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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A67820	Compendium politicum, or, The distempers of government under these two heads, the nobilities desire of rule, the commons desire of liberty : with their proper remedies, in a brief essay on the long reign of King Henry III / by J.Y. of Grayes-Inne, Esq.	Yalden, John.; Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631. Short view of the long life and raigne of Henry the Third.	1680 (1680)	Wing Y6; ESTC R12598	26,450	104

amongst us that these Kingdoms are not already the Subjects of irritated Justice when I hear the open murmurs and see the many Treasonable Libels in these licentious times The Prince abused and the People deceived by Instruments of Darkness and wicked practices by such men or rather Monsters who when they most violently cry up the Kingdomes good under the necessity of reforming the manners of Magistracy they onely aim at the destruction of Peace and Innocence which is the hated Object of such devouring Vultures Hence I foresee the Imminent Dangers and miserable Calamities that every moment seems to threaten inevitable miseries on these divided Kingdoms One may perceive the dreadful storm hanging as it were immediately over our Heads We are confounded on all Hands and the Disease seems almost Remediless Rome's horrid Plots are not yet fully detected and God knows how much of the Good old Cause remains yet to this day in the Hearts of partial and ill affected Puritans These two are the Sylla and Charibdis of our misfortunes and seem to make but one Body because they aim at one end the destruction of our Lives Religion and Government Let the King and People therefore of the established Church of England take as much care against the hatred of a Puritan as against the malice of a Jesuite the Contrivances of the latter being commonly prevented having never acted so vile a Tragedy as the Principles and Practices of the former The Pope in all his Bulls and Interdicts cannot fulminate more Maledictions than have been reduced into Practice amongst our Jesuited Fanaticks Let us then beware of these two Be obedient to our King and his Majesty careful both of himself and us let the Laws be duely practised and observed and then the King our Lives Religion and Government will be safely preserved Farewell ERRATA PAge 3. line 23. read such tortious p. 4. l. 17. r. would not p. 12. l. 14. r. any matter p. 16. l. 23. r. as the l. 25. dele B. p. 18. l. 13. r. and popularity p. 32. l. 7. r. the King's necessities p. 45. l. 16. r. former restrictions p. 47. l. 14. r. view of p. 51. l. 2. r. inraged p. 51. l. 12. r. So the. p. 60. l. ult r. and precipitation p. 61. l. 17. r. almost l. 21. r. bestowing COMPENDIUM POLITICUM OR The Distempers of Government With their proper Remedies in a short Essay on the long Reign of King HENRY III. SCarce was that unfortunate Prince King John entombed within the bowels of the Earth but the People wearied with the heavy burthens of his time but more especially with the lingring Calamities of Civil Arms and the affrighted fall of that Prince their licentious and unhappy Sovereign but all men stood at gaze expecting the event of their long desires Peace and the issue of their new hopes their own particular benefits for in all changes of Government and in every shift of Princes there are few either so mean or modest that please not themselves with some probable object of preferment But for the general satisfaction and composure of the minds of all a Child whose auspitious looks seemed to portend the common good ascends the Throne milde and gratious but easy of nature whole innocency and natural goodness the paths of the Almighty's providence led him safe along the various dangers of his Father's Reign Happy was he in his Uncle William Marshall Earl of Pembroke the guide and moderator of his Infancy and his most faithful Counsellor for no less than thirty years after whilst De Burgo that fast Servant of his Father 's against the French both in Normandy and England with Bigot Earl of Norfolk and others of great gravity and experience did govern and by their Counsels conduct the whole affairs of the Kingdom Few and none others were the Distempers of State but such as are incident and concurrent in all viz. The Nobility's desire of Rule and the Commons of Liberty Fulco de Brent De Fortibus and some others men that could onely thrive by Wars the Ballance of whose Lives was their keenest Swords ready at all adventures to abscind the right and peace of others These and such men misliked