his first wâ—fe and so broken that contract then forsooth would he needs make himselfe Husband to the Queenes Majesty and so defeat all other Princes by vertue of his precontract But after thâ—s his lust compâ—lling to another place he would needs make a postcontract with the Lady Sheffiâ—ld and so he did begetting two children upon her the one a boy called Robin Sheffiâ—ld now living some time brought up at Newington and the other a daughter borne as is knowne at Dudley Castle But yet after his concupiscence changed againe as it never stayeth he resolved to make a retract of this postconâ—râ—ct thâ—ugh â—t were as surely done as I have said as bed and Bible could make the same and to make a certaine new protract which is a continuation of using her for a time with the widow of Essex but yet to stop the mouâ—hes of out-criars and to bury the Synagogue with some honour for these two wives of Leicester were merrily and wittily called his old and new Testaments by a person of great excellency within the Realme he was content to assigne to the former a thousand pounds in money with other petty consideratioâ—s the pittifullest abused that â—ver was poore Lady and so betake his lims to the latter which latter notwithstanding he so useth as we see now confessing now forswearing now dissembling the marriage as he will alwayes yet keâ—pâ— a void place for a new surcontract with any other when occasion shall require Now by my truth sir quoth I I never heard nor read the like to this in my life yet have I read much in my time of the carnalâ—ty and licenciousnesse of divers outragious persons in this kinde of sin as namely these whom you have mentioned before especially the Emperour Heliogabaluâ— who passed all other and was called Varius of the varity of filth which he used in this kinde of carnality or carnall beastlinesse whose death was that being at length odious to all men and so slain by his own Souldiers was drawn through the City upon the ground lâ—ke a dog and cast into the common privy with this Epitaph Hic projectus est indomitae rabide libidinis catulus Here is thrown in the Whelpe of unruly and raging lust which Epitaph may also one day chance to serve my Lord of Leicester whom you call the Beare-whelp if he go forward as he hath begun and dye as he deserveth But good sir what a compassion is this that among us Christians namely in so wel governed and religious a Common-wealth as ours is such a riot should be permitted upon mens wives in a subject whereas we read that among the very Heathens lesse offences then these in the same kinde were extreamly punâ—shed in Princes themselves and that not onely in the person delinquent alone but also by extirpation of the whole family for his sake as appeareth in the example of the Tarquinians among the Romans And here also in our owne Realme we have registred in Chronicle how that one King Edwin above six hundred yeeres past was deprived of his Kingdome for much lesse scandalous facts then these I remember well the story quoth the Gentleman thereby doe easily make conjecture what difference there is betwixt those times of old and our dayes now seeing then a crowned Prince could not passe unpunished with one or two outragious acts whereas now a subject raised up but yesterday from the meaner sort rangeth at his pleasure in all licenciousnesse and that with security void of fear both of God and man No mans wife can be free from him whom his fiery lust liketh to abuse nor their husbands able to resist nor save from his violence if they shew dislike or will not yeeld their consent to his doings And if I should discover in particular how many good husbands he had plagued in this nature and for such delights it were intolerable for his concupiscence and violence do run joyntly together as in furious beasts we see they are accustomed Neither holdeth he any rule in his lust besides onely the motion and suggestion of his own sensuality kindred affinity or any other bâ—nd of consanguinity religion honour or honesty taketh no place in his outragious appetite what he best liketh that he taketh as lawfull for the time So that kinswoman allie friends wife or daughter or whatsoever female sort besides doth please his eye I leave out of purpose and for honour sake tearmes of kinred more neere that must yeeld to his desire The keeping of the Mother with two or three of her daughters at once or successively is no more with him then the eating of an Hen her chicken together There are not by report two noble women about her Majesty I speake upon some accompt of them â—hat know much whom he hath not solicited by potent wayes neither contented with this place of honour he hath descended to seeke pasture among the waitiâ—g Gentlewomen of her Majâ—sties great chamber offering more for their allurement then I thinke Lais did commonly takâ— in Corinth if three hundreth pounds for a night will make up the sum or if not yet will he make it up otherwise having reported himselfe so little shame he hath that he offered to another of higher place an 100 pound lands by the yeere with as many jewels as most women under her Majesty used in England which was no mean bait to one that used traffick in such merchandize she being but the leavings of anothâ—r man before him wherof my Lord is nothing squemish for satisfying of his lust but can be content as they sâ—y to gather up crums when he is hungry even in the very Landry it selfe or other place of baser quality And albeit the Lord of his great mercy to doe him good no doubt if he were revokeable hath laid his hand upon him in some chastisement in this world by giving him a broken belly on both sides of his bowels whereby misery