being disputed with by any fight of importance I remember Drake in the vaunting stile of a Souldier would call this Enterprize The Cingeing of the King of Spains Beard The Enterprize of Eighty Eight deserveth to be stood upon a little more fully being a Miracle of Time There armed from Spain in the year 1588. the greatest Navy that ever swam upon the Sea For though there have been far greater Fleets for number yet for the Bulk and Building of the Ships with the Furniture of great Ordnance and Provisions never the like The Design was to make not an Invasion onely but an utter Conquest of this Kingdom The number of Vessels were one hundred and thirty whereof Galliasses and Gallions seventy two goodly Ships like floating Towers or Castles manned with Thirty thousand Souldiers and Mariners This Navy was the Preparation of five whole years at the least It bare it self also upon Divine Assistance For it received special Blessing from Pope Zistus and was assigned as an Apostolical Mission for the Reducement of this Kingdom to the obedience of the See of Rome And in further token of this holy Warfare there were amongst the rest of these Ships Twelve called by the name of the Twelve Apostles But it was truely conceived that this Kingdom of England could never be over-whelmed except the Land-Waters came in to the Sea-Tides Therefore was there also in readiness in Flanders a mighty strong Army of Land-Forces to the number of Fifty thousand veterane Souldiers under the Conduct of the Duke of Parma the best Commander next the French King Henry the Fourth of his time These were designed to joyn with the Forces at Sea There being prepared a number of Flat-bottom'd Boats to transport the Land Forces under the Wing and Protection of the Great Navy For they made no account but that the Navy should be absolute Master of the Seas Against these Forces there were prepared on our part to the number of near one hundred Ships Not so great of Bulk indeed but of a more nimble Motion and more serviceable Besides a less Fleet of 30 Ships for the Custody of the Narrow Seas There were also in readiness at Land two Armies besides other Forces to the number of Ten thousand dispersed amongst the Coast Towns in the Southern Parts The two Armies were appointed One of them consisting of Twenty five thousand Horse and Foot for the Repulsing of the Enemy at their landing And the other of Twenty five thousand for safeguard and attendance about the Court and the Queens Person There were also other Dormant Musters of Souldiers throughout all Parts of the Realm that were put in readiness but not drawn together The two Armies were assigned to the Leading of two Generals Noble Persons but both of them rather Courtiers and Assured to the State than Martial Men yet lined and assisted with Subordinate Commanders of great Experience Valor The Fortune of the War made this Enterprize at first a Play at Base The Spanish Navy set forth out of the Groyne in May was disperst and driven back by Weather Our Navy set forth somewhat later out of Plimouth and bare up towards the Coast of Spain to have fought with the Spanish Navy And partly by reason of contrary Winds partly upon advertisement that the Spaniards were gone back and upon some doubt also that they might pass towards the Coast of England whilest we were seeking them afar off returned likewise into Plimouth about the middle of July At that time came more confident Advertisement though false not onely to the Lord Admiral but to the Court that the Spaniards could not possibly come forward that year Whereupon our Navy was upon the point of Disbanding and many of our Men gone ashore At which very time the Invincible Armada for so it was called in a Spanish Ostentation throughout Europe was discovered upon the Western Coast. It was a kinde of Surprize For that as was said many of our men were gone to Land and our Ships ready to depart Nevertheless the Admiral with such Ships only as could suddenly be put in readiness made forth towards them In so much as of one hundred Ships there came scarce thirty to work Howbeit with them and such as came dayly in we set upon them and gave them the chase But the Spaniards for want of Courage which they called Commission declined the Fight casting themselves continually into Roundels their strongest Ships walling in the rest and in that manner they made a flying march towards Callis Our Men by the space of five or six days followed them close fought with them continually made great slaughter of their Men took two of their great Ships and gave divers others of their Ships their Deaths wounds whereof soon after they sank and perished And in a word distressed them almost in the nature of a Defeat We our selves in the mean time receiving little or no hurt Near Callis the Spaniards anchored expecting their Land-Forces which came not It was afterwards alledged that the Duke of Parma did artificially delay his