is euer to argue our selues of ignorance then to accuse GOD of improuidence But if so much Scripture be lost as is alleadged farewell GOD his prouidence farewell the fidelitie of the Church to whose care was concredited the Oracles of GOD. Let vs come to the writings of Kings where we shall not incurre any danger of this controuersie that were so farre from being acted by GOD his Spirit that they were more like those Disciples of Iohn that had not heard whether there were an Holy-Ghost or no that knew nothing of GOD though they felt neuer so much of his Goodnesse that neuer beleeued his Omnipotencie though they had neuer so much experience of his Power To beginne with the Assyrians whose first Monarch was Nimrod and his chiefe Citie Babel from his time to Sardanapalus the last of that Monarchie there was no King amongst them that gaue himselfe to Letters for as their Kingdome was founded in Tyrannie so they laboured to keepe it in Barbaritie neither must we euer looke to see Learning flourish where Tyrannie beareth the Standerd for Learning hath no more a facultie to bring the minde to vnderstanding then it hath with it a power that workes the will to libertie neither of which can euer consist with Tyrannie And therefore it is no wonder that this aage affoorded no learned Kings for in that State which continued thirteene or foureteene hundred yeeres yee can scarce reade of a learned man Therefore let either Histories or Poets paint that out for a Golden aage as they please there was neuer any aage that hath left so little memory of the Golden tincture of their Witts After the time of Sardanapalus in the dayes of Phull Tiglath-Philasar and Salmanasar of whom mention is made in Scripture and to whom as it is thought Ionas preached and with whom some of the Prophets were conuersant when as these Kings came into the land of Israel as they did in the dayes of Menahem who gaue to Phul-Belochus a thousand Talents of Siluer for a Tribute And in the dayes of Hezechiah came Salmanasar and besieged Samaria three yeeres and caried away a great part of the people of the Kingdome of Israel From that time forward their Kings gaue themselues to Letters insomuch as in the dayes of Nabucodonolor who set vp the Monarchy of the Babylonians within one hundred yeeres of Salmanasar King of the Assyrians learning was in great estimation and the Kings Court was a Schoole for the best witts of the Kingdome to be bred in that they might bee able to stand before the King furnished with all learning and vnderstanding And if Stories do not intollerably deceiue vs Daniel and his companions instructed fiue great Monarches as in the trew knowledge of GOD so in the vnderstanding of all excellent Arts and Sciences Namely Nabuchodonosor Euilmerodack Baltazar Darius of the Medes and Cyrus of the Persians And it were no hard matter to proue the trewth of this out of Daniel himselfe Come to the Persians who conuersed more with the Prophets as with Ezra Nehemiah Zachary Malachy and the people that were in captiuitie we shall finde them giuen much to Letters Cyrus the first Monarch is recorded to haue written large Commentaries of all his diurnall Actions amongst those Books are found saith Esdras the Edicts of reducing of the Iewes to their Countrey He wrote diuers Letters for the same purpose to all the chiefe Cities of Asia some whereof we haue in the 11. of Iosephus Chap. the first Many things likewise are reported to haue bene written of Artaxerxes Darius and some others of those Monarches as wee may partly conceiue by the Canonicall Bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah and more by the Apocriphal Esdras who reports it to haue bene a custome of those Kings so much to delight in learning and in the sayings of wise men that they vsed for an exercise in their greatest Solemnities to haue solemne Orations made in the presence of the King and State of sundry purposes which whoso performed to the liking of the King was rewarded with the highest Preferments that so mighty a Monarch could aduance them vnto Come we to the Graecians and there we shall finde Learning in the Tropicke of Cancer at such a height as it neuer was before nor euer that we read of since And surely it is worth the obseruing that when that extarordinary Diuine Light went out humane Learning came in and the ende of the Prophets was the beginning of the Poets The last of the diuinity of the one the first of the Philosophy of the other for from the end of the Captiuity till the Comming of our Sauiour Christ the space of foure hundreth yeares and more in which there was no Prophet that euer J reade of there were so many Orators Poets and Philosophers of such singular giftes in all kindes as wee are onely their Schollers since and can neuer attaine to the Excellency of our Master Jn this time Alexander the Great was as famous for his Learning and writings as he was for his Victories He wrote to Antipater of all his owne Actions in Asia and in India as Plutark reports in his Life S. Ciprian in his Tractate of the vanitie of Jdoles saith that Alexander the Great wrote Insigne Volumen to his Mother wherein he signifies vnto her how it was tolde him by a certaine Egyptian-Priest that all the Gods of the Gentiles had bene but men And S. Augustine also in his twelft Booke De ciuitate Dei makes mention of other of the writings of Alexander to Olimpias his Mother about the Succession of the Monarchies Amongst the Kings of Syria Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes writ many Bookes and sent them into Iudea about changing the Rites and Ceremonies of the Iewes into the Religion of the Grecians The principall heades of his Bookes may be found in the Bookes of Machabes and in Iosephus Amongst the Romans which of their Emperours did not aduance his fame by Letters Iulius Caesar besides many other things writ his Commentaries after the example of Cyrus Octauius as Suetonius reportes writ many Volumes The historie of his owne life Exhortations to Philosophie Heroick Verses Epigrams Tragedies and diuers other things of whom I will only relate two Stories not impertinent to my purpose He is reported to haue bene a very diligent searcher out of all such Bookes as appertayned to the Roman-Ethnick-Religion All the Bookes Fatidicorum of Fortune-tellers that proceeded not from approued Authors both of Greeke and Latin he cast in the fire to the number of two thousand Onely he reserued the writings of the Sibills but with that choise as hee burnt all such of them as he thought to bee counterfeit J relate this Story the rather for that J thinke it were a good President for our Augustus to follow to make a diligent search of all good and profitable Authors As for all Hereticall Pamphlets slaunderous Libells and impertinent writings to commit them to Vulcane for one of
Raylers I leaue them to God his Iudgment whose hand hath bene vpon the most of them Thirdly his Maiesties Confession of faith hath bene so generally approued as it hath conuerted many of their partie And had it not bene as J haue bene informed by diuerse for the Treatise of Antichrist many more would easily haue bene induced to subscribe to all in that Preface Fourthly Kings and Princes haue by his Maiesties Premonition had a more cleare insight and a more perfect discouery into the Iniury offered them by the Pope in the point of their temporall Power then euer they had Jnsomuch as that point was neuer so throughly disputed in Christendome as it hath bene by the occasion of his Maiesties Booke Fiftly and lastly for the point of Antichrist I haue heard many confesse that they neuer saw so much light giuen to that Mysterie neuer descerned so much trewth by the vniforme consent of the Text and strength of Interpretation of places as they haue done by his Maiesties Booke So that though Controuersies be fitter subiects for Schollers ordinarily then for Kings Yet when there was such a necessitie in vndertaking and such a successe being performed I leaue it to the world to iudge whether there were not a speciall hand of GOD in it or no. Now since I haue begunne with this point of Antichrist J will make bolde to proceed a little with his Maiesties Paraphrase vpon the Reuelation wherein that Treatise of Antichrist is principally grounded His Maiesties singular vnderstanding in all points of good Learning is not vnknowne But yet aboue all other things GOD hath giuen him an vnderstanding Heart in the Interpretation of that Booke beyond the measure of other men For this Paraphrase that leades the way to all the rest of his Maiesties Workes was written by his Maiestie before hee was twenty yeeres of aage and therefore iustly in this Volume hath the first place the rest following in order according to the time of their first penning Anciently Kings drempt dreames and saw visions and Prophets expounded them So with King Pharaoh and Ioseph in Egypt So with Nabuchodonosor and Daniel in Babylon Jn this aage Prophets haue written Visions and Kings haue expounded them GOD raised vp Prophets to deliuer his People from a temporall captiuitie in Egypt and Babylon by the Jnterpretation of the one And GOD hath in this aage stirred vp Kings to deliuer his People from a Spirituall Egypt and Babylon by the Interpretation of the other It is an obseruable thing that GOD neuer made his People any great promise but he added vnto his promise a famous Prophecie Three great promises we reade of that runne through all the Scriptures The first of the Messiah the second of the land of Canaan the third of the Kingdome of Heauen To these three promises are reduced all the Prophecies Of the promise of the Messiah prophecied all the Prophets from the fall of the first Adam to the comming of the second Of the promise of the Land of Canaan prophecied Iacob and Ioseph and the rest from the promise made to Abraham to the possessing of it by Iosuah and the children of Israel Of the promise of the Kingdome of Heauen made by our Sauiour CHRIST ' prophecied the Apostles principally S. Paul and S. Iohn in the Reuelation Now though all were to lay hold on the promises yet few were able to vnderstand the Prophecies And surely though all the people of GOD are to lay hold on the promises of that Glorious Kingdome described in that Booke yet few are able to vnderstand the Prophecies therein contained comprehending in them a perfect History and State of the Church euen from the destruction of Ierusalem till the consummation of the whole world Yet this I thinke I may safely say That Kings haue a kinde of interest in that Booke beyond any other for as the execution of the most part of the Prophecies of that Booke is committed vnto them So it may be that the Interpretation of it may more happily be made by them And since they are the principall Instruments that GOD hath described in that Booke to destroy the Kingdome of Antichrist to consume his State and Citie I see not but it may stand with the Wisedome of GOD to inspire their heart to expound it into whose handes hee hath put it to excute vntill the LORD shall consume both him and it with the Spirit of his mouth and shall abolish it with the brightnesse of his comming For from the day that S. Iohn writ the Booke to this present houre I doe not thinke that euer any King tooke such paines or was so perfect in the Reuelation as his Maiestie is which will easily appeare by this Paraphrase by his Maiesties Meditation on the 20. Chap. and his Monitorie Preface Jt was my purpose to haue past through all his Maiesties Books to haue expressed the Argument and the occasion of their writing But I find by that J haue already said I should be ouer tedious vnto you This therefore in generall They are all worthy of a King and to be kept to Posterity For if Ouid could imagine that no time should eate out the memory of his Metamorphoseis which were but fictions J hope no time shall see an end of these Books that carry in them so much diuine trewth and light And as in this first worke of the Paraphrase his Maiestie hath shewed his Piety So in this last Pearle I meane his Maiesties Speach in the Starr-Chamber his Maiestie hath shewed his Policy The first sheweth hee vnderstands the Kingdome of GOD this last that hee as well apprehends the State of his Kingdomes in this World The first sheweth him to haue a large Portion in that of Heauen and this last sheweth him to haue a great Power and experience in these Kingdomes hee hath on earth Therefore let these men that delight so much in Detraction and to vilify him whom GOD hath exalted and to shed his blood whose Soule GOD hath bound vp in the Bundle of life Let them J say write what euer the Subtilty of the olde Serpent can put into their heads or the Malice of Sathan infuse into their hearts Let them speake what the poyson of Aspes is able to put into their lippes they are not all able to make his Maiestie to appeare lesse then he is nor to shew that euer they had of theirs a King so accomplished It is trew that wee haue not had many Kings in this Kingdome of our Profession But for those we haue had this Iland of ours neuer saw the like either for partes of Nature giftes of Learning or Graces of Piety The little time of life that God lent to King Edward must needs lessen his prayses But neuer did there appeare beginnings of more rare perfection then in him The length of Queene Elizabeths dayes together with the felicity of her time was not only a Glory to her owne People but a wonderment to the
Pope our Superior hath in a late Treatise of his called the Recognition of his bookes of Controuersies made the people and Subiects of euery one of vs our Superiors For hauing taken occasion to reuisite againe his bookes of Controuersies and to correct or explaine what he findeth amisse or mistaketh in them in imitation of S. Augustine his retractions for so he saith in his Preface he doth in place of retracting any of his former errours or any matter of substance not retract but recant indeed I meane sing ouer againe and obstinatly confirme a number of the grossest of them Among the which the exempting of all Church-men from subiection to any Temporall Prince and the setting vp not onely of the Pope but euen of the People aboue their naturall King are two of his maine points As for the exemption of the Clerickes he is so greedy there to proue that point as he denieth Caesar to haue beene Pauls lawfull Iudge Acts. 25.10 contrary to the expresse Text and Pauls plaine Appellation and acknowledging him his Iudge besides his many times claiming to the Roman priuiledges Actes 22.28 and auowing himselfe a Roman by freedome and therefore of necessitie a Subiect to the Roman Emperour But it is a wonder that these Romane Catholikes who vaunt themselues of the ancientie both of their doctrine and Church and reproch vs so bitterly of our Nouelties should not be ashamed to make such a new inept glosse as this vpon S. Pauls Text which as it is directly contrary to the Apostles wordes so is it without any warrant either of any ancient Councell or of so much as any one particular Father that euer interprets that place in this sort Neither was it euer doubted by any Christian in the Primitiue Church that the Apostles or any other degree of Christians were subiect to the Emperour And as for the setting vp of the People aboue their owne naturall King he bringeth in that principle of Sedition that he may thereby proue that Kings haue not their power and authoritie immediatly from God as the Pope hath his For euery King saith he is made and chosen by his people nay they doe but so transferre their power in the Kings person as they doe notwithstanding retaine their habituall power in their owne hands which vpon certaine occasions they may actually take to themselues againe This I am sure is an excellent ground in Diuinitie for all Rebels and rebellious people who are hereby allowed to rebell against their Princes and assume libertie vnto themselues when in their discretions they shall thinke it conuenient And amongst his other Testimonies for probation that all Kings are made and created by the People he alledgeth the Creation of three Kings in the Scripture Saul Dauid and Ieroboam and though hee bee compelled by the expresse words of the Text to confesse that God by his Prophet Samuel annointed both 1 1. Sam. 10.1 Saul and 2 1. Sam. 16.12.13 Dauid yet will he by the post-consent of the people proue that those Kings were not immediatly made by God but mediatly by the people though he repeat thrise that word of Lott by the casting whereof he confesseth that Saul was chosen And if the Election by Lott be not an immediate Election from God then was not Matthias Actes 1. who was so chosen and made an Apostle immediatly chosen by GOD and consequently he that sitteth in the Apostolike Sea cannot for shame claime to be immediatly chosen by God if Matthias that was one of the twelue Apostles supplying Iudas his place was not so chosen But as it were a blasphemous impietie to doubt that Matthias was immediatly chosen by GOD and yet was hee chosen by the casting of Lots as Saul was so is it well enough knowen to some of you my louing Brethren by what holy Spirit or casting of Lots the Popes vse to be elected the Colledge of Cardinals his electors hauing beene diuided in two mightie factions euer since long before my time and in place of casting of Lotts great fat pensions beeing cast into some of their greedy mouthes for the election of the Pope according to the partiall humours of Princes But I doe most of all wonder at the weakenesse of his memorie for in this place he maketh the post-consent of the people to be the thing that made both these Kings notwithstanding of their preceding inauguration and anoyntment by the Prophet at GODS commandement forgetting that in the beginning of this same little booke of his answering one that alledgeth a sentence of S. Cyprian to prooue that the Bishops were iudged by the people in Cyprians time he there confesseth that by these words the consent of the people to the Bishops Election must be onely vnderstood Nor will he there any wayes be mooued to graunt that the peoples power in consenting to or refusing the Election of a Bishop should be so vnderstood as that thereby they haue power to elect Bishops And yet do these words of Cyprian seeme to bee farre stronger for granting the peoples power to elect Churchmen then any words that he alledgeth out of the Scripture are for the peoples power in electing a King For the very words of Cyprian by himselfe there cited Cyprian lib. 1. Epist 4. are That the very people haue principally the power either to chuse such Priests as are worthy or to refuse such as are vnworthie And I hope hee can neuer prooue by the Scripture that it had beene lawfull to the people of Israel or that it was left in their choise to haue admitted or refused Saul or Dauid at their pleasure after that the Prophet had anoynted them and persented them vnto them Thus ye see how little he careth euen in so little a volume to contradict himselfe so it may make for his purpose making the consent of the people to signifie their power of Election in the making of Kings though in the making of Bishops by the peoples consent their approbation of a deed done by others must onely be vnderstood And as for his example of Ieroboams election to bee King 1 King 12.20 hee knoweth well enough that Ieroboam was made King in a popular mutinous tumult and rebellion onely permitted by God and that in his wrath both against these two Kings and their people But if he will needs helpe himselfe against all rules of Diuinitie with such an extraordinary example for proofe of a generall Rule why is it not as lawfull for vs Kings to oppose hereunto the example of Iehu his Inauguration to the Kingdome 2. King 9.2 3. who vpon the Prophets priuat anointment of him and that in most secret manner tooke presently the Kings office vpon him without euer crauing any sort of approbation from the people And thus may ye now clearely see how deepe the claime of the Babylonian Monarch toucheth vs in all our common interest for as I haue already told the Pope nor any of his Vassals
Vrbanus part was punished for his presumption dispoyled of his estate and kept in prison whereof he makes complaint himselfe in his 19. and 20. Epistles The L. Cardinall besides in my vnderstanding for his Masters honour should haue made no words of interdicting the whole Kingdome For when the Pope to giue a King chastisement doeth interdict his Kingdome hee makes the people to beare the punishment of the Kings offence For during the time of interdiction the Church doores through the whole Kingdome are kept continually shut and lockt vp publike seruice is intermitted in all places bels euery where silent Sacraments not administred to the people bodies of the dead so prostituted and abandoned that none dares burie the said bodies in holy ground More it is beleeued that a man dying vnder the curse of the interdict without some speciall indulgence or priuiledge is for euer damned and adiudged to eternall punishments as one that dyeth out of the communion of the Church Put case then the interdict holdeth and continueth for many yeares together alas how many millions of poore soules are damned and goe to hell for an others offence For what can or what may the faltlesse and innocent people doe withall if the King will repudiate his wife and she yet liuing ioyne himselfe in matrimonie to an other The Lord Cardinall after Philip the 1. produceth Philippus Augustus Examp. 12. who hauing renounced his wife Ingeberga daughter to the King of Denmarke and marrying with Agnes daughter to the Duke of Morauia was by Pope Innocent the third interdicted himselfe and his whole Kingdome But his Lordshippe was not pleased to insert withall what is auerred in the Chronicle of Saint Denis that Pope Caelestinus 3. sent forth two Legats at once vpon this errand Bochel pag. 320 Who being come into the assemblie and generall Council of all the French Prelats became like dumbe dogs that can not barke so as they could not bring the seruice which they had vndertaken to any good passe because they stood in a bodily feare of their owne bydes Not long after the Cardinall of Capua was in the like taking For hee durst not bring the Realme within the limits of the interdict before hee was got out of the limits of the Kingdome The King herewith incensed thrust all the Prelates that had giuen consent vnto these proceedings out of their Sees confiscated their goods c. To the same effect is that which wee reade in Matthew Paris After the Pope had giuen his Maiestie to vnderstand by the Cardinal of Anagnia that his kingdome should be interdicted vnlesse he would be reconciled to the King of England the King returned the Pope this answere that he was not in any sort afraid of the Popes sentence for as much as it could not be grounded vpon any equitie of the cause and added withall that it did no way appertaine vnto the Church of Rome to sentence Kings especially the King of France And this was done saith Iohannes Tilius Register in Court of Parliament of Paris by the counsell of the French Barons Most notable is the example of Philip the faire and hits the bird in the right eye In the yeere 1032. the Pope dispatched the Archbishop of Narbona with mandates into France commanding the King to release the Bishop of Apamia then detained in prison for contumelious words tending to the Kings defamation and spoken to the Kings owne head In very deed this Pope had conceiued a secret grudge and no light displeasure against King Philip before namely because the King had taken vpon him the collation of Benefices and other Ecclesiastical dignities Vpon which occasion the Pope sent letters to the King of this tenour and style Feare God and keepe his Commandements Wee would haue thee know that in Spirituall and Temporall causes thou art subiect vnto our selfe that collating of Benefices and Prebends doeth not in any sort appertaine to thy office and place that in case as keeper of the Spiritualties thou haue the custodie of Benefices and Prebends in thy hand when they become voyd thou shalt by sequestration reserue the fruits of the same to the vse and benefit of the next Incumbents and successors and in case thou hast heretofore collated any we ordaine the said collations to be meerely void and so farre as herein thou hast proceeded to the fact we reuoke the said collations We hold them for hereticks whosoeuer are not of this beliefe A Legate comes to Paris and brings these brauing letters By some of the Kings faithfull seruants they are violently snatched and pulled out of the Legates hands by the Earle of Artois they are cast into the fire The good King answeres the Pope and payes him in as good coyne as he had sent Philip by the grace of God King of the French to Boniface calling and bearing himselfe the Soueraigne Bishop little greeting or none at all May thy exceeding sottishnesse vnderstand that in Temporall causes we are not subiect vnto any mortall and earthly creature that collating of Benefices and Prebends by Regall right appertaineth to our office and place that appropriating their fruits when they become void belongeth to our selfe alone during their vacancie that all collations by vs heretofore made or to bee made hereafter shall stand in force that in the validitie and vertue of the said collations wee will euer couragiously defend and maintaine all Incumbents and possessors of Benefices and Prebends so by vs collated We hold them all for sots and senselesse whosoeuer are not of this beliefe The Pope incensed herewith excommunicates the King but no man dares publish that censure or become bearer thereof The King notwithstanding the said proceedings of the Pope assembles his Prelates Barons and Knights at Paris askes the whole assembly of whom they hold their Fees with al other the Temporalties of the Church They make answere with one voice that in the said matters they disclaime the Pope and know none other Lord beside his Maiestie Meane while the Pope worketh with Germanie and the Low Countreis to stirre them vp against France But Philip sendeth William of Nogaret into Italy William by the direction and aide of Sciarra Columnensis takes the Pope at Anagnia mounts him vpon a leane ill-fauoured iade caries him prisoner to Rome where ouercome with choller anguish and great indignation he takes his last leaue of the Popedome and his life All this notwithstanding the King presently after from the successours of Boniface receiues very ample and gratious Bulls in which the memorie of all the former passages and actions is vtterly abolished Extrauag Meruit Witnesse the Epistle of Clement 5. wherein this King is honoured with praises for a pious and religious Prince and his Kingdome is restored to the former estate In that aage the French Nobilitie caried other maner of spirits then the moderne and present Nobilitie doe I meane those by whom the L. Cardinal was applauded and assisted in his
contrary to his oath of subiection to Iesus Christ or that he hath wilfully cast himselfe into Apostaticall defection And certes to any man that weighs the matter with due consideration it wil be found apparantly false that Kings of France haue bene receiued of their subiects at any time with condition to serue IESVS CHRIST They were actually Kings before they came forth to the solemnitie of their sacring before they vsed any stipulation or promise to their subiects For in hereditary kingdoms nothing more certaine nothing more vncontrouleable the Kings death instantly maketh liuery and seisin of the Royaltie to his next successour Nor is it materiall to replie that a King succeeding by right of inheritance takes an oath in the person of his predecessor For euery oath is personall proper to the person by whom it is taken and to God no liuing creature can sweare that his owne sonne or his heire shall proue an honest man Well may the father and with great solemnitie promise that he will exhort his heire apparant with all his power and the best of his endeauours to feare God and to practise piety If the fathers oath be agreeable to the dueties of godlinesse the sonne is bound thereby whether he take an oath or take none On the other side if the fathers oath come from the puddles of impietie the sonne is bound thereby to goe the contrary way If the fathers oath concerne things of indifferent nature and such as by the variety or change of times become either pernicious or impossible then it is free for the Kings next successor and heire prudently to fit and proportion his Lawes vnto the times present and to the best benefit of the Common-wealth When I call these things to mind with some attention I am out of all doubt his Lordship is very much to seeke in the right sense and nature of his Kings oath taken at his Coronation to defend the Church and to perseuere in the Catholike faith For what is more vnlike and lesse credible then this conceit that after Clouis had reigned 15. yeeres in the state of Paganisme and then receiued holy Baptisme he should become Christian vpon this condition That in case hee should afterward reuolt from the Faith it should then bee in the power of the Church to turne him out of his Kingdome But had any such conditionall stipulation beene made by Clouis in very good earnest and trewth yet would hee neuer haue intended that his deposing should bee the acte of the Romane Bishop but rather of those whether Peeres or people or whole body of the State by whom he had bene aduanced to the Kingdome Let vs heare the trewth and this is the trewth It is farre from the customary vse in France for their Kings to take any such oath or to vse any such stipulation with their subiects If any King or Prince wheresoeuer doth vse an oath or solemne promise in these expresse termes Let me lose my Kingdome or my life be that day my last both for life and reigne when I shall first reuolt from the Christian Religion By these words he calleth vpon God for vengeance hee vseth imprecation against his owne head but hee makes not his Crowne to stoupe by this meanes to any power in the Pope or in the Church or in the people And touching inscriptions vpon coynes of which point his Lordship speaketh by the way verely the nature of the money or coine the stamping and minting whereof is one of the marks of the Prince his dignity and Soueraignty is not changed by bearing the letters of Christs Name on the reuerse or on the front Such characters of Christs Name are aduertisements and instructions to the people that in shewing and yeelding obedience vnto the King they are obedient vnto Christ those Princes likewise who are so wel aduised to haue the most sacred Names inscribed and printed in their coines doe take and acknowledge Iesus Christ for supreme King of Kings The said holy characters are no representation or profession that any Kings Crowne dependeth vpon the Church or can be taken away by the Pope The L. Cardinal indeed so beareth vs in hand But he inuerts the words of Iesus Christ and wrings them out of the right ioynt For Christ without all ambiguitie and circumlocution by the image and inscription of the money doeth directly and expressely prooue Caesar to bee free from subiection and entirely Soueraigne Now if such a supreme and Soueraigne Prince at any time shall bandie and combine against God and thereby shall become a rebellious and perfidious Prince doubtlesse for such disloyaltie he shall deserue that God would take from him all hope of life eternall and yet hereby neither Pope nor people hath reason to bee puft vp in their power to depriue him of his temporall Kingdome The L. Page 76. Cardinall saith besides The champions of the Popes power to depose Kings doe expound that commandement of S. Paul whereby euery soule is made subiect vnto the superiour powers to bee a prouisionall precept or caution accommodated to the times and to stand in force onely vntll the Church were growen in strength vnto such a scantling that it might be in the power of the faithfull without shaking the pillars of Christian state to stand in the breach and cautelously to prouide that none but Christian Princes might be receiued according to the Law in Deut Thou shalt make thee a King from among thy brethren The reason whereupon they ground is this Because Paul saith It is a shame for Christians to be iudged vnder vniust Infidels in mattrs or businesse which they had one against another For which inconuenience Iustinian after prouided by Law when hee ordeined that no Infidel nor Heretike might be admitted to the administration of iustice in the Common-wealth In which words of the Cardinall the word Receiued is to bee obserued especially and aboue the rest For by chopping in that word hee doeth nimbly and with a tricke of Legier-demain transforme or change the very state of the question For the question or issue of the cause is not about receiuing establishing or choosing a Prince as in those Nations where the Kingdome goes by election but about doing homage to the Prince when God hath setled him in the Kingdome and hath cast it vpon a Prince by hereditary succession For that which is writtten Thou shalt make thee a King doeth no way concerne and touch the people of France in these dayes because the making of their King hath not of long time been tyed to their election The passage therefore in Deuter. makes nothing to the purpose no more then doth Iustinians law For it is our free and voluntary confession that a Christian Prince is to haue speciall care of the Lawes and to prouide that no vnbeleeuer be made Lord Chiefe-Iustice of the Land that no Infidel be put in trust with administration of Iustice to the people But here the issue doeth not