and putrifaction is threatned to him daily and to his yong Sonne by the widow of Essex being Filius peccati such a strange calamity of the falling sicknesse in his infancy as well may be a witnesse of the Parents sinne and wickednesse and of both their wasted natures in iniquity yet is this man nothing amended thereby but according to the custome of all old adulterers is more libidinous at this day then ever before more given to procure love in others by conjuring sorcery and other such meanes And albeit for himselfe both age and nature spent doe somewhat tame him from the act yet wanteth he not will as appeareth by the Italian ointment procured not many yeers pâ—st by his Chyrurgion or Mountibanke of that Countrey whereby as they say he is able to move his flesh at all times for keeking of his credit howsoever his inability be otherwise for performance as also one of his
onely to use for a pretext and helpe whereby to place himselfe in supreame dignity and afterward whatsoever had befallen of the state the others head could never have come to other end then it enjoyed For if Queene Mary had not cut it off King John of Northumberland would have done the same in time and so all men doe well know that weâ—e privy to any of his cunning dealings And what Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is notwithstanding this outward shew of dependance it was my chance to learne from the mouth of a speciall man of that hasty King who was his Ledger or Agent in London and at a time falling in talke of his Masters title declared that he had heard him divers times in secret complaine to his Lady Leycesters sister as greatly fearing that in the end he would offer him wrong and pretend some title for himselfe Well quoth the Lawyer it sâ—emeth by this last point that these two Lords are cunning practitioners in the art of dissimulation but for the former whereof you speake in truth I have heard men of good discourse affirme that the Duke of Northumberland had strange devises in his head for deceiving of Suffolke who was nothing so fine as himselfe and for bringing the Crowne to his owne Family And among other devises it is thought that hee had most certaine intention to marry the Lady Mary himselfe after once hee had brought her into his owne hands and to have bestowed her Majestie that now is upon some one of his children if it should have beene thought best to give her life and so consequently to have shaken off Suffolke and his pedegree with condigne punishment for his bold behaviour in that behalfe Verily quoth I this had beene an excellent Stratageme if it had taken place But I pray you Sir how could himselfe have taken the Lady Mary to wife seeing hee was at that time married to another O quoth the Gentleman you question like a Schollar As though my Lord of Leycester had not a wife alive when hee first began to pretend marriage to the Queenes Majesty Do not you remember the story of King Richard the third who at such time as he thought best for the establishing of his title to marry his owne Neece that afterward was married to King Henry the seventh how he caused secretly to be given abroad that his owne wife was dead whom all the World knew to bee then alive and in good health but yet soone afterward she was seene dead indeed These great peâ—sonages in matters oâ— such weight as is a Kingdome have privilâ—dges to dispose of Womens bodies marriages lives and deaths as shall be thought for the time most convenient And what doe you thinke I pray you of this new Tâ—iumvirat so lately concluded about Arbellâ— for so I must call the same though one of the three persons bee no Vir but Virago I meane of the maâ—riage betweene young Denbigh and the little Daughter of Lenox wheâ—eby the Father-in-law the Grand-mother and the Uncle of the new designed Queene have conceived to themselves a singular triumphant raigne But what doe you think may ensue hereof is there nothing of the old plot of Duke John of Northumberland in this Marry Sir quoth the Lawyer if this be so I dare assure you there is sequell enough pretended hereby And first no doubt but there goeth a deep drift by the wife and sonne against old Abraham the Husband and Father with the well-lined large pouch And secondly a farre deeper by trusty Robert against his best Mistresse but deepest of all by the whole Crew against the designements of the hasty Earle who thirsteth a Kingdome with great intemperance and seemeth if there were plaine dealing to hope by these good people to quench shortly his drought But either part in truth seeketh to deceive other and therefore it is hard to say where the game in fine will rest Well howsoever that be quoth the Gentleman I am of opinion that my Lord of Leycester will use both this practise and many more for bringing the Scepter finally to his owne head and that he will not onely imploy Huntington to defeate Scotland and Arbella to defeate Huntington but also would use the marriage of the Queene imprisoned to defeat them both if she were in his hand and any one of all three to dispossesse her Majesty that now is as also the authority of all foure to bring it to himselfe with many other fetches flings and friscoes besides which simple men as yet doe not conceive And howsoever these two conjoyned Earles doe seeme for the time to draw together and to play booty yet am I of opinion that the one will beguile the other at the upshot And Hastings for ought I see when hee commeth to the scambling is like to have no better luck by the Beare then his Ancestour had once by the Boare Who using his helpe first in murdering the Sonne and Heire of King Henry the sixt and after in destroying the faithfull Friends