Coming But this was but an Invention and Pretension given out by the Spaniards Partly upon a Spanish Envy against that Duke being an Italian and his Son a Competitor to Portugal But chiefly to save the Monstrous Scorn and Disreputation which they and their Nation received by the Success of that Enterprize Therefore their Colours and Excuses forsooth were that their General by Sea had a limitted Commission not to fight until the Land-Forces were come in to them And that the Duke of Parma had particular Reaches and Ends of his own underhand to cross the Design But it was both a strange Commission and a strange Obedience to a Commission for Men in the midst of their own blood and being so furiously assailed to hold their hands contrary to the Laws of Nature and Necessity And as for the Duke of Parma he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that Enterprize by no less Promise than to be made a Feudatary or Beneficiary King of England under the Seignorie in chief of the Pope and the Protection of the King of Spain Besides it appeared that the Duke of Parma held his place long after in the Favour and Trust of the King of Spain by the great Employments and Services that he performed in France And again it is manifest that the Duke did his best to come down and to put to Sea The Truth was that the Spanish Navy upon those proofs of Fight which they had with the English finding how much hurt they received and how little hurt they did by reason of the Activity and low building of our Ships and skill of our Sea-men And being also commanded by a General of small Courage and Experience And having lost at the first two of their bravest Commanders at Sea Petro de Valdez and Michael de Oquenda durst not put it to a Battel at Sea but set up their rest wholly upon the Land-Enterprize
he said himself from Page So he had brought his People from Lacquay Not to run up and down for their Laws to the Civil Law and the Ordinances and the Customs and the Discretions of Courts and discourses of Philosophers as they use to do King Henry the Eighth in the twenty seventh year of his Reign was authorized by Parliament to nominate 32 Commissioners part Ecclesiastical and part Temporal To purge the Canon Law and to make it agreeable to the Law of God and the Law of the Land But it took not effect For the Acts of that King were commonly rather Proffers and Fames than either well grounded or well pursued But I doubt I erre in producing so many examples For as Cicero said to Caesar so may I say to your Majesty Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit Though indeed this well understood is far from Vulgar For that the Laws of the most Kingdoms and States have been like Buildings of many pieces and patched up from time to time according to occasions without Frame or Model Now for the Laws of England if I shall speak my Opinion of them without partiality either to my Profession or Country for the Matter and Nature of them I hold them Wise Just and Moderate Laws They give to God they give to Caesar they give to the Subject what appertaineth It is true they are as mixt as our Language compounded of British Roman Saxon Danish Norman Customs And surely as our Language is thereby so much the richer So our Laws are likewise by that Mixture the more compleat Neither doth this attribute less to them than those that would have them to have stood out the same in all Mutations For no Tree is so good first set as by transplanting and Grafting I remember what happened to Callisthenes that followed Alexanders Court and was grown into some displeasure with him because he could not well brook the Persian Adoration At a Supper which with the Grecians was a great part Talk he was desired the King being present because he was an Eloquent Man to speak of some Theme Which he did And chose for his Theme the praise of the Macedonian Nation Which though it were but a filling Thing to praise Men to their Faces yet he performed it with such advantage of Truth and avoidance of Flattery and with such Life as was much applauded by the Hearers The King was the less pleased with it not loving the Man and by way of discountenance said It was easie to be a good Oratour in a pleasing Theme But saith he to him Turn your stile And tell us now of our faults that we may have the profit and not you the praise only Which he presently did with such Quickness that Alexander said That Malice made him Eloquent then as the Theme had done before I shall not fall into either of these extreams in this subject of the Laws of England I have commended them before for the Matter but surely they ask much amendment for the Form Which to reduce and perfect I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries that can be confer'd upon this Kingdom Which Work for the Excellency as it is worthy your Majesties Act and Times So it hath some circumstance of Propriety agreeable to your Person God hath blessed