those days of Sloth for so they termed the calmness and tranquillity of King Henry's Government and the rather for that the Justice of quiet times urged from them to the lawful Owners tortious Possessions and unlawfull seisins as the sury of War had unjustly given them and finding that the King would make his Prerogatives as sacred in their use as they are in their Stile and that his Majesty would not suffer his Power of Protection to be made a Stalking-horse to the Rapines and Injustices of wicked men making good that Maxim Rex hoc solum non potest facere quòd non potest injustè agere They fell out into the Rebellion that with it ended their Lives and Competitions professing that the Swords which had set the Crown upon the Sovereign when neither Majesty nor Law could should secure those small pittances to their Masters when Majesty and Law could not Dangerous are too great benefits of Subjects to their Princes when it maketh the mind capable of Merit nothing of Duty Ambitious men are dangerous in Councils and disturb the quiet of the Commonweal more than the passionate Winds can toss or prejudice a ship in the Ocean No other turbulences did the State after feel but such as are incident in all the Malice of Authority Good and great men may secure themselves from Guilt but not Envy for greatest in trust for publick affairs are still shot at by the aspiring of those who deem themselves less in employment than merit These vapours did ever and easily vanish so long as the Helm was guided by temperate Spirits and the King tied his actions to the rule of good Counsell and not to young passionate or single advice Thirty years now passed and all the Guides of his youth dead but De Burgo a man in whom nothing of worth was wanting but moderation when length of days giving him advantage of sole Power his ambition and age gave him desires and art to seclude others which wrought him into the fatal envy of most and that was increased in the title of Earl and an Office the King gave him Time by this had wrought as in it self so in the affections of the people a Revolution The Affliction of their Fathers forgotten and the Surfeit of long Peace perchance having led in some abuses Hence the Commons to whom days present seem ever worst commend the foregone Ages they never remembred and condemn the present though they neither knew the Disease thereof nor the Remedy To these idle and pernicious humours of the unwary and unsteady Rabble some young and noble Spirits often adhere who always covet Action and rarely consider the Consequence who being as ignorant as the rest first by fullying the Wisdom and Conduct of the present

expect so much and to fit the means to compass their ends there are cast abroad certain seditious rumours that the Kings necessity must supply it self upon the estates and liberties of the people That his Majesty having nothing of his own left he might and meant to take from others what his own occasions did require for Kings must not want as long as their Subjects have means to supply This never-failing Touchwood took fire just to their Minds and wrought a little moving in the State which doubtless had gone further if the King had not timely prevented by his Proclamations Quod quidam malevoli sinistra praedicantes illis falso suggesserant illum velle eos de debito gravari ac jura libertates regni subvertere ut per suggestiones dolosas omnino falsas eorum corda à sua dilectione fidelitate averterent But desireth them hujusmodi animorum suorum perturbatoribus ne fidem adhiberent for that he was ready to defend them from the oppression of the great Lords Et omnia jura libertates eorum debitas bonas consuetas in omnibus per omnia plenius observare But the King seeing that he could neither right himself nor his Subjects without means and power and himself had of neither so much as would stop the present breach in his own wants or his Subjects loyalty he flieth to the Bosom of his people for relief and counsel At Oxford they met in Parliament where his necessities met with so many undutiful demands that he was forced to give up to their rebellious will his Regal power and lay down his Prerogative to their unjust desires Here the Commons knowing that Cum eligere inceperunt they were loco libertatis required of the King to have the management of the Affairs of the publick put into the hands and under the care of Twenty four whereof Twelve by their Election to which they look strictly and the other twelve to be nominated by the King who in all things else stood but as a Cypher and in this whether by fear or remisness