and Kinsmen of King Edward the fift for his easier way to usurpation made an end of him also in the Tower at the the very same day and houre that the other were by his counsell destroyed in Pontfret Castle So that where the Goale and price of the game is a Kingdome there is neither faith neither good fellowship nor faire play among the Gamesters And this shall be enough for the first point viz. what good my Lord of Leycester meaneth to himselfe in respect of Huntington Touching the second whether the attempt be purposed in her Majesties dayes or no the matter is much lesse doubtfull to him that knoweth or can imagine what a torment the delay of a Kingdome is to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof and feareth that every houre may breed some alteration to the prejudice of his conceived hope Wee see oftentimes that the childe is impatient in this matter to expect the naturall end of his parents life Whom notwithstanding by nature he is enforced to love and who also by nature is like long to leave this World before him and after whose decease hee is assured to obtaine his desire but most certaine of dangerous event if he attempt to get it while yet his parent liveth Which foure considerations are no doubt of great force to containe a child in duty and bridle his desire albeit sometimes not sufficient to withstand the greedy appetite of raigning But what shall wee thinke where none of these foure considerations do restraine where the present Possessor is no parent where she is like by nature to out-live the expector whose death must needs bring infinite difficulties to the enterprise and in whose life-time the matter is most easie to be atchieved under colour and authority of the present Possessor shall we thinke that in such a case the ambitious man will over-rule his
would not a little have trembled Scotland hâ—d bâ—en quiet our compâ—tâ—tors in England would have quâ—kâ—d and for the Pope he might have put up his pipes Oâ—r â—iffâ—rences in religion at home hâ—d been â—ither lâ—ssâ— â—r no gâ—eater thâ—n now thâ—y are for that Moâ—sieur beâ—ng but a moderate Pâ—pist and notâ—ing vâ—hement in hâ—s opâ—niâ—ns was content with veâ—y reasonable conditioâ—s for hâ—msâ—lfe and hâ—s strâ—ngers onâ—ly in use of thâ—ir conscience not unlikely truly but that in time he might by Gods grace and by the great wisdome and vertue of her Mâ—jesty have been brought also to embrace the Gospell as King Ethelbâ—rt an heathen was by noble Qâ—een Bertha his wife the first Christian of our English Princes Unto all which fel city if the Lord in mercy should have added also some issue of their royall bodies as was not impossible when fiâ—st this noble match was movâ—d we then doubtlâ—ssâ— had been the most forâ—unate people under heaven and might hâ—ve beâ—n perhaps the meane to hâ—ve restored thâ— Gospell thâ—oughout all Europe besides as our Brethren of France well coâ—sidered and hoped Of all whâ—ch singular benefits boâ—h present and to come boâ—h in Re and Spâ— his tyrant for his own private lucre fâ—aring lâ—st heâ—eâ—y his ambition might be râ—strained and his treacheâ—y râ—veâ—led hâ—th bereaved the Realme and done what in him lyeth besides to alienate for â—ver and make our mortall enemy this great Prince whâ— souâ—ht the love of hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sty with so muâ—h hâ—nour confidâ—ncâ— as never Prince the like putting twâ—câ— his ownâ— pâ—rson in jâ—opardy of the sâ—â— and to the pâ—rill of his maâ—â—â—â—ons envioâ—s heâ—e in England for her Mâ—jâ—sties sake When yâ—u spâ—ak â—f 〈…〉 Lawyâ—r I cannot but â—â—eaâ—ly b◠〈…〉 thâ—se considâ—rations wâ—ll 〈…〉 â—lso fâ—r some oâ—hâ—r espâ—cially 〈…〉 you will thiâ—ke me 〈…〉 for thâ—t I spâ—â—ke it oâ—â—ly in 〈…〉 and good of my Countrey aâ—d thâ—t is 〈◊〉 Mâ—â—siâ—urs 〈◊〉 wâ—th our noble Princâ—ssâ— â—â—â—ides thâ— hope of issâ—e whâ—ch was the principâ—ll thâ—re wâ—nted not also probabâ—lity that sâ—me 〈◊〉 or lâ—â—tle tâ—lâ—ration in religion between you and us might have been procured in this state as we see that in some other Countries is admitted to their great good Which thing no doubt would have cut off quite all dangers and dealings from forraine Princes would hâ—ve stopped mane devises and plots within the Realme wheras now by this breach with France we stand alone as me seemeth without any great uniâ—ion or friendship abroad and our differences at home grow more vehement and sharp then evâ—r before Upon which two heads as also upon infinit other causes purposâ—s â—râ—fâ—s and pretences there doe ensue daily more deepe dangerous and desperate practises evâ—ry man using either the commodâ—ty or necessity of the time and state for his owne purpose â—specially now when all men presume that her Mâ—jâ—sty by the continuall thwaâ—tinâ—s which have beâ—n â—sed against all her marriage is not like to leave unto the Realme that precious jewell so much and long desired of all Englâ—sh hâ—arts I meane the Royâ—ll heires of hâ—r â—wne body Thwartiâ—gs call you the defeating of all her Mâ—jâ—stiâ—s â—â—st honourâ—ble offâ—r of marriage said the othâ—â— truly in my opinion you should have used anâ—ther word to â—xpâ—essâ— the nature of so wâ—cked a fact wherâ—y â—lone if there were no other this uâ—fortunate man hath dâ—â—e more hurt to thiâ— Câ—mmon weâ—lth â—hâ—n if hâ— hâ—d murdered mâ—ny thoâ—saâ—ds oâ— her sâ—bjects â—r bâ—trâ—yd whole aâ—â—ieâ— to the profâ—ssâ—d 〈…〉 remember well my sâ—lfe foure 〈…〉 pâ—â—pose undâ—â—mined by his meâ—nes the fiâ—st wâ—th the Swethâ—n King the sâ—cond with 〈…〉 of Austrâ—â— tâ—e third wâ—th 〈…〉 France that now reignâ—th and the fourth wâ—â—h thâ— in other and hâ—ire of the