your Majesty with Posterity And I am not of opinion that Kings that are barren are fittest to supply Perpetuity of Generations by perpetuity of Noble Acts But contrariwise that they that leave Posterity are the more interessed in the Care of Future Times That as well their Progeny as their People may participate of their Merit Your Majesty is a great Master in Justice and Judicature And it were pity the fruit of that your Vertue should not be transmitted to the Ages to come Your Majesty also reigneth in learned times the more no doubt in regard of your own perfection in Learning and your Patronage thereof And it hath been the Mishap of Works of this Nature that the less Learned Time hath sometimes wrought upon the more Learned Which now will not be so As for my self the Law was my Profession to which I am a Debter Some little helps I have of other Arts which may give Form to Matter And I have now by Gods merciful Chastisement and by his special Providence time and leisure to put my Talent or half-Talent or what it is to such Exchanges as may perhaps exceed the Interest of an Active Life Therefore as in the beginning of my Troubles I made offer to your Majesty to take pains in the Story of England and in compiling a Method and Digest of your Laws So have I performed the first which rested but upon my self in some part And I do in all humbleness renew the offer of this latter which will require Help and Assistance to your Majesty if it shall stand with your good pleasure to imploy my Service therein THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF KING Henry the Eighth LONDON Printed by J. M. for Humphrey Robinson and Sold by William Lee 1670. THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF KING Henry the Eighth AFter the Decease of that Wise and Fortunate King Henry the VII who died in the Height of his Prosperity there followed as useth to do when the Sun setteth so exceeding clear one of the fairest Mornings of a Kingdom that hath been known in this Land or any where else A young King about 18 years of Age for Stature Strength Making and Beauty one of the goodliest Persons of his time And though he were given to Pleasure yet he was likewise desirous of Glory So that there was a passage open in his Mind by Glory for Vertue Neither was he un-adorned with Learning though therein he came short of his Brother Arthur He had never any the least Pique Difference or Jealousie with the King his Father which might give any occasion of altering Court or Counsel upon the change but all things passed in a Still He was the first Heir of the White and the Red Rose So that there was no discontented Party now left in the Kingdom but all Mens Hearts turned towards him And not only their Hearts but their Eyes also For he was the only Son of the Kingdom He had no Brother which though it be a comfortable thing for Kings to have yet it draweth the Subjects Eyes a little aside And yet being a married Man in those young years it promised hope of speedy Issue to succeed in the Crown Neither was there any Queen Mother who might share any way in the Government or clash with his Counsellours for Authority while the King intended his pleasure No such thing as any Great and Mighty Subject who might any way eclipse or overshade the Imperial Power And for the people and State in general they were in such lowness of obedience as Subjects were like to yield who had lived almost four and twenty years under so politique a King as his Father Being also one who came partly in by the Sword And had so high a Courage in all points of Regalitie And was ever victorious in Rebellions and Seditions of the People The Crown extreamly rich and full of Treasure and the Kingdom like to be so in short time For there was no War no Dearth no Stop of Trade or Commerce it was only the Crown which had sucked too hard and now being full and upon the head of a young King was like to draw less Lastly he was Inheriter of his Fathers Reputation which was great throughout the World He had streight Alliance with the two Neighbour States an ancient Enemy in former times and an ancient Friend Scotland and Burgundy He had Peace and Amity with France under the Assurance not only of Treaty and League but of Necessity and Inhability in the French to do him hurt in respect that the French Kings Designs were wholly bent upon Italy So that it may be truly said there had scarcely been seen or known in many Ages such a rare Concurrence of Signs and Promises of a happy and flourishing Reign to ensue as were now met in this young King called after his Fathers name HENRY the Eighth c. FINIS Characters of the Persons Eusebius beareth the Character of a Moderate Divine Gamaliel of a Protestant Zelant Zebedaeus of a Romish Catholick Zelant Martius of a Militar Man Eupolis of a Politick Pollio of a Courtier