filled out his number with Mountfort Gloucester and Spencer which besides the weakning of his own part won to these late Opposites an opinion of great interest they had in his Favour He hath now left neither election of publick Office or private Attendant He is now constrained to despoil his Brethren and their Friends and followers of all their Estates and Fortunes and by a Writing under his own hand to banish them his Dominions commanding the Ports Pro tranfretatione fratrum suorum to be guided and directed by the Earls of Hereford and Surry and not to suffer them to export with themselves either Money Arms or Ornament Nisi in forma quam dicti Comites injunxerunt And after their departure enjoyned the men of Bristol that they should not permit any Strangers sive propinquos ipsius regis applicare in porta but so to behave themselves herein that as well the King quam magnates sui merito debeant commendare Thus we see how difficult a thing it is to apply ill Acquisitions to a good use and how hard it is to fix the wavering dispositions of chance on a firm basis Richard Elect of the Empire the Kings full Brother and then beyond the Seas must be wrought by his own Letter and at his free desire to confirm by Oath these former 11 restrictions of Regal power which when he had performed yet would the Lords suffer neither the one nor the other to enter Dover Castle the Key of the Kingdom which they had furnished as likewise most of the other Forts of strength in the Realm with Guardians of their own sworn respectively to the Common State and them taking the like assurance for the good behaviour of many towards their Cause by strict Commission upon Oath to gain opinion in shew among the Vulgar who groaned under their late Extortions whereas their design was truly as it after appeared by displacing the most faithful Servants of the King to make the way easie for their own Dependants This change of sole Power from the nature and right of the ancient Government into the hands of a seeming Democrasie set up by popular Election made the Kingdom believe or rather imagine that by this form of limited Policy they had utterly suppressed the hopes or expectation of any one man for ever aspiring to or dreaming more upon the imaginary humours of licentious Soveraignty But it fell out nothing so for every man began to estimate his own worth now and to humour his brain on every design which might encrease his power and command The great men as being first in strength begin now to rend their Masters Coat and most arbitrarily to oppress their Neighbours by seising the King and his Subjects Seigniories upon none other pretence then because they lay convenient for and bordered on their Seats And enforce the Tenants as the Record saith Ad sectas indebitas servitutes intolerabiles subditos regis compulerunt Thus they unjustly acquired great Mannors to support their greater intended Honours and by misguiding the Royal Justice make themselves of so many Subjects whilst they lived within the bounds of their Allegiance so many Tyrants as the Book of S. Albans saith when they had renounced their Loyalty Magnas induxerunt magnates regni super subditos Regis servitutes oppressiones which they bear with the greatest patience for excess of misery finding no ease but on the shoulders of Custom made men satisfied with their hardest servitude by the length of Sufferance which found neither ease nor end until the calm of this Kings Reign For in all changes it is the peoples miseries that first happen and are last redressed and yet the peoples destruction is the surest perspective through which the Prince may have the nearest viewing of his own approaching ruine the calamities of both being so individually concomitant that they ever observe this order in their progress viz. That the Soveraign brings up the Rear of his Subjects missortunes and leads the Van of his own and their prosperities Mountfort Gloucester and Spencer the Heads of this rebellious design having by the late provisions drawn to the hands of their Twenty four Tribunes the sole management of the Royal Authority yet finding this power too much dispersed to accomplish the end of their purposes force again the King at London to call a Parliament where they purchase and procure the power of the Twenty four to be delivered unto themselves and create a Triumvirate Non constituendae reipub causa as they pretended but that they might the better facilitate the means to effect their own private ends One of them is made which proved fatal to him Dictator perpetuus Ambition is never so high but she thinks ever to mount that Station which seemed lately the top is but a step to her now and what