esus Christ I labour to induce my subiects vnto such tearmes of loyalty towards my selfe as Iesus Christ hath prescribed and taught in his word But how farre I differ from Iulian it is to be seene more at large in my answere to Bellarmines Epistles written to Blackwell from whence the Lord Cardinall borrowing this example it might well haue beseemed his Lordship to borrow likewise my answere from the same place Now as it mooues me nothing at all to be drawne by his Lordship into suspitions of this nature and qualitie so by the prayses that he rockes me withall I will neuer be lulled asleepe To commend a man for his knowledge and withall to take from him the feare of God is to admire a souldier for his goodly head of haire or his curled locks and withall to call him base coward faint-hearted and fresh-water souldier Knowledge wit and learning in an hereticke are of none other vse and seruice but only to make him the more culpable consequently obnoxious to the more grieuous punishments All vertues turne to vices when they become the seruants of impietie The hand-maids which the Soueraigne Lady Wisedome calleth to be of her traine in the 9. Prouerb are morall vertues and humane sciences which then become pernicious when they run away from their Soueraigne Lady-Mistris and put ouer themselues in seruice to the diuel What difference is betweene two men both alike wanting the knowledge of God the one furnished with arts and ciuill vertues the other brutishly barbarous and of a deformed life or of prophane maners What is the difference betweene these two I make this the onely difference the first goeth to hell with a better grace and falleth into perdition with more facilitie then the second But hee becommeth exceedingly wicked euen threefold and fourefold abominable if he wast his treasure and stocke of ciuill vertues in persecuting the Church of CHRIST and if that may be layd in his dish which was cast in Caesars teeth that in plaine sobernes and well-setled temper he attempts the ruine of the Common-wealth which from a drunken sot might receiue perhaps a more easie fall In briefe I scorne all garlands of praises which are not euer greene but being dry and withered for want of sap and radicall moysture doe flagge about barbarous Princes browes I defie and renounce those praises which fit mee no more then they fit a Mahumetane King of Marocco I contest against all praises which grace me with petie accessories but rob me of the principall that one thing necessary namely the feare and knowledge of my GOD vnto whose Maiestie alone I haue deuoted my Scepter my sword my penne my whole industrie my whole selfe with all that is mine in whole and in part I doe it I doe it in all humble acknowledgement of his vnspeakable mercie and fauour who hath vouchsafed to deliuer me from the erroneous way of this aage to deliuer my Kingdome from the Popes tyrannicall yoke vnder which it hath lyen in times past most grieuously oppressed My Kingdom where God is now purely serued and called vpon in a tongue which all the vulgar vnderstand My Kingdome where the people may now reade the Scriptures without any special priuiledge from the Apostolike See and with no lesse libertie then the people of Ephesus of Rome and of Corinth did reade the holy Epistles written to their Churches by S. Paul My Kingdome where the people now pay no longer any tribute by the poll for Papall indulgences Aliquot annis post Apostolicae sedis nuncius in Angliam ad colligendum S. Petri vectigal missus O nuphri in vit Paul 4. Vide Math. Paris as they did about an hundred yeeres past and are no longer compelled to the mart for pardons beyond the Seas and mountaines but haue them now freely offered from God by the doctrine of the Gospel preached at home within their owne seuerall parishes and iurisdictions If the Churches of my Kingdome in the L. Cardinals accompt bee miserable for these causes and the like let him dreame on and talke his pleasure for my part I will euer auow that more worth is our misery then all his felicitie For the rest it shal by Gods grace be my daily endeauour and serious care to passe my daies in shaping to my selfe such a course of life that without shamefull calumniating of my person it shall not rest in the tip of any tongue to touch my life with iust reprehension or blame Nor am I so priuie to mine owne guiltinesse as to thinke my state so desperate so deplorable as Popes haue made their owne For some of them haue bene so open-hearted and so tongue-free to pronounce that Popes themselues the key-bearers of Heauen and hell cannot be saued Two Popes Oâ—up de vitis Pontisan vit Mar. 2. doeth testifie that Marcel also after Adr. an the 4. vsed these words Non video quo modo qui Incum hunc artissâ—tenent saluati possint reckoned among the best of the whole bunch or packe namely Adrian the IV. and Marcelline the II. haue both sung one and the same note that in their vnderstanding they could not conceiue any reason why or any meanes how those that sway the Popedome can be partakers of saluation But for my particular grounding my faith vpon the promises of God contained in the Gospel I doe confidently and assuredly beleeue that repenting me of my sinnes and reposing my whole trust in the merits of IESVS CHRIST I shall obtaine forgiuenesse of my sinnes through his Name Nor doe I feare that I am now or shall be hereafter cast out of the Churches lap and bosome that I now haue or hereafter shall haue no right to the Church as a putrified member thereof so long as I do or shall cleaue to CHRIST IESVS the Head of the Church the appellation and name whereof serueth in this corrupt aage as a cloake to couer a thousand new inuentions and now no longer signifies the assembly of the faithfull or such as beleeue in IESVS CHRIST according to his word but a certaine glorious ostentation and temporall Monarchie whereof the Pope forsooth is the supreame head But if the L. Cardinall by assured and certaine knowledge as perhaps he may by common fame did vnderstand the horrible conspiracies that haue bin plotted and contriued not against my person and life alone but also against my whole stocke if he rightly knew were inly perswaded of how many fowle periuries wicked treasons diuers Ecclesiastical persons haue bene lawfully conuicted in stead of charging me with false imputations that I suffer not my Catholiks to fetch a sigh or to draw their breath and that I thrust my Catholikes vpon the sharpe edge of punishment in euery kinde he would and might well rather wonder how I my selfe after so many dangers run after so many proditorious snares escaped do yet fetch my owne breath and yet practise Princely elemencie towards the said Catholiks notorious
her needle and is now of his Maiestie esteemed as a most pretious Iewell Therefore since wee are compassed about with such a Clowd of Witnesses albeit these are but a little handfull in comparison of the infinite multitude that might be produced Since we haue the examples of all the Mightie-men of the World euen from the beginning thereof vnto this day who haue striuen as much to get a Name for their writings as fame for their doings haue affected as much to be counted Learned as Victorious and to be reputed of as much for their wise Sayings as for their worthy Deeds Why should it bee thought a thing strange in this time that his Maiestie whom GOD hath adorned with as many rare perfections of Nature and Arte as euer he did any that wee read of I except such as were Diuinely inspired should lend the world a few leaues out of the large Volumes of his Learning J commend the wisedome of our Aduersaries who hauing assayed all meanes the wit of man is able to inuent to incline his Maiestie to like of their partie and finding by all their Tricks they haue got no ground would at last put his Maiestie to silence and gaine thus much of him at least that since he will doe nothing for them yet that he would say nothing against them Therefore they cry out against his Maiesties writing and vpbrayd him more for that hee doeth write then they doe for any thing that hee hath written Jt is ynough to wonder at that Rex scribit These people are wise in their generation and haue learned by long experience that as the Kingdome of CHRIST is the Gospel of peace so it hath bene from the beginning spread more by the Pennes of the Apostles then by the power of Princes more propagated by the sweet writings of the ancient Fathers then it could bee suppressed by the seuere Edicts of Emperours and of late their Kingdome hath bene more shaken by a poore Monke then it hath bene able to recouer by the helpe of Mighty Monarches Therefore since the writings of poore Schollers haue so raised the Kingdome of CHRIST and so discouered the Mysterie of Jniquitie they do well to feare what may follow vpon the Writings of so great a King They liue securely from bleeding by his Maiesties Sword but they are not safe from being blasted by the breath of his Maiesties Bookes Jf they could bring it about therefore to calme and quiet his Maiesties Spirit from working vpon them that way as they see his Maiesties sweetnesse to bee farre from drawing of their bloods the other way they would deeme it a greater Conquest then all the conuersions of the Kings of the East and West-Indies they tell vs so many tales of For they looke vpon his Maiesties Bookes as men looke vpon Blasing-Starres with amazement fearing they portend some strange thing and bring with them a certaine Influence to worke great change and alteration in the world Neither is their expectation herein deceiued for we haue seene with our eyes the Operation of his Maiesties Workes in the Consciences of their men so farre as from their highest Conclaue to their lowest Cells there haue bene that haue bene conuerted by them and that in such number as wee want rather meanes to maintaine them then they minds to come to vs. But to conclude this point that Kings may write Giue mee leaue to offer you this Meditation How many are the wayes that men doe inuent to perpetuate their Memorie Insomuch that mortall-men haue made themselues Gods when they were dead that they might be adored as if they were aliue Wherein is the Impetus of Nature so strong as in the affection that propogates to Posteritie Wherefore serue Pictures but to continue our features Why doe men bestow so much cost in sumptuous Buildings but to leaue a Monument of their Magnificence To what end doe we erect Holy-houses and Hospitalls but to possesse mens mindes with the Deuotion of our Soules And shall wee blesse a King when wee behold him in his Posteritie Shall wee admire his features when wee contemplate them in his Pictures Shall we wonder at his Magnificence when we gaze vpon it in his stately Edifices and may wee not as well bee rauished when wee see his sharpe Wit his profound Judgement his infinite Memorie his Excellent affections in his admirable Writings Certainely it is a peruersnes to esteeme a man least for that whereby hee liues the longest to value him more for the outward worke of his hand then for the inward operation of his minde to esteeme him more for that which instructs but little then for that which shall edifie for euer What now remaines of Caesar so famous as his Commentaries What of Cicero as his Orations How comes Aristotle to be of more authoritie then Alexander Seneca then Nero The Triumphes and Victories of the one are vanished the Vertues of the other remaine in their perfect vigour And though all other Monuments by time consume and come to nothing yet these by time gaine strength and get authoritie and euer the more ancient the more Excellent Hauing now deliuered my opinion that J thinke it neither vnlawfull nor inconuenient for a King to write but that he hath the Liberty that other men haue if hee can get the leysure to shew his abilities for the present to perpetuate his Memory to Posterity to aduance his praise before his owne People and gaine Glory from others but especially to giue Glory vnto GOD. J will craue leaue to descend to an other Consideration for it may be there will not be so much fault found with a King for writing as for the matter or Subiect whereof he treates For Personages of their eminent Degree and State must not spend their paines on poore purposes nor write so much to try their witts on triuiall thinges as to winne themselues Honor by the Excellency of their subiect Jndeed if I were worthy to aduise a King hee should meddle very sparingly and but vpon important Causes with Polemicalls Hee should not often fight but in the field for put the case a King writ neuer so modestly that there be not in a whole Booke one word ad hominem nor any touch of his Aduersary in any personall infirmity yet J know not how it comes to passe that in all Controuersies a solide answere to an argument is a very sufficient occasion to make an Aduersary wonderfull angrie And so long as there are diuersity of Opinions there will neuer want matter for Confutations And in these Replications the person of a King is more exposed and lyes more open then the person of a poore Scholler can doe for as he is a farre greater marke so he may farre more easily be hit And though they misse him and can hit vpon nothing iustly to bee reprehended in him yet they doe thinke it Operaepretium to make a Scarre in the face of a King Whereas on the contrary if a King
from the sinceritie of the trewth enticed thereunto though not by Apollyon himselfe for hee was not yet risen yet by the qualities whereof hee is composed and therefore is he here punished for the same And as Moses troubled by the hote Easterne winde the land of Egypt by the breeding of grashoppers so shall the fierie spirit of God in the mouthes of his witnesses so trouble Babylon with the burning sunne of Gods trewth as men shall be troubled with a great heat to wit she and her followers shall be tormented and vexed therewith 9 But they blasphemed the name of God who had power ouer these plagues and repented not that they might giue him glory for such is the nature of the wicked and so hardened are their hearts that the same scourges and afflictions which make the godly turne themselues to God and so are the sauour of life vnto them to their eternall saluation they by the contrary make the wicked to runne from euill vnto worse and so are the sauour of death vnto them to their iust and eternall condemnation 10 Then the fifth Angel powred forth his phiale euen vpon the very throne of the beast and his kingdome was made darke and they to wit he and his followers gnawed their tongues for dolour for as this beast did breed and was nourished by the smoake and darkenesse that came foorth of the bottomlesse pit whereof he is the Angel and messenger as was declared in the fift Trumpet And as Moses made a great darkenesse to come vpon the land of Egypt so now after the witnesses reuealing him which yee heard signified by the heat in the fourth phiale shall follow that this kingdome shall become obscure by the light of the trewth and shall come to be despised by many whereby he and his followers shall be mooued to a great rage which I meant by gnawing their tongues for dolour 11 And they blasphemed the God of heauen for their dolours and griefes and repented them not of their workes for as I said before neither corporall punishments signified by sores nor spirituall signified by dolours can moue them to repent but to a greater obstinacie and rage as ye shall see by their actions immediatly after the powring foorth of the sixt phiale vpon the great water Euphrates 12 Then the sixt Angel powred foorth his phiale vpon the great riuer of Euphrates and the waters thereof were dried vp that the passage of the Kings comming from the East might be prepared so as that beast by the meanes of many people signified by waters did tyrannize ouer the Church of God and as Moses by Aarons rod made a dry and safe passage through the Red-sea to the people of Israel Exod. 14. so God by this plague dries vp that great water Euphrates which compasseth Babylon during his will to wit he makes now the power of this Monarchie to decay and layes it open to inuasion and destruction as ye shall heare This water was dried to make passage for the Kings comming from the Sun rising alluding to Daniel as I shewed in the sixt Trumpet for euen as the Persians and Medes came from the East Chap. 9. crossed Euphrates ouercame Babylon and slew Balthasar King thereof so immediately after that the Witnesses haue begun to reueale spirituall Babylon as is declared in the fourth phiale and that thereupon hath followed that the kingdome thereof is become darke as is declared in the fift phiale then shall follow that God shall prepare the destruction thereof by drying Euphrates ' whereupon shall ensue that such instruments as God shall appoint directed by that Sunne rising to wit Christ as ye heard in the sixt Seale shall destroy that King and sacke that great Citie to the perpetuall confusion of all her followers as ye wil heare more clearely declared hereafter 13 And then I saw from the mouth of the dragon and from the mouth of the beast and from the mouth of the false prophet three vncleanespirits come foorth like to froggs for this is all the repentance that these three phials shall worke in the heart of Babylon as I said before to wit for the last remedie the diuel or dragon shall inuent him a fresh order of Ecclesiasticall factours and Agents as the diuels last brood These are the same that I called horse in the vision in the sixt Trumpet three in number to correspond to their threefold armour as ye heard in the said Trumpet because there came out of their mouthes three sorts of persecutions and destructions And themselues came out of three mouthes out of the dragons because the diuel is the inuenter of them out of the beasts because the beast or King of Locusts commands ouer them directs and employes them for the standing of his kingdome as the last refuge when now he sees the decay thereof euidently comming on out of his false prophets or false Churches because it authorises them for the aforesaid effects These vncleane spirits and teachers of false and hereticall doctrines and wicked policies resembling frogges as well for that they are bred of an old filthy and corrupted false doctrine which for a long space haue blinded the world before their comming as frogges breed of rotten and slimie corruption as also for that they goe craftily about to vndermine and condemne all Ecclesiasticall orders preceding them as vnperfect and vnprofitable because their kingdome is darkenesse But howsoeuer they thus craftily insinuate themselues in the fauours of the people surely their doctrine is nothing else but the very same filthy puddle of vncleane and wicked heresies and impieties taught by the grashoppers before euen as the yong frogges grow like the former 14 For they are spirits of diuels to wit wicked and craftie like them doing myracles of deceipt for they shall wonderfully deceiue men and they goe to all the Kings of the earth and to the whole world to gather them together to the battell of that day of God Almightie for they shall haue such credit of a great part of the Princes of the earth as I also shewed you in the sixt Trumpet as they shall gather great forces together as the last brood of the diuel as I told you before to fight against his Church who notwithstanding shall ouercome them as will after more clearely be declared 15 Happy are they then that swarue not nor despaire in the meane time but awake and keepe their garments cleane and vndefiled from the generall corruption lest otherwise they walke naked not clothed with the garment of righteousnes and so their shamefull parts or naturall inclination to euill be discouered For loe I come as a thiefe for no man shall know the houre no time of my comming 16 And the place whereunto these vncleane spirits gathered the Kings to this battell against Gods Church in Hebrew is called Armageddon for by deceipt they assembled the Kings and nations to their owne destruction 17 Then the seuenth Angel powred out his phiale
shall arise an Antichrist and enemie to God and his Church hee shall bee head of a false and hypocriticall Church hee shall claime a supreme power in earth he shall vsurpe the power of God he shall deceiue men with abusing locusts he shall persecute the faithfull none shall bee found that dare openly resist him In the end feeling his kingdome decay and the trew Church beginning to prosper he shall by a new sort of deceiuing spirits gather together the Kings of the earth in great multitudes like the sands of the Sea and by ioyning or at least suffering of that other great open enemy he shall with these numbers compasse the campes of the faithfull besiege the beloued Citie make warre against the Saints but victorie shal he not haue and shame and confusion shal be his and all his partakers end Now whether the Pope beareth these markes or not The Pope is Antichrist and Poperie the loosing of Satan from whom proceedeth false doctrine crueltie to subuert the kingdom of Christ let any indifferent man iudge I thinke surely it expounds it selfe Doeth he not vsurpe Christ his office calling himselfe vniuersall Bishop and head of the Church Playeth he not the part of Apollyon and Abaddon the king of the Locusts and destroyer or sonne of perdition in chopping and changing of soules betwixt heauen hell and his fantasticke or imagined purgatorie at his pleasure Blasphemeth he not in denying vs to be saued by the imputation of Christ his righteousnesse Moreouer hath hee not sent forth and abused the world with innumerable orders of locusts and shauelings Hath hee not so fully ruled ouer the world these many hundreth yeeres as to the fire went hee whosoeuer hee was that durst deny any part of his vsurped supremacie And hath he not of late dayes seeing his kingdome going to decay The Iesuites pernicious vermine sent out the Iesuites his last and most pernicious vermin to stirre vp the Princes of the earth his slaues to gather and league themselues together for his defence and rooting out of all them that professe Christ truely And whereas the open enemie of God the Turke was vnder bloody warres with him euer before is there not of late a truce among them that the faithfull may be the more easily rooted out And are not the armies presently assembled yea vpon the very point of their execution in France against the Saints there In Flanders for the like and in Germanie by whom already the Bishop of Collein is displaced And what is prepared and come forward against this I le Doe we not daily heare and by all appearance and likelihood shall shortly see Now may we iudge if this be not the time whereof this place that I haue made choice doeth meane and so the due time for the reuealing of this Prophecie Thus farre for the interpretation of the sentence or meaning THE THIRD PART NOw I come to the last part what we may learne of this place which I will shortly touch in few points and so make an end And first of the deuill his loosing by the rising of Antichrist for the iust punishment of the vnthankefull world hating the trewth and delighting in lies and manifesting of his owne chosen that stucke to the trewth we haue two things to note One for instruction Man his sinne procureth God his iustice to loose Satan that the iustice of God in respect of man his falling wilfully froÌ„ the trewth as Paul saith iustly did send to the world the great abuser with efficacie of lies as well to tyrannize spiritually ouer the conscience by heresie as corporally ouer their bodies by the ciuill sword And therefore we must feare to fall from the trewth reuealed and professed by vs that we may be free from the like punishment The other for our comfort that this tyrannie of the Antichrist sifting out the chaffe from the corne as our Master sayth Backe-slâ—â—ers 〈…〉 constant â—hristians shall be crowned Matth. 10.22 shall tend to the double condemnation of the fallers backe and to the double crowne of glory to the perseuerers or standers out to the end Blessed therefore are they that perseuere or stand out to the end for they shall be saued Next of the number of nations in the foure quarters of the earth deceiued and companies gathered together to fight like the sand of the sea The defection or falling away vnder Antichrist shall be vniuersall Wee are taught that the defection or falling away vnder the Antichrist was generall and so no visible Church was there whereof two things doe follow One the Church may be corrupted and erre another the Church may lurke and be vnknowen for a certaine space Thirdly of that that Satan is not content onely to deceiue Satan his children both deceiue and persecute except hee also gather to the battell his instruments we are informed of the implacable or vnappeaseable malice borne by Satan in his instruments against God in his members who neuer ceaseth like a roaring Lyon as Peter sayth to goe about assailing to deuoure This his malice is notably laid foorth in the 12. and 13. Chap. of this Booke For it is said that when he had spewed out great riuers of waters that is infinite heresies and lies to swallow vp the woman and notwithstanding shee was deliuered therefro yet againe hee raised vp a beast out of the sea the bloody Romane Empire by the sword to deuoure her and her seed and that being wounded deadly yet hee raiseth another beast foorth of the earth which is the Antichrist by heresie and sword ioyned together to ferue his turne So the deuill seeing that no mist of heresies can obscure or darken the Gospel in the hearts of the faithfull and that the cruell sword of persecutors cannot stay the prosperous successe of Christ his kingdome hee raiseth vp the Antichrist with both his swords to the effect that as one of them sayth That which Peter his keyes could not Paul his sword should And so hath hee done at this time For seeing the true Church will not be abused with the absurd heresies for last refuge now rooted out must they be by the ciuill Sword Fourthly of their great numbers The wicked in number euer ouerpasse the godly able to compasse about the tents of the Saints and to besiege the holy Cities we are enformed that the wicked are euer the greatest part of the world And therfore our Master sayth Many are called few chosen And againe Wide is the way that leadeth to destruction and many enter thereat but narrow is the way that leadeth to life and few enter thereat Also hee calleth them the world and the Deuill the prince of the same Fiftly the agreeance of Gog and Magog the Turke the open enemy The wicked at variance among themselues can wel agree in one against Christ and the Pope the couered enemie to this persecution declareth the rooted hatred of the wicked against
vnlawfull times is that God will not permit that any innocent persons shal be slandered with that vile defection for then the diuell would finde waies anew to calumniate the best And this wee haue in proofe by them that are carried with the Phairie who neuer see the shadowes of any in that Court but of them that thereafter are tryed to haue beene brethren and sisters of that craft And this was likewise prooued by the confession of a young Lasse troubled with spirits laid on her by Witchcraft that although she saw the shapes of diuers men and women troubling her and naming the persons whom these shadowes represent yet neuer one of them are found to be innocent but all clearely tryed to bee most guiltie and the most part of them confessing the same And besides that I thinke it hath beene seldome heard tell of that any whom persons guiltie of that crime accused as hauing knowen them to be their marrowes by eye-sight and not by heare-say but such as were so accused of Witchcraft could not be clearely tried vpon them were at the least publikely knowen to be of a very euill life and reputation so iealous is God I say of the fame of them that are innocent in such causes And besides that there are two other good helps that may be vsed for their triall The one is the finding of their marke and the trying the insensiblenes therof The other is their fleeting on the water for as in a secret murther if the dead carkasse bee at any time thereafter handled by the murtherer it will gush out of bloud as if the bloud were crying to the heauen for reuenge of the murtherer God hauing appointed that secret supernaturall signe for triall of that secret vnnaturall crime so it appeares that God hath appointed for a supernaturall signe of the monstrous impietie of Witches that the water shall refuse to receiue them in her bosome that haue shaken off them the sacred water of Baptisme and wilfully refused the benefite thereof No not so much as their eyes are able to shed teares threaten and torture them as ye please while first they repent God not permitting them to dissemble their obstinacie in so horrible a crime albeit the women-kind especially be able otherwayes to shed teares at euery light occasion when they will yea although it were dissemblingly like the Crocodiles PHI. Well wee haue made this conference to last as long as leisure would permit and to conclude then since I am to take my leaue of you I pray God to purge this countrey of these diuellish practises for they were neuer so rife in these parts as they are now EPI I pray God that so be too But the causes are ouer-manifest that make them to be so rife For the great wickednes of the people on the one part procures this horrible defection whereby God iustly punisheth sinne by a greater iniquitie and on the other part the consummation of the world and our deliuerance drawing neere makes Satan to rage the more in his instruments knowing his kingdome to be so neere an end And so farewell for this time ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΟΠΔΩΡΟΠOR HIS MAIESTIES INSTRVCTIONS TO HIS DEAREST SONNE HENRY THE PRINCE THE ARGVMENT SONNET GOD giues not Kings the stile of Gods in vaine For on his Throne his Scepter doe they swey And as their subiects ought them to obey So Kings should feare and serue their God againe If then ye would enioy a happie raigne Obserue the Statutes of your heauenly King And from his Law make all your Lawes to spring Since his Lieutenant here ye should remaine Reward the iust be stedfast true and plaine Represse the proud maintayning aye the right Walke alwayes so as euer in his sight Who guardes the godly plaguing the prophane And so ye shall in Princely vertues shine Resembling right your mightie King Diuine TO HENRY MY DEAREST SONNE AND NATVRAL SVCCESSOVR VVHom-to can so rightly appertaine this Booke of instructions to a Prince in all the points of his calling aswell generall as a Christian towards God as particular as a King towards his people Whom-to I say can it so iustly appertaine as vnto you my dearest Sonne Since J the authour thereof as your naturall Father must be carefull for your godly and vertuous education as my eldest Sonne and the first fruits of Gods blessing towards mee in my posteritie and as a King must timously prouide for your trayning vp in all the points of a Kings Office since yee are my naturall and lawfull successour therein that being rightly informed hereby of the waight of your burthen ye may in time beginne to consider that being borne to be a king ye are rather borne to onus then honos not excelling all your people so farre in ranke and honour as in daily care and hazardous paines-taking for the dutifull administration of that great office that God hath laide vpon your shoulders Laying so a just symmetrie and proportion betwixt the height of your honourable place and the heauie waight of your great charge and consequently in case of failing which God forbid of the sadnesse of your fall according to the proportion of that height J haue therefore for the greater ease to your memory and that yee may at the first cast vp any part that yee haue to doe with deuided this Treatise in three parts The first teacheth you your duetie towards God as a Christian the next your duetie in your Office as a King and the third informeth you how to behaue your selfe in indifferent things which of them-selues are neither right nor wrong but according as they are rightly or wrong vsed and yet will serue according to your behauiour therein to augment or empaire your fame and authoritie at the handes of your people Receiue and welcome this Booke then as a faithfull Praeceptour and counsellour vnto you which because my affaires will not permit mee euer to bee present with you J ordaine to bee a resident faithfull admonisher of you And because the houre of death is vncertaine to mee as vnto all flesh J leaue it as my Testament and latter will vnto you Chargeing you in the presence of GOD and by the fatherly authoritie J haue ouer you that yee keepe it euer with you as carefully as Alexander did the Iliads of Homer Yee will finde it a iust and impartiall counsellour neither flattering you in any vice nor importuning you at vnmeete times Jt will not come vn-called neither speake vnspeered at and yet conferring with it when yee are at quiet yee shall say with Scipio that yee are nunquam minûs solus quà m cum solus To conclude then J charge you as euer yee thinke to deserue my Fatherly blessing to follow and put in practise as farre as lyeth in you the praecepts hereafter following And if yee follow the contrary course I take the Great GOD to record that this Booke shall one day bee a witnesse betwixt mee and you and shall procure to bee