CERTAIN Miscellany Works OF The Right Honourable FRANCIS LORD VERULAM Viscount St. Alban PUBLISHED By VVILLIAM RAVVLEY Doctor of Divinity one of His Majesties Chaplains LONDON Printed by T. J. for H. R. and are to be sold by Wil. Lee at the Turks = Head in Fleet-street M. DC LXX TO THE READER I Have thought good as a Servant to the Labours and Memory of that Noble Lord the Lord Viscount St. Alban to Collect into one these few rather Parcells than Just Works of his excellent Pen. Which I have done for these Causes First to vindicate the Wrong his Lordship suffered by a corrupt and surreptitious Edition of that Discourse of his Touching a War with Spain lately set forth Secondly by way of Prevention to exempt from the like Injury and Defacements those other Discourses of his herein contained Lastly to satisfie the Desires of some who hold it unreasonable that any the Delineations of that Pen though in never so small a Model should not be shewn to the World I know it carries the Excuse with it after the Authors Death to publish Fragments Therefore I will make none These Works being all for the Argument Civil I cannot represent better than in Resemblance of Aristotles Parva Naturalia to account them as his Lordships Parva Politica Howsoever I doubt not but every Judicious Reader finding of his Lordships Spirit in them will know them to be his And will afford them a Place of Reputation amongst his Greater Works W. RAWLEY CONSIDERATIONS Touching a War with SPAIN To the Prince YOur Highness hath an Imperial Name It was a CHARLES that brought the Empire first into France A CHARLES that brought it first into Spain Why should not Great Britain have his turn But to lay aside all that may seem to have a shew of Fumes and Fancies and to speak Solids A War with Spain if the King shall enter into it is a mighty Work It requireth strong Materials and Active Motions He that saith not so is zealous but not according to knowledge But nevertheless Spain is no such Giant And he that thinketh Spain to be some great Over-match for this Estate assisted as it is and may be is no good Mint-man But takes greatness of Kingdoms according to their Bulk and Currency and not after their intrinsique Value Although therefore I had wholly sequestred my thoughts from Civil Affairs yet because it is a new Case and concerneth my Countrey infinitely I obtained of my self to set down out of long continued Experience in Business of Estate and much Conversation in Books of Policy and History what I thought pertinent to this Business And in all humbleness present it to Your Highness Hoping that at least you will discern the strength of my Affection through the weakness of my Abilities For the Spaniard hath a good Proverb Desuario siempre con la Calentura There is no Heat of Affection but is joyned with some Idleness of Brain To a War are required A Just Quarrel Sufficient Forces and Provisions And a prudent Choice of the Designs So then I will first justifie the Quarrel Secondly ballance the Forces and lastly propound variety of Designs for Choice but not advise the Choice For that were not fit for a Writing of this Nature Neither is it a Subject within the Level of my Judgement I being in effect a Stranger to the present Occurrences Wars I speak not of ambitious Predatory Wars are Suits of Appeal to the Tribunal of Gods Justice where there are no Superiors on earth to determine the Cause And they are as Civil Pleas are Plaints or Defences There are therefore three just Grounds of War with Spain One Plaint Two upon Defence Solomon faith A Cord of three is not easily broken But especially when every of the lines will hold single by it self They are these The Recovery of the Palatinate A just Fear of the Subversion of our Civil Estate A just Fear of the Subversion of our Church and Religion For in the handling of the two last Grounds of War I shall make it plain That Wars Preventive upon Just Fears are true Defensives as well as upon Actual Invasions And again That Wars Defensive for Religion I speak not of Rebellion are most just Though Offensive Wars for Religion are seldom to be approved or never unless they have some Mixture of Civil Titles But all that I shall say in this whole Argument will be but like Bottoms of Thred close wound up which with a good Needle perhaps may be flourished into large Works For the Afferting of the Justice of the Quarrel for the Recovery of the Palatinate I shall not go so high as to discuss the Right of the War of Bohemia Which if it be freed from doubt on our part then there is no Colour nor Shadow why the Palatinate should be retained The Ravishing whereof was a meer Excursion of the first Wrong and a Super-Injustice But I do not take my self to be so perfect in the Customs Transactions and Priviledges of that Kingdom of Bohemia as to be fit to handle that part And I will not offer at that I cannot master Yet this I will say in passage positively and resolutely That it is impossible an Elective Monarchy should be so free and absolute as an