and his own Credit and not to advantage himself by the oppression of others Sudorem ferro abstergere tetrum facinus saith Pythagoras To curvet and dance on the top of a Pinacle is the readiest way to tumble and it is as dangerous for a man to walk on the Summit of Honour which is so glaciated and slippery by the over-tumid passions and temptations the constant companions of a Supreme Fortune without the indispensable support of moderation Let the Favourite always tast the Kings bounty but not devour it let him enjoy his Masters Ear but not engross it let him participate his Love but not enchant it If he must be a Moat in the Eye of the Commonwealth let him not be a Monster And Lastly if he must hold the Reigns of the Government let him not ride it with the Spurs of Ambition 'T is that alone makes a subject sally beyond the bounds of his Duty and at one instant to become both a Casar and Pompey to endure neither Equal nor Superiour the dismal consequences of which is too frequently an irretrievable misery both to his Prince and Countrey Let the Kings Actions be as pure and immaculate as Truth and Innocence yet if his affection either blind or transport him to become the Asylum of his Servants insolences and evil actions then Majesty it self becomes guilty and must expect to share both in the grievance and hatred of the poor distressed Subject The general Cry seeing the Stream polluted ascribe it to the Fountain head where is the Spring and Power that may reform and cleanse it He that will read the History of our own or those of Foreign Nations shall find that by this one particular error of protection a number of memorable Examples which have produced Deposition of Kings Ruine of Kingdoms the effusion of Christan Blood and the general distractions of that part of the World all grounded on this occasion Princes should put limits to their own affections and the Power Majestick is or ought to be bounded and the obedience due to the King should reciprocally correspond with the equal Right and Justice due to the subject by which they claim a property in his actions If either of these prove defective by wilful Errour the State is in imminent danger of a following mischief The Ballance therefore must be kept even betwixt the Princes Power and the Peoples Liberty which is the firm Basis of a quiet Government Let the People abstain from Faction and Discontent the Dams that at length bring forth Consusion and Rebellion and no doubt the Prince will from Tyranny and Oppression It is the Interest as well as Duty of every Subject to pay an entire obedience to the Government under which he lives and that without murmur or grumbling for his obedience is a Condition annexed to that Security which he hath of his Life and Liberty for no Prince is obliged to protect his Subjects any longer than they continue in their Obedience to him since Rebellion and faction cannot be nourished but as a Viper in the Bosom of Government And a prospect of danger does often necessitate a Prince to become a Tyrant in his own defence and it was a wise saying of Ptolomy King of Egypt That good Subjects might easily of a bad make a good Prince but he could never of bad Subjects make good The King in his Throne is like the Sun in the Firmament whose influence animates all sublunary beings So the Authority of a Prince gives life and vigor to every particular Member of the Body politick and he is not onely Caput but also Anima Reipublicae and no member ought to move from his proper station or against that Soul which is the life of its being or presume to accede too near this resplendent Head by intermedling with the scorching influences of the State Arcana but leave them to their own orderly course and natural guidance least the brightness thereof should dazle the Adventurers into Blindness and Faction and the heat thereof scorch them into Rebellion and Destruction But suppose a Magistrate really Tyrannical it is no contemptible question Whether the evils of the Redress may not be equivolent to the mischiefs I remember Livy's Nec morbum ferre possumus nec remedium And Tacitus Ferenda Regum ingenia neque usui esse crebras mutationes vitia erunt donec homines sed neque haec continua meliorum interventu pensantur and Seneca Infaeliciter aegrotat cui plus periculi à Medico quam Morbo Poise the Miseries of a Civil War with the Grievances of an unjust Magistrate and the Ballance seems to me so unequal that if my Christianity fail the apprehension of the inevitable miseries by the