said Kingâ—â—mâ— For 〈…〉 maâ—y other secret motions maâ—e by great Potentates to her Majesty for the same purpose but these foure are openly known and therefore I name them Which foure are as well knowne to have been â—ll disturbed by this Daweâ— as they were earnestly pursued by the other And for the first thâ—ee Suters he drove them away by protesting and sweâ—ring that himsâ—lfe wâ—s contracted unto her Majesty wherof hâ—r highnesse was sufficiently advertised by Cardinâ—ll Châ—tâ—lian in the first treâ—ty for France and the Cardinall soone after puâ—ished as is thought by this man with pâ—yâ—on But yet this speech he gâ—ve out then every where among his friends both strangers and others â—hat he forsooth was assuâ—ed to her Majesty and consequently thâ—t all othâ—r Princes must give over their suits for him Whereunto notwithstanding when the Swâ—den would hardly give care this man conferred wiâ—h his Privado to make a most unseemly and â—isloâ—al proof therof for the otheâ—s satisfaction whiâ—h thing I am enforced by duty to passe over with silence for honour to the parties who are touched therein as also I am to concealâ— his said filâ—hy Pâ—ivado â—hough worthy otherwise for his dishonesty to be displâ—yed to the world but my Lord himsâ—lfe I am sure doth well remember bâ—th the man and the matter And albeit there was no wise man at thâ—t time who knowing â—y Lord suspected not the fâ—lsâ—hood and hâ—s arrogant â—ffirmation touching â—his contract with her Mâ—jesty yâ—t some both abâ—oad and at home might doubt thereof perhaps but now of late by hâ—s knowne mâ—rriage with his Minion Dâ—me Lâ—ttice of Essex he hath declâ—red manifestâ—y his owne most impudent and disloyall dealing with his soveraigne in this report For that report quoth the Lawyer I know that it was common and maintained by many for divers yeeres yet did the wiser sort make no account thereof seeing it came onely from himsâ—lf and in his own bâ—hâ—lfe Neither was it credible that her Majesty who refused so noble Knights and Princes as Europe hâ—th not the like would make choice of so meane a peere as Robin Dudley is noble onely in two descentâ— and both of thâ—m stained with the block from which also himselfe was pardoned but the other day being codemned therunto by law for his deserts as appeareth yâ—t in publiâ—k records And for thâ— widow of Essâ—x I marvaile sir quâ—th he how you call her his wife sâ—eing the Canon-law standeth yet in force touching matters of marriage wâ—thin the Realme Oh said the Gentlâ—man laughing you meane for that he procured the poisoning of her husband in his journâ—y from Ireland You must think that Dâ—ctor Dale will dispence in that mattâ—r as he did at his Lordships appointment wâ—th his Italâ—an physiâ—ian Doctor Iulio to have two wives at once at the leâ—stwise the matter was permitted and born out by them both publiquely as all the world knoweth and that against no lâ—sse persons then the Archbishop of Canterbury himsâ—lfe whose overthrew wâ—s principally wrought by thâ—s tyrant for contraâ—ying his will in so beastly a demand But for this controversie whether the marriâ—ge be good
afraid to meet them in the field as a Knight should have done His treacheries towards the noble late Earl of Sussex in their many breaches is notorious â—o all England As also the bloody practises against divers others But as among many none were more odious and misliked of all men then those against Monsieur Simiers a stranger and Embassadour whom first he practised to have poisoned as hath bin touched before and when that device tooke not place then he appointed that Robin Tider his man as after upon his Ale-bench he confessed should have slaine him at the Blackfriars at Greenwich as he went forâ—h at the garden gate but missing also that purpose for that he found the Gentleman better provided and guarded then he expected he dealt with certaine Flushiâ—ers and other Pirates to sinke him at Sea with the English Gentlemen his favourers that accompanied him at his returne into France And though they missed of this practice also as not daring to set upon him for feare of some of her Majesties ships who to breake off this designment attended by speciall commandement to waft him over in safety yet the foresaid English Gentlemen were holden foure houres in chace at their coming backe as Master Rawley well knoweth being then present and two of the chasers namâ—d Clark and Harris confessed afterward the whole designment The Earl of Ormond in likewise hath often declared and will avouch it to my Lord of Leicesters face whensoever he shall be called to the same that at such time as this man had a quarell with him and thereby was likely to be enforced to the field which he trembled to thinke of he first sought by all meanes to get him made away by secret murder offering five hundred pounds for the doing thereof And secondly when that device tooke no place he appointed with him the field but secretly suborning his servant William Killigre to lye in the way where Ormond should passe and so to massacre him with a caliver before he came to the place appointed Which murder though it tooke no effect for that the matter was taken up before the day of meeting yet was Killigre placed afterward in her Majesties privy Chamber by Leicester for shewing his ready minde to doe for his Master so faithfull a service So faithfull a service quoth I truly in my opinion it was but an unfit preferment for so facinorous a fact And as I would be loth thaâ— many of his Italians or other of that art should come nigh about her Majesties kitchen so much lesse would I that many such his bloody Champions should be placed by him in her