Hereditary No more than it is possible for a Father to have so full Power and Interest in an Adoptive Son as in a Natural Quia Naturalis Obligatio fortior Civili And again that Received Maxim is almost Unshaken and Infallible Nil magis Naturae consentaneum est quam ut iisdem modis Res dissolvantur quibus constituuntur So that if the part of the People or Estate be somewhat in the Election you cannot make them Nulls or Cyphers in the Privation or Translation And if it be said that this is a dangerous Opinion for the Pope Emperour and Elective Kings It is true it is a dangerous Opinion and ought to be a dangerous Opinion to such personal Popes Emperors or Elective Kings as shall transcend their limits and become Tyrannical But it is a safe and sound Opinions for their Sees Empires and Kingdoms And for themselves also if they be wise Plenitudo Potestatis est plenitudo Tempestatis But the chief Cause why I do not search into this point is because I need it not And in handling the Right of a War I am not willing to intermix matter doubtful with that which is out of doubt For as in Capital Causes wherein but one Mans life is in question in favorem vitae the Evidence ought to be clear So much more in a Judgement upon a War which is Capital to Thousands I suppose therefore the worst That the Offensive War upon Bohemia had been unjust And then make the Case Which is no sooner made than resolved If it be made not enwrapped but plainly and perspicuously It is this in Thesi. An Offensive War is made which is unjust in the Aggressour The Prosecution and Race of
quam loquitur Here I would pass over from Matter of Experience were it not that I held it necessary to discover a wonderful Erroneous observation that walketh about and is commonly received contrary to all the Account of Time and Experience It is that the Spaniard where he once getteth in will seldom or never be got out again But nothing is less true than this Not long since they got footing at Brest and some other parts in French Britain and after quitted them They had Calais Ardes and Amiens and rendred them or were beaten out They had since Verseilles fairly left it They had the other day the Valtoline and now have put it in deposite What they will do with Ormus which the Persian hath taken from them we shall see So that to speak truly of later Times they have rather poched and offered at a Number of Enterprizes than maintained any constantly quite contrary to that idle Tradition In more antient times leaving their Purchases in Africk which they after abandoned when their great Emperor Charles had clasped Germany almost in his fist he was forced in the end to go from Isburg and as if it had been in a Masque by Torch-light and to quit every foot in Germany round that he had gotten which I doubt not will be the Hereditary Issue of this late Purchase of the Palatinate And so I conclude the Ground that I have to think that Spain will be no Over-match to Great Britain if his Majesty shal enter into a War out of Experience Records of time For Grounds of Reason they are many I will extract the principal and open them briefly and as it were in the Bud. For Situation I pass it over though it be no small point England Scotland Ireland and our good Confederates the United Provinces lie all in a plump together not accessible but by Sea or at least by passing of great Rivers which are Natural Fortifications As for the Dominions of Spain they are so scattered as it yieldeth great choice of the Scenes of the War and promiseth slow Succours unto such Part as shall be attempted There be three main parts of Military Puissance Men Money and Confederates For Men there are to be considered Valour and Number Of Valour I speak not Take it from the Witnesses that have been produced before Yet the old observation is not untrue That the Spaniards Valour lieth in the Eye of the Looker on But the English Valor lieth about the Souldiers Heart A Valor of Glory and a Valor of Natural Courage are two things But let that pass and let us speak of Number Spain is a Nation thin sown of People Partly by reason of the Sterility of the Soil And partly because their Natives are exhausted by so many Employments in such vast Territories as they possess So that it hath bin accounted a kind of Miracle to see ten or twelve thousand Native Spaniards in an Army And it is certain as we have touched it a little before in passage that the Secret of the Power of Spain consisteth in a Veterane Army compounded of Miscellany Forces of all Nations which for many years they have had on foot upon one occasion or other And if there should happen the Misfortune of a Battel it would be a long work to draw on Supplies They tell a Tale of a Spanish Ambassador that was brought to see the Treasury of St. Mark at Venice and still he lookt down to the ground And being asked why he so lookt down said He was looking to see whether their Treasure had any Root