Sword is sufficient to deterr from such a practice for though the fury of incensed Tyranny may fall heavy upon many particulars yet the bloody consequences of an intestine Sword are more epidemical and lasting And Tacitus commends to Subjects rather Scutum than Gladium the Shield of Patience and Toleration to be more excellent than the Sword But if there be such distempers in a State as shall necessarily require amendment let it be left to the course of Providence and not against the disposition of Heaven be attempted by the Sword of Violence for I never read that Illegal or Tumultuous or Rebellious were fit Epithets for Reformation And 't is fit Christians should forbear the use of such surly Physick till they have levied a Fine in the Court of Heaven and cut off the entail of the seventh Beatitude It is manifest that we are fallen into the dregs of time we live in the rust of the Iron age and must accordingly expect to feel Ultima senescentis mundi deliria the dotages of a decrepit World and the many miseries that attend an hardned and dissenting people wherefore I will conclude with the saying of the Philosopher Novi ego hoc Saeculum quibus moribus sit Malus bonum malum esse vult ut sit sui similis turbant miscent mores mali Rapax Avarus Invidus sacrum profanum publicum privatum habebit Hiulca gens c. FINIS Mat. Paris Hist minor Co. 11. Rep. Magdalen Colledge Case Histor S. Alb. Earl of Kent Mat. Paris Hist minor Mat. Paris Hist minor Tacit. l. 4. Marq. Virgil Malvezzi Chron. de Litchfield Monac de Bur. Regist de Ma. Paris Lib. de Bermonsey Ma. Par. Rog. Wend. Chron. Jo. de Salgr H. Kinston W. Bishang Grot. de jure B. P. l. 1. c. 4. Sect. 6. Rot. clang 42 H. 3. Will. Rishanger Mat. Paris Will. Rishanger Isidor sent li. 3. ca. 15. Chron de Worcester M. Paris R. Wendov Jo. Wallingford M. Paris Ma. Paris Chron. de S. Albani Sueton. Will. Rishanger Chron de Litchfield Mat. Paris Hist minor W. Rishang * Ad Reges potestas omnium pertinet ad singulos proprietas Mat. Paris Regist R. de Waling Hist minor S. Albani 46 H. 3. 49 H. 3. Hist minor Claus An. 49 H. 3. Ma. Paris Chron de Worcest Claus An. 49. H. 3. Chron. St. Albani Claus An. 49 H. 3. Wil. Rishanger Rot. Scotii Rot. Scotii Jo. de Wallingford Cart. Orig. sub Sigilio Chro. Lei●●● field Will. Rishander Chron. de Brit. Chro. Dunstable Will. Rishanger W. Rishang Rot. Pat. 53 Hen. 3. Jo. de T●●etor Monac de Bury Claus 53 H. 3. Chron. de Dunstable Anno 53. Hen. 3. Chron. de Trailbaston

COMPENDIUM POLITICUM OR THE Distempers of Government Under these two Heads The Nobilities Desire of RULE The Commons Desire of LIBERTY With their proper Remedies in a brief Essay on the long Reign of King HENRY III. By J. Y. of Grayes-Inne Esq 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arist Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 1. Ars omnis itemque actio propositum aliquod bonum experete videtur LONDON Printed for Robert Clavel at the Sign of the Peacock in St. Paul's Church-yard 1680. To his most Honoured Uncle but more worthy Friend Mr. THOMAS STOCK of Upham in the County of Southampton Gent. WHither should we fly for succour against approaching dangers but to such whose goodness and ability hath both sheltered and protected us heretofore 'T is hard for a Cock-boat to venture to confront a Storm when the ablest Ship must be in a great deal of danger These Tempestuous times seem to threaten Shipwrack to the Common-wealth her self and what must a single member thereof expect when he steers himself betwixt the violence of Opposite Interests and Factions Liberty Liberty was too lately the Cry when in the consequence the whole Kingdom laboured under the greatest Tyranny and Slavery and those that affect the People with that surprise them to their own purposes in the unjust and covert propagation of their own affected Superiority Thus you see the Rocks on both sides and from your exemplary moderation I have studied and learned an impartial guidance in these distractions of time Happy is he who can discriminate his Judgement and in these times anchor his Affections in the blessed Haven of Peace and infallible impartiallity We ought to be as sollicitous about the lawfulness of the means as about the goodness of the end It is a rule in Ethics that Bonum oritur ex integris and in Christ's Schole that We must not do evil that good may come of it and we may possibly prevent future cousenage if we examine the Lawfulness of every circumstance leading to the end propounded before we are tickled and transported with the beauty of the pretence This Armour I have always thought