for keeping of the peace where by their naturall dewtie they are oblished to obey the lawe and keepe the peace all the daies of their life vpon the perill of their verie craigges For remeid to these euils in their estate Remedie of such euils Arist 5. Polit. teach your Nobilitie to keepe your lawes as precisely as the meanest feare not their orping or beeing discontented as long as yee rule well for their pretended reformation of Princes taketh neuer effect but where euill gouernement precedeth Acquaint your selfe so with all the honest men of your Barrons and Gentlemen Zeno in Cyr. Iso in En. Cic. ad Q. fra and be in your giuing accesse so open and affable to euery ranke of honest persons as may make them peart without scarring at you to make their owne suites to you themselues and not to employ the great Lordes their intercessours for intercession to Saints is Papistrie so shall ye bring to a measure their monstrous backes And for their barbarous feides put the lawes to due execution made by mee there-anent beginning euer rathest at him that yee loue best and is most oblished vnto you to make him an example to the rest For yee shall make all your reformations to beginne at your elbow and so by degrees to flow to the extremities of the land And rest not vntill yee roote out these barbarous feides that their effects may bee as well smoared downe as their barbarous name is vnknowen to anie other nation For if this Treatise were written either in French or Latine I could not get them named vnto you but by circumlocution And for your easier abolishing of them put sharpelie to execution my lawes made against Gunnes and traiterous Pistolets thinking in your heart tearming in your speech and vsing by your punishments all such as weare and vse them as brigands and cut-throates On the other part eschew the other extremitie in lightlying and contemning your Nobilitie Remember howe that errour brake the King my grand-fathers heart Plat. in 1. Al. in pol. 5. del Arist 2. oecom But consider that vertue followeth oftest noble blood the worthinesse of their antecessors craueth a reuerent regard to be had vnto them honour them therfore that are obedient to the law among them as Peeres and Fathers of your land the more frequently that your Court can bee garnished with them Zenâ— in Cyr. thinke it the more your honour acquainting and employing them in all your greatest affaires sen it is they must be your armes and executers of your lawes and so vse your selfe louinglie to the obedient and rigorously to the stubborne as may make the greatest of them to thinke that the chiefest point of their honour standeth in striuing with the meanest of the land in humilitie towards you and obedience to your Lawes beating euer in their eares that one of the principall points of seruice that ye craue of them is in their persons to practise and by their power to procure due obedience to the Law without the which no seruice they can make can be agreeable vnto you But the greatest hinderance to the execution of our Lawes in this countrie are these heritable Shirefdomes and Regalities Of Shirefdomes and Regalities which being in the hands of the great men do wracke the whole countrie For which I know no present remedie but by taking the sharper account of them in their Offices vsing all punishment against the slouthfull that the Law will permit and euer as they vaike for any offences committed by them Ar. 2. pol. dispone them neuer heritably againe preassing with time Laudable custome of England to draw it to the laudable custome of England which ye may the easilier doe being King of both as I hope in God ye shall And as to the third and last estate The third estate which is our Burghes for the small Barrones are but an inferiour part of the Nobilitie and of their estate they are composed of two sorts of men Merchants and Craftes-men either of these sorts being subiect to their owne infirmities The Merchants thinke the whole common-weale ordeined for making them vp and accounting it their lawfull gaine and trade The formes of Merchants to enrich themselues vpon the losse of all the rest of the people they transport from vs things necessarie bringing backe sometimes vnnecessary things and at other times nothing at all They buy for vs the worst wares and sell them at the dearest prices and albeit the victuals fall or rise of their prices according to the aboundance or skantnesse thereof yet the prices of their wares euer rise but neuerfall being as constant in that their euill custome as if it were a setled Law for them They are also the speciall cause of the corruption of the coyne transporting all our owne and bringing in forraine vpon what price they please to set on it For order putting to them put the good Lawes in execution that are already made anent these abuses but especially doe three things Establish honest diligent but few Searchers for many hands make slight worke and haue an honest and diligent Thesaurer to take count of them Pl. 2. de Rep. 8. 11. de leg Permit and allure forraine Merchants to trade here so shall ye haue best and best cheape wares not buying them at the third hand And set euery yeere downe a certaine price of all things considering first how it is in other countries and the price being set reasonably downe if the Merchants will not bring them home on the price cry forrainers free to bring them And because I haue made mention here of the coyne A duice anent the coyne make your money of fine Gold and Siluer causing the people be payed with substance and not abused with number so shall ye enrich the common-weale and haue a great treasure laid vp in store if ye fall in warres or in any straites For the making it baser will breed your commoditie but it is not to bee vsed but at a great necessitie And the Craftes-men thinke Of craftsmen Plat. 11. de leg we should be content with their worke how bad and deare soeuer it be and if they in any thing be controlled vp goeth the blew-blanket A good policie of England But for their part take example by ENGLAND how it hath flourished both in wealth and policie since the strangers Craftes-men came in among them Plat. 9. de leg Therefore not onely permit but allure strangers to come heere also taking as strait order for repressing the mutining of ours at them as was done in ENGLAND at their first in-bringing there But vnto one fault is all the common people of this Kingdome subiect A generall fault in the people as well burgh as land which is to iudge and speake rashly of their Prince Sal. in Iug. setting the Common-weale vpon foure props as wee call it euer wearying of the present estate and desirous
companie of dames which are nothing else but irritamenta libidinis Bee warre likewaies to abuse your selfe in making your sporters your counsellers and delight not to keepe ordinarily in your companie Comoedians or Balladines for the Tyrans delighted most in them Pl. 3. de rep Ar. 7. 8. pol. Sen. 1. ep Dyon glorying to bee both authors and actors of Comoedies and Tragedies themselues Wherupon the answere that the poet Philoxenus disdainefully gaue to the Tyran of Syracuse there-anent is now come in a prouerbe reduc me in latomias Suidas And all the ruse that Nero made of himselfe when he died was Qualis artifexpereo Suet. in Ner. meaning of his skill in menstrally and playing of Tragoedies as indeede his whole life and death was all but one Tragoedie Delight not also to bee in your owne person a player vpon instruments especially on such as commonly men winne their liuing with nor yet to be fine of any mechanicke craft 1. Sep. Leur esprit s'en fuit au bout des doigts saith Du Bartas whose workes as they are all most worthie to bee read by any Prince or other good Christian so would I especially wish you to bee well versed in them But spare not some-times by merie company to be free from importunitie for ye should be euer mooued with reason which is the onely qualitie whereby men differ from beasts and not with importunitie Curt. 8. For the which cause as also for augmenting your Maiestie ye shall not be so facile of accesse-giuing at all times as I haue beene Liu. 35. Xen. in Ages Cit. ad Q frat and yet not altogether retired or locked vp like the Kings of Persia appointing also certaine houres for publicke audience And since my trust is that God hath ordained you for moe Kingdomes then this as I haue oft alreadie said preasse by the outward behauiour as well of your owne person A speciall good rule in gouernment as of your court in all indifferent things to allure piece and piece the rest of your kingdomes to follow the fashions of that kingdome of yours that yee finde most ciuill easiest to be ruled and most obedient to the Lawes for these outward and indifferent things will serue greatly for allurements to the people to embrace and follow vertue But beware of thrawing or constraining them thereto letting it bee brought on with time and at leisure specially by so mixing through alliance and daily conuersation the inhabitants of euery kingdom with other as may with time make them to grow and welde all in one Which may easily be done betwixt these two nations being both but one Ile of Britaine and alreadie ioyned in vnitie of Religion and language The fruitfull effects of the vnion So that euen as in the times of our ancestours the long warres and many bloodie battels betwixt these two countreys bred a naturall and hereditarie hatred in euery of them against the other the vniting and welding of them hereafter in one by all sort of friendship commerce and alliance will by the contrary produce and maintaine a naturall and inseparable vnitie of loue amongst them Alreadie kything in the happy amitie As we haue already praise be to God a great experience of the good beginning hereof and of the quenching of the olde hate in the hearts of both the people procured by the meanes of this long and happy amitie betweene the Queene my dearest sister and me which during the whole time of both our Reignes hath euer beene inuiolably obserued And for conclusion of this my whole Treatise Conclusion in forme of abridge of the whole Treatise remember my Sonne by your trew and constant depending vpon God to looke for a blessing to all your actions in your office by the outward vsing thereof to testifie the inward vprightnesse of your heart and by your behauiour in all indifferent things to set foorth the viue image of your vertuous disposition and in respect of the greatnesse and weight of your burthen to be patient in hearing keeping your heart free from praeoccupation ripe in concluding Thuc. 6. Dion 52. and constant in your resolution For better it is to bide at your resolution although there were some defect in it then by daily changing to effectuate nothing taking the paterne thereof from the microcosme of your owne body wherein ye haue two eyes signifying great foresight and prouidence with a narrow looking in all things and also two eares signifying patient hearing and that of both the parties but ye haue but one tongue for pronouncing a plaine sensible and vniforme sentence and but one head and one heart for keeping a constant vniforme resolution according to your apprehension hauing two hands and two feete with many fingers and toes for quicke execution in employing all instruments meet for effectuating your deliberations But forget not to digest euer your passion before ye determine vpon any thing since Ira furor breuis est Hir. lib. 1. epist. vttering onely your anger according to the Apostles rule Irascimini sed ne peccetis taking pleasure not only to reward Ephes 4. but to aduance the good which is a chiefe point of a Kings glory but make none ouer-great Arist 5. pol. Dion 52. but according as the power of the countrey may beare and punishing the euill but euery man according to his owne offence not punishing nor blaming the father for the sonne Plat. 9. de leg nor the brother for the brother much lesse generally to hate a whole race for the fault of one for noxa caput sequitur And aboue all let the measure of your loue to euery one be according to the measure of his vertue letting your fauour to be no longer tyed to any then the continuance of his vertuous disposition shall deserue not admitting the excuse vpon a iust reuenge to procure ouersight to an iniurie For the first iniurie is committed against the partie but the parties reuenging thereof at his owne hand is a wrong committed against you in vsurping your office whom to onely the sword belongeth for reuenging of all the iniuries committed against any of your people Thus hoping in the goodnes of God that your naturall inclination shall haue a happy sympathie with these pręcepts making the wise-mans scholemaster which is the example of others to bee your teacher according to that old verse Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum eschewing so the ouer-late repentance by your owne experience which is the schoole-master of fooles I wil for end of all require you my Sonne as euer ye thinke to deserue my fatherly blessing to keepe continually before the eyes of your minde the greatnesse of your charge Plat. in pol. Cic. 5. d◠re◠making the faithfull and due discharge thereof the principal butt ye shoot at in all your actions counting it euer the principall and all your other actions but as accessories to be
tyrant whom they can obiect nor was here fore-warned to the people of God and yet all rebellion countermanded vnto them if tyrannizing ouer mens persons sonnes daughters and seruants redacting noble houses and men and women of noble blood to slauish and scruile offices and extortion and spoile of their lands and goods to the princes owne priuate vse and commoditie and of his courteours and seruants may be called a tyrannie And that this proposition grounded vpon the Scripture may the more clearely appeare to be trew by the practise often prooued in the same booke we neuer reade that euer the Prophets perswaded the people to rebell against the Prince how wicked soeuer he was When Samuel by Gods command pronounced to the same king Saul 1. Sam. 15. that his kingdome was rent from him and giuen to another which in effect was a degrading of him yet his next action following that was peaceably to turne home and with floods of teares to pray to God to haue some compassion vpon him And Dauid notwithstanding hee was inaugurate in that same degraded Kings roome not onely when he was cruelly persecuted for no offence but good seruice done vnto him would not presume hauing him in his power skantly but with great reuerence to touch the garment of the annoynted of the Lord and in his words blessed him but likewise 1. Sam. 2 4. 2. Sam. 1. when one came to him vanting himselfe vntrewly to haue slaine Saul hee without forme of proces or triall of his guilt caused onely for guiltinesse of his tongue put him to sodaine death And although there was neuer a more monstrous persecutor and tyrant nor Achab was yet all the rebellion that Elias euer raised against him was to flie to the wildernes where for fault of sustentation he was fed with the Corbies And I thinke no man will doubt but Samuel Dauid and Elias had as great power to perswade the people if they had liked to haue employed their credite to vproares rebellions against these wicked kings as any of our seditious preachers in these daies of whatsoeuer religion either in this countrey or in France had that busied themselues most to stir vp rebellion vnder cloake of religion This farre the only loue of veritie I protest without hatred at their persons haue mooued me to be somewhat satyricke And if any will leane to the extraordinarie examples of degrading or killing of kings in the Scriptures thereby to cloake the peoples rebellion as by the deed of Iehu and such like extraordinaries I answere besides that they want the like warrant that they had if extraordinarie examples of the Scripture shall bee drawne in daily practise murther vnder traist as in the persons of Ahud and Iael theft as in the persons of the Israelites comming out of Egypt lying to their parents to the hurt of their brother as in the person of Iacob shall all be counted as lawfull and allowable vertues as rebellion against Princes And to conclude the practise through the whole Scripture prooueth the peoples obedience giuen to that sentence in the law of God Thou shalt not rayle vpon the Iudges neither speake euill of the ruler of thy people To end then the ground of my proposition taken out of the Scripture let two speciall and notable examples one vnder the law another vnder the Euangel Ier. 27. conclude this part of my alleageance Vnder the lawe Ieremie threatneth the people of God with vtter destruction for rebellion to Nabuchadnezar the king of Babel who although he was an idolatrous persecuter a forraine King a Tyrant and vsurper of their liberties yet in respect they had once receiued and acknowledged him for their king he not only commandeth them to obey him Iere. 29. but euen to pray for his prosperitie adioyning the reason to it because in his prosperitie stood their peace And vnder the Euangel that king whom Paul bids the Romanes obey and serue for conscience sake Iere. 13. was Nero that bloody tyrant an infamie to his aage and a monster to the world being also an idolatrous persecuter as the King of Babel was If then Idolatrie and defection from God tyranny ouer their people and persecution of the Saints for their profession sake hindred not the Spirit of God to command his people vnder all highest paine to giue them all due and heartie obedience for conscience sake giuing to Caesar that which was Caesars and to God that which was Gods as Christ saith and that this practise throughout the booke of God agreeth with this lawe which he made in the erection of that Monarchie as is at length before deduced what shamelesse presumption is it to any Christian people now adayes to claime to that vnlawfull libertie which God refused to his owne peculiar and chosen people Shortly then to take vp in two or three sentences grounded vpon all these arguments out of the lawe of God the duetie and alleageance of the people to their lawfull king their obedience I say ought to be to him as to Gods Lieutenant in earth obeying his commands in all things except directly against God as the commands of Gods Minister acknowledging him a Iudge set by GOD ouer them hauing power to iudge them but to be iudged onely by GOD whom to onely hee must giue count of his iudgement fearing him as their Iudge louing him as their father praying for him as their protectour for his continuance if he be good for his amendement if he be wicked following and obeying his lawfull commaunds eschewing and flying his fury in his vnlawfull without resistance but by sobbes and teares to God according to that sentence vsed in the primitiue Church in the time of the persecution Preces Lachrymae sunt arma Ecclesiae Now as for the describing the alleageance that the lieges owe to their natiue King out of the fundamentall and ciuill Lawe especially of this countrey as I promised the ground must first be set downe of the first maner of establishing the Lawes and forme of gouernement among vs that the ground being first right laide we may thereafter build rightly thereupon Although it be trew according to the affirmation of those that pryde themselues to be the scourges of Tyrants that in the first beginning of Kings rising among Gentiles in the time of the first aage diuers common-wealths and societies of men choosed out one among themselues who for his vertues and valour being more eminent then the rest was chosen out by them and set vp in that roome to maintaine the weakest in their right to throw downe oppressours and to foster and continue the societie among men which could not otherwise but by vertue of that vnitie be wel done yet these examples are nothing pertinent to vs because our Kingdome and diuers other Monarchies are not in that case but had their beginning in a farre contrary fashion For as our Chronicles beare witnesse this I le and especially our part of it
and adstipulation as they call it betwixt the King and his people at the time of his coronation For there say they there is a mutuall paction and contract bound vp and sworne betwixt the king and the people Whereupon it followeth that if the one part of the contract or the Indent bee broken vpon the Kings side the people are no longer bound to keepe their part of it but are thereby freed of their oath For say they a contract betwixt two parties of all Law frees the one partie if the other breake vnto him As to this contract alledged made at the coronation of a King although I deny any such contract to bee made then especially containing such a clause irritant as they alledge yet I confesse that a king at his coronation or at the entry to his kingdome willingly promiseth to his people to discharge honorably and trewly the office giuen him by God ouer them But presuming that thereafter he breake his promise vnto them neuer so inexcusable the question is who should bee iudge of the breake giuing vnto them this contractwere made vnto them neuer so sicker according to their alleageance I thinke no man that hath but the smallest entrance into the ciuill Law will doubt that of all Law either ciuil or municipal of any nation a contract cannot be thought broken by the one partie and so the other likewise to be freed therefro except that first a lawfull triall and cognition be had by the ordinary Iudge of the breakers thereof Or else euery man may be both party and Iudge in his owne cause which is absurd once to be thought Now in this contract I say betwixt the king and his people God is doubtles the only Iudge both because to him onely the king must make count of his administration as is oft said before as likewise by the oath in the coronation God is made iudge and reuenger of the breakers For in his presence as only iudge of oaths all oaths ought to be made Then since God is the onely Iudge betwixt the two parties contractors the cognition and reuenge must onely appertaine to him It followes therefore of necessitie that God must first giue sentence vpon the King that breaketh before the people can thinke themselues freed of their oath What iustice then is it that the partie shall be both iudge and partie vsurping vpon himselfe the office of God may by this argument easily appeare And shall it lie in the hands of headlesse multitude when they please to weary off subiection to cast off the yoake of gouernement that God hath laid vpon them to iudge and punish him whom-by they should be iudged and punished and in that case wherein by their violence they kythe themselues to be most passionate parties to vse the office of an vngracious Iudge or Arbiter Nay to speake trewly of that case as it stands betwixt the king and his people none of them ought to iudge of the others breake For considering rightly the two parties at the time of their mutuall promise the king is the one party and the whole people in one body are the other party And therfore since it is certaine that a king in case so it should fal out that his people in one body had rebelled against him hee should not in that case as thinking himselfe free of his promise and oath become an vtter enemy and practise the wreake of his whole people and natiue country although he ought iustly to punish the principall authours and bellowes of that vniuersall rebellion how much lesse then ought the people that are alwaies subiect vnto him and naked of all authoritie on their part presse to iudge and ouerthrow him otherwise the people as the one partie contracters shall no sooner challenge the king as breaker but hee assoone shall iudge them as breakers so as the victors making the tyners the traitors as our prouerbe is the partie shall aye become both iudge and partie in his owne particular as I haue alreadie said And it is here likewise to be noted that the duty and alleageance which the people sweareth to their prince is not only bound to themselues but likewise to their lawfull heires and posterity the lineall successiō of crowns being begun among the people of God and happily continued in diuers christian common-wealths So as no obiection either of heresie or whatsoeuer priuate statute or law may free the people from their oath-giuing to their king and his succession established by the old fundamentall lawes of the kingdome For as hee is their heritable ouer-lord and so by birth not by any right in the coronation commeth to his crowne it is a like vnlawful the crowne euer standing full to displace him that succeedeth thereto as to eiect the former For at the very moment of the expiring of the king reigning the nearest and lawful heire entreth in his place And so to refuse him or intrude another is not to holde out vncomming in but to expell and put out their righteous King And I trust at this time whole France acknowledgeth the superstitious rebellion of the liguers who vpon pretence of heresie by force of armes held so long out to the great desolation of their whole countrey their natiue and righteous king from possessing of his owne crowne and naturall kingdome Not that by all this former discourse of mine and Apologie for kings I meane that whatsoeuer errors and intollerable abominations a souereigne prince commit hee ought to escape all punishment as if thereby the world were only ordained for kings they without controlment to turne it vpside down at their pleasure but by the contrary by remitting them to God who is their onely ordinary Iudge I remit them to the soreit and sharpest schoolemaster that can be deuised for them for the further a king is preferred by God aboue all other ranks degrees of men and the higher that his seat is aboue theirs the greater is his obligation to his maker And therfore in case he forget himselfe his vnthankfulnes being in the same measure of height the sadder and sharper will his correction be and according to the greatnes of the height he is in the weight of his fall wil recōpense the same for the further that any person is obliged to God his offence becomes and growes so much the greater then it would be in any other Ioues thunder-claps light oftner and sorer vpon the high stately oakes then on the low and supple willow trees and the highest bench is sliddriest to sit vpon Neither is it euer heard that any king forgets himselfe towards God or in his vocation but God with the greatnesse of the plague reuengeth the greatnes of his ingratitude Neither thinke I by the force and argument of this my discourse so to perswade the people that none will hereafter be raised vp and rebell against wicked Princes But remitting to the iustice and prouidence of God to stirre vp such scourges as
day because nemo repentè fit turpissimus but by custome is piece and piece allured while in the ende a drunkard will haue as great a thirst to be drunke as a sober man to quench his thirst with a draught when he hath need of it So is not this the very case of all the great takers of Tobacco which therefore they themselues doe attribute to a bewitching qualitie in it Thirdly is it not the greatest sinne of all that you the people of all sorts of this kingdome who are created and ordeined by God to bestow both your persons and goods for the maintenance both of the honour and safety of your King and Common wealth should disable your selues in both In your persons hauing by this continuall vile custome brought your selues to this shamefull imbecilitie that you are not able to ride or walke the iourney of a Iewes Sabboth but you must haue a reekie cole brought you from the next poore house to kindle your Tobacco with whereas he cannot be thought able for any seruice in the warres that cannot endure oftentimes the want of meat drinke and sleepe much more then must he endure the want of Tobacco In the times of the many glorious and victorious battailes fought by this Nation there was no word of Tobacco but now if it were time of warres and that you were to make some sudden Caualcado vpon your enemies if any of you should seeke leisure to stay behinde his fellow for taking of Tobacco for my part I should neuer be sory for any euill chance that might befall him To take a custome in any thing that cannot be left againe is most harmeful to the people of any land Mollicies and delicacie were the wracke and ouerthrow first of the Persian and next of the Romane Empire And this very custome of taking Tobacco whereof our present purpose is is euen at this day accounted so effeminate among the Indians themselues as in the market they will offer no price for a slaue to be sold whom they find to be a great Tobacco taker Now how you are by this custome disabled in your goods let the Gentry of this land beare witnesse some of them bestowing three some foure hundred pounds a yeere vpon this precious stinke which I am sure might be bestowed vpon many farre better vses I read indeed of a knauish Courtier who for abusing the fauour of the Emperor Alexander Seuerus his master by taking bribes to intercede for sundry persons in his masters eare for whō he neuer once opened his mouth was iustly choked with smoke with this doome Fumo pereat qui fumum vendidit but of so many smoke-buyers as are at this present in this kingdome I neuer read nor heard And for the vanities committed in this filthy custome is it not both great vanitie and vncleannesse that at the table a place of respect of cleanlinesse of modestie men should not be ashamed to sit tossing of Tobacco pipes and puffing of the smoke of Tobacco one to another making the filthy smoke and stinke thereof to exhale athwart the dishes and infect the aire when very often men that abhorre it are at their repast Surely smoke becomes a kitchin farre better then a dining chamber and yet it makes a kitchin also oftentimes in the inward parts of men soyling and infecting them with an vnctuous and oily kind of soote as hath bene found in some great Tobacco takers that after their death were opened And not onely meat time but no other time nor action is exempted from the publike vse of this vnciuill tricke so as if the wiues of Diepe list to contest with this Nation for good maners their worst maners would in all reason be found at least not so dishonest as ours are in this point The publike vse whereof at all times and in all places hath now so farre preuailed as diuers men very sound both in iudgement and complexion haue beene at last forced to take it also without desire partly because they were ashamed to seeme singular like the two Philosophers that were forced to ducke themselues in that raine water and so become fooles as well as the rest of the people and partly to be as one that was content to eate Garlick which he did not loue that he might not be troubled with the smell of it in the breath of his fellowes And is it not a great vanitie that a man cannot heartily welcome his friend now but straight they must be in hand with Tobacco No it is become in place of a eure a point of good fellowship and hee that will refuse to take a pipe of Tobacco among his fellowes though by his owne election hee would rather feele the sauour of a Sinke is accounted peeuish and no good company euen as they doe with tipling in the colde Easterne countreys Yea the Mistresse cannot in a more manerly kind entertaine her seruant then by giuing him out of her faire hand a pipe of Tobacco But herein is not only a great vanity but a great contempt of Gods good giftes that the sweetnesse of mans breath being a good gift of God should be wilfully corrupted by this stinking smoke wherin I must cōfesse it hath too strong a vertue and so that which is an ornament of nature can neither by any artifice be at the first acquired nor once lost be recouered againe shal be filthily corrupted with an incurable stinke which vile qualitie is as directly contrary to that wrong opinion which is holden of the wholesomnesse therof as the venime of putrifaction is contrary to the vertue Preseruatiue Moreouer which is a great iniquitie and against all humanitie the husband shal not be ashamed to reduce therby his delicate wholsom cleane complexioned wife to that extremity that either she must also corrupt her sweet breath therwith or els resolue to liue in a perpetual stinking torment Haue you not reason then to be ashamed and to forbeare this filthie noueltie so basely grounded so foolishly receiued and so grossely mistaken in the right vse thereof In your abuse thereof sinning against God harming your selues both in persons and goods and raking also thereby the markes and notes of vanitie vpon you by the custome thereof making your selues to be wondered at by all forreine ciuill Nations and by all strangers that come among you to be scorned and contemned A custome loathsome to the eye hatefull to the nose harmefull to the braine dangerous to the lungs and in the blacke stinking fume thereof neerest resembling the horrible Stigian smoake of the pit that is bottomlesse A DISCOVRSE OF THE MANER OF THE DISCOVERIE OF THE POWDER-TREASON JOYNED WITH THE EXAMINATION OF SOME OF THE PRISONERS THere is a time when no man ought to keepe silence For it hath euer bene held as a generall rule and vndoubted Maxime in all well gouerned Common-wealthes whether Christian and so guided by the diuine light of Gods word or Ethnicke and so led by the