Highnesse chamber Albeit for this Gentleman in particular it may be that with change of his place in service he hath changed also his minde and affection and received better instruction in the feare of the Lord. But yet in general I must needs say that it cannot be but prejudiciall and exceeding dangerous unto our noble Prince and Realme that any one man whatsoever especially such a one as the world taketh this man to be should grow to so absolute authority and commandry in the Court as to place about the Princes person the head the heart the life of the land whatsoever people liketh him best and that now upon their deserts towards the Prince but towards himselfe whose fidelity being more obliged to their advancer then to their soveraigne doe serve for watchmen about the same for the profit of him by whose appointment they were placed Who by their meanes casting indeed but nets and chaines and invisible bands about that person whom most of all he pretendeth to serve he shutteth up his Prince in a prison most sure though sweet and senselesse Neither is this art of aspiring new or strange unto any man that is experienced in affairâ—s of former time for that it hath been from the beginning of all government a troden path of all aspirers In the stories both sacred and prophane foraine and domesticall of all Nations Kingdomes Countries and States you shall read that such as ment to mount above others and to governe all at their owne discretion did lay this for the first ground and principle of their purpose to possesse themselves of all such as were in place about the principall even as he who intending to hold a great City at his owne disposition dareth not mak open war against the same getteth secretly into his hands or at his devotion al the Towns Villages Castles Fortresses bulwarks Rampires Waters Wayes Ports and Passages about the same and so without drawing any sword against the said City he bringeth the same into bondage to abide his will and pleasure This did all these in the Roman Empire who rose from subjects to be great Princes and to put downe Emperours This did all those in France and other Kingdomes who at sundry times have tyrannized their Princes And in our owne Countrey the examples are manifest of Vortiger Harold Henry of Lancaster Richard of Warwicke Richard of Glocester Iohn of Northumberland and divers others who by this meane specially have pulled downe their lawfull Soveraignes And to speake onely a word or two of the last for that he was this mans Father doth not all England know that he first overthrew the good Duke of Somerset by drawing to his devotion the very servants and friends of the said Dâ—ke And afteâ—ward did not he possesse himselfe of the Kings owne person and brought him to the end which is knowne and before that to the most shamefull disheriting of his owne royall Sisters and all this by possessing first the principall men that were in authority about him Wherefore sir if my Lord of Leicester have the same plot in his head as most men thinke and that he meaneth one day to give the same push at the Crowne by the House of Huntington against all the race and line of King Henry the seventh in generall which his Father gave before him by pretence of the House of Suffolke against the Children of King Henry the eight in particular he wanteth not reason to follow the same meanes and platform of planting speciall persons for his purpose about the Prince for surely his fathers plot lacked no witty device or preparation but onely that God overthrew it at the instant as happely he may doe this mans also notwithstanding any diligence that humane wisedome can use to the contrary To this said the Gentleman that my Lord of Leycester hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diadem by the title of Huntington is not a thing obscure in it selfe and it shall bee more plainly proved hereafter But now will I shew unto you for your instruction how well this man hath followed his fathers platforme or rather passed the same in possessing himselâ—e of all her Majesties servants friends and forces to serve his turne at that time for execution and in the meane space for
desired peace which ever since wee have enjoyed by the raigne of their two most noble issue so the plot that now is in hand for the cutting off the residue of that issue and for recalling backe of the whole Title to the House of Yorke againe is like to plung us deeper then ever in civile discord and to make us the bait of all forraine Princes seeing there be among them at this day some of no small power as I have said who pretend to bee the next heires by the House of Lancaster and consequently are not like to give over or abandon their owne right if once the doore bee opened to contention for the same by disanulling the Line of King Henry the seventh wherein onely the keyes of all concord remaine knit together And albeit I know well that such as be of my Lord of Huntingtons party will make small accompt of the Title 〈◊〉 Lancasteâ— as lesse rightfull a great deale then that of Yorke and I for my part meane not greatly to avow the same as now it is placed being my selfe no favourer of forraine Titles yet indifferent men have to consider how it was taken in times past and how it may againe in time to come if contention should arise how many Noble personages of our Realme did offer themselves to die in defence thereof how many Oaths and Lawes were given and received throughout the Realme for maintenance of the same against the other House of Yorke for ever how many worthy Kings were crowned and raigned of that House and Race to wit the foure most Noble Henries one after another the fourth the fift