popes about temporal Affairs and the right of their Crown which they must never give up our Kings I say have ever protested against this pretension grounded upon a principle which our Doctors have always condemned as directly contrarâ— to the divine Law There may be seen to this purpose the remonstrances and the protestations that I have mentionâ—d which Charleâ— the Ninth directed to Pope Pius the Fourth upon the occasion of Queen Iean of Navar as obstinate a Huguenot as she was Therefore the King might justly use the Huguenots as the Protestant Princes in their States do the Catholicks I should not have done to day if I should take notice of all that Monsieur Maimbourg says upon this subject He makes it consistent with the Duty and Honour of the King of France to overthrow an Edict which was the reward of the Loialty and of the eminent services of the Protestants an Edict confirmed in all the Parliaments of the Kingdome under the title of a perpetual and irrevacable Law Ratified by a thousand Royal promises and by a thousand authentike Declarations which Lewis the Fourteenth had himself solemnly sworn to observe upon so many occasions It seems says the Jesuite that he is bound to do it for his glory which is to say according to this man of conscince that one does his Duty when he breaks his word and his Oath and that he acts for his Glory when he dishonours himself and his Ancestors by perjuries and overthrowing the most Religiously established Laws But above all it is a pleasant fancy that the argument he furnishes his King with to stop the mouth of the Huguenots who do not prevail with the Princes of their Religion to permit the free exercise of the
Divine who knew the story that I have related published it to prove that the Catholicks were guilty of the Crime which the Calvinists were accused of When this story came to light there was a great alarme in the House of the Queen-Mother of the King of England that House being full of Jesuits and even that great Lord who had lead the Jesuits to Rome and had made himself chief of that Conspiracy was one of the principal Officers of the House They immediately demanded Justice of the King by the means of the Queen-Mother for the injury that he who had published this scandalous story had done them The Doctor offered to prove his Accusation and to produce his Witnesses who were still living The great Lord and Officer of the Queens House and the Jesuits seeing the resolution of this Man durst not push him on they only obtain'd from the King by the means of the Queen-Mother that he should be silenced You must avow that there are but few that are innocent who would have been so easie in so terrible an Accusation Besides it is certain that this Consultation of Rome has been seen by several persons If it is false it must have been forged by this Chaplain who was turned Catholick and who shewed it since tho it must be confessed that this is not very likely However as all this is reduceed to a single Witness my Gentleman acknowledged that the proof was not wholly in forme but he stood much upon the late Conspiracy of England which was discovered two years ago by which half the Kingdom was to have had their Throats cut to become Masters of the rest Prov. Be it as it will my Hugonot Gentleman concluded from all this that a Protestant Prince can never be assured of the Fidelity of his Catholick Subjects On the contrary said he the Protestants are subject to their Prince out of Conscience and out of a Principle of their Religion They acknowledge no other Superiour than their King and do not believe that for the cause of Heresie it is permitted either to kill a lawful Prince or to refuse him obedience They oppose against us said he to me the English and Holland Catholicks But what has been promised to those people that has not been performed The United Provinces of the Low Countries are entred into the Union with this Condition of not suffering any other Religion in their States than the Protestant Though England was reformed under Edward the 6 th afterwards under Elizabeth by several Acts of Parliament which are the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom it was ordered that no other Religion should be suffered than that the Anglicane Church made choice of and that they would not suffâ—r the Assemblies of those whom they at present call Nonconformists It was even forbidden to the Priests and Monks to set Foot in England and to make any abode there However they have not kept up to this rigour and every one knows that there is at present above ten thousand Priests and Monks disguised in England and that there has ever been so Wherefore more has been given to the Catholicks than was promised them But in France where we live under favourable Edicts they have promised us what they have not performed It is only against us that they make profession of not performing what they have promised The Edicts of Pacification are in all the Forms that perpetual Laws ought to be they are verified by the Parliaments they are confirmed by a hundred Declarations which followed by Consequence and by a thousand Royal Words In fine they have been laid as irrevocable Laws and as foundations of the Peace of the State We rely upon the good Faith of so many promises and on a sudden we see snatcht from us what we looked upon as our greatest security and which we had possessed for above a hundred years Thus there is neither Title nor Prescription nor Edicts nor Acts nor Declarations which can put us in Safety This is what he told me and I avow to you that this part put me in pain for I am a Slave to my Word and an Idolater of good Faith