Platina and a number of the Popes owne writers beare witnesse And 3 Lib. de Clericis Bellarmine himselfe in his booke of Controuersies cannot get it handsomely denied Nay the Popes were euen forced then to pay a certaine summe of money to the Emperours for their Confirmation And this lasted almost seuen hundreth yeeres after CHRIST witnesse 4 In Chron. ad ann 680. Sigebert and 5 In vit Agathen Anast. in vit eiusd Agath Herm. Contract ad ann 678. edit poster dist 63. c. Agathe Luitprandus with other Popish Historians And for Emperours deposing of Popes there are likewise diuers examples The Emperour 1 Luitpr Hist lib 6. ca. 10.11 Rhegino ad an 963. Platin. in vit Ioan. 13. Ottho deposed Pope Iohn the twelfth of that name for diuers crimes and vices especially of Lecherie The Emperour 2 Marianus Scot. Sigeb Abbas Vrsp ad ann 1046 Plat in vit Greg. 6. Henry the third in a short time deposed three Popes Benedict the ninth Siluester the third and Gregorie the sixt as well for the sinne of Auarice as for abusing their extraordinarie authoritie against Kings and Princes And as for KINGS that haue denied this Temporall Superioritie of Popes First wee haue the vnanime testimonie of diuers famous HISTORIOGRAPHERS for the generall of many CHRISTIAN Kingdomes As 3 Walthram Naumburz in lib. de inuest Episc Vixit circa ann 1110. Walthram testifieth That the Bishops of Spaine Scotland England Hungarie from ancient institution till this moderne noueltie had their Inuestiture by KINGS with peaceable inioyning of their Temporalities wholly and entirely and whosoeuer sayeth hee is peaceably solicitous let him peruse the liues of the Ancients and reade the Histories and hee shall vnderstand thus much And for verification of this generall Assertion wee will first beginne at the practise of the KINGS of France though not named by Walthram in this his enumeration of Kingdomes amongst whom my first witnesse shall bee that vulgarly knowne letter of 4 See Annales Franciae Nicolai Gillij in Phil. Pulchro Philip le Bel King of France to Pope Boniface the eighth the beginning whereof after a scornefull salutation is Sciat tua maxima fatuitas nos in temporalibus nemini subesse And likewise after that 5 Anno 1268. ex Arrestis Senatus Parifiens Lewes the ninth surnamed Sanctus had by a publique instrument called Pragmatica sanctio forbidden all the exactions of the Popes Court within his Realme Pope Pius 6 Ioan. Maierius lib. de Scismat Concil the second in the beginning of Lewes the eleuenth his time greatly misseliking this Decree so long before made sent his Legate to the saide King Lewes with Letters-patents vrging his promise which hee had made when hee was Dolphin of France to repeale that Sanction if euer hee came to bee King The King referreth the Legate ouer with his Letters-patents to the Councell of Paris where the matter being propounded was impugned by Iohannes Romanus the Kings Atturney with whose opinion the Vniuersitie of Paris concurring an Appeale was made from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell the Cardinall departing with indignation But that the King of France and Church thereof haue euer stoken to their Gallican immunitie in denying the Pope any Temporall power ouer them and in resisting the Popes as oft as euer they prest to meddle with their Temporall power euen in the donation of Benefices the Histories are so full of them as the onely examples thereof would make vp a bigge Volume by it selfe And so farre were the Sorbonistes for the Kings and French Churches priuiledge in this point as they were wont to maintaine That if the Pope fell a quarrelling the King for that cause the Gallican Church might elect a Patriarch of their owne renouncing any obedience to the Pope And Gerson was so farre from giuing the Pope that temporall authority ouer Kings who otherwise was a deuoute Roman Catholike as hee wrote a Booke de Auferibilitate Papae not onely from the power ouer Kings but euen ouer the Church And now pretermitting all further examples of forraigne Kings actions I will onely content me at this time with some of my owne Predecessors examples of this kingdome of England that it may thereby the more clearely appeare that euen in those times when the world was fullest of darkened blindnes and ignorance the Kings of England haue oftentimes not onely repined but euen strongly resisted and withstood this temporall vsurpation and encrochment of ambitious Popes And I will first begin at 1 Matth. Paris in Henr. 1. anno 1100. King Henry the first of that name after the Conquest who after he was crowned gaue the Bishopricke of Winchester to William Gifford and forthwith inuested him into all the possessions belonging to the Bishopricke contrary to the Canons of the new Synod 2 Idem ibid. anno 1113. King Henry also gaue the Archbishopricke of Canterbury to Radulph Bishop of London and gaue him inuestiture by a Ring and a Crosiers staffe Also Pope 3 Idem ibid. anno 1119. Calixtus held a Councell at RHEMES whither King Henry had appointed certaine Bishops of ENGLAND and NORMANDIE to goe Thurstan also elected Archbishop of YORKE got leaue of the King to goe thither giuing his faith that hee would not receiue Consecration of the Pope And comming to the Synode by his liberall gifts as the fashion is wanne the ROMANES fauour and by their meanes obtained to bee consecrated at the Popes hand Which assoone as the King of ENGLAND knewe hee forbade him to come within his Dominions Moreouer King Edward the first prohibited the Abbot of 4 Ex Archiuis Regni Waltham and Deane of Pauls to collect a tenth of euery mans goods for a supply to the holy Land which the Pope by three Bulles had committed to their charge and the said Deane of Pauls compeering before the King and his Councell promised for the reuerence he did beare vnto the King not to meddle any more in that matter without the Kings good leaue and permission Here I hope a Church-man disobeyed the Pope for obedience to his Prince euen in Church matters but this new Iesuited Diuinitie was not then knowen in the world The same Edward I. impleaded the Deane of the Chappell of Vuluerhampton because the said Deane had against the priuiledges of the Kingdome giuen a Prebend of the same Chappell to one at the Popes command whereupon the said Deane compeered and put himselfe in the Kings will for his offence The said Edward I. depriued also the Bishop of Durham of all his liberties for disobeying a prohibition of the Kings So as it appeareth the Kings in those dayes thought the Church-men their Subiects though now we be taught other Seraphicall doctrine For further proofe whereof Iohn of Ibstocke was committed to the goale by the sayde King for hauing a suite in the Court of Rome seuen yeeres
constrained to subiect themselues to Nero and Diocletian CONFVTATION That Christians without exception not vpon constraint but willingly and for conscience sake did subiect themselues to the Ethnicke Emperors it may appeare by our Apologie pag. 255 256. and the Apologetickes of the ancient Fathers TORTVS Pag. 47. 11 In which words of the Breues of Clement the 8. not onely Iames King of Scotland was not excluded but included rather CONFVTATION If the Breues of Clement did not exclude mee from the Kingdome but rather did include me why did Garnet burne them why would he not reserue them that I might haue seene them that so hee might haue obteined more fauour at my hands for him and his Catholikes TORTVS Pag. 60. 12 Of those 14. Articles conteined in the Oath of Alleagiance eleuen of them concerne the Primacie of the Pope in matters Spirituall CONFVTATION No one Article of that Oath doeth meddle with the Primacie of the Pope in matter Spirituall for to what end should that haue bene since we haue an expresse Oath elsewhere against the Popes Primacie in matters Spirituall TORTVS Pag. 64. 13 Amongst other calumnies this is mentioned that Bellarmine was priuie to sundry conspiracies against Q. Elizabeth if not the author CONFVTATION It is no where said in the Apologie that Bellarmine was either the Authour or priuie to any conspiracies against Queene Elizabeth but that he was their principall instructer and teacher who corrupted their iudgement with such dangerous positions and principles that it was an easie matter to reduce the generals into particulars and to apply the dictates which hee gaue out of his chaire as opporunitie serued to their seuerall designes TORTVS Pag. 64. 14 For he Bellarmine knoweth that Campian onely conspired against Hereticall impietie CONFVTATION That the trew and proper cause of Campians execution was not for his conspiring against Hereticall impietie but for conspiring against Queene Elizabeth and the State of this Kingdome it was most euident hy the iudiciall proceedings against him TORTVS Pag. 65. 15 Why was H. Garnet a man incomparable for learning in all kindes and holinesse of life put to death but because he would not reueale that which he could not doe with a safe conscience CONFVTATION That Garnet came to the knowledge of this horrible Plot not onely in confession as this Libeller would haue it but by other meanes neither by the relation of one alone but by diuers so as hee might with safe-conscience haue disclosed it See the Premonition pag. 334 335 c. and the Earle of Northamptons booke TORTVS Pag. 71. 16 Pope Sixtus 5. neither commanded the French King to bee murthered neither approoued that fact as it was done by a priuate person CONFVTATION The falsehood of this doeth easily appeare by the Oration of Sixtus 5. TORTVS Pag. 91. 17 That which is added concerning Stanley his Treason is neither faithfully nor trewly related for the Apologer as his maner is doeth miserably depraue it by adding many lyes CONFVTATION That which the Apologie relateth concerning Stanley his Treason is word for word recited out of Cardinall Allens Apologie for Stanleys treason as it is to be seene there TORTVS Pag. 93. 18 It is very certaine that H. Garnet at his arraignement did alwayes constantly auouch that neither hee nor any Iesuite either were authors or compartners or aduisers or consenting any way to the Powder-Treason And a little after The same thing hee protested at his death in a large speach in the presence of innumerable people CONFVTATION The booke of the proceedings against the late Traitours and our Premonition pag. 334 335 c. doe clearely prooue the contrary of this to bee trew TORTVS Pag. 97. 19 King Iames since he is no Catholike neither is he a Christian CONFVTATION Contrary I am a trew Catholike a professor of the trewly ancient Catholike and Apostolike Faith and therefore am a trew Christian See the confession of my faith in the Premonition pag. 302. 303 c. TORTVS Pag. 98. 20 And if the reports of them which knew him most inwardly be trew when hee was in Scotland he was a Puritane and an enemie to Protestants Now in England he professeth himselfe a Protestant and an enemie to the Puritans CONFVTATION Contrary and what a Puritane I was in Scotland See my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and this my Premonition pag. 305 306. HIS FALSIFICATIONS IN HIS ALLEDGING OF HISTORIES together with a briefe declaration of their falshood THE WORDS OF TORTVS Pag. 70. 1 IT was certaine that he Henry 4. the Emperour died a naturall death CONFVTATION It was not certaine since sundry Historians write otherwise that he died vpō his imprisonment by his sonne Henry 5. either with the noysomnesse and loathsomnesse of the prison or being pined to death by hunger Read Fasciculus temporum at the yeere 1094. Laziardus epitom vniuersal Histor c. 198. Paulus Langius in Chronico Citizensi at the yeere 1105. and Iacobus Wimphelingus epitome Rerum Germanic c. 28. TORTVS Pag. 83. 2 Henry 4. The Emperour feared indeed but not any corporall death but the censure of Excommunication from the which that he might procure absolution of his owne accord he did thus demissely humble himselfe before Gregory 7. CONFVTATION That Henry 4. thus deiected himselfe before the Pope it was neither of his owne accord neither vpon any feare of the Popes Excommunication which in this particular hee esteemed of no force but vpon feare of the losse of his Kingdome and life as the records of antiquitie doe euidently testifie See Lambertus Schafnaburg at the yeere 1077. Abbas Vrspergen at the yeere 1075. The Author of the life of Henry 4. Bruno in his History of the Saxon warre Laziard in epitom vniuersal Histor c. 193. Cuspinian in Henr. 4. Sigonius de Regno Italiae lib. 9. TORTVS Pag. 83. 3 The trewth of the History of Alexander 3 treading vpon the necke of Fredericke Barbarossa with his foot may beaustly doubted of CONFVTATION But no Historian doubteth of it and many do auouch it as Hieronym Bard. in victor Naual ex Bessarion Chronico apud Baron ad an 1177. num 5. Gerson de potestate Ecclesiae consid 1. Iacob Bergom in supplem Chronic. ad an 1160. Nauclerus Gener. 40 Petrus Iustinian lib. 2. Rerum Venetar Papirius Masson lib. 5. de Episcop vrbis who alledgeth for this Gennadius Patriarch of Constantinople Besides Alphonsus Ciacconius de vit Pontif. in Alexand. 3. and Azorius the Iesuite Instit Moral part lib. 5. c. 43. TORTVS Pag. 83. 4 What other thing feared Frederick Barbarossa but excommunication CONFVTATION That Frederick feared onely Pope Alexander his Excommunication no ancient Historian doth testifie But many do write that this submission of his was principally for feare of loosing his Empire and Dominions See for this Martin Polon ad an 1166. Platina in vita Alexan. 3. Laziard in epitom Historiae vniuersal c. 212. Naucler Generat 40. Iacobus Wimphelingus in epitom Rerum
the Order of Matrimonie and Relgion is wounded By this deuice not onely the Kings vices but likewise his naturall diseases and infirmities are fetcht into the circle of Religion and the L. Cardinall hath not done himselfe right in restraining the Popes power to depose Kings vnto the cases of Heresie Apostasie and persecution of the Church In the next place followeth Leo III. who by setting the Imperial Crowne vpon the head of Charles absolued all the Subiects in the West of their obedience to the Greeke Emperours if the L. of Perron might bee credited in this Example But indeed it is crowded among the rest by a slie tricke and cleane contrary to the naked trewth of all histories For it shall neuer be iustified by good historie that so much as one single person or man I say not one Countrey or one people was then wrought or wonne by the Pope to change his copy and Lord or from a subiect of the Greeke Emperours to turne subiect vnto Charlemaine Let me see but one Towne that Charlemaine recouered from the Greeke Emperours by his right and title to his Empire in the West No the Greeke Emperours had taken their farewell of the West Empire long before And therefore to nicke this vpon the tallie of Pope Leo his Acts that he tooke away the West from the Greeke Emperour it is euen as if one should say that in this aage the Pope takes the Dukedome of Milan from the French Kings or the citie of Rome from the Emperours of Germanie because their Predecessours in former aages had beene right Lords and gouernours of them both It is one of the Popes ordinary and solemne practises to take away much after the maner of his giuing For as he giueth what he hath not in his right and power to giue or bestoweth vpon others what is already their owne euen so he taketh away from Kings and Emperors the possessions which they haue not in present hold and possession After this maner he takes the West from the Greeke Emperors when they hold nothing in the West and lay no claime to any citie or towne of the West Empire And what shall wee call this way of depriuation but spoiling a naked man of his garments and killing a man already dead Trew it is the Imperiall Crowne was then set on Charlemaines head by Leo the Pope did Leo therefore giue him the Empire No more then a Bishop that crownes a King at his Royall and solemne consecration doeth giue him the Kingdome For shall the Pope himselfe take the Popedome from the Bishop of Ostia as of his gift because the crowning of the Pope is an Office of long time peculiar to the Ostian Bishop It was the custome of Emperours to be crowned Kings of Italy by the hands of the Archbishop of Milan did he therefore giue the Kingdome of Italy to the said Emperours And to returne vnto Charlemaine If the Pope had conueyed the Empire to him by free and gracious donation the Pope doubtlesse in the solemnitie of his coronation would neuer haue perfourmed vnto his ownecreature an Emperour of his owne making the dueties of adoration Perfectit landibus a Pontifice more Principum antiquorum adoratus est Auentinus Annalium Boiorum lib. 4. Posthaec ab eodem Pontifice vt caeteri veterum Prineipum mere maiorum aioratus est Magnus Sigeb ad an 801. Marianus Scotus lib. 3. Annalium Plat. in vita Leon. 3. Auent Annal. Boio lib. 4. Imperium transferre iure suo in Germanos Carolúmque tacito Senatus consulto plebiscitoque decernunt as Ado that liued in the same aage hath left it on record After the solemne prayses ended saith Ado the chiefe Bishop honoured him with adoration according to the custome of ancient Princes The same is like wise put downe by Auentine in the 4. booke of his Annals of Bauaria The like by the President Fauchet in his Antiquities and by Monsieur Petau Counsellour in the Court of Parliament at Paris in his Preface before the Chronicles of Eusebius Hierome and Sigebert It was therefore the people of Rome that called this Charles the Great vnto the Imperiall dignitie and cast on him the title of Emperour So testifieth Sigebert vpon the yeere 801. All the Romanes with one generall voice and consent ring out acclamations of Imperiall praises to the Emperour they crowne him by the bands of Leo the Pope they giue him the style of Caesar and Augustus Marianus Scotus hath as much in effect Charles was then called Augustus by the Romanes And so Platina After the solemne seruice Leo declareth and proclaimeth Charles Emperour according to the publike Decree and generall request of the people of Rome Auentine and Sigonius in his 4. booke of the Kingdome of Italie witnesse the same Neuerthelsse to gratifie the L. Cardinall Suppose Pope Leo dispossessed the Greeke Emperours of the West Empire What was the cause what infamous acte had they done what prophane and irreligious crime had they committed Nicephorus and Irene who reigned in the Greeke Empire in Charlemaines time were not reputed by the Pope or taken for Heretikes How then The L. Cardinall helpeth at a pinch and putteth vs in minde that Constantine and Leo predecessours to the said Emperours had beene poysoned with Heresie and stained with persecution Here then behold an Orthodoxe Prince deposed For what cause for Heresie forsooth not in himselfe but in some of his Predecessors long before An admirable case For I am of a contrary minde that he was worthy of double honour in restoring and setting vp the trewth againe which vnder his predecessors had endured oppression and suffered persecution Doubtlesse Pope Siluester was greatly ouerseene and played not well the Pope when hee winked at Constantine the Great and cast him not downe from his Imperiall Throne for the strange infide litie and Paganisme of Diocletian of Maximian and Maxentius whom Constantine succeeded in the Empire From this example the L. of Perron passeth to Fulke Archbishop of Reims Examp. 9. pag. 21. by whom Charles the Simple was threatned with Excommunication and refusing to continue any longer in the fidelity and allegiance of a subiect To what purpose is this example For who can be ignorant that all aages haue brought forth turbulent and stirring spirits men altogether forgetfull of respect and obseruance towards their Kings especially when the world finds them shallow and simple-witted like vnto this Prince But in this example where is there so much as one word of the Pope or the deposing of Kings Here the L. Cardinall chops in the example of Philip I. King of France but mangled and strangely disguised as hereafter shall be shewed At last he leadeth vs to Gregory VII surnamed Hildebrand Exam. 11. An. 1076. the scourge of Emperours the firebrand of warre the scorne of his aage This Pope after he had in the spirit of pride and in the very height of all audaciousnesse thundred the sentence of
and vile monsters This custome continued this practise stood in force for diuers aages euen vntill the times of Gregorie 7. by whom the whole West was tossed and turmoiled with lamentable warres which plagued the world and the Empire by name with intolerable troubles and mischiefes For after the said Gregorian warres the Empire fell from bad to worse and so went on to decay till Emperours at last were driuen to beg and receiue the Imperiall Crowne of the Pope The Kingdome of France met not with so rude entreatie but was dealt withall by courses of a milder temper Gregorie 4. about the yeere of the Lord 832. was the first Pope that perswaded himselfe to vse the censure of Excommunication against a King of France This Pope hauing a hand in the troublesome factions of the Realme was nothing backeward to side with the sonnes of Lewis surnamed the Courteous by wicked conspiracie entring into a desperate course and complot against Lewis their owne father as witnesseth Sigebert in these words Pope Gregorie comming into France ioyned himselfe to the sonnes against the Emperour their Father Bochel Decret Eccles Gallican lib. 2. tit 16. But Annals of the very same times and hee that furbushed Aimonius a Religious of S. Benedicts Order doe testifie that all the Bishops of France fell vpon this resolution by no meanes to rest in the Popes pleasure or to giue any place vnto his designe and contrariwise In case the Pope should proceed to Excommunication of their King hee should returne out of France to Rome an excommunicate person himselfe The Chronicle of S. Denis hath words in this forme The Lord Apostolicall returned answere that hee was not come into France for any other purpose but onely to excommunicate the King and his Bishops if they would bee in any sort opposite vnto the sonnes of Lewis or disobedient vnto the will and pleasure of his Holinesse The Prelates enformed heereof made answere that in this case they would neuer yeeld obedience to the Excommunication of the said Bishops because it was contrary to the authoritie and aduise of the ancient Canons After these times Pope Nicolas 1. depriued King Lotharius of Communion for in those times not a word of deposing to make him repudiate or quit Valdrada and to resume or take againe Thetberga his former wife The Articles framed by the French vpon this point are to bee found in the writing of Hinemarus Archbishop of Reims and are of this purport that in the iudgement of men both learned and wise it is an ouerruled case that as the King whatsoeuer hee shall doe ought not by his owne Bishops to be excommunicated euen so no forreine Bishop hath power to sit for his Iudge because the King is to be subiect onely vnto God and his Imperiall authoritie who alone had the all-sufficient power to settle him in his Kingdome Moreouer the Clergie addressed letters of answere vnto the same Pope full of stinging and bitter termes with speaches of great scorne and contempt as they are set downe by Auentine in his Annals of Bauaria Annal. Boiâ— lib. 4. not forbearing to call him thiefe wolfe and tyrant When Pope Hadrian tooke vpon him like a Lord to command Charles the Bald vpon paine of interdiction that hee should suffer the Kingdome of Lotharius to bee fully and entirely conueyed and conferred vpon Lewis his sonne the same Hincmarus a man of great authoritie and estimation in that aage sent his letters conteining sundry remonstrances touching that subiect Among other matters thus he writeth The Ecclesiastics and Seculars of the Kingdome assembled at Reims haue affirmed and now doe affirme by way of reproach vpbraiding and exprobation that neuer was the like Mandate sent before from the See of Rome to any of our predecessours And a little after The chiefe Bishops of the Apostolike See or any other Bishops of the greatest authoritie and holinesse neuer withdrew themselues from the presence from the reuerend salutation or from the conference of Empererours and Kings whether Heretikes or Schismatikes and Tyrants as Constantius the Arrian Iulianus the Apostata and Maximus the Tyrant And yet a little after Wherefore if the Apostolike Lord bee minded to seeke peace let him seeke it so that he stirre no brawles and breed no quarrels For we are no such babes to beleeue that we can or euer shall attaine to Gods Kingdome vnlesse wee receiue him for our King in earth whom God himselfe recommendeth to vs from heauen It is added by Hincmarus in the same place that by the said Bishops and Lords Temporall such threatning words were blowen forth as hee is afraid once to speake and vtter As for the King himselfe what reckoning hee made of the Popes mandates it appeareth by the Kings owne letters addressed to Pope Hadrianus as we may reade euery where in the Epistles of Hincmarus For there after King Charles hath taxed and challenged the Pope of pride and hit him in the teeth with a spirit of vsurpation hee breaketh out into these words What Hell hath cast vp this law so crosse and preposterous what infernall gulph hath disgorged this law out of the darkest and obscurest dennes a law quite contrary and altogether repugnant vnto the beaten way shewed vs in the holy Scriptures c. Yea he flatly and peremptorily forbids the Pope except he meane or desire to be recompensed with dishonour and contempt to send any more the like Mandates either to himselfe or to his Bishops Vnder the reigne of Hugo Capetus and Robert his sonne a Councell now extant in all mens hands was held and celebrated at Reims by the Kings authoritie There Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans then Prolocutor and Speaker of the Councel calls the Pope Antichrist and lets not also to paint him forth like a monster as well for the deformed and vgly vices of that vnholy See which then were in their exaltation as also because the Pope then wonne with presents and namely with certaine goodly horses then presented to his Holinesse tooke part against the King with Arnulphus Bishop of Reims then dispossessed of his Pastorall charge When Philip 1. had repudiated his wife Bertha daughter to the Earle of Holland and in her place had also taken to wife Bertrade the wife of Fulco Earle of Aniou yet being aliue hee was excommunicated and his Kingdome interdicted by Vrbanus then Pope though he was then bearded with an Antipope as the L. Cardinal here giueth vs to vnderstand But his Lordship hath skipt ouer two principall points recorded in the historie The first is that Philip was not deposed by the Pope whereupon it is to be inferred that in this passage there is nothing materiall to make for the Popes power against a Kings Throne and Scepter The other point is that by the censures of the Pope the course of obedience due to the King before was not interrupted nor the King disauowed refused or disclaimed but on the contrary that Iuo of Chartres taking Pope