so that if it were spent it would grow again as his Masters had But howsoever it be of their Treasure certainly the Forces have scarce any Root Or at least such a Root as buddeth forth poorly slowly It is true they have the Wallons who are tall Souldiers but that is but a Spot of Ground But on the other side there is not in the world again such a Spring and Seminary of brave Militar People as in England Scotland Ireland and the United Provinces So as if Wars should mowe them down never so fast yet they may be suddenly supplyed and come up again For Money no doubt it is the principal Part of the Greatness of Spain For by that they maintain a Veterane Army And Spain is the onely State of Europe that is a Money grower But in this Part of all others is most to be considered the tick lish and brittle State of the Greatness of Spain Their Greatness consisteth in their Treasure their Treasure in their Indies And their Indies if it be well weighed are indeed but an Accession to such as are Masters by Sea So as this Axeltree whereupon their Greatness turneth is soon cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by Sea Herein therefore I refer me to the Opinions of all Men Enemies or whomsoever whether that the Maritime Forces of Great Britain and the United Provinces be not able to beat the Spainard at Sea For if that be so the Links of that Chain whereby they hold their Greatness are dissolved Now if it be said that admit the Case of Spain be such as we have made it yet we ought to descend into our own Case which we shall finde perhaps not to be in State for Treasure to enter into a War with Spain To which I answer I know no such thing The Mint beateth well And the Pulses of the Peoples Hearts beat well But there is another Point that taketh away quite this Objection For whereas Wars are generally Causes of Poverty or Consumption on the contrary part the special Nature of this War with Spain if it be made by Sea is like to be a Lucrative and Restorative War So that if we go roundly on at the first the War in continuance will find it self And therefore you must make a great difference between Hercules Labors by Land and Jasons Voyage by Sea for the Golden Fleece For Confederates I will not take upon me the knowledge how the Princes States and Councels of Europe at this day stand affected towards Spain For that trencheth into the secret Occurents of the present Time wherewith in all this Treatise I have forborn to meddle But to speak of that which lieth open and in view I see much Matter of Quarrel and Jealousie but little of Amity and Trust towards Spain almost in all other Estates I see France is in competition with them for three noble Portions of their Monarchy Navarre Naples and Millain And now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline I see once in 30 or 40 years cometh a Pope that casteth his eye upon the Kingdom of Naples to recover it to the Church As it was in the minds of Julius 2. Paulus 4. and Zistus 5. As for that great Body of Germany I see they have greater reason to confederate themselves with the Kings of France and Great Britain or Denmark for the
liberty of the Germane Nation and for the Expulsion of Spanish and foreign Forces than they had in the years 1552. and 1553. At which time they contracted a League with Henry II. the French King upon the same Articles against Charles V. who had impatronized himself of a great part of Germany through the discord of the German Princes which himself had so wen and fomented Which League at that time did the Deed and drave out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany and re-integrated that Nation in their antient Liberty and Honor For the West Indies though Spain hath had yet not much actual disturbance there except it have been from England yet nevertheless I see all Princes lay a kind of claim unto them accounting the Title of Spain but as a Monopoly of those large Countreys wherein they have in great part but an Imaginary Possession For Africk upon the West the Moors of Valentia expulsed and their Allies do yet hang as a Cloud or Storm over Spain Gabor on the East is like an Anniversary Wind that riseth every year upon the Party of Austria And Persia hath entred into Hostolity with Spain and given them the first blow by taking of Ormus It is within every mans observation also that Venice doth think their State almost on fire if the Spaniards hold the Valtoline That Savoy hath learnt by fresh experience That Alliance with Spain is no Security against the Ambition of Spain And that of Bavaria hath likewise bin taught that Merit and Service doth oblige the Spaniard but from day to day Neither do I say for all this but that Spain may rectifie much of this ill blood by their particular and cunning Negotiations But yet there it is in the Body and may break out no man knows when into ill Accidents but at least it sheweth plainly that which serveth for our