I look upon it as the only Rampart of Civil Society and I conceive that States and Publick persons are no lâ—ss obliged to keep what they promise than particular men Far. That is true But do not you know that the safety of the people and the publick good is the Soveraign Law Very often we must suffer and even do some Evil for the good of the State Peaces and Treaties are daily broken which have been solemnly sworn because that the publick interest requires it should be so Prov. My Hugonot made himself that difficulty and told me thereupon When War is declared against Neighbours to the prejudice of Treties of Peace and Alliances this is done in the Forms They publish Manifesto's they expose or at least they suppose Grievances and Infractions in the Articles of the Treaty that have been made by those against whom War is declared When a Soveraign revokes the Graces that he had done his Subjects it is ever under pretence that they have rendered themselves unworthy of them But are we accused or can we be accused of having tampered in any Conspiracy of having had Intelligence with the Enemies of the State of having wanted Love Fidelity and Obedience towards our Soveraigns If it be so let us be brought to Tryal let the Criminals be informed against and let the Innocent be distinguished from those that are Guilty We speak boldly thâ—rein because we are certain they can reproach us with nothing and we know that his Majesty himself has very often given Testimony of our Fidelity He knows that we did not enter into any of the Parties that have been made against his Service since he has been upon the Throne During the troubles of his minority it may be said that none but those Cities we were Masters of remained Loyal When the Gates of Orleans were shut upon the King he went to Gien and that City was going to be guilty of the same Crime without the vigour of a Hugonot who made way with his Sword in his hand to the Bridge and let it down himself This action was known and recompenced for the King immediately made him Noble who had done it We had not any part in the disturbances of Bordeaux in those of Britany and Auvergue nor in the Conspiracy of the Chevalier do Roban Not one Hugonot was engaged in these Criminal Cases The King has been pleased to acknowledge it and we look upon the Testimony of so great a King as a great Recompence But our Enemies who continually sollicit him to our ruin ought to be mindful that it would be more civil in them to leave the King the liberty of following his inclinations These would without doubt move him to preserve the effects of his kindness for people who have preserved for him an inviolable Fidelity This is what
that in words in which his heart gives him the lie And I beseech you consider what he adds to make us believe that the Roman Catholicks have not that belief which the Popes themselves attribute to them So far from that says he that our most Christian Kings who are known alwais to have been the most zealous asserters of the Catholick Faith and the chiefest Protectors of the Holy See to which they have inviolably held in all times notwithstanding all the disputes they have had with some Popes about temporal concerns and the rights of their Crown which they are bound never to relinquish our Kings I say have ever protested against this claim which is grounded upon a Doctrine that all our Doctors have ever condemned as point blanck against the Divine Law To this purpose may be seen the Remonstrances and Protestations which I have said that Charles the Ninth addressed to Pope Pius the Fourth upon the account of Queen Jane of Navarre as obstinate a Heretick as she was What can be said to such childish stuff Is it not an excellent way of arguing The Kings of France do not believe the Pope has that power over them as he challenges to him self therefore it is by no means the belief of the Roman Catholicks that the Pope has such a power so that Princes who are Protestants or protect such as are can be in no danger either of life or Crown from their Popish subjects The Remonstrances and the Protestations which Monsieur Maimbourg makes such a noise with did they prevail that more than half the Papists of France should noâ— rise against their King Henry the Third so soon as ever the Pope had thundred out his â—xcommunication against him This crowd of people of Churchmen and of Fryars who by Monsieur Maimbourg's own confession entred into a League with so much heat against this pooâ— Prince did they not make it appear plainly that the good Catholick subjects take much notice of the particular belief and the weighty Protestations of the French Kings when the Pope has pronounced Anathema The almost perpetual Conspiracies of our Papists against the sacred Majesty of our Kings and against their faithful Subjects are likewise a strong evidence of Monsieur Maimbourg's sound reasoning Do not the Catholicks of England plainly shew that they take these particular decisions of the French Kings for the rule of their Faith and of their practice But this assertion All our Doctors have ever condemned the Doctrine upon which is grounded the claim of Popes against Kings as directly opposite to the Divine Law is such a piece of confidence as it may be never was the like I must confess I could not have believed that what is said of the Jesuitical impudence could have gone thus far What then Is it that Anthony Santarel the Jesuite who has written That a Pope has power to depose Kings discharge their Subjects from the obedience they owe them and deprive them of their Kingdoms for Heresy nay if they governe negligently or are not useful to their Kingdom that