in hand that a petition put vp and preferred by the third Estate can carry the force of a Law or Statute so long as the other two Orders withstand the same and so long as the King himselfe holds backe his Royall consent Besides the said Article was not propounded as a point of Religious doctrine but for euer after to remaine and continue a fundamentall Law of the Common-wealth and State it selfe the due care whereof was put into their handes and committed to their trust If the King had ratified the said Article with Royall consent and had commanded the Clergie to put in execution the contents thereof it had bene their duetie to see the Kings will and pleasure fulfilled as they are subiects bound to giue him aide in all things which may any way serue to procure the safetie of his life and the tranquilitie of his Kingdome Which if the Clergie had performed to the vttermost of their power they had not shewed obedience as vnderlings vnto the third Estate but vnto the King alone by whom such command had bene imposed vpon suggestion of his faithfull subiects made the more watchfull by the negligence of the Clergie whom they perceiue to be lincked with stricter bandes vnto the Pope then they are vnto their King Here then the Cardinall fights with meere shadowes and mooues a doubt whereof his aduersaries haue not so much as once thought in a dreame But yet according to his great dexteritie and nimblenesse of spirit by this deuice he cunningly takes vpon him to giue the King a lesson with more libertie making semblance to direct his masked Oration to the Deputies of the people when hee shooteth in effect and pricketh at his King the Princes also and Lords of his Counsell whom the Cardinall compriseth vnder the name of Laics whose iudgment it is not vnlikely was apprehended much better by the Clergie then the iudgement of the third Estate Now these are the men whom he tearmes intruders into other mens charges and such as open a gate for I wot not how many legions of heresies to rush into the Church For if it be proper to the Clergie and their Head to iudge in this cause of the Right of Kings then the King himselfe his Princes and Nobilitie are debarred and wiped of all iudgement in the same cause no lesse then the representatiue body of the people Well then Pag. 61. the L. Cardinall showres downe like haile sundry places and testimonies of Scripture where the people are commanded to haue their Pastors in singular loue and to beare them all respects of due obseruance Be it so yet are the said passages of Scripture no barre to the people for their vigilant circumspection to preserue the life and Crowne of their Prince against all the wicked enterprises of men stirred vp by the Clergie who haue their Head out of the Kingdome and hold themselues to be none of the Kings subiects a thing neuer spoken by the sacrificing Priests and Prelates mentioned in the passages alleadged by the Lord Cardinal He likewise produceth two Christian Emperours Pag 62. Constantine and Valentinian by name the first refusing to meddle with iudgement in Episcopall causes the other forbearing to iudge of subtile Questions in Diuinity with protestation that Hee would neuer bee so curious to diue into the streames or sound the bottome of so deepe matters But who doth not know that working and prouiding for the Kings indemnitie and safetie is neither Episcopall cause nor matter of curious and subtile inquisition The same answere meets with all the rest of the places produced by the L. Orat. ad ciues timme perculsos Cardinal out of the Fathers And that one for example out of Gregory Nazianzenus is not cited by the Cardinall with faire dealing For Gregory doeth not boord the Emperour himselfe but his Deputy or L. President on this maner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For we also are in authoritie and place of a Ruler we haue command aswell as your selfe wheras the the L. Cardinal with foule play turnes the place in these termes We also are Emperours Which words can beare no such interpretation as well because he to whom the Bishop then spake was not of Imperiall dignitie as also because if the Bishop himselfe a Bishop of so small a citie as Nazianzum had qualified himselfe Emperour hee should haue passed all the bounds of modestie and had shewed himselfe arrogant aboue measure For as touching subiection due to Christian Emperours hee freely acknowledgeth a little before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that himselfe and his people are subiect vnto the superiour powers yea bound to pay them tribute The historie of the same Gregories life doeth testifie that he was drawen by the Arrians before the Consuls iudgement seate and from thence returned acquitted without either stripes or any other kinde of contumelious entreatie and vse yet now at last vp starts a Prelate who dares make this good Father vaunt himselfe to be an Emperour It is willingly granted that Emperours neuer challenged neuer arrogated to bee Soueraigne Iudges in controuersies of doctrine and faith neuerthelesse it is clearer then the Sunnes light at high noone that for moderation at Synods for determinations and orders established in Councils and for the discipline of the Church they haue made a good and a full vse of their Imperiall authoritie Vide Canones Graecos à Tilio editos The first Council held at Constantinople beares this title or inscription The dedication of the holy Synode to the most religious Emperour Theodosius the Great to whose will and pleasure they haue submitted these Canons by them addressed and established in Councill And there they also beseech the Emperour to confirme and approue the said Canons The like hath bene done by the Council of Trullo by whom the Canons of the fift and sixt Councils were put foorth and published This was not done because Emperours tooke vpon them to bee infallible Iudges of doctrine but onely that Emperours might see and iudge whether Bishops who feele the pricke of ambition as other men doe did propound nothing in their Conuocations and Consultations but most of all in their Determinations to vndermine the Emperours authoritie to disturbe the tranquilitie of the Common-wealth and to crosse the determinations of precedent Councils Now to take the cognizance of such matters out of the Kings hand or power what is it but euen to transforme the King into a standing Image to wring and wrest him out of all care of himselfe and his Kingly Charge yea to bring him downe to this basest condition to become onely an executioner and which I scorne to speake the vnhappy hangman of the Clergies will without any further cognizance not so much as of matters which most neerely touch himselfe and his Royall estate I grant it is for Diuinitie Scholes to iudge how farre the power of the Keyes doth stretch I grant againe that Clerics both may and ought also
because he imbraced false religion and worshipped false gods False too like the former King Achab lost his crowne and his life both together The Scripture that speaketh not according to mans fancie but according to the trewth doeth extend and number the yeeres of Achabs raigne to the time of his death Predictions of a Kings ruine are no sentences of deposition Elias neuer gaue the subiects of Achab absolution from their oath of obedience neuer gaue them the least inckling of any such absolution neuer set vp or placed any other King in Achabs throne That of the L. Cardinall a little after Pag. 68. is no lesse vntrew That King Vzziah was driuen from the conuersation of the people by Azarias the Priest and thereby the administration of his Kingdome was left no longer in his power Nor so For when God had smitten Vzziah with leprosie in his forehead 2. Chro. 26. he withdrew himselfe or went out into an house apart for feare of infecting such as were whole by his contagious disease The high Priest smote him not with any sentence of deposition or denounced him suspended from the administration of his Kingdome No the dayes of his raigne are numbred in Scripture to the day of his death And whereas the Priest according to the Law in the 13. of Leuit. iudged the King to be vncleane he gaue sentence against him not as against a criminall person and thereby within the compasse of deposition but as against a diseased body For the Law inflicteth punishments not vpon diseases but vpon crimes Hereupon whereas it is recorded by Iosephus in his Antiquities Antiq. l. 9. cap. 11. that Vzziah led a priuate and in a maner a solitarie life the said author doeth not meane that Vzziah was deposed but onely that he disburdened himselfe of care to mannage the publique affaires The example of Mattathias Pag. 69. by whom the Iewes were stirred vp to rebel against Antiochus is no better worth For in that example we finde no sentence of deposition but onely an heartning and commotion of a people then grieuously afflicted and oppressed He that makes himselfe the ringleader of conspiracie against a King doeth not foorthwith assume the person or take vp the office and charge of a Iudge in forme of Law and iuridically to depriue a King of his Regall rights and Royall prerogatiues Mattathias was chiefe of that conspiracie not in qualitie of Priest but of cheiftaine or leader in warre and a man the best qualified of all the people Things acted by the suddaine violence of the base vulgar must not stand for Lawes nor yet for proofes and arguments of ordinarie power such as the Pope challengeth to himselfe and appropriateth to his triple-Crowne These be our solide answeres Page 67. we disclaime the light armour which the L. Cardinall is pleased to furnish vs withall forsooth to recreate himselfe in rebating the points of such weapons as hee hath vouchsafed to put into our hands Now it wil be worth our labour to beate by his thrusts fetcht from the ordinary mission of the New Testament from leprosie stones and locks of wooll A leach no doubt of admirable skill one that for subiecting the Crownes of Kings vnto the Pope is able to extract arguments out of stones yea out of the leprosie and the drie scab onely forsooth because heresie is a kind of leprosie and an heretike hath some affinitie with aleper But may not his Quoniam Page 66. bee as fitly applyed to any contagious and inueterate vice of the minde beside heresie His warning-piece therefore is discharged to purpose whereby hee notifies that hee pretendeth to handle nothing with resolution For indeed vpon so weake arguments a resolution is but ill-fauouredly and weakely grounded His bulwarkes thus beaten downe Page 69. let vs now view the strength of our owne First he makes vs to fortifie on this maner They that are for the negatiue doe alleadge the authoritie of S. Paul Let euery soule bee subiect vnto the higher powers For whosoeuer resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God And likewise that of S. Peter Submit your selues whether it be vnto the King as vnto the superiour or vnto gouernours c. Vpon these passages and the like they inferre that obedience is due to Kings by the Law of God and not dispensable by any Spirituall or Temporall authoritie Thus he brings vs in with our first weapon But here the very chiefe sinew and strength of our argument hee doeth wittingly balke and of purpose conceale To wit That all the Emperors of whom the said holy Apostles haue made any mention in their diuine Epistles were professed enemies to CHRIST Pagans Infidels fearefull and bloody Tyrants to whom notwithstanding euery soule and therefore the Bishop of Rome for one is commanded to submit himselfe and to professe subiection Thus much Chrysostome hath expresly taught in his Hom. 23. vpon the Epistle to the Romanes The Apostle giues this commandement vnto all euen to Priests also and cloistered Monkes not onely to Secular be thou an Apostle an Euangelist a Prophet c. Besides it is here worthy to be noted that howsoeuer the Apostles rule is generall and therefore bindeth all the faithfull in equall bands yet is it particularly directly and of purpose addressed to the Church of Rome by S. Paul as by one who in the spirit of an Apostle did foresee that rebellion against Princes was to rise and spring from the citie of Rome Now in case the Head of that Church by warrant of any priuiledge contained in the most holy Register of Gods holy word is exempted from the binding power of this generall precept or rule did it not become his Lordship to shew by the booke that it is a booke case and to lay it foorth before that honourable assembly who no doubt expected and waited to heare when it might fall from his learned lips But in stead of any such authenticall and canonicall confirmation he flieth to a sleight shift and with a cauill is bold to affirme the foundation laid by those of our side doeth no way touch the knot of the controuersie Let vs heare him speake It is not in controuersie whether obedience be due to kings by Gods Law so long as they are kings or acknowledged for Kings but our point controuerted is whether by Gods Law it be required that hee who hath bene once recognised and receiued for King by the body of Estates can at any time be taken and reputed as no King that is to say can doe no maner of acte whereby hee may loose his right and so cease to be saluted King This answere of the L. Cardinall is the rare deuise euasion and starting hole of the Iesuites In whose eares of delicate and tender touch King-killing soundeth very harsh but forsooth to vn-king a King first and then to giue him the stab that is a point of iust and trew descant For to kill a King once
the Oath of Allegiance Doeth not his Holinesse by this meanes draw so much as in him lyeth persecution vpon the backes of my Papists as vpon rebels and expose their life as it were vpon the open stall to be sold at a very easie price All these examples either ioynt or seuerall are manifest and euident proofes that feare to draw mischiefe and persecution vpon the Church hath not barred the Popes from thundering against Emperours and Kings whensoeuer they conceiued any hope by their fulminations to aduance their greatnesse Last of all I referre the matter to the most possessed with preiudice euen the very aduersaries whether this doctrine by which people are trained vp in subiection vnto Infidel or hereticall Kings vntill the subiects be of sufficient strength to mate their Kings to expell their Kings and to depose them from their Kingdomes doth not incense the Turkish Emperours and other Infidell Princes to roote out all the Christians that drawe in their yoke as people that waite onely for a fit occasion to rebell and to take themselues ingaged for obedience to their Lords onely by constraint and seruile feare Let vs therefore now conclude with Ozius in that famous Epistle speaking to Constantius an Arrian heretike Apud Athanâ—in Eâ—â—st ad solitâ—â— vitam aâ—gentes As hee that by secret practise or open violence would bereaue thee of thy Empire should violate Gods ordinance so bee thou touched with feare least by vsurping authoritie ouer Church matters thou tumble not headlong into some hainous crime Where this holy Bishop hath not vouchsafed to insert and mention the L. Cardinals exception to wit the right of the Church alwaies excepted and saued when she shall be of sufficient strength to shake off the yoke of Emperours Neither speaks the same holy Bishop of priuate persons alone or men of some particular condition and calling but hee setteth downe a generall rule for all degrees neuer to impeach Imperiall Maiestie vpon any pretext whatsoeuer As his Lordships first reason drawne from weakenesse is exceeding weake so is that which the L. Cardinall takes vp in the next place The 2. reas Pag. 77. He telleth vs there is very great difference betweene Pagan Emperours and Christian Princes Pagan Emperours who neuer did homage to Christ who neuer were by their subiects receiued with condition to acknowledge perpetuall subiection vnto the Empire of Christ who neuer were bound by oath and mutuall contract betweene Prince and subiect Christian Princes who slide backe by Apostasie degenerate by Arrianisme or fall away by Mahometisme Touching the latter of these two as his Lordshippe saith If they shall as it were take an oath and make a vowe contrary to their first oath and vow made and taken when they were installed and contrary to the condition vnder which they receiued the Scepter of their Fathers if they withall shall turne persecutors of the Catholike religion touching these I say the L. Cardinal holds that without question they may bee remooued from their Kingdomes He telleth vs not by whom but euery where he meaneth by the Pope Touching Kings deposed by the Pope vnder pretence of stupidity as Childeric or of matrimoniall causes as Philip I. or for collating of benefices as Philip the Faire not one word By that point he easily glideth and shuffles it vp in silence for feare of distasting the Pope on the one side or his auditors on the other Now in alledging this reason his Lordship makes all the world a witnes that in deposing of Kings the Pope hath no eye of regard to the benefit and securitie of the Church For such Princes as neuer suckt other milke then that of Infidelitie and persecution of Religion are no lesse noisome and pernicious vermin to the Church then if they had sucked of the Churches breasts And as for the greatnesse of the sinne or offence it seemes to me there is very little difference in the matter For a Prince that neuer did sweare any religious obedience to Iesus Christ is bound no lesse to such obedience then if he had taken a solemne oath As the sonne that rebelliously stands vp against his father is in equall degree of sinne whether he hath sworne or not sworne obedience to his father because he is bound to such obedience not by any voluntarie contract or couenant but by the law of Nature The commaundement of God to kisse the Sonne whom the Father hath confirmed and ratified King of Kings doeth equally bind all Kings as well Pagans as Christians On the other side who denies who doubts that Constantius Emperour at his first steppe or entrance into the Empire did not sweare and bind himselfe by solemne vowe to keepe the rules and to maintaine the precepts of the Orthodox faith or that he did not receiue his fathers Empire vpon such condition This notwithstanding the Bishop of Rome pulled not Constantius from his Imperiall throne but Constantius remooued the Bishop of Rome from his Papall See And were it so that an oath taken by a King at his consecration and after violated is a sufficient cause for the Pope to depose an Apostate or hereticall Prince then by good consequence the Pope may in like sort depose a King who beeing neither dead in Apostasie nor sicke of Heresie doeth neglect onely the due administration of iustice to his loyall subiects For his oath taken at consecration importeth likewise that he shall minister iustice to his people A point wherein the holy Father is held short by the L. Cardinall who dares prescribe new lawes to the Pope and presumes to limit his fulnesse of power within certaine meeres and head-lands extending the Popes power only to the deposing of Christian Kings when they turne Apostats forsaking the Catholike faith and not such Princes as neuer breathed any thing but pure Paganisme and neuer serued vnder the colours of Iesus Christ Meane while his Lordship forgets that King Attabaliba was deposed by the Pope from his Kingdome of Peru and the said Kingdome was conferred vpon the King of Spaine though the said poore King of Peru neuer forsooke his heathen superstition and though the turning of him out of his terrestriall Kingdome was no way to conuert him vnto the faith of Christ Pag. 77. Yea his Lordship a little after telleth vs himselfe that Be the Turkes possession in the conquests that he maketh ouer Christians neuer so auncient yet by no long tract of time whatsoeuer can he gaine so much as a thumbes breadth of prescription that is to say the Turke for all that is but a disseisor one that violently and wilfully keeps an other man from his owne and by good right may be dispossessed of the same whereas notwithstanding the Turkish Emperours neuer fauoured nor sauoured Christianitie Let vs runne ouer the examples of Kings whom the Pope hath dared and presumed to depose and hardly will any one be found of whom it may be trewly auouched that he hath taken an oath
what purpose Onely to die vpon the points of the Saracens pikes or by the edge of their barbarous courtelasses battle-axes fauchions and other weapons without any benefit and aduantage to themselues or others Then the Nobles were driuen to sell their goodly Mannors and auncient demaines to the Church-men at vnder prises and low rates the very roote from which a great part of the Church and Church-mens reuenewes hath sprung and growne to so great height Then to be short See the Bull of Innoc. 3. at the end of the Lat. ter Conc. his most bountifull Holinesse gaue to any of the riffe-raffe-ranke that would vndertake this expedition into the Holy land a free and full pardon for all his sinnes besides a degree of glory aboue the vulgar in the Celestiall Paradise Military vertue I confesse is commendable and honourable prouided it bee employed for iustice and that generous noblenesse of valiant spirits bee not vnder a colour and shadow of piety fetcht ouer with some casts or deuises of Italian cunning Now let vs obserue the wisedome of the Lord Cardinall through this whole discourse His Lordship is pleased in his Oration to cite certaine few passages of Scripture culls and picks them out for the most gracefull in shewe leaues out of his list whole troupes of honourable witnesses vpon whose testimonie the Popes themselues and their principall adherents doe build his power to depose Kings and to giue order for all Temporall causes Take a sight of their best and most honourable witnesses Peter said to Christ See here two swords and Christ answered It is sufficient Christ said to Peter Put vp thy sword in to thy sheath God said to Ieremie Ier. 1. I haue established thee ouer Nations and Kingdomes 1. Cor. 2. Paul said to the Corinthians The spirituall man discerneth all things Christ said to his Apostles Whatsoeuer yee shall loose vpon earth by which words the Pope hath power forsooth to loose the oath of allegiance Moses said In the beginning God created the heauen and the earth Vpon these passages Pope Boniface 8. Extrauag Vnam Sanctam grapling and tugging with Philip the Faire doth build his Temporall power Other Popes and Papists auouch the like authorities Christ said of himselfe All things are giuen to me of my Father and all power is giuen vnto me in heauen and in earth The Deuils said If thou cast vs out send vs into this herd of swine Christ said to his Disciples Yee shall finde the colt of an asse bound loose it and bring it vnto me By these places the aduersaries prooue that Christ disposed of Temporall matters and inferre thereupon why not Christs Vicar as well as Christ himselfe The places and testimonies now following are very expresse Psal 45. In stead of thy fathers shall be thy children thou shalt make them Princes through all the earth Item Iesus Christ not onely commaunded Peter to feed his lambs but said also to Peter Arise kill and eat the pleasant glosse the rare inuention of the L. Ioh. 12. Cardinall Baronius Christ said to the people If I were lift vp from the earth I will draw all things vnto me who lets what hinders this place from fitting the Pope Paul said to the Corinthians Know ye not that we shall iudge the Angels how much more then the things that pertaine vnto this life A little after Haue not we power to eate These are the chiefe passages on which as vpon maine arches the roofe of Papall Monarchie concerning Temporall causes hath rested for three or foure aages past And yet his Lordship durst not repose any confidence in their firme standing to beare vp the said roofe of Temporall Monarchie for feare of making his auditors to burst with laughter A wise part without question if his Lordship had not defiled his lips before with a more ridiculous argument drawne from the leprosie and drie scab Let vs now by way of comparison behold Iesus Christ paying tribute vnto Caesar and the Pope making Caesar to pay him tribute Iesus Christ perswading the Iewes to pay tribute vnto an heathen Emperour and the Pope dispensing with subiects for their obedience to Christian Emperours Iesus Christrefusing to arbitrate a controuersie of inheritance partable betweene two priuate parties and the Pope thrusting in himselfe without warrant or Commission to bee absolute Iudge in the deposing of Kings Iesus Christ professing that his Kingdome is not of this world and the Pope establishing himselfe in a terrene Empire In like manner the Apostles forsaking all their goods to followe Christ and the Pope robbing Christians of their goods the Apostles persecuted by Pagan Emperours and the Pope now setting his foote on the very throate of Christian Emperours then proudly treading Imperiall Crownes vnder his feete By this comparison the L. Cardinals allegation of Scripture in fauour of his Master the Pope is but a kind of puppet-play to make Iesus Christ a mocking stocke rather then to satisfie his auditors with any sound precepts and wholefome instructions Hereof he seemeth to giue some inckling himselfe For after he hath beene plentifull in citing authorities of Scripture and of newe Doctors which make for the Popes power to depose Kings at last he comes in with a faire and open confession Pag. 85. that neither by diuine Oracles nor by honourable antiquitie this controuersie hath beene yet determined and so pulls downe in a word with one hand the frame of worke that he had built and set vp before with an other discouering withall the reluctation and priuie checkes of his owne conscience There yet remaineth one obiection the knot whereof the L. Cardinall in a maner sweateth to vntie His words be these Page 84. The champions for the negatiue flie to the analogie of other proceedings and practises in the Church They affirme that priuate persons masters or owners of goods and possessions among the common people are not depriued of their goods for Heresie and consequently that Princes much more should not for the same crime bee depriued of their estates For answere to this reason he brings in the defendants of deposition speaking after this maner In the Kingdome of France the strict execution of lawes decreed in Court against Heretikes is fauourably suspended and stopped for the preseruation of peace and publike tranquilitie He saith elsewhere Conniuence is vsed towards these Heretikes inregard of their multitude because a notable part of the French Nation and State is made all of Heretikes I suppose that out of speciall charitie he would haue those Heretikes of his owne making forewarned what courteous vse and entreaty they are to expect when he affirmeth that execution of the lawes is but suspended For indeed suspensions hold but for a time But in a cause of that nature and importance I dare promise my selfe that my most honoured brother the King of France will make vse of other counsell will rather seeke the amitie of his neighbour Princes and
On the other side without any such Rhetoricall outcries I simply affirme It is a reproach a scandall a crime of rebellion for a subiect hauing his full charge and loade of benefits in the new spring of his Kings tender aage his King-fathers blood yet reeking and vpon the point of an addresse for a double match with Spaine in so honourable an assembly to seeke the thraldome of his Kings Crowne to play the captious in cauilling about causes of his Kings deposing to giue his former life the Lye with shame enough in his old aage and to make himselfe a common by-word vnder the name of a Problematicall Martyr one that offers himselfe to fagot and fire for a point of doctrine but problematically handled that is distrustfully and onely by way of doubtfull and questionable discourse yea for a point of doctrine in which the French as he pretendeth are permitted to thwart and crosse his Holines in iudgement prouided they speake in it as in a point not certaine and necessary but onely doubtfull and probable THE THIRD INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED THe third Inconuenience pretended by the L. Pag. 87. Cardinall to grow by admitting this Article of the third Estate is flourished in these colours It would breed and bring foorth an open and vnauoydeable schisme against his Holinesse and the rest of the whole Ecclesiasticall body For thereby the doctrine long approued and ratified by the Pope and the rest of the Church should now be taxed and condemned of impious and most detestable consequence yea the Pope and the Church euen in faith and in points of saluation should be reputed and beleeued to be erroniously perswaded Hereupon his Lordship giues himselfe a large scope of the raines to frame his elegant amplifications against schismes and schismatikes Now to mount so high and to flie in such place vpon the wings of amplification for this Inconuenience what is it else but magnifically to report and imagine a mischiefe by many degrees greater then the mischiefe is The L. Cardinal is in a great errour if hee make himselfe beleeue that other nations wil make a rent or separation from the communion of the French because the French stand to it tooth and naile that French Crownes are not liable or obnoxious to Papall deposition howsoeuer there is no schisme that importeth not separation of communion The most illustrious Republike of Venice hath imbarked herselfe in this quarrell against his Holinesse hath played her prize and caried away the weapons with great honour Doeth she notwithstanding her triumph in the cause forbeare to participate with all her neighbours in the same Sacraments doeth she liue in schisme with all the rest of the Romane Church No such matter When the L. Cardinal himselfe not many yeeres past maintained the Kings cause and stood honourably for the Kings right against the Popes Temporall vsurpations did he then take other Churches to be schismaticall or the rotten members of Antichrist Beleeue it who list I beleeue my Creed Nay his Lordship telleth vs himselfe a little after that his Holinesse giues the French free scope to maintaine either the affirmatiue or negatiue of this question And will his Holinesse hold them schismatikes that dissent from his opinion and iudgement in a subiect or cause esteemed problematicall Farre be it from his Holinesse The King of Spaine reputed the Popes right arme neuer gaue the Pope cause by any acte or other declaration to conceiue that he acknowledged himselfe deposeable by the Pope for heresie or Tyrannie or stupiditie But being well assured the Pope standeth in greater feare of his arme then hee doeth of the Popes head and shoulders he neuer troubles his owne head about our question More when the booke of Cardinall Baronius was come foorth in which booke the Kingdome of Naples is descried and publiquely discredited like false money touching the qualitie of a Kingdome and attributed to the King of Spaine not as trew proprietary thereof but onely as an Estate held in fee of the Romane Church the King made no bones to condemne and to banish the said booke out of his dominions The holy Father was contented to put vp his Catholike sonnes proceeding to the Cardinals disgrace neuer opened his mouth against the King neuer declared or noted the King to be schismaticall He waits perhaps for some fitter opportunitie when the Kingdome of Spaine groaning vnder the burthens of intestine dissentions and troubles hee may without any danger to himselfe giue the Catholike King a Bishops mate Yea the L. Cardinal himselfe is better seene in the humors and inclinations of the Christian world then to be grosly perswaded that in the Kingdome of Spaine and in the very heart of Rome it selfe there be not many which either make it but a ieast or else take it in fowle scorne to heare the Popes power ouer the Crownes of Kings once named especially since the Venetian Republike hath put his Holinesse to the worse in the same cause and cast him in Law What needed the L. Cardinall then by casting vp such mounts and trenches by heaping one amplification vpon an other to make schisme looke with such a terrible and hideous aspect Who knowes not how great an offence how heinous a crime it is to quarter not IESVS CHRISTS coat but his body which is the Church And what needed such terrifying of the Church with vglinesse of schisme whereof there is neither colourable shew nor possibilitie The next vgly monster after schisme shaped by the L. Cardinall in the third supposed and pretended inconuenience is heresie Pag. 89. His Lordship saith for the purpose By this Article we are cast headlong into a manifest heresie as binding vs to confesse that for many aages past the Catholike Church hath bene banished out of the whole world For if the champions of the doctrine contrary to this Article doe hold an impious and a detestable opinion repugnant vnto Gods word then doubtlesse the Pope for so many hundred yeeres expired hath not bene the head of the Church but an heretike and the Antichrist He addeth moreouer That the Church long agoe hath lost her name of Catholike and that in France there hath no Church flourished nor so much as appeared these many and more then many yeeres for as much as all the French doctors for many yeres together haue stood for the contrary opinion We can erect and set vp no trophey more honorable for heretikes in token of their victory then to auow that Christs visible Kingdom is perished from the face of the earth and that for so many hundred yeres there hath not bene any Temple of God nor any spouse of Christ but euery where and all the world ouer the kingdom of Antichrist the synagogue of Satan the spouse of the diuel hath mightily preuailed and borne all the sway Lastly what stronger engines can these heretikes wish or desire for the battering and the demolishing of transubstantiation of auricular confession and other like towers