purpose That Spain is much destitute of Assur'd and Confident Confederates And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Speech of a Councellor of State in Spain at this day which was not without Salt He said to his Master the King of Spain that now is upon occasion Sir I will tell your Majesty thus much for your comfort Tour Majesty hath but two Enemies whereof the one is All the World And the other is Tour own Ministers And thus I end the Second Main Part I propounded to speak of which was The Ballancing of the Forces between the Kings Majesty and the King of Spain if a War must follow FINIS AN ADVERTISEMENT Touching an HOLY WAR Written in the Year 1622. Whereunto the Author prefixed an Epistle to the Bishop of WINCHESTER last deceased LONDON Printed by J. M. for Humphrey Robinson and Sold by William Lee 1670. TO THE RIGHT REVEREND Father in GOD Lancelot Andrews Lord Bishop of WINCHESTER And Counsellour of Estate to his MAJESTY My Lord AMongst Consolations it is not the least to represent to a Mans self like Examples of Calamity in others For Examples give a quicker Impression than Arguments And besides they certifie us that which the Scripture also tendreth for satisfaction That no new thing is happened unto us This they do the better by how much the Examples are liker in circumstances to our own Case And more especially if they fell upon Persons that are greater and worthier than our selves For as it savoureth of Vanity to match our selves highly in our own conceit So on the otherside it is a good sound Conclusion that if our Betters have sustained the like Events we have the less cause to be grieved In this kind of Consolation I have not been wanting to my Self Though as a Christian I have tasted through Gods great goodness of higher Remedies Having therefore through the Variety of my Reading set before me many Examples both of Ancient and Later Times my Thoughts I confess have chiefly stayed upon three Particulars as the most Eminent and the most Resembling All three Persons that had held chief place of Authority in their Countries All three ruined not by War or by any other Disaster but by Justice and Sentence as Delinquents and Criminals All three famous Writers insomuch as the remembrance of their Calamity is now as to Posterity but as a little Picture of Night-work remaining amongst the fair and excellent Tables of their Acts and Works And all three if that were anything to the matter fit Examples to quench any Mans Ambition of Rising again For that they were every one of them restored with great glory but to their further Ruine and Destruction ending in a violent Death The Men were Demosthenes Cicero and Seneca Persons that I durst not claim Affinity with except the Similitude of our Fortunes had contracted it When I had cast mine Eyes upon these Examples I was carried on further to observe how they did bear their Fortunes and principally how they did employ their Times being banished and disabled for Publick Business To the end that I might learn by them And that they might be as well my Counsellours as my Comforters Whereupon I happened to note how diversly their Fortunes wrought upon them especially in that point at which I did most aim which was the employing of their Times and Pens In Cicero I saw that during his Banishment which was almost two years he was so softned and dejected as he wrote nothing but a few Womanish Epistles And yet in mine opinion he had least reason of the Three to be discouraged For that although it was judged and judged by the highest kind of Judgment in form of a Statute or Law that he should be banished And his whole Estate confiscated and seized And his houses pulled down And that it should be highly penal for any Man to propound his Repeal Yet his Case even then had no great Blot of Ignominy but it was thought but a Tempest of Popularity which overthrew him Demosthenes contrariwise though his Case was foul being condemned for Bribery And not simple Bribery but Bribery in the Nature of Treason and Disloyalty yet nevertheless took so little knowledge of his Fortune as during his Banishment he did much busie himself and intermeddle with matters of State And took upon him to Counsel the State as if he had been still at the Helm by letters As appears by some Epistles of his which are extant Seneca indeed who was condemned for many Corruptions and Crimes and banished into a solitary Island kept a Mean And though his Pen did not freese yet he abstained from intruding into Matters of Business But spent his time in writing Books of excellent Argument and Use for all Ages Though he might have made better Choice sometimes of his Dedications These Examples confirmed me much in a Resolution whereunto I was otherwise inclined to spend my Time wholly in Writing And to put forth that poor Talent or half Talent or what it is that God hath given me not as heretofore to particular Exchanges but to Banks or