and learned from your excellent Example and from the Principles laid down by the best Authors to be Faction proof This Compendium as your Relation claimes your Care and under that pretence the Author is emboldned to thrust it into your Closset It claimes your perusal because it is Political and strikes at the Root of such Errors as are too frequently visible both in the Prince and People Under the Government of the first you are concerned in respect to the King's Care as your Sovereign and under the Obedience of the latter with relation to your Duty and Allegiance as his Subject It had been needless to have writ any Epistle at all had I had no designe more necessary than that of commenting on my Labour the full Bulk whereof extending it self not beyond the bigness of a moderate Dedication But the most enforcing enducement was that of taking hold on this occasion publickly to exert my gratitude And that the World may know how much I am obliged always to render my self Your most faithful Friend and affectionate Nephew JOHN YALDEN. Grayes-Inne Feb. 8. 1679. TO THE READER READER I Must first be so just to my self as to avoid Pliny's malediction a-against those Thieves who will steal even an whole Author and not so much as add to the sense one Paragraph or alter one Syllable in the Phrase Reprehensione dignum est Majorum tacere nomina eorum sibi appropriare ingenia Whereas saith the same Author Benignum etenim est plenum ingenui pudoris fateri per quos profeceris Nevertheless I can only tell thee this that I have changed both the Phrase to a finer Allay of my Author I have added many whole Paragraphs and pages to pursue his excellent designe which he had only framed not compleated and which came to my hands in the form of an old musty Manuscript which was not capable to tell its Author's name and very difficult to express its designe being in many places prejudiced by time that Edax rerum to a great imperfection I thought it therefore best not to thrust it into the World crippled and injured as it was nor to amend its old expressions with a new sort of Dialect on purpose to avoid piecing and patching And if yet any thing of Lameness shall remain be thou not a Noverca but rather a Nutrix extenuate thy Candor and suppress thy prejudice and if thou pleasest to take the pains thou hast as much right to put it into a better dress which I commend to thy sufficient ability Yet nevertheless it is expected from some that this will be upbraided with Bastardy and be despised and hated as Filius Populi by that abounding and multitudinous sort of People who are called Partialists who always wedded to their own particular Lusts and private Interests that are factious even to Rebellion and Tyranny that will neither give God nor Caesar his due Notwithstanding it is resolved to venture knowing that no sorrow is sudden to an expectation And that it will find some though but a few that will both commend and protect it It will Court all but Flatter none It is the hand that points at The Princes Right and the Peoples Liberty It is that little Costick which will twinge all such whose corruptions are ripe for separation and though it may make them wince at the touch of their thwarted passions yet it is the surest means to work the cure if they will be perswaded to endure the Pain The design of this is to sweeten the seeming bitter severities yet just necessities of Government and render them plausible and palliable to the People that so they may delight more in their Duty to obey than the Sovereign in his Power to Command Legum servi sumus ut Libri esse possumus saith Cicero And the Prince on whose Head is placed both at once the Weight and Glory of a Crown and the People may both mutually know since the burthen of a Crown is first understood before the Glory is perceived that Grandure is both to compensate as well as dignify the toyles and difficulties of Government Bracton saith Nihil aliud potest Rex in terris cum sit Dei Minister Vicarius nisi id solum quod de jure potest which is an Axiome that puts reciprocal bounds of Justice and Goodness both to instruct the Prince in his Duty and Behaviour towards God and his Subjects and the People in their due Obedience to their Sovereign since the King is none but the Almighty's Substitute or Vice-Roy and consequently to be questioned for his Actions or punished by none but God himself who is not to be hastned or directed in the disposition of his Vengeance but rather entreated by hearty Prayer for the removal of his Plagues and Judgements I stand amazed when I consider the many Factions and Seditions