the soule is immortall Or thus with certaine seduced Christians The Pope hath ordained the word of God to be authenticall ergo all credit must be giuen to diuine Scripture Vpon the spurkies or hookes of such ridiculous arguments and friuolous reasons the L. Cardinall hangs the life and safetie of Kings With like artificiall deuises hee pretendeth to haue the infamous murders and apposted cutting of Kings throats in extreame detestation and yet by deposing them from their Princely dignities by degrading them from their supreame and Soueraigne authorities hee brings their sacred heads to the butchers blocke For a King deposed by the Pope let no man doubt will not leaue any stone vnremooued nor any meanes and wayes vnattempted nor any forces or powers of men vnleuied or vnhired to defend himselfe and his Regall dignitie to represse and bring vnder his rebellious people by the Pope discharged of their alleagiance In this perplexitie of the publike affaires in these tempestuous perturbations of the State with what perils is the King not besieged and assaulted His head is exposed to the chances of warre his life a faire marke to the insidious practises of a thousand traitours his Royall person obuious to the dreadfull storme of angry fortune to the deadly malice to the fatall and mortall weapons of his enemies The reason He is presupposed to be lawfully and orderly stripped of his Kingdome Wil he yet hold the sterne of his Royall estate Then is he necessarily taken for a Tyrant reputed an vsurper and his life is exposed to the spoile For the publike lawes make it lawful and free for any priuate person to enterprise against an vsurper of the Kingdome Euery man saith Tertullian is a souldier In reos Maiestatis 〈◊〉 publâ—cos hostes omnis hom omiles est Tertul. apol cap. 2. to beare armes against all traitors and publike enemies Take from a King the title of lawfull King you take from him the warrant of his life and the weapons whereby he is maintained in greater securitie then by his Royall Guard armed with swords and halberds through whose wards and ranks a desperate villaine will make himselfe an easie passage being master of another mans life because he is prodigall and carelesse of his owne Such therefore as pretend so much pity towards Kings to abhorre the bloody opening of their liuer-veine and yet withall to approoue their hoysting out of the Royall dignity are iust in the veine and humour of those that say Let vs not kill the King but let vs disarme the King that he may die a violent death let vs not depriue him of life but of the meanes to defend his life let vs not strangle the King and stop his vitall breath so long as he remaineth King O that were impious O that were horrible and abominable but let him be deposed and then whosoeuer shall runne him through the body with a weapon vp to the very hilts shall not beare the guilt of a King-killer All this must be vnderstood to be spoken of Kings who after they are despoiled of Regalitie by sentence of deposition giuen by the Pope are able to arme themselues and by valiant armes doe defend their Soueraigne rights But in case the King blasted with Romane lightning and stricken with Papall thunder shall actually and speedily bee smitten downe from his high Throne of Regality with present losse of his Kingdome I beleeue it is almost impossible for him to warrant his owne life who was not able to warrant his owne Kingdome Let a cat be throwen from a high roofe to the bottome of a cellour or vault she lighteth on her feet and runneth away without taking any harme A King is not like a cat howsoeuer a cat may looke vpon a King he cannot fall from the loftie pinacle of Royalty to light on his feet vpon the hard pauement of a priuate state without crushing all his bones in pieces It hath bene the lot of very few Emperors and Kings to outliue their Empire For men ascend to the loftie Throne of Kings with a soft and easie pace by certaine steps and degrees there be no stately staires to come downe they tumble head and heeles together when they fall He that hath once griped anothers Kingdome thinks himselfe in little safetie so long as he shall of his courtesie suffer his disseised predecessour to draw his breath And say that some Princes after their fall from their Thrones haue escaped both point and edge of the Tyrants weapon yet haue they wandred like miserable fugitiues in forreine countreys or else haue bene condemned like captiues to perpetuall imprisonment at home a thousand-fold worse and more lamentable then death it selfe Dionysius the Tyrant of Syracusa from a great King in Sicilie tur'nd Schoolemaster in Corinth It was the onely calling and kind of life that as he thought bearing some resemblance of rule and gouernment might recreate his mind as an image or picture of his former Soueraigntie ouer men This Dionysius was the onely man to my knowledge that had a humour to laugh after the losse of a Kingdome and in the state of a Pedant or gouernour of children merily to ieast and to scorne his former state and condition of a King In this my Kingdome of England sundry Kings haue seene the walls as it were of their Princely fortresse dismantled razed and beaten downe By name Edward and Richard both II. and Henrie the VI. all which Kings were most cruelly murdered in prison In the reigne of Edward III. by Acte of Parliament Whosoeuer shall imagine that is the very word of the Statute or machinate the Kings death are declared guiltie of Rebellion and high Treason The learned Iudges of the Land grounding vpon this Law of Edward the third haue euer since reputed and iudged them traitors according to Law that haue dared onely to whisper or talke softly betweene the teeth of deposing the King For they count it a cleare case that no Crowne can be taken from a Kings head without losse of Head and Crowne together sooner or later The L. Cardinal therefore in this most weightie and serious point doth meerely dally and flowt after a sort Page 95. when hee tells vs The Church doeth not intermeddle with releasing of subiects and knocking off their yrons of obedience but onely before the Ecclesiasticall tribunall seat and that besides this double censure of absolution to subiects and excommunication to the Prince the Church imposeth none other penaltie Vnder pretence of which two censures so farre is the Church as the L. Cardinall pretendeth from consenting that any man so censured should bee touched for his life that she vtterly abborreth all murder whatsoeuer but especially all sudden and vnprepenced murders for feare of casting away both body and soule which often in sudden murders goe both one way It hath bene made manifest before that all such proscription and setting forth of Kings to port-sale hath alwaies for the traine thereof either some
shewing that he by no meanes doeth approue those prophane and heathenish Lawes whereby secret practises and conspiracies against a Tyrant by administration are permitted His reason Because after deposition there is a certaine habitude to Royall dignitie and as it were a kinde of politicke Character inherent in Kings by which they are discerned from persons meerely priuate or the common sort of people and the obstacle crosse-barre or sparre once remooued and taken out of the way the said Kings deposed are at length reinuested and endowed againe with lawfull vse of Royall dignitie and with lawfull administration of the Kingdome Is it possible that his Lordship can speake and vtter these words according to the inward perswasion of his heart I beleeue it not For admit a King cast out of his Kingdome were sure to escape with life yet being once reduced to a priuate state of life after hee hath wound or wrought himselfe out of deadly danger so farre he is from holding or retayning any remainder of dignity or politike impression that on the contrary he falleth into greater contempt and misery then if he had bene a very peasant by birth and had neuer held or gouerned the sterne of Royall estate What fowle is more beautifull then the peacocke Let her be plumed and bereft of her feathers what owle what iacke-daw more ridiculous more without all pleasant fashion The homely sowter the infamous catchpol the base tincker the rude artificer the pack-horse-porter then liuing in Rome with libertie when Valentinian was detain'd captiue by Saporas the Persian King was more happie then that Romane Emperour And in case the L. Cardinall himselfe should bee so happie I should say so vnfortunate to be stript of all his dignities and Ecclesiasticall promotions would it not redound to his Lordships wonderfull consolation that in his greatest extremity in the lowest of his barenesse and nakednesse he still retaineth a certaine habituall right and character of a Cardinall whereby to recouer the losse of his former dignities and honours when hee beholds these prints and impressions of his foresaid honours would it not make him the more willing and glad to forsake the backe of his venerable mule to vse his Cardinals foot-cloath no longer but euer after like a Cardinall in print and character to walke on foot But let vs examine his Lordships consolation of Kings thrust out of their kingdomes by the Pope for heresie The obstacle as the L. Cardinall speaketh being taken away that is to say when the King shall be reformed thâ—â— habituall right and character yet inherent in the person of a King restores him to the lawfull administration of his Kingdome I take this to be but a cold comfort For here his Lordship doeth onely presuppose and not prooue that after a King is thrust out of his Throne when hee shall repent and turne trew Romane Catholike the other by whom he hath bene cast out and by force disseised will recall him to the Royall seat and faithfully settle him againe in his ancient right as one that reioyceth for the recouery of such a lost sheepe But I should rather feare the new King would presse and stand vpon other termes as a terme of yeeres for a triall whether the repentance of the King displaced be trew sound to the coare or counterfeit dissembled and painted holines for the words the sorrowfull and heauie lookes the sad and formall gestures of men pretending repentance are not alwayes to bee taken to be respected to be credited Againe I should feare the afflicted King might be charged and borne downe too that albeit hee hath renounced his former heresie hee hath stumbled since at an other stone and runne the ship of his faith against some other rocke of new hereticall prauitie Or I should yet feare he might be made to beleeue that heresie maketh a deeper impression and a character more indeleble in the person then is the other politike character of Regal Maiestie Alas good Kings in how hard in how miserable a state doe they stand Once deposed and euer barred of repentance As if the scapes and errors of Kings were all sinnes against the Holy Ghost or sinnes vnto death for which it is not lawfull to pray Falls a pruiate person he may be set vp and new established Falls a King is a King deposed his repentance is euer fruitlesse euer vnprofitable Hath a priuate person a traine of seruants He can not be depriued of any one without his priuitie and consent Hath a King millions of subiects He may be depriued by the Pope of a third part when his Holinesse will haue them turne Clerics or enter Cloisters without asking the King leaue and so of subiects they may be made non-subiects But I question yet further A King falling into heresie is deposed by the Pope his sonne stands pure Catholike The Regal seat is empty Who shall succeed in the deposed Kings place Shall a stranger be preferred by the Pope That were to doe the innocent sonne egregious and notorious wrong Shall the sonne himselfe That were a more iniurious part in the sonne against his father For if the sonne bee touched with any feare of God or mooued with any reuerence towards his father hee will diligently and seriously take heed that hee put not his father by the Kingdome by whose meanes he himselfe is borne to a Kingdome Nor will hee tread in the steps of Henry the V. Emperour who by the Popes instigation expelled and chased his aaged father out of the Imperiall dignitie Much lesse wil he hearken to the voice and aduise of Doctor Suares the Iesuite Lib. 6. cap. 4. Si Papa Regem depenat ab illis tantum poterit expells vet interfics quibus ipse id commiserit who in his booke written against my selfe a booke applauded and approoued of many Doctours after hee hath like a Doctour of the chaire pronounced That a King deposed by the Pope cannot bee lawfully expelled or killed but onely by such as the Pope hath charged with such execution falleth to adde a little after If the Pope shall declare a King to bee an heretike and fallen from the Kingdome without making further declaration touching execution that is to say without giuing expresse charge vnto any to make away the King then the lawfull successour beeing a Catholike hath power to doe the feate and if he shall refuse or if there shall be none such then it appertaineth to the comminaltie or body of the Kingdome A most detestable sentence For in hereditarie Kingdomes who is the Kings lawfull successour but his sonne The sonne then by this doctrine shall imbrew his hands in his owne fathers blood so soone as he shall be deposed by the Pope A matter so much the neerer and more deepely to bee apprehended because the said most outragious booke flyeth like a furious mastiffe directly at my throat and withall instilleth such precepts into the tender disposition of my sonne as if hereafter hee shall
my Great Brittaine haue not beene the Popes vassals to doe him homage for their Crowne and haue no more felt the lashings the scourgings of base and beggarly Monkes Of Holland Zeland and Friseland what neede I speake yet a word and no more Were they not a kinde of naked and bare people of small value before God lighted the torch of the Gospel and aduanced it in those Nations were they not an ill fedde and scragged people in comparison of the inestimable wealth and prosperity both in all military actions and mechanicall trades in trafficke as merchants in marting as men of warre in long nauigation for discouerie to which they are now raysed and mounted by the mercifull blessing of God since the darknes of Poperie hath beene scattered and the bright Sunne of the Gospel hath shined in those Countryes Behold the Venetian Republique Hath shee now lesse beautie lesse glory lesse peace and prosperitie since she lately fell to bicker and contend with the Pope since she hath wrung out of the Popes hand the one of his two swords since she hath plumed and shaked his Temporall dominion On the contrarie after the French Kings had honoured the Popes with munificent graunts and gifts of all the cities and territories lands and possessions which they now hold in Italy and the auncient Earledome of Auignon in France for an ouer-plus were they not rudely recompenced and homely handled by their most ingratefull fee-farmers and copy-holders Haue not Popes forged a donation of Constantine of purpose to blot out all memory of Pepins and Charlemaignes donation Haue they not vexed and troubled the State haue they not whetted the sonnes of Lewis the Courteous against their owne Father whose life was a patterne and example of innocencie Haue they not by their infinite exactions robbed and scoured the Kingdome of all their treasure Were not the Kings of France driuen to stoppe their violent courses by the pragmaticall sanction Did they not sundry times interdict the Kingdome degrade the Kings solicite the neighbour-Princes to inuade and lay hold on the Kingdome and stirre vp the people against the King whereby a gate was opened to a world of troubles and parricides Did not Rauaillac render this reason for his monstrous and horrible attempt That King Henry had a designe to warre with God because he had a designe to take armes against his Holinesse who is God This makes me to wonder what mooued the L. Cardinall to marshall the last ciuill warres and motions in France in the ranke of examples of vnhappy separation from the Pope when the Pope himselfe was the trumpetor of the same troublesome motions If the Pope had bene wronged and offended by the French King or his people and the Kingdome of France had been scourged with pestilence or famine or some other calamitie by forraine enemies it might haue beene taken in probabilitie as a vengeance of God for some iniurie done vnto his Vicar But his Holinesse being the roote the ground the master-workeman and artificer of all these mischiefes how can it be said that God punisheth any iniurie done to the Pope but rather that his Holinesse doth reuenge his owne quarrell and which is worst of all when his Holinesse hath no iust cause of quarrell or offence Now then to exhort a Nation as the L. Cardinall hath done by the remembrance of former calamities to curry fauour with the Pope and to hold a strict vnion with his Holinesse is no exhortation to beare the Pope any respect of loue or of reuerence but rather a rubbing of memory and a calling to minde of those grieuous calamities whereof the Pope hath been the only occasion It is also a threatning and obtruding of the Popes terrible thunder-bolts which neuer scorched nor parched any skinne except crauens and meticulous bodies and haue brought many great showres of blessings vpon my Kingdome As for France if she hath enioyed prosperity in the times of her good agreement with Popes it is because the Pope seekes the amity of Princes that are in prosperitie haue the meanes to curbe his pretensions and to put him to some plunge Kings are not in prosperity because the Pope holds amitie with Kings but his Holinesse vseth all deuises seeketh all meanes to haue amitie with Kings because he sees them flourish sayle with prosperous winds The swallow is no cause but a companion of the spring the Pope is no worker of a Kingdoms felicity but a wooer of kings when they sit in felicities lap he is no founder but a follower of their good fortunes On the other side let a Kingdome fall into some grieuous disaster or calamitie let ciuill warres boile in the bowels of the Kingdom ciuil wars no lesse dangerous to the State then fearefull and grieuous to the people who riseth sooner then the Pope who rusheth sooner into the troubled streames then the Pope who thrusteth himselfe sooner into the heate of the quarrell then the Pope who runneth sooner to raise his gaine by the publike wrack then the Pope and all vnder colour of a heart wounded and bleeding for the saluation of soules If the lawfull King happen to be foyled to be oppressed and thereupon the State by his fall to get a new master by the Popes practise then the said new master must hold the Kingdome as of the Popes free gift and rule or guide the sterne of the State at his becke and by his instruction If the first and right Lord in despite of all the Popes fulminations and fire-workes shall get the honourable day and vpper hand of his enemies then the holy Father with a cheerfull and pleasant grace yea with fatherly gratulation opens the rich cabinet of his iewells I meane the treasurie of his indulgences and falls now to dandle and cocker the King in his fatherly lap whose throat if he could he would haue cut not long before This pestilent mischiefe hath now a long time taken roote and is growne to a great head in the Christian world through the secret but iust iudgement of God by whom Christian Kings haue beenesmitten with a spirit of dizzinesse Christian Kings who for many aages past haue liued in ignorance without any sound instruction without any trew sense and right feeling of their owne right and power whilest vnder a shadow of Religion and false cloake of pietie their Kingdomes haue beene ouer-burdened yea ouer-borne with tributes and their Crownes made to stoope euen to miserable bondage That God in whose hand the hearts of Kings are poised and at his pleasure turned as the water-courses that mighty God alone in his good time is able to rouze them out of so deepe a slumber and to take order their drowzy fits once ouer and shaken off with heroicall spirits that Popes hereafter shall play no more vpon their patience nor presume to put bits and snaffles in their noble mouthes to the binding vp of their power with weake scruples like mighty buls lead about by
wherewith they thought to measure vs And that the same place and persons whom they thought to destroy should be the iust auengers of their so vnnaturall a Parricide Yet not knowing that I will haue occasion to meete with you my selfe in this place at the beginning of the next Session of this Paliament because if it had not been for deliuering of the Articles agreed vpon by the Commissioners of the Vnion which was thought most conuenient to be done in my presence where both Head and Members of the Parliament were met together my presence had not otherwise been requisite here at this time I haue therefore thought good for conclusion of this Meeting to discourse to you somewhat anent the trew nature and definition of a Parliament which I will remit to your memories till your next sitting downe that you may then make vse of it as occasion shall bee ministred For albeit it be trew that at the first Session of my first Parliament which was not long after mine Entrie into this Kingdome It could not become me to in orme you of any thing belonging to Law or State heere for all knowledge must either bee infused or acquired and seeing the former sort thereof is now with Prophecie ceased in the world it could not be possible for me at my first Entry here before Experience had taught it me to be able to vnderstand the particular mysteries of this State yet now that I haue reigned almost three yeeres amongst you and haue beene carefull to obserue those things that belong to the office of a King albeit that Time be but a short time for experience in others yet in a King may it be thought a reasonable long time especially in me who although I be but in a maner a new King heere yet haue bene long acquainted with the office of a King in such another Kingdome as doeth neerest of all others agree with the Lawes and customes of this State Remitting to your consideration to iudge of that which hath beene concluded by the Commissioners of the Vnion wherein I am at this time to signifie vnto you That as I can beare witnesse to the foresaid Commissioners that they haue not agreed nor concluded therein any thing wherein they haue not foreseen as well the weale and commodity of the one Countrey as of the other So can they all beare mee record that I was so farre from pressing them to agree to any thing which might bring with it any preiudice to this people as by the contrary I did euer admonish them neuer to conclude vpon any such Vnion as might cary hurt or grudge with it to either of the said Nations for the leauing of any such thing could not but be the greatest hinderance that might be to such an Action which God by the lawes of Nature had prouided to be in his owne time and hath now in effect perfected in my Person to which purpose my Lord Chancellour hath better spoken then I am able to relate And as to the nature of this high Court of Parliament It is nothing else but the Kings great Councell which the King doeth assemble either vpon occasion of interpreting or abrogating old Lawes or making of new according as ill maners shall deserue or for the publike punishment of notorious euill doers or the praise and reward of the vertuous and well deseruers wherein these foure things are to be considered First whereof this Court is composed Secondly what matters are proper for it Thirdly to what end it is ordeined And fourthly what are the meanes and wayes whereby this end should bee brought to passe As for the thing it selfe It is composed of a Head and a Body The Head is the King the Body are the members of the Parliament This Body againe is subdiuided into two parts The Vpper and Lower House The Vpper compounded partly of Nobility Temporall men who are heritable Councellors to the high Court of Parliament by the honour of their Creation and Lands And partly of Bishops Spirituall men who are likewise by the vertue of their place and dignitie Councellours Life Renters or Ad vitam of this Court. The other House is composed of Knights for the Shire and Gentry and Burgesses for the Townes But because the number would be infinite for all the Gentlemen and Burgesses to bee present at euery Parliament Therefore a certaine number is selected and chosen out of that great Body seruing onely for that Parliament where their persons are the representation of that Body Now the matters whereof they are to treate ought therefore to be generall and rather of such matters as cannot well bee performed without the assembling of that generall Body and no more of these generals neither then necessity shall require for as in Corruptissima Republica sunt plurimae leges So doeth the life and strength of the Law consist not in heaping vp infinite and confused numbers of Lawes but in the right interpretation and good execution of good and wholesome Lawes If this be so then neither is this a place on the one side for euery rash and harebrained fellow to propone new Lawes of his owne inuention nay rather I could wish these busie heads to remember that Law of the Lacedemonians That whosoeuer came to propone a new Law to the people behooued publikely to present himselfe with a rope about his necke that in case the Law were not allowed he should be hanged therwith So warie should men be of proponing Nouelties but most of all not to propone any bitter or seditious Laws which can produce nothing but grudges and discontentment betweene the Prince and his people Nor yet is it on the other side a conuenient place for priuate men vnder the colour of general Lawes to propone nothing but their owne particular gaine either to the hurt of their priuate neighbours or to the hurt of the whole State in generall which many times vnder faire and pleasing Titles are smoothly passed ouer and so by stealth procure without consideration that the priuate meaning of them tendeth to nothing but either to the wrecke of a particular partie or else vnder colour of publike benefite to pill the poore people and serue as it were for a generall Impost vpon them for filling the purses of some priuate persons And as to the end for which the Parliament is ordeined being only for the aduancement of Gods glory and the establishment and wealth of the King and his people It is no place then for particular men to vtter there their priuate conceipts nor for satisfaction of their curiosities and least of all to make shew of their eloquence by tyning the time with long studied and eloquent Orations No the reuerence of God their King and their Countrey being well setled in their hearts will make them ashamed of such toyes and remember that they are there as sworne Councellours to their King to giue their best aduise for the furtherance of his Seruice and the florishing
Paul saith That hee may plant Apollo may water but it is GOD onely that must giue the increase This I speake because of the long time which hath benespent about the Treatie of the Vnion For my selfe I protest vnto you all When I first propounded the Vnion I then thought there could haue bene no more question of it then of your declaration and acknowledgement of my right vnto this Crowne and that as two Twinnes they would haue growne vp together The errour was my mistaking I knew mine owne ende but not others feares But now finding many crossings long disputations strange questions and nothing done I must needs thinke it proceeds either of mistaking of the errand or else from some iealousie of me the Propounder that you so adde delay vnto delay searching out as it were the very bowels of Curiositie and conclude nothing Neither can I condemne you for being yet in some iealousie of my intention in this matter hauing not yet had so great experience of my behauiour and inclination in these few yeeres past as you may peraduenture haue in a longer time hereafter and not hauing occasion to consult dayly with my selfe and heare mine owne opinion in all those particulars which are debated among you But here I pray you now mistake mee not at the first when as I seeme to finde fault with your delayes and curiositie as if I would haue you to resolue in an houres time that which will take a moneths aduisement for you all know that Rex est lex loquens And you haue oft heard mee say That the Kings will and intention being the speaking Law ought to bee Luce clarius and I hope you of the Lower house haue the proofe of this my clearenesse by a Bil sent you downe from the Vpper house within these few dayes or rather few houres wherein may very well appeare vnto you the care I haue to put my Subiects in good securitie of their possessions for all posterities to come And therefore that you may clearely vnderstand my meaning in that point I doe freely confesse you had reason to aduise at leasure vpon so great a cause for great matters doe cuer require great deliberation before they be well concluded Deliberandum est diu quod statuendum est semel Consultations must proceed lento pede but the execution of a sentence vpon the resolution would be speedie If you will goe on it matters not though you goe with leaden feet so you make still some progresse and that there be no let or needlesse delay and doe not Nodum in scirpo quaerere I am euer for the Medium in euery thing Betweene foolish rashnesse and extreame length there is a middle way Search all that is reasonable but omit that which is idle curious and vnnecessary otherwise there can neuer be a resolution or end in any good worke And now from the generall I wil descend to particulars and wil onely for the ease of your memories diuide the matter that I am to speake of into foure heads by opening vnto you First what I craue Secondly in what maner I desire it Thirdly what commodities will ensue to both the Kingdomes by it Fourthly what the supposed inconueniencie may be that giues impediments thereunto For the first what I craue I protest before GOD who knowes my heart and to you my people before whom it were a shame to lie that I claime nothing but with acknowledgement of my Bond to you that as yee owe to me subiection and obedience So my Soueraigntie obligeth mee to yeeld to you loue gouernment and protection Neither did I euer wish any happinesse to my selfe which was not conioyned with the happinesse of my people I desire a perfect Vnion of Lawes and persons and such a Naturalizing as may make one body of both Kingdomes vnder mee your King That I and my posteritie if it so please God may rule ouer you to the worlds ende Such an Vnion as was of the Scots and Pictes in Scotland and of the Heptarchie here in England And for Scotland I auow such an Vnion as if you had got it by Conquest but such a Conquest as may be cemented by loue the onely sure bond of subiection or friendship that as there is ouer both but vnus Rex so there may be in both but vnus Grex vna Lex For no more possible is it for one King to gouerne two Countreys Contiguous the one a great the other a lesse a richer and a poorer the greater drawing like an Adamant the lesser to the Commodities thereof then for one head to gouerne two bodies or one man to be husband of two wiues whereof Christ himselfe said Ab initio non fuit sic But in the generall Vnion you must obserue two things for I will discouer my thoughts plainly vnto you I study clearenes not eloquence And therefore with the olde Philosopers I would heartily wish my brest were a transparent glasse for you all to see through that you might looke into my heart and then would you be satisfied of my meaning For when I speake of a perfect Vnion I meane not confusion of all things you must not take from Scotland those particular Priuiledges that may stand as well with this Vnion as in England many particular customes in particular Shires as the Customes of Kent and the Royalties of the Countie Palatine of Chester do with the Common Law of the Kingdome for euery particular Shire almost and much more euery Countie haue some particular customes that are as it were naturally most fit for that people But I meane of such a generall Vnion of Lawes as may reduce the whole Iland that as they liue already vnder one Monarch so they may all bee gouerned by one Law For I must needs confesse by that little experience I haue had since my comming hither and I thinke I am able to prooue it that the grounds of the Common Law of England are the best of any Law in the world either Ciuil or Municipall and the fittest for this people But as euery Law would be cleare and full so the obscuritie in some points of this our written Law and want of fulnesse in others the variation of Cases and mens curiositie breeding euery day new questions hath enforced the Iudges to iudge in many Cases here by Cases and presidents wherein I hope Lawyers themselues will not denie but that there must be a great vncertaintie and I am sure all the rest of you that are Gentlemen of other professions were long agoe wearie of it if you could haue had it amended For where there is varietie and vncertaintie although a iust Iudge may do rightly yet an ill Iudge may take aduantage to doe wrong and then are all honest men that succeede him tied in a maner to his vniust and partiall conclusions Wherefore leaue not the Law to the pleasure of the Iudge but let your Lawes be looked into for I desire not the abolishing of