the sixt and the seventh who both in number government sanctity courage and feats of armes were nothing inferiour if not superiour to those of the other House and Line of Yorke after the division betweene the Families It is to bee considered also as a speciall signe of the favour and affection of our whole Nation unto that Family that Henry Earle of Richmond though discending but of the last Sonne and third Wife of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster was so respected for that onely by the universall Realme as they inclined wholly to call him from banishment and to make him King with the deposition of Richard which then ruled of the House of Yorke upon condition onely that the said Henry should take to Wife a Daughter of the contrary Family so great was in those dayes the affection of English hearts towards the Line of Lancaster for the great worthinesse of such Kings as had raigned of that Race how good or bad soever their Title were which I stand not here at this time to discusse but onely to insinuate what party the same found in our Realme in times past and consequently how extreame dangerous the contention for the same may be hereafter especially seeing that at this day the remainder of that Title is pretended to rest wholly in a stranger whose power is very great Which we Lawyers are wont to esteeme as a point of no smaâ—l importance for justifying of any mans title â—o a Kingdome You Lawyers want not reason in that Sir quoth I howsoever you want right for if you will examine the succession of governements from the beginning of the Wâ—rld untill this day either among Gentile Jew or Christian people you shall finde that the sword haâ—h â—eene alwayes bâ—tter thâ—n halfe the title to get estâ—bliâ—h or maintaâ—ne a Kingdome which maketh 〈◊〉 â—hâ—â—ore apalled to heare you discourse in such sort of new contentions and forraine titles accompanied wâ—th such power and strength of the titlers which cannot bee but infinitely dangerous and fatall to our Realme if once it come to actâ—on both for the division thâ—t is like to be at home and the variety of partâ—es from abâ—oad For as the Prince whoâ— you signifie will not faile by all likelyhood to pursue his title with all forces that hee can make if occasion were offered so reason of state and policy will enforce other Princes adjoyning to let and hinder him therein what they can and so by this meanes shâ—ll we become Juda and Isrâ—el among our selves one killing and vexing the othâ—r with the sword and to forraine Princes we shall be as the Iland of Salamina was in old time to the Athenians and Megatians and as the Iland of Cicilia was afterward to the Grecians Carthaginians and Romans and as in our dayes the Kingdome of Naples hath beene to the Spaniards French-men Germans and Venetians That is a bait to feed upon and a game to fight for Wherefore I beseech the Lord to avert from us all occasions of such miseries And I pray you Sir for that wee are fallen into the mention of these matters to take so much paines as to open unto me the ground of these controversies so long now quiet betweene Yorke and Lancaster seeing they are now like to bee raised againe For albeit in generall I have heard much thereof yet in particular I either conceive not or remember not the foundation of the same and much lesse thâ— state of their severall titles at this day for that it is a study not properly pertaining unto my profession The controversie betweene the Houses of Yorke and Lancaster quoth the Lawyer took his actuall beginning in the issue of King Edward the third who died somewhat more then two hundred yeares agone but the occasion pretence or cause of that quarrell began in the children of King Henry the third who died an hundred yeares before that and left two Sonnes Edward who was King after him by the name of Edward the first and was Grandfather to Edward the third and Edmond for his deformity called Crookebacke Earle of Lancaster and beginner of that House whose inheritance afterward in the fourth discent fell upon a Daughter named Blanch who was married to the fourth Son of King Edward the third named John of Gaunt for that he was borne in the City of Gaunt in Flanders and so by this his first wife hee became Duke of Lancaster and heire of that House And for that his Son Henry of Bolingbrooke afterward called King Henry the fourth pretended among other things that Edmond Crookeback great Grandfather to Blanch his mother was the elder Sonne of King Henry the third and unjustly put by the inheritance of the Crowne for that he was Crook-backed and deformed hee tooke by force the Kingdome from Richard the second Nephew to King Edward the third by his first Sonne and placed the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained for three whole discents untill afterward Edward Duke of Yorke descended of Iohn of Gaunts yonger brother making claime to the Crowne by title of his Grandmother that was heire to Lionel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunts elder Brother tooke the same by force from Henry the sixt of the House of Lancaster and brought it backe againe to the
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