Cardinal Bellermin who was likewise a Jesuite and has maintained That the Pope may absolve Subjects from their Oath of Allegiance and deprive Kings of their Dominion that a thousand other Priests of the same Society quoted in the second part of the moral Divinity of the Jesuits ought not to be reckoned among the Doctors of the Church of Rome that Monsieur Maimbourg pronounces so positively All our Doctors have ever condemned this Doctrine as directly opposite to the Divine Law But perchance Monsieur Maimbourg since he left the Society has almost as good an opinion of the Jesuits as their good friend sof the Port Royal No doubt he has taken up the same prejudice which these Gentlemen have done that those Jesuits are no other in the Harvest of the Church than the tares that annoy the good Corne and that they ought not to be reckoned among the Christian Doctors However he ought to have the best intelligence and know them better than any man At least he should not have forgotten that he was informed how the whole Sorbonne in a body declared it self in this point of the same judgment with the Jesuites upon the particular case of Henry the Third He should as little forget that Cardinal du Perron in one of the greatest assemblies of the World maintained with open face not in behalf of the Jesuits but of the whole Clergy of France and as the mouth of all the Prelates of the Kingdom that the Pope has all that power over Kings which the Jeâ—uâ—ts attribute to him Therefore not to sâ—ay longer upon these â—â—â—llings of Monsieur Maimbourg you may easily see says our friend that as much as it is false that the Protestants who abhor all those principles above mentioned are to be suspected by any King of any Religion whatever in whose Dominion they abide so far certain and undeniablâ— is it that Roman-Catholick Subjects of what Countrey soever from the cursed tenents oâ— their Religion ought to be dreaded by their Kings whether Protestants or favourers of such I told our friend interrupting of him that I was already fully satisfied of the second Article neither can I imagine how it is possible that any man in this Kingdom should doubt of it after the no less cleer then convincing proofs that our worthy Bishop of Lincolne has brought in his learned Observations upon the Bull of Pius the Fifth for the pretended Excommunication of our renowned Queen Elizabeth As to the Loyalty and honest intentions of the Protestants of France I am likewise fully satisfied by all that you hâ—ve said And I make no question but they that have been so good Subjects in a Kingdom where their Loyalty has undergon such rough Tryals will be all zeal and flame in the service and for the Honour of our good King who takes them into his Protection with so much charity and compassion But pray tell me before we part what do you think of a little story which Monsieur Maimbourg has printed at the end of his Libell under the Title of The Declaration of the Dutchess of York I could tell you a great many things upon this subject said our friend For I have the whole History of it I have it here in English But to speak particularly to it would force me to discover too many misteries It would carry us a great way and is much more proper for another time I will only tell you that this Declaration was drawn up for quite another person then the late Dutchess of York and it were easie to prove that the greater part of what is there said does not at all sute with this Lady It was from much a different principle to what is reported in this piece that she made so suddain a change of her Religion And they who were by when she lay a dying have testified of quite other thoughts then those they have made
to carry on this attempt under the Authority of the Prince they chose La Renaudie a Gentleman of Perigord That he contrived a meeting of a considerable number of Gentlemen and other Deputies at Nantes That after he had discovered to this Meeting what had been concluded at La Fertè he told them that the concealed Head of this Party was the Prince of Condè who had made him his Lieutenant That it was agreed that five hundred Gentlemen and a thousand Foot under thirty chosen Captains should upon the tenth of March meet from several Quarters at Blois at which time the Court was to be there and pretending to present a Petition to the King should secure his Apartment that they might effect their designs upon the Guises That the Guises having discovered this immediately removed the Court to Amboise That La Renaudie who was resolved to do that at Amboise which he could not now do at Blois was betrayed by one he trusted That by this means they apprehended most of his Associates without much trouble That they hanged a great many presently without the form of a Tryal That they cast some into the River That they hanged up the Body of La Renaudie who was slain and afterwards cut it into Quarters That the chief of his Captains were Beheaded after they had all confessed That three of their Captains who came last and had attacked the Castle were cut to pieces This was the end of that attempt After this general account Monsieur Maimbourg comes to the Prince in particular and this he says As to the Prince of Condè when the King reproached him for attempting against his Person and against the State he justified himself like a great Man and suitable to his high Courage for in presence of all the great ones at Court that were then by and before the King the Queens and Royal Family he gave the Lie to as many as should dare to say that he headed those that had attempted the King's Sacred Person or his State profering to lay aside the consideration