with the flattering speeches of such as would haue the Ante nati preferred alleadging their merit in my Seruice and such other reasons which indeede are but Sophismes For my rewarding out of my Liberalitie of any particular men hath nothing adoe with the generall acte of the Vnion which must not regard the deserts of priuate persons but the generall weale and conioyning of the Nations Besides that the actuall Naturalizing which is the onely point that is in your handes is already graunted to by your selues to the most part of such particular persons as can haue any vse of it heere and if any other well deseruing men were to sue for it hereafter I doubt not but there would neuer bee question mooued among you for the granting of it And therefore it is most euident that such discoursers haue mel in ore fel in corde as I said before carying an outward appearance of loue to the Vnion but indeed a contrary resolution in their hearts And as for limitations and restrictions such as shall by me be agreed vpon to be reasonable and necessary after you haue fully debated vpon them you may assure your selues I will with indifferencie grant what is requisite without partiall respect of Scotland I am as I haue often said borne and sworne King ouer both Kingdomes onely this farre let me entreat you in debating the point at your next meeting That yee be as ready to resolue doubts as to mooue them and to be satisfied when doubts are cleered And as for Commodities that come by the Vnion of these Kingdoms they are great and euident Peace Plentie Loue free Intercourse and common Societie of two great Nations All forreigne Kings that haue sent their Ambassadours to congratulate with me since my comming haue saluted me as Monarch of the whole Isle and with much more respect of my greatnesse then if I were King alone of one of these Realmes and with what comfort doe your selues behold Irish Scottish Welsh and English diuers in Nation yet all walking as Subiects and seruants within my Court and all liuing vnder the allegiance of your King besides the honour and lustre that the encrease of gallant men in the Court of diuers Nations carries in the eyes of all strangers that repaire hither Those confining places which were the Borders of the two Kingdomes where heretofore much blood was shed and many of your ancestours lost their liues yea that lay waste and desolate and were habitations but for runnagates are now become the Nauell or Vmbilick of both Kingdomes planted and peopled with Ciuilitie and riches their Churches begin to bee planted their doores stand now open they feare neither robbing nor spoiling and where there was nothing before heard nor seene in those parts but bloodshed oppressions complaints and outcries they now liue euery man peaceably vnder his owne figgetree and all their former cryes and complaints turned onely into prayers to God for their King vnder whom they enioy such ease and happy quietnesse The Marches beyond and on this side Twede are as fruitfull and as peaceable as most parts of England If after all this there shall be a Scissure what inconuenience will follow iudge you And as for the inconueniences that are feared on Englands part It is alleadged that the Scots are a populous Nation they shall be harboured in our nests they shall be planted and flourish in our good Soile they shall eate our commons bare and make vs leane These are foolish and idle surmises That which you possesse they are not to enioy by Law they cannot nor by my partialitie they shall not for set apart conscience and honour which if I should set apart indeede I had rather wish my selfe to bee set apart and out of all being can any man conclude either out of common reason or good policie that I will preferre those which perhaps I shall neuer see or but by poste for a moneth before those with whom I must alwayes dwell Can they conquer or ouercome you with swarmes of people as the Goths and the Vandals did Italy Surely the world knowes they are nothing so populous as you are and although they haue had the honour and good fortune neuer to be conquered yet were they euer but vpon the defensiue part and may in a part thanke their hilles and inaccessible passages that preserued them from an vtter ouerthrow at the handes of all that pretended to conquer them Or are they so very poore and miserable in their owne habitations that necessitie should force them all to make incursions among you And for my part when I haue two Nations vnder my gouernment can you imagine I will respect the lesser and neglect the greater would I not thinke it a lesse euill and hazard to mee that the plague were at Northampton or Barwicke then at London so neere Westminster the Seat of my habitation and of my wife and children will not a man bee more carefull to quench the fire taken in his neerest neighbours house then if a whole Towne were a fire farre from him You know that I am carefull to preserue the woods and game through all England nay through all the Isle yet none of you doubts but that I would be more offended with any disorder in the Forrest of Waltham for stealing of a Stagge there which lieth as it were vnder my nose and in a manerioyneth with my garden then with cutting of timber or stealing of a Deare in any Forrest of the North parts of Yorkeshire or the Bishopricke Thinke you that I will preferre them that be absent lesse powerfull and farther off to doe me good or hurt before you with whom my security and liuing must be and where I desire to plant my posterity If I might by any such fauours raise my selfe to a greatnesse it might bee probable All I cannot draw and to lose a whole state here to please a few there were madnesse I neede speake no more of this with protestations Speake but of wit it is not likely and to doubt of my intention in this were more then deuilish For mine owne part I offer more then I receiue and conueniencie I preferre before law in this point For three parts wherein I might hurt this Nation by partiality to the Scots you know doe absolutely lie in my hands and power for either in disposition of rents or whatsoeuer benefit or in the preferring of them to any dignitie or office ciuill or Ecclesiasticall or in calling them to the Parliament it doeth all fully and onely lie within the compasse of my Prerogatiue which are the parts wherein the Scottish men can receiue either benefite or preferment by the Vnion and wherein for the care I haue of this people I am content to binde my selfe with some reasonable restrictions As for the fourth part the Naturalizing which onely lieth in your hands It is the point wherein they receiue least benefit of any for in that they can obteine nothing but what
haue is of three sorts All the Lawe of Scotland for Tenures Wards and Liueries Seigniories and Lands are drawen out of the Chauncerie of England and for matters of equitie and in many things else differs from you but in certaine termes Iames the first bred here in England brought the Lawes thither in a written hand The second is Statute lawes which be their Acts of Parliament wherein they haue power as you to make and altar Lawes and those may be looked into by you for I hope you shall be no more strangers to that Nation And the principall worke of this Vnion will be to reconcile the Statute Lawes of both Kingdomes The third is the Ciuill Law Iames the fift brought it out of France by establishing the Session there according to the forme of the Court of Parliament of Fraunce which he had seene in the time of his being there who occupie there the place of Ciuill udges in all matters of Plee or controuersie yet not to gouerne absolutely by the Ciuill Law as in Fraunce For if a man plead that the Law of the Nation is otherwise it is a barre to the Ciuill and a good Chauncellor or President will oftentimes repell and put to silence an Argument that the Lawyers bring out of the Ciuill Law where they haue a cleare solution in their owne Law So as the Ciuil Law in Scotland is admitted in no other cases but to supply such cases wherein the Municipall Law is defectiue Then may you see it is not so hard a matter as is thought to reduce that Countrey to bee vnited with you vnder this Law which neither are subiect to the Ciuill Lawe nor yet haue any olde Common Law of their owne but such as in effect is borrowed from yours And for their Statute Lawes in Parliament you may alter and change them as oft as occasion shall require as you doe here It hath likewise beene obiected as an other impediment that in the Parliament of Scotland the King hath not anegatiue voice but must passe all the Lawes agreed on by the Lords and Commons Of this I can best resolue you for I am the eldest Parliament man in Scotland and haue sit in more Parliaments then any of my Predecessors I can assure you that the forme of Parliament there is nothing inclined to popularitie About a twentie dayes or such a time before the Parliament Proclamation is made throughout the Kingdome to deliuer in to the Kings Clearke of Register whom you heere call the Master of the Rolles all Bills to be exhibited that Session before a certaine day Then are they brought vnto the King and perused and considered by him and onely such as I allowe of are put into the Chancellors handes to bee propounded to the Parliament and none others And if any man in Parliament speake of any other matter then is in this forme first allowed by mee The Chancellor tells him there is no such Bill allowed by the King Besides when they haue passed them for lawes they are presented vnto me and I with my Scepter put into my hand by the Chancellor must say I ratifie and approue all things done in this present Parliament And if there bee any thing that I dislike they rase it out before If this may bee called a negatiue voyce then I haue one I am sure in that Parliament The last impediment is the French liberties which is thought so great as except the Scots farsake Fraunce England cannot bee vnited to them If the Scottish Nation would bee so vnwilling to leaue them as is said it would not lye in their hands For the League was neuer made betweene the people as is mistaken but betwixt the Princes onely and their Crownes The beginning was by a Message from a King of Fraunce Charlemaine I take it but I cannot certainely remember vnto a King of Scotland for a League defensiue and offensiue betweene vs and them against England Fraunce being at that time in Warres with England The like at that time was then desired by England against Fraunce who also sent their Ambassadours to Scotland At the first the Disputation was long maintained in fauour of England that they being our neerest Neighbours ioyned in one continent and a strong and powerfull Nation it was more fitte for the weale and securitie of the State of Scotland to be in League and Amitie with them then with a Countrey though neuer so strong yet diuided by Sea from vs especially Englandlying betwixt vs and them where we might be sure of a suddaine mischiefe but behooued to abide the hazard of wind and weather and other accidents that might hinder our reliefe But after when the contrary part of the Argument was maintained wherein allegation was made that England euer sought to conquer Scotland and therefore in regarde of their pretended interest in the Kingdoome would neuer keepe any sound Amitie with them longer then they saw their aduantage whereas France lying more remote and clayming no interest in the Kingdome would therefore bee found a more constant and faithfull friend It was vnhappily concluded in fauour of the last partie through which occasion Scotland gate many mischiefes after And it is by the very tenour thereof ordered to bee renewed and confirmed from King to King successiuely which accordingly was euer performed by the mediation of their Ambassadours and therefore meerely personall and so was it renewed in the Queene my mothers time onely betweene the two Kings and not by assent of Parliament or conuention of the three Estates which it could neuer haue wanted if it had beene a League betweene the people And in my time when it came to be ratified because it appeared to be in odium tertii it was by me left vnrenewed or confirmed as a thing incompatible to my Person in consideration of my Title to this Crowne Some Priuiledges indeede in the Merchants fauour for point of Commerce were renewed and confirmed in my time wherein for my part of it there was scarce three Counsellours more then my Secretarie to whose place it belonged that medled in that matter It is trew that it behooued to be enterteined as they call it in the Court of Parliament of Paris but that onely serues for publication and not to giue it Authoritie That Parliament as you know being but a Iudiciall Seate of Iudges and Lawyers and nothing agreeing with the definition or office of our Parliaments in this Isle And therefore that any fruites or Priuiledges possessed by the League with Fraunce is able now to remaine in Scotland is impossible For ye may be sure that the French King stayes onely vpon the sight of the ending of this Vnion to cut it off himselfe Otherwise when this great worke were at an end I would be forced for the generall care I owe to all my Subiects to craue of France like Priuiledges to them all as Scotland alreadie enioyes seeing the personall friendship remaines as great betweene vs as betweene our
generall and maine grounds the principall things that haue bene agitated in this Parliament and whereof I will now speake First the Arrand for which you were called by me And that was for supporting of my state and necessities The second is that which the people are to mooue vnto the King To represent vnto him such things whereby the Subiects are vexed or wherein the state of the Common wealth is to be redressed And that is the thing which you call grieuances The third ground that hath bene handled amongst you and not onely in talke amongst you in the Parliament but euen in many other peoples mouthes aswell within as without the Parliament is of a higher nature then any of the former though it be but an Incident and the reason is because it concernes a higher point And this is a doubt which hath bene in the heads of some of my Intention in two things First whether I was resolued in the generall to continue still my gouernment according to the ancient forme of this State and the Lawes of this Kingdome Or if I had an intention not to limit my selfe within those bounds but to alter the same when I thought conuenient by the absolute power of a King The other branch is anent the Common Law which some had a conceit I disliked and in respect that I was borne where another forme of Law was established that I would haue wished the Ciuill Law to haue bene put in place of the Common Law for gouernment of this people And the complaint made amongst you of a booke written by doctour Cowell was a part of the occasion of this incident But as touching my censure of that booke I made it already to bee deliuered vnto you by the Treasurer here sitting which he did out of my owne directions and notes and what he said in my name that had he directly from me But what hee spake of himselfe therein without my direction I shal alwayes make good for you may be sure I will be loth to make so honest a man a lyer or deceiue your expectations alwayes within very few dayes my Edict shall come forth anent that matter which shall fully discouer my meaning There was neuer any reason to mooue men to thinke that I could like of such grounds For there are two qualities principally or rather priuations that make Kings subiect to flatterie Credulitie and Ignorance and I hope none of them can bee iustly obiected to mee For if Alexander the great for all his learning had bene wise in that point to haue considered the state of his owne naturall body and disposition hee would neuer haue thought him selfe a god And now to the matter As it is a Christan duety in euery man Reddere rationem fidei and not to be ashamed to giue an account of his profession before men and Angels as oft as occasion shall require So did I euer hold it a necessitie of honour in a iust and wise King though not to giue an account to his people of his actions yet clearely to deliuer his heart and intention vnto them vpon euery occasion But I must inuert my order and begin first with that incident which was last in my diuision though highest of nature and so goe backward THe State of MONARCHIE is the supremest thing vpon earth For Kings are not onely GODS Lieutenants vpon earth and sit vpon GODS throne but euen by GOD himselfe they are called Gods There bee three principall similitudes that illustrate the state of MONARCHIE One taken out of the word of GOD and the two other out of the grounds of Policie and Philosophie In the Scriptures Kings are called Gods and so their power after a certaine relation compared to the Diuine power Kings are also compared to Fathers of families for a King is trewly Parens patriae the politique father of his people And lastly Kings are compared to the head of this Microcosme of the body of man Kings are iustly called Gods for that they exercise a manner or resemblance of Diuine power vpon earth For if you wil consider the Attributes to God you shall see how they agree in the person of a King God hath power to create or destroy make or vnmake at his pleasure to giue life or send death to iudge all and to bee iudged nor accomptable to none To raise low things and to make high things low at his pleasure and to God are both soule and body due And the like power haue Kings they make and vnmake their subiects they haue power of raising and casting downe of life and of death Iudges ouer all their subiects and in all causes and yet accomptable to none but God onely They haue power to exalt low things and abase high things and make of their subiects like men at the Chesse A pawne to take a Bishop or a Knight and to cry vp or downe any of their subiects as they do their money And to the King is due both the affection of the soule and the seruice of the body of his subiects And therefore that reuerend Bishop here amongst you though I heare that by diuers he was mistaken or not wel vnderstood yet did he preach both learnedly and trewly annent this point concerning the power of a King For what he spake of a Kings power in Abstracto is most trew in Diuinitie For to Emperors or Kings that are Monarches their Subiects bodies goods are due for their defence and maintenance But if I had bene in his place I would only haue added two words which would haue cleared all For after I had told as a Diuine what was due by the Subiects to their Kings in general I would then haue concluded as an Englishman shewing this people That as in generall all Subiects were bound to relieue their King So to exhort them that as wee liued in a setled state of a Kingdome which was gouerned by his owne fundamentall Lawes and Orders that according thereunto they were now being assembled for this purpose in Parliament to consider how to helpe such a King as now they had And that according to the ancient forme and order established in this Kingdome putting so a difference betweene the generall power of a King in Diuinity and the setled and established State of this Crowne and Kingdome And I am sure that the Bishop meant to haue done the same if hee had not bene straited by time which in respect of the greatnesse of the presence preaching before me and such an Auditory he durst not presume vpon As for the Father of a familie they had of olde vnder the Law of Nature Patriam potestatem which was Potestatem vitae necis ouer their children or familie I meane such Fathers of families as were the lineall heires of those families whereof Kings did originally come For Kings had their first originall from them who planted and spread themselues in Colonies through the world Now a Father may dispose of his
Inheritance to his children at his pleasure yea euen disinherite the eldest vpon iust occasions and preferre the youngest according to his liking make them beggers or rich at his pleasure restraine or banish out of his presence as hee findes them giue cause of offence or restore them in fauour againe with the penitent sinner So may the King deale with his Subiects And lastly as for the head of the naturall body the head hath the power of directing all the members of the body to that vse which the iudgement in the head thinkes most conuenient It may apply sharpe cures or cut off corrupt members let blood in what proportion it thinkes fit and as the body may spare but yet is all this power ordeined by God Ad aedificationem non ad destructionem For although God haue power aswell of destruction as of creation or maintenance yet will it not agree with the wisedome of God to exercise his power in the destruction of nature and ouerturning the whole frame of things since his creatures were made that his glory might thereby be the better expressed So were hee a foolish father that would disinherite or destroy his children without a cause or leaue off the carefull education of them And it were an idle head that would in place of phisicke so poyson or phlebotomize the body as might breede a dangerous distemper or destruction thereof But now in these our times we are to distinguish betweene the state of Kings in their first originall and betweene the state of setled Kings and Monarches that doe at this time gouerne in ciuill Kingdomes For euen as God during the time of the olde Testament spake by Oracles and wrought by Miracles yet how soone it pleased him to setle a Church which was bought and redeemed by the blood of his onely Sonne Christ then was there a cessation of both Hee euer after gouerning his people and Church within the limits of his reueiledwill So in the first originall of Kings whereof some had their beginning by Conquest and some by election of the people their wills at that time serued for Law Yet how soone Kingdomes began to be setled in ciuilitie and policie then did Kings set downe their minds by Lawes which are properly made by the King onely but at the rogation of the people the Kings grant being obteined thereunto And so the King became to be Lex loquens after a sort binding himselfe by a double oath to the obseruation of the fundamentall Lawes of his kingdome Tacitly as by being a King and so bound to protect aswell the people as the Lawes of his Kingdome And Expresly by his oath at his Coronation So as euery iust King in a setled Kingdome is bound to obserue that paction made to his people by his Lawes in framing his gouernment agreeable thereunto according to that paction which God made with Noe after the deluge Hereafter Seed-time and Haruest Cold and Heate Summer and Winter and Day and Night shall not cease so long as the earth remaines And therefore a King gouerning in a setled Kingdome leaues to be a King and degenerates into a Tyrant assoone as he leaues off to rule according to his Lawes In which case the Kings conscience may speake vnto him as the poore widow said to Philip of Macedon Either gouerne according to your Law Aut ne Rexsis And though no Christian man ought to allow any rebellion of people against their Prince yet doeth God neuer leaue Kings vnpunished when they transgresse these limits For in that same Psalme where God saith to Kings Vos Dij estis hee immediatly thereafter concludes But ye shall die like men The higher wee are placed the greater shall our fall be Vt casus sic dolor the taller the trees be the more in danger of the winde and the tempest beats sorest vpon the highest mountaines Therefore all Kings that are not tyrants or periured wil be glad to bound themselues within the limits of their Lawes and they that perswade them the contrary are vipers and pests both against them and the Common-wealth For it is a great difference betweene a Kings gouernment in a setled State and what Kings in their originall power might doe in Indiuiduo vago As for my part I thanke God I haue euer giuen good proofe that I neuer had intention to the contrary And I am sure to goe to my graue with that reputation and comfort that neuer King was in all his time more carefull to haue his Lawes duely obserued and himselfe to gouerne thereafter then I. I conclude then this point touching the power of Kings with this Axiome of Diuinitie That as to dispute what God may doe is Blasphemie but quid vult Deus that Diuines may lawfully and doe ordinarily dispute and discusse for to dispute A Posse ad Esse is both against Logicke and Diuinitie So is it sedition in Subiects to dispute what a King may do in the height of his power But iust Kings wil euer be willing to declare what they wil do if they wil not incurre the curse of God I wil not be content that my power be disputed vpon but I shall euer be willing to make the reason appeare of all my doings and rule my actions according to my Lawes The other branch of this incident is concerning the Common Law being conceiued by some that I contemned it and preferred the Ciuil Law thereunto As I haue already said Kings Actions euen in the secretest places are as the actions of those that are set vpon the Stages or on the tops of houses and I hope neuer to speake that in priuate which I shall not auow in publique and Print it if need be as I said in my BASILICON DORON For it is trew that within these few dayes I spake freely my minde touching the Common Law in my Priuie Chamber at the time of my dinner which is come to all your eares and the same was likewise related vnto you by my Treasurer and now I will againe repeate and confirme the same my selfe vnto you First as a King I haue least cause of any man to dislike the Common Law For no Law can bee more fauourable and aduantagious for a King and extendeth further his Prerogatiue then it doeth And for a King of England to despile the Common Law it is to neglect his owne Crowne It is trew that I doe greatly esteeme the Ciuill Law the profession thereof seruing more for generall learning and being most necessary for matters of Treatie with all forreine Nations And I thinke that if it should bee taken away it would make an entrie to Barbarisme in this Kingdome and would blemish the honour of England For it is in a maner LEX GENTIVM and maintaineth Intercourse with all forreme Nations but I onely allow it to haue course here according to those limits of Iurisdiction which the Common Law it selfe doeth allow it And therefore though it bee not fit for the
generall gouernment of the people here it doeth not follow it should be extinct no more then because the Latine tongue is not the Mother or Radicall Language of any Nation in the world at this time that therefore the English tongue should onely now be learned in this Kingdome which were to bring in Barbarisme My meaning therefore is not to preferre the Ciuill Law before the Common Law but onely that it should not be extinguished and yet so bounded I meane to such Courts and Causes as haue beene in ancient vse As the Ecclesiasticall Courts Court of Admiraltie Court of Requests and such like reseruing euer to the Common Law to meddle with the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdome either concerning the Kings Prerogatiue or the possessions of Subiects in any questions either betweene the King and any of them or amongst themselues in the points of Meum tuum For it is trew that there is no Kingdome in the world not onely Scotland but not France nor Spaine nor any other Kingdome gouerned meerely by the Ciuill Law but euery one of them hath their owne municipall Lawes agreeable to their Customes as this Kingdome hath the Common Law Nay I am so farre from disallowing the Common Law as I protest that if it were in my hand to chuse a new Law for this Kingdome I would not onely preferre it before any other Nationall Law but euen before the very Iudiciall Law of Moyses and yet I speake no blasphemie in preferring it for conueniencie to this Kingdome and at this time to the very Law of God For God gouerned his selected people by these three Lawes Ceremoniall Morall and Iudiciall The Iudiciall being onely fit for a certaine people and a certaine time which could not serue for the general of all other people and times As for example If the Law of hanging for Theft were turned here to restitution of treble or quadruple as it was in the Law of Moyses what would become of all the middle Shires and all the Irishrie and Highlanders But the maine point is That if the fundamentall Lawes of any Kingdome should be altered who should discerne what is Meum tuum or how should a King gouerne It would be like the Gregorian Calender which destroyes the old and yet doeth this new trouble all the debts and Accompts of Traffiques and Merchandizes Nay by that accompt I can neuer tell mine owne aage for now is my Birth-day remooued by the space often dayes neerer me then it was before the change But vpon the other part though I haue in one point preferred our Common Law concerning our vse to the very Law of GOD yet in another respect I must say both our Law and all Lawes else are farre inferiour to that Iudiciall Law of GOD for no booke nor Law is perfect nor free from corruption except onely the booke and Law of GOD. And therefore I could wish some three things specially to be purged cleared in the Common Law but alwayes by the aduise of Parliament For the King with his Parliament here are absolute as I vnderstand in making or forming of any sort of Lawes First I could wish that it were written in our vulgar Language for now it is in an old mixt and corrupt Language onely vnderstood by Lawyers whereas euery Subiect ought to vnderstand the Law vnder which he liues For since it is our plea against the Papists that the language in GODS Seruice ought not to be in an vnknowne tongue according to the rule in the Law of Moyses That the Law should be written in the fringes of the Priests garment and should be publikely read in the eares of all the people so mee thinkes ought our Law to be made as plaine as can be to the people that the excuse of ignorance may be taken from them for conforming themselues thereunto Next our Common Law hath not a setled Text in all Cases being chiefly grounded either vpon old Customes or else vpon the Reports and Cases of Iudges which ye call Responsa Prudentum The like whereof is in all other Lawes for they are much ruled by Presidents saue onely in Denmarke and Norway where the letter of the Law resolues all doubts without any trouble to the Iudge But though it be trew that no Text of Law can be so certaine wherein the circumstances will not make a variation in the Case for in this aage mens wits increase so much by ciuilitie that the circumstances of euery particular case varies so much from the generall Text of Law as in the Ciuill Law it selfe there are therefore so many Doctors that cōment vpon the Text neuer a one almost agrees with another Otherwise there needed no Iudges but the bare letter of the Law Yet could I wish that some more certaintie were set downe in this case by Parliament for since the very Reports themselues are not alwayes so binding but that diuers times Iudges doe disclaime them and recede from the iudgment of their predecessors it were good that vpon a mature deliberation the exposition of the Law were set downe by Acte of Parliament and such reports therein confirmed as were thought fit to serue for Law in all times hereafter and so the people should not depend vpon the bare opinions of Iudges and vncertaine Reports And lastly there be in the Common Law diuers contrary Reports and Presidents and this corruption doeth likewise concerne the Statutes and Acts of Parliament in respect there are diuers crosse and cuffing Statutes and some so penned as they may be taken in diuers yea contrary sences And therefore would I wish both those Statutes and Reports aswell in the Parliament as Common Law to be once maturely reuiewed and reconciled And that not onely all contrarieties should be scraped out of our Bookes but euen that such penall Statutes as were made but for the vse of the time from breach whereof no man can be free which doe not now agree with the condition of this our time might likewise beleft out of our bookes which vnder a tyrannous or auaritious King could not be endured And this reformation might me thinkes bee made a worthy worke and well deserues a Parliament to be set of purpose for it I know now that being vpon this point of the Common Law you looke to heare my opinion concerning Prohibitions and I am not ignorant that I haue bene thought to be an enemie to all Prohibitions and an vtter stayer of them But I will shortly now informe you what hath bene my course in proceeding therein It is trew that in respect of diuers honorable Courts and Iurisdictions planted in this Kingdome I haue often wished that euery Court had his owne trew limit and iurisdiction clearely set downe and certainly knowne which if it be exceeded by any of them or that any of them encroch one vpon another then I grant that a Prohibition in that case is to goe out of the Kings Bench but chiefliest out of the