he were borne in Britaine out of English allegiance and so he was taken and judged by all the world at that day albeit after king Richards death his other uncle Iohn most tyrannously took both his kingdome and his life from him For which notable injustice he was detâ—sted of all men both abroad and at home most apparently scourged by God with grievous and manifold plagues both upon himself and the Realm which yeelded to his usurpation So that by this also it appeareth what the practice of our Countrey hath beene from time to time in this case of forraine birth which practice is the best intâ—rpreâ—er of our common English law which dependeth especially and most of all upon custome nor can â—he adversary alledge any one example to the contrary Their sixt is of the judgement and sentence of King Henry the seventh and of his Councell who being together in consultation at a certaine time about the marriage of Margaret his eldest daughâ—er into Scotland some of his Councell moved this doubt what should ensue if by chance the kings issue male should faile and so the succession devolve to the heyres of the said Margaret as now it doth Whâ—reunto that wâ—se and most prudent Prince made answer thâ—t if any such event should be it could not be prejudicialâ— to Englâ—nd being the bigger part but rather beneficiall for that it should draw Scotland to England that is the lesser to the more even as in times past it happened in Normandy Aquitaine â—nd some other Provinces Which answer appeased all doubts and gave singular content to those of his Councell as Polidore writeth that lived at that time and wrote the speciall matters of that reigne by the kings owne instruction So that hereby wee see no question made of king Henry or his Councellors touching forraine birth to let the succession of Lady Margarets issue which no doubt would never have beene omitted in that learned assembly if any law at that time had beene esteemed or imagined to beare the same And these are six of their principallest reasons to prove that neither by the words nor meaning of our common lawes nor yet by custome or practice of our Realme an Alien may bee debarred fâ—om claim of his interest to the Crowne when it falleth to him by righfull descent in blood and succâ—ssion But in the particular case of the Queen of Scots and â—erson they doe adde another reason or â—wo thâ—reby to prove them in very deed to be no Aliens Not only in respect of their often and continuall mixture with English blood from the beginning and especially of late the Queens Grandmother and husband being English and so her sonne bâ—goâ—ten of an English father but also for two other causes and reasons which seeme in truth of very good importance The first is for that Scotland by all Englishmen howsoever the Scots deny the same is tâ—ken and holden as subject to England by way of Homage which many of their kings at divers times have acknowledged and consequently thâ— Queene and her son being borne in Scotland are not borne out of the allegiance of England and so no forrainers The second cause or reason is for that the forenamed statute of forrainers in the 25 yeare of King Edward the third is intitled of those that are borne beyond the seas And in the body of the said statute the doubt is moved of children borne out of English allegiance beyond the seas whereby cannot bee understood Scotland for that it is a piece of the continent land within the seas And all our old Records in England that talke of service to bee done within these two countries have usually these Latin words Infraquatuor mâ—ria or in French deins lâ—zquâ—tre mers that is within the foure Seas whereby must needs be understood as well Sâ—otland as England and that perhaps for the reason before mentioned of the subjection of Scotland by way of Homage to the Crowne of England In respect whereof it may be that it was accounted of old but one dominion or allegiance And consequently no man borne therein can bee accounted an alieâ— to Englaâ—â— And this shal suffice for the first point touching foragine Nativity For the second impediment objected whâ—ch is the testament of King Henry the eight authorized by Parliament wherby they affirm the succession of Scotland to be excluded it is not precisely true that they are excluded but onely that they â—re put back behinde the succession of the hous of Suffolk For in that pretended Testament which after shâ—ll be proved to be none indeed King Henry so disposeth that after his own children â—f they shold chance to dye without issue the Crowne shall passe to the heires of Frances of Elenor his neeces by his yonger sister Mary Queene of France and after them deceasiâ—g also without issue the succession to returne to the next heire againe Whâ—rby it is evident that the succession of Margarâ—t Queene of Scotland his eldest sister is not excluded but thrust back onely from their due place and order to expect the remainder which may in time be left by the yonger Whereof in mine opinion doe ensue some considerations against the present pretenders themselves First â—hat in King Henries judgement the former pretended rule of foraine birth was no sufficient impediment agaiâ—st Scotland for if it had bin no doubt but that he would have named the same in his alleaged testament and thereby have utterly excluded that successioÌ„ But there is no such thing in the testament Secondly if they admit this testament which alotteth the Crown to Scotland next after Suffolk then seeing that all the house of Suffolk by these mens assertions is excluded by bastardy it must needs follow that Scotland by their own judgement is next so this testament wil make against them â—s indeed it doth in all points most apparantly but only that it preferreth the house of Suâ—â—olk before that of Scotland And therefore I think sir that you mistake somewhat about their opinion in alleaging this testament For I suppose that no man of my Lord of Huntingtons faction will alleage or urge the testimony of this testament but rather some friend of the house of Sâ—ffâ—lk in whose favour I take it that it was first of â—ll fâ—rged It may be quâ—th the Gentleman nor will I stand obstinatly in the contrary for that it is hard sometime to judge of what faction each one is who discoursâ—th of these affâ—irâ—s But yet I marvel â—f it were as you say wâ—y Lâ—ycesters Father â—fâ—er K. Edwardâ— death made no mention therof in the favor of Suffolk in the other testament which then he proclaimed as made by K. Edward deceased for preferment of Suffolk before his own sisters The cause of this is â—vident quoth the Lawyer for that it made not sâ—ffiâ—iently for his purpose which was to disinherit â—he two dâ—ughters of King Henry himselfe and advance the