of his being Prince of the Blood and maintain that Challenge in single Combate but no body took him up This he might do questionless with all Justice it being certain that he was resolved the first Article of the Consult at La Fertè should be That they should attempt nothing against the King's Majesty nor against the State Mezeray adds something here that is too remarkable to be passed by The Prince after he had profered To justifie his Innocence against his Accusers by Sword or Lance said That he assured himself he should make them confess that they themselves were the persons who had sworn the subversion of the State and Royal Family He had no sooner done speaking says this Popish Historian but the Duke of Guise seeming not to take it to himself addressed to him and told him That it was not to be endured so foul a Charge should be laid upon so great a Prince and offered to be his Second if there could be any so audacious as to maintain these false Accusations It appears by what Monsieur Maimbourg sets down and asserts That the design of that business of Amboise was only to seize the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorrain to bring them to their Tryal That it was resolved at the undertaking of this business That they would attempt nothing against the King the Royal Family or the State That indeed the Prince of Condè did not attempt any thing against the Kings Majesty or State in this business of Amboise When therefore Monsieur Maimbourg so shamefully contradicting himself dares say in another place That you shall hardly meet with a more desperate Conspiracy than that of the Huguenots against their King in the business of Amboise What can he pass for less in the sense of all honest men than an infamous Libeller Against the testimony of his own conscience against what himself had writ and avowed does he lay a heavy accusation upon the Innocent and all this in hopes to afflict the afflicted and to shut up the Bowels of their Brethren in Foreign Parts from taking compassion of the poor French Protestants who are so terribly persecuted in their own Countrey He would make all the World jealous of them that they might no where find reception but be reduced wherever they go to dye with Hunger and Affliction You see what a worthy Wight this Author proves that they make such a do about amongst Persons of Quality to prejudice them against their poor Brethren For we must not think that the argument he makes in his Recital to perswade us That to attack the Guises was to fall upon the King can excuse him from contradiction and calumny in this particular They are not groundless proofs that will justifie an accusation of this weight especially when it has been acknowledged that the persons accused designed neither against King nor State but only against the Guises There never was any thing says he so heinous as this Plot. For to seek to possess themselves of the King's Appartment to seize his principal Ministers and kill them before his face as Captain Mazeres who with others undertook the bloody execution attests Is it not to set upon the King himself and to seek to make themselves Masters of his Person and Government I shall not trouble my self to take off what he says of the Confession of Captain Mazeres Mezeray observes expresly in his Chronological Abridgment That the brave and wise Castelno when he was confronted sufficiently reproved this Captain and the famous Monsieur de Thou has the same passage in his History Monsieur Maimbourg himself acknowledges That the result of this meeting was not to kill the Guises but only to apprehend them that they might be brought to Tryal by the ordinary course of Justice These are the very words of their resolution as Mezeray reports them That whilst the King by reason of the tenderness of his years and the Artifices of those that had shut him up to themselves could neither foresee nor prevent the danger his Persâ—â— and Government were in they ought to seize upon the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal his Brother to bring them to Iustice before the States As to what Monsieur Maimbourg pretends that to endeavour to secure the Kings Appartment by force and in his presence to seize his principal Ministers is to seize the King himself and endeavour to become master of his Person and Government I say his pretence is unjust and very rash in regard of those extraordinary Circumstances France was then under 1. Francis the Second who then reigned was very young and Monsieur Maimbourg who calls him so often The little King Francis gives him no very advantageous Character 2. The Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorrain who were strangers having become masters of the Person and Government of this young Prince played
the Tyrant so as to make the whole Kingdom despâ—rate and then they had put all the Princes of the Blood from having any thing to do with the Government the Children of the houâ—e whose chiefest Interest it was to preserve King and State 3. This Illustrious Prince of Condè whom Mezeray represents to us of so sweet a temper and great a courage sincere and loyal an enemy to all tricks and cheats and detesting to do an ill thing and who for this reason cannot be suspected in this matter had got the Informations to be drawn by men of known unblemished reputation concerning the behavior of the Guises by which Information he had made it appear that they were guilty not only of many Oppressions Violences but had moreover a design to extinguish the Royal Line that they might possess themselves of the Crown having already got into their hands the Justice the Money the Garrisons