acquainted with their state If I had not more then cause you may be sure I would be loth to trouble you But what he hath affirmed in this vpon the honour of a Gentleman whom you neuer had cause to distrust for his honestie that doe I now confirme and auow to be trew in the word and honour of a King And therein you are bound to beleeue me Duetie I may iustly claime of you as my Subiects and one of the branches of duetie which Subiects owe to their Soueraigne is Supply but in what quantitie and at what time that must come of your loues I am not now therefore to dispute of a Kings power but to tell you what I may iustly craue and expect with your good wills I was euer against all extremes and in this case I will likewise wish you to auoyd them on both sides For if you faile in the one I might haue great cause to blame you as Parliament men being called by me for my Errands And if you fall into the other extreme by supply of my necessities without respectiue care to auoyd oppression or partialitie in the Leuie both I and the Countrey will haue cause to blame you When I thinke vpon the composition of this body of Parliament I doe well consider that the Vpper house is composed of the Seculer Nobilitie who are hereditary Lords of Parliament and of Bishops that are liue Renter Barons of the same And therefore what is giuen by the Vpper house is giuen onely from the trew body of that House and out of their owne purposes that doe giue it whereas the Lower house is but the representatiue body of the Commons and so what you giue you giue it aswell for others as for your selues and therefore you haue the more reason to eschew both the extreames On the one part ye may the more easily be liberall since it comes not all from your selues and yet vpon the other part if yee giue more then is fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld vpon such necessary occasions yee abuse the King and hurt the people And such a gift I will neuer accept For in such a case you might deceiue a King in giuing your flattering consent to that which you know might moue the people generally to grudge and murmure at it and so should the King find himselfe deceiued in his Caloule and the people likewise grieued in their hearts the loue and possession of which I protest I did and euer will accompt the greatest earthly securitie next the fauour of GOD to any wise or iust King For though it was vainely saide by one of your House That yee had need to beware that by giuing mee too much your throats were not in danger of cutting at your comming home yet may ye assure your selues that I will euer bee lothe to presse you to doe that which may wrong the people and make you iustly to beare the blame thereof But that yee may the better bee acquainted with my inclination I will appeale to a number of my Priuie Councell here present if that before the calling of this Parliament and when I found that the necessitie of my estate required so great a supply they found me more desirous to obtaine that which I was forced to seeke then carefull that the people might yeeld me a supply in so great a measure as my necessities required without their too great losse And you all that are Parliament men and here present of both Houses can beare me witnesse if euer I burthened or imployed any of you for any particular Subsidies or summes by name further then my laying open the particular necessities of my state or yet if euer I spake to any Priuie Councellour or any of my learned Councell to labour voyces for me to this end I euer detested the hunting for Emendicata Suffragia A King that will rule and gouerne iustly must haue regard to Conscience Honour and Iudgement in all his great Actions as your selfe M. Speaker remembred the other day And therefore ye may assure your selues That I euer limitall my great Actions within that compasse But as vpon the one side I doe not desire you should yeeld to that extreame in giuing me more then as I said formerly vpon such necessary occasions are fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld For that were to giue me a purse with a knife So on the other side I hope you will not make vaine pretences of wants out of causelesse apprehensions or idle excuses neither cloake your owne humours when your selues are vnwilling by alledging the pouertie of the people For although I will be no lesse iust as a King to such persons then any other For my Iustice with Gods grace shal be alike open to all yet ye must thinke I haue no reason to thanke them or gratifie them with any suits or matters of grace when their errand shall come in my way And yet no man can say that euer I quarrelled any man for refusing mee a Subsidie if hee did it in a moderate fashion and with good reasons For him that denies a good Law I will not spare to quarrell But for graunting or denying money it is but an effect of loue And therefore for the point of my necessities I onely desire that I be not refused in that which of duety I ought to haue For I know if it were propounded in the generall amongst you whether the Kings wants ought to be relieued or not there is not one of you that would make question of it And though in a sort this may seeme to be my particular yet it can not bee diuided from the generall good of the Common wealth For the King that is Parens Patriae telles you of his wants Nay Patria ipsa by him speakes vnto you For if the King want the State wants and therefore the strengthening of the King is the preseruation and the standing of the State And woe be to him that diuides the weale of the King from the weale of the Kingdome And as that King is miserable how rich soeuer he bee that raines ouer a poore people for the hearts and riches of the people are the Kings greatest treasure So is that Kingdome not able to subsist how rich and potent soeuer the people be if their King wants meanes to mainaine his State for the meanes of your King are the sinewes of the kingdome both in warre and peace for in peace I must minister iustice vnto you and in warre I must defend you by Armes but neither of these can I do without sufficient means which must come from your Aide and Supply I confesse it is farre against my nature to be burthensome to my people for it cannot but grieue me to craue of others that was borne to be begged of It is trew I craue more then euer King of England did but I haue farre greater and iuster cause and reason to craue then euer King of England had And though
pitie them but if they bee good and quiet Subiects I hate not their persons and if I were a priuate man I could well keepe a ciuill friendship and conuersation with some of them But as for those Apostates who I know must be greatest haters of their owne Sect I confesse I can neuer shew any fauourable countenance toward them and they may all of them be sure without exception that they shall neuer finde any more fauour of mee further then I must needs in Iustice afford them And these would I haue the Law to strike seuereliest vpon and you carefullest to discouer Yee know there hath beene great stirre kept for begging Concealements these yeeres past and I pray you let mee begge this concealement both of the Bishops and Iudges That Papists be no longer concealed Next as concerning the Common wealth I doe specially recommend vnto you the framing of some new Statute for preseruation of woods In the end of the last Session of Parliament ye had a Bill amongst you of that subiect but because you found some faults therein you cast out the whole Bil But I could haue rather wished that yee had either mended it or made a new one For to cast out the whole Bill because of some faults was euen as if a man that had a new garment brought him would chuse rather to go naked then haue his garment made fit for him But on my coscience I cannot imagine why you should so lightly haue esteemed a thing so necessary for the Common wealth if it were not out of a litle frowardnesse amongst you at that time that what I then recommended earnestly vnto you it was the worse liked of The maintenance of woods is a thing so necessary for this Kingdome as it cannot stand nor be a Kingdome without it For it concernes you both in your Esse Bene esse and in pleasures Your Esse for without it you want the vse of one of the most necessarie Elements which is Fire and fewell to dresse your meate with for neither can the people liue in these colde Countries if they want fire altogether nor yet can you dresse your meate without it and I thinke you will ill liue like the Cannibals vpon raw flesh for the education of this people is farre from that As to your bene esse The decay of woods will necessarily bring the decay of Shipping which both is the security of this Kingdome since God hath by nature made the Sea to bee the wall of this Iland and the rather now since God hath vnited it all in my Person and Crowne As also by the decay of Shipping will you loose both all your forraine commodities that are fit for this countrey and the venting of our owne which is the losse of Trade that is a maine pillar of this kingdome And as for Pleasure yee know my delight in Hunting and Hawking and many of your selues are of the same minde and all this must needes decay by the decay of Woods Ye haue reason therefore to prouide a good Law vpon this Subiect Now as to the last point concerning matters of Pleasure it consists in the preseruing of Game which is now almost vtterly destroyed through all the Kingdome And if you offer not now a better Law for this then was made in the last Session of Parliament I will neuer thanke you for it For as for your Law anent Partridge and Phesant you haue giuen leaue to euery man how poore a Farmour that euer hee bee to take and destroy them in his owne ground how he list But I pray you how can the Game bee maintained if Gentlemen that haue great Lordships shall breed and preserue them there and so soone as euer they shall but flie ouer the hedge and light in a poore fellowes Close they shall all be destroyed Surely I know no remedie for preseruing the Game that breedes in my grounds except I cast a roofe ouer all the ground or else put veruels to the Partridges feet with my Armes vpon them as my Hawkes haue otherwise I know not how they shall bee knowen to be the Kings Partridges when they light in a Farmours Close And by your Lawe against stealing of Deere or Conies after a long discourse and prohibition of stealing them you conclude in the end with a restriction that all this punishment shall bee vnderstood to bee vsed against them that steale the Game in the night Which hath much encouraged all the looser sort of people that it is no fault to steale Deere so they doe it not like theeues in the night As was that Law of the Lacedemonians against theft that did not forbid theft but onely taught them to doe it cunningly and without discouerie Whereupon a foolish boy suffered a Foxe to gnaw his heart through his breast And this doctrine is like that Lesson of the Cannon Law Si non castè tamen cautè I knowe you thinke that I speake partially in this case like a Hunter But there is neuer a one of you that heares mee that cares the least for the sport for preseruation of the Game but he would be as glad to haue a pastie of Venison if you might get it as the best Hunter would And if the Game be not preserued you can eate no Venison As for Partridge and Phesant I doe not denie that Gentlemen should haue their sport and specially vpon their owne ground But first I doe not thinke such Game and pleasures should be free to base people And next I would euen wish that Gentlemen should vse it in a Gentlemanlike fashion and not with Nets or Gunnes or such other vngentlemanlike fashions that serue but for vtter destruction of all Game nor yet to kill them at vnseasonable times as to kill the Phesant and Partridges when they are no bigger then Mice when as for euery one their Hawkes kill ten will be destroyed with their Dogs and Horse feet besides the great and intolerable harme they doe to Corne in that season And now in the end of all this faschious Speach I must conclude like a Grey Frier in speaking for my selfe at last At the beginning of this Session of Parliament when the Treasourer opened my necessities vnto you then my Purse onely laboured But now that word is spread both at home and abroad of the demaunds I haue made vnto you my Reputation laboureth aswellas my Purse For if you part without the repairing of my State in some reasonable sort what can the world thinke but that the euill will my Subiects beare vnto mee hath bred a refuse And yee can neuer part so without apprehending that I am distasted with your behauiour and yet to be in feare of my displeasure But I assure and promise my selfe farre otherwise THus haue I now performed my promise in presenting vnto you the Christall of your Kings heart Yee know that principally by three wayes yee may wrong a Mirrour Frst I pray you looke not vpon my Mirrour
with a false light which yee doe if ye mistake or mis-vnderstand my Speach and so alter the sence thereof But secondly I pray you beware to soile it with a foule breath and vncleane hands I meane that yee peruert not my words by any corrupt affections turning them to an ill meaning like one who when hee heares the tolling of a Bell fancies to himselfe that it speakes those words which are most in his minde And lastly which is worst of all beware to let it fall or breake for glasse is brittle which ye doe if ye lightly esteeme it and by contemning it conforme not your selues to my perswasions To conclude then As all these three dayes of Iubile haue fallen in the midst of this season of penitence wherein you haue presented your thanks to me and I the like againe to you So doe I wish and hope that the end of this Parliament will bee such as wee may all haue cause both I your Head and yee the Body to ioyne in Eucharisticke Thanks and Praises vnto God for our so good and happie an end A SPEACH IN THE STARRE-CHAMBER THE XX. OF JVNE ANNO 1616. GIVE THY IVDGEMENTS TO THE KING O GOD AND THY RIGHTEOVSNES TO THE KINGS SONNE These be the first words of one of the Psalmes of the Kingly Prophet Dauid whereof the literall sense runnes vpon him and his sonne Salomon and the mysticall sense vpon GOD and CHRIST his eternall Sonne but they are both so wouen together as some parts are and can onely bee properly applied vnto GOD and CHRIST and other parts vnto Dauid and Salomon as this Verse Giue thy Iudgements to the King O God and thy Righteousnesse to the Kings Sonne cannot be properly spoken of any but of Dauid and his sonne because it is said Giue thy Iudgements c. Now God cannot giue to himselfe In another part of the same Psalme where it is said that Righteousnes shall flourish and abundance of Peace as long as the Moone endureth it signifieth eternitie and cannot be properly applied but to GOD and CHRIST But both senses aswell literall as mysticall serue to Kings for imitation and especially to Christian Kings for Kings sit in the Throne of GOD and they themselues are called Gods And therefore all good Kings in their gouernment must imitate GOD and his Christ in being iust and righteous Dauid and Salomon in being godly and wise To be wise is vnderstood able to discerne able to iudge others To be godly is that the fountaine be pure whence the streames proceed for what auailes it though all his workes be godly if they proceed not from godlinesse To bee righteous is to a mans selfe To bee iust is towards others But Iustice in a King auailes not vnlesse it be with a cleane heart for except he bee Righteous aswell as Iust he is no good King and whatsoeuer iustice he doeth except he doeth it for Iustice sake and out of the purenesse of his owne heart neither from priuate ends vaine-glory or any other by-respects of his owne all such Iustice is vnrighteousnesse and no trew Iustice From this imitation of GOD and CHRIST in whose Throne wee sit the gouernment of all Common-wealths and especially Monarchies hath bene from the beginning setled and established Kings are properly Iudges and Iudgement properly belongs to them from GOD for Kings sit in the Throne of GOD and thence all Iudgement is deriued In all well setled Monarchies where Law is established formerly and orderly there Iudgement is deferred from the King to his subordinate Magistrates not that the King takes it from himselfe but giues it vnto them So it comes not to them Priuatiuè but cumulatiuè as the Shoolemen speake The ground is ancient euer sithence that Counsell which Iethro gaue to Moses for after that Moses had gouerned a long time in his owne person the burthen grew so great hauing none to helpe him as his father in law comming to visite him found him so cumbred with ministring of Iustice that neither the people were satisfied nor he well able to performe it Therefore by his aduice Iudges were deputed for easier questions and the greater and more profound were left to Moses And according to this establishment all Kings that haue had a formall gouernement especially Christian Kings in all aages haue gouerned their people though after a diuers maner This Deputation is after one manner in France after another here and euen my owne Kingdomes differ in this point of gouernment for Scotland differs both from France and England herein but all agree in this I speake of such Kingdomes or States where the formalitie of Law hath place that the King that sits in Gods Throne onely deputes subalterne Iudges and he deputes not one but a number for no one subalterne Iudges mouth makes Law and their office is to interprete Law and administer Iustice But as to the number of them the forme of gouernement the maner of interpretation the distinction of Benches the diuersitie of Courts these varie according to the varietie of gouernment and institution of diuers Kings So this ground I lay that the seate of Iudgement is properly Gods and Kings are Gods Vicegerents and by Kings Iudges are deputed vnder them to beare the burden of gouernement according to the first example of Moses by the aduice of Iethro and sithence practised by Dauid and Salomon the wisest Kings that euer were which is in this Psalme so interlaced that as the first verse cannot be applied properly but to Dauid and Salomon in the words Giue thy Iudgements to the King c. So the other place in the same Psalme Righteousnesse shall flourish and abundance of peace shall remaine as long as the Moone endureth properly signifieth the eternitie of CHRIST This I speake to shew what a neere coniunction there is betweene God and the King vpward and the King and his Iudges downewards for the same coniunction that is betweene God and the King vpward the same coniunction is betweene the King and his Iudges downewards As Kings borrow their power from God so Iudges from Kings And as Kings are to accompt to God so Iudges vnto God and Kings and both Kings and Iudges by imitation haue two qualities from God and his Christ and two qualities from Dauid and his Salomon Iudgement and Righteousnesse from God and Christ Godlinesse and Wisedome from Dauid and Salomon And as no King can discharge his accompt to God vnlesse he make conscience not to alter but to declare and establish the will of God So Iudges cannot discharge their accompts to Kings vnlesse they take the like care not to take vpon them to make Law but ioyned together after a deliberate consultation to declare what the Law is For as Kings are subiect vnto Gods Law so they to mans Law It is the Kings Office to protect and settle the trew interpretation of the Law of God within his Dominions And it is the Iudges Office to interprete the
Law of the King whereto themselues are also subiect Hauing now perfourmed this ancient Prouerbe A Ioue principium which though it was spoken by a Pagan yet it is good and holy I am now to come to my particular Errand for which I am heere this day wherein I must handle two parts First the reason why I haue not these fourteene yeeres sithence my Coronation vntill now satisfied a great many of my louing subiects who I know haue had a great expectation and as it were a longing like them that are with child to heare mee speake in this place where my Predecessors haue often sitten and especially King Henry the seuenth from whom as diuers wayes before I am lineally descended and that doubly to this Crowne and as I am neerest descended of him so doe I desire to follow him in his best actions The next part is the reason Why I am now come The cause that made mee abstaine was this When I came into England although I was an old King past middle aage and practised in gouernment euer sithence I was twelue yeeres olde yet being heere a stranger in gouernement though not in blood because my breeding was in another Kingdome I resolued therefore with Pythagoras to keepe silence seuen yeeres and learne my selfe the Lawes of this Kingdome before I would take vpon mee to teach them vnto others When this Apprentiship was ended then another impediment came which was in the choice of that cause that should first bring me hither I expected some great cause to make my first entry vpon For I thought that hauing abstained so long it should be a worthy matter that should bring mee hither Now euery cause must be great or small In small causes I thought it disgracefull to come hauing beene so long absent In great causes they must be either betwixt the King and some of his Subiects or betwixt Subiect and Subiect In a cause where my selfe was concerned I was loath to come because men should not thinke I did come for my owne priuate either Prerogatiue or profit or for any other by-respect And in that case I will alwayes abide the triall of men and Angels neuer to haue had any particular end in that which is the Maine of all things Iustice In a great cause also betweene partie and partie great in respect either of the question or value of the thing my comming might seeme as it were obliquely to be in fauour of one partie and for that cause this Counsellour or that Courtier might be thought to mooue me to come hither And a meane cause was not worthy of mee especially for my first entrance So lacke of choice in both respects kept mee off till now And now hauing passed a double apprentiship of twice seuen yeeres I am come hither to speake vnto you And next as to the reasons of my comming at this time they are these I haue obserued in the time of my whole Reigne here and my double Apprentiship diuers things fallen out in the Iudicatures here at Westminster Hall that I thought required and vrged a reformation at my hands whereupon I resolued with my selfe that I could not more fitly begin a reformation then here to make an open declaration of my meaning I remember Christs saying My sheepe heare my voyce and so I assure my selfe my people will most willingly heare the voyce of me their owne Shepheard and King whereupon I tooke this occasion in mine owne person here in this Seate of Iudgement not iudicially but declaratorily and openly to giue those directions which at other times by piece-meale I haue deliuered to some of you in diuers lesse publike places but now will put it vp in all your audience where I hope it shall bee trewly caried and cannot be mistaken as it might haue bene when it was spoken more priuately I will for order sake take mee to the methode of the number of Three the number of perfection and vpon that number distribute all I haue to declare to you FIrst I am to giue a charge to my selfe for a King or Iudge vnder a King that first giues not a good charge to himselfe will neuer be able to giue a good charge to his inferiours for as I haue said Good riuers cannot flow but from good springs if the fountaine be impure so must the riuers be Secondly to the Iudges And thirdly to the Auditory and the rest of the inferiour ministers of Iustice First I protest to you all in all your audience heere sitting in the seate of Iustice belonging vnto GOD and now by right fallen vnto mee that I haue resolued as Confirmation in Maioritie followeth Baptisme in minoritie so now after many yeeres to renew my promise and Oath made at my Coronation concerning Iustice and the promise therein for maintenance of the Law of the Land And I protest in GODS presence my care hath euer beene to keepe my conscience cleare in all the points of my Oath taken at my Coronation so farre as humane frailtie may permit mee or my knowledge enforme mee I speake in point of Iustice and Law For Religion I hope I am reasonably well knowen already I meane therefore of Lawe and Iustice and for Law I meane the Common Law of the Land according to which the King gouernes and by which the people are gouerned For the Common Law you can all beare mee witnesse I neuer pressed alteration of it in Parliament but on the contrary when I endeauoured most an Vnion reall as was already in my person my desire was to conforme the Lawes of Scotland to the Law of England and not the Law of England to the Law of Scotland and so the prophecie to be trew of my wise Grandfather Henry the seuenth who foretold that the lesser Kingdome by marriage would follow the greater and not the greater the lesser And therefore married his eldest daughter Margaret to Iames the fourth my great Grandfather It was a foolish Querke of some Iudges who held that the Parliament of England could not vnite Scotland and England by the name of Great Britaine but that it would make an alteration of the Lawes though I am since come to that knowledge that an Acte of Parliament can doe greater wonders And that old wise man the Treasourer Burghley was wont to say Hee knew not what an Acte of Parliament could not doe in England For my intention was alwayes to effect vnion by vniting Scotland to England and not England to Scotland For I euer meant being euer resolued that this Law should continue in this Kingdome and two things mooued mee thereunto One is that in matter of Policie and State you shall neuer see any thing anciently and maturely established but by Innouation or alteration it is worse then it was I meane not by purging of it from corruptions and restoring it to the ancient integritie Another reason was I was sworne to maintaine the Law of the Land and therefore I had beene periured if I
crept into the Law and I haue it ready to bee considered of Looke to Plowdens Cases and your old Responsa prudentum if you finde it not there then ab initio non fuit sic I must say with CHRIST Away with the new polygamie and maintaine the ancient Law pure and vndefiled as it was before TO the Auditory I haue but little to say yet that little will not bee ill bestowed to be said at this time Since I haue now renewed and confirmed my resolution to maintaine my Oath the Law and Iustice of the Land So doe I expect that you my Subiects doe submit your selues as you ought to the obseruance of that Law And as I haue diuided the two former parts of my Charge So will I diuide this your submission into three parts for orderly diuisions and methode cause things better to be remembred First in generall that you giue due reuerence to the Law and this generall diuides it selfe into three First not to sue but vpon iust cause Secondly beeing sued and Iudgement passed against you Acquiesce in the Iudgement and doe not tumultuate against it and take example from mee whom you haue heard here protest that when euer any Decree shall be giuen against me in my priuate right betweene me and a Subiect I will as humbly acquiesce as the meanest man in the Land Imitate me in this for in euery Plea there are two parties and Iudgement can be but for one and against the other so one must alwayes be displeased Thirdly doe not complaine and importune mee against Iudgements for I hold this Paradoxe to bee a good rule in Gouernment that it is better for a King to maintaine an vniust Decree then to question euery Decree and Iudgement after the giuing of a sentence for then Suites shall neuer haue end Therefore as you come gaping to the Law for Iustice so bee satisfied and contented when Iudgement is past against you and trouble not mee but if you finde briberie or corruption then come boldly but when I say boldly beware of comming to complaine except you bee very sure to prooue the iustice of your cause Otherwise looke for Lex Talionis to bee executed vpon you for your accusing of an vpright Iudge deserues double punishment in that you seeke to lay infamie vpon a worthy person of that reuerent calling And be not tild on with your own Lawyers tales that say the cause is iust for their owne gaine but beleeue the Iudges that haue no hire but of me Secondly in your Pleas presume not to meddle with things against the Kings Prerogatiue or Honour Some Gentlemen of late haue beene too bold this wayes If you vse it the Iudges will punish you and if they suffer it I must punish both them and you Plead not vpon new Puritanicall straines that make all things popular but keepe you within the ancient Limits of Pleas. Thirdly make not many changes from Court to Court for hee that changeth Courts shewes to mistrust the iustnesse of the cause Goe to the right place and the Court that is proper for your cause change not thence and submit your selues to the Iudgement giuen there Thus hauing finished the Charge to my selfe the Iudges and the Auditorie I am to craue your pardon if I haue forgotten any thing or beene inforced to breake my Methode for you must remember I come not hither with a written Sermon I haue no Bookes to reade it out of and a long speach manifold businesse and a little leasure may well pleade pardon for any fault of memorie and trewly I know not if I haue forgotten any thing or not And now haue I deliuered First my excuse why I came not till now Next the reasons why I came now Thirdly my charge and that to my selfe to you my Lords the Iudges and to the Auditory I haue also an ordinary charge that I vse to deliuer to the Iudges before my Councell when they goe their Circuits and seeing I am come to this place you shall haue that also and so I will make the old saying trew Combe seldome combesore I meane by my long deteining you at this time which will bee so much the more profitable in this Auditorie because a number of the Auditorie will be informed here who may relate it to their fellow Iustices in the countrey My Lords the Iudges you know very well that as you are Iudges with mee when you sit here so are you Iudges vnder mee and my Substitutes in the Circuits where you are Iudges Itinerant to doe Iustice to my people It is an ancient and laudable custome in this Kingdome that the Iudges goe thorow the Kingdome in Circuits easing the people thereby of great charges who must otherwise come from all the remote parts of the Kingdome to Westminster Hall for the finding out and punishing of offences past and preuenting the occasion or offences that may arise I can giue you no other charge in effect but onely to remember you againe of the same in substance which I deliuered to you this time Twelue-moneth First Remember that when you goe your Circuits you goe not onely to punish-and preuent offences but you are to take care for the good gouernment in generall of the parts where you trauell as well as to doe Iustice in particular betwixt party and party in causes criminall and ciuill You haue charges to giue to Iustices of peace that they doe their dueties when you are absent aswell as present Take an accompt of them and report their seruice to me at your returne As none of you will hold it sufficient to giue a charge except in taking the accompt you finde the fruit of it So I say to you it will not bee sufficient for you to heare my charge if at your returne you bring not an accompt to the haruest of my sowing which cannot be done in generall but in making to me a particular report what you haue done For a King hath two Offices First to direct things to be done Secondly to take an accompt how they are fulfilled for what is it the better for me to direct as an Angel if I take not accompt of your doings I know not whether misunderstanding or slacknesse bred this that I had no accompt but in generall of that I gaue you in particular in charge the last yeere Therefore I now charge you againe that at your next returne you repaire to my Chancellour and bring your accompts to him in writing of those things which in particular I haue giuen you in charge And then when I haue seene your accompts as occasion shall serue it may bee I will call for some of you to be informed of the state of that part of the countrey where your Circuit lay Of these two parts of your seruice I know the ordinary Legall part of Nisi prius is the more profitable to you But the other part of Iustice is more necessary for my seruice Therefore as CHRIST said to the