the Souldiers and the hearts of the common people 4. Indeed the Guises declared publickly that Provence and Anjou belonged to them and it was a thing commonly known that they set men to work who were versed in History to find out their Genealogy in the Line of Charles the Great on purpose to challenge their right of Succession against the Descendants of Hugh Capet of which Francis the Second then Reigning was one as is likewise Lewis the Fourteenth who now Reigns It was because the Protestants opposed this design and that the business of Amboise as well as other contests which they had afterwards with the Guise Faction down to the Reign of Henry the Fourth were to no other end but to preserve the Crown to the posterity of Hugh Capet it was I say for this cause that the Protestants were called Huguenots from the name of Hugh Mezeray observes very well that this was always esteemed by them to be the original of this Appellation But they says he took this name for an honor giving it another sense as if they had been the Preservers of the Line of Hugh Capet whom they said the Guises intended to destroy that they might restore the Crown to the Posterity of Charlemayn of whose Issue they boast themselves to be A great man of the Popish Religion has made it appear that this is the only probable Etimology of the Name So that far from the Protestants of France taking it as a reproach they ought to be proud of it as a lasting Work of their inviolable Loyalty to their Kings and their glorious oppositions they made against the attempts of the Guises who aimed at the Crown 5. Besides that we have the Word of such a Prince as the most Renowned Prince of Condè who asserted it more than once in great Assemblies the whole Conduct of the Duke of Guise makes it evident what detestable Design this ambitious Family had When he had got Francis the Second into his hands He took upon him says Mezeray to equal himself with the Princes of the Blood and to give orders in the Military Affairs and the Cardinal his Brother to direct the Treasury whereas the ancient Laws of the Realm as the same Historian has very well observed Ordain That the Blood Royal shall have the preference before 〈◊〉 in matters of Government They had in a short time made a way for themselves to the Soveraign Power as Mezeray adds speaking of the Duke and the Cardinal and possessed themselves of all Charges and Places of Trust the Garrisons and the Treasury so ordering it that all this passed either through their own hands or through those of their Creatures When the King of Navar came to Court his Purvoyer could find no room for him in the Castle and the Duke of Guise who had taken up the next Apartment to the King told him plainly That it should cost the Life of him and ten thousand of his Friends before he would quit it as much as to say he would have the Preference before the first Prince of the Blood and in truth he did trample upon him The event shewed plainly afterwards that the Prince of Condè and his Friends understood very well that the Guises aimed at the Crown The Duke procured full power to summon all the Princes great Lords Captains and others of all Conditions to give them his Orders what they were to do to raise men immediately as many as he should think fit and generally to provide and order all things either in Ammunition or repairs of Fortifications in as ample manners as the King himself could do So that he wanted nothing but the name of King And Mezeray is forced to acknowledge that since the Mayors of the Palace there had never been such an Encroachment made by any French Man upon the Crown He takes notice moreover of the bitter Resentments the French had of an Edict so injurious to their King When the Queen-Mother intreated him to go strait to the Court which was then at Monceaux and not pass through Paris he took no notice of her Request but made his Entry in the Capital City of France by the Gate of St. Dennis in the midst of the Peoples Acclamations the Provost of the Merchants going before him All Ceremonies says Mezeray which ought to be paid to the King alone The Dukes death and the incessant opposition of the Protestants hindred him from going farther But his Son who succeeded him in his Ambition and in all his Designs made it appear upon the first occasion how far the Treacherous Intentions of this Family went He shuts up his King in the Louvre on purpose to lay him aside You have the Story of it in Mezeray's Chronological Abridgement under the year 1588. He put himself in the head of that powerful Faction which as the Bishop of Rhodes assures us designed to take away the Succession of the Royal Family The same Bishops tells us That this new Duke of Guise had thoughts of making himself King and that he endeavored it several ways 6. The Prince of Condè who was so well assured that the Duke of Guise Father to this Man had so foul a design did questionless look upon him with another eye then Maimbourg do's who would make us believe that he was in a very high degree Master of all the excellent Qualities which can contribute to make a great Prince without any fault that might Ecclipse the splendor of so glorious Perfections and that he was a truly Christian Hero At this rate a profound Dissimulation and horrid bloody Treason are to be reckoned as nothing The Prince of Condè profers to justifie his Innocence against his Accusers by Combat assuring himself to make them confess that it was they themselves who had conspired the overthrow of the Government and Blood Royal. This Defiance was chiefly intended to the Duke of Guise But this Duke would not take it to himself but deeply dissembling