house of Suffolk bâ—fore them both A notable change quoâ—h the Gâ—ntleman that a title so much exalted of late by the Father above all order right ranke and degree should now be so â—uch debased by the Son as thouâ—h it were not worthy to hold any degree but rather to be troden under-foot for plain bastardy And you see by thâ—s how true it is which I told you before that the race of Dudlies are most cunning merchants to make their gaine of all thâ—ngs men and times And as we have seene now two testâ—ments alleaged the one of the Kings father and the other of the kings sonne and both of them in prejudice of the testators true successors so many good subjects begâ—n greatly to fear that we may chance to see sâ—ortly a third Testâ—ment of her Mâ—jesty for the tituling of Huntington and exurpation of King Henries blood thâ—t before her Majesty can think of sicknessâ— wherein I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet But now sir to the foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry I have often heard in truth that the thing was counterfeit or at the least not able to be proved aâ—d that it was discovered rejected and defaced in Queen Maries time but I would gladly understand what you Lawyers esteeme or judge thereof Touching this matter quoth the Lawyer it cannot be denied but that in the 28. and 36 years of King Henries reign upon coâ—sideration of some doubt aâ—d irâ—esolution which the King himselfe had shewed to have about the order of succâ—ssion in his owne children as also for taking away all occasions of controversies in those of the next blood the whole Parliament gave authority unto the said King to debate and determine â—hose matters himselfe together with his learned councell who best knew the lawes of the Realme and titles that any man might hâ—ve thereby and that whatsoever succâ—ssion his Majesty should declare as most right and lawfull under his letters patents sealed or by his last Will and Tâ—stâ—ment rightfully made and signed with his owne hand that the sâ—me should bee received for good and lawfull Upon pretence whereof soon after King Henries death there was shewed a Will with the kings stamp at the same and the names of divers witnesses wherein as hath beene said the succession of the Crowne after the kingâ— owne children is assigned to the heyres of Frances and Elenore Neeces to the king by his younger Sister Which assignation of the Crown being as it were a meer gift in prejudice of the elder sisters right as also of the right of Frances and Elenor themselves who were omitted in the same assignation and their heires intituled onely was esteâ—med to be against all reason law and nature and consequently not thought to proceed from so wise and sage a Prince as K. Henrie was knowne to be but rather either the whole forged or at least wise that clause inserted by other and the Kings stamp set unto it after his death or when his Majesty lay now past understanding And hereof there wanteth not divers most evident reasons and proofes For first it is not probâ—ble nor credible that King Henrie would ever go about against law and reason to disinherit the line of his eldest sister without any profit or interest to himselfe and thereby give most evident occasion of Civill war and discord within the Realm seeing that in such a case of manifest and apparent wrong in so great a mâ—tter the authoritie of Paâ—lament taketh little effect against the true and lawfull inheritâ—r as well appeared in the former times and contentions of Henrie the sixth Edward the fourth and Richard the third in whose reignes the divers and contrarie Parliaments made and holden â—gainst the neâ—t inheritor held no longer with any man then untill the other was able to make his owne partie good So likewise in the case of King Edward the third his succession to Fâ—ance in the right of his mother though he were excludâ—d by the generall assembly and consent of their Parliaments yet he esteemed not his right extinguished thereby as neither did other Kings of our Countrie that ensued after him And for our present case if nothing else should have restrained King Henrie from such open injustice towards his eldest sister yet this cogitation at least would have stayed him that by giving example of supplanting his elder sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence of Parliament some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence as we see that Duke Dudley did soone after by a forged testament of King Edward the sixt So ready Schollars there are to be found which easily will learne such lessons of iniquity Secondly there be too many incongruities and indignities in the said pretended Will to proceed from such a Prince and learned councell as King Henries was For first what can be more ridiculous than to give the Crowne to the heires of Francis and Elenor and not to any of themselves or what had they offended that their heires should enjoy the Crowne in their right and not they themselves What if King Henries Children should have dyed whiles Lady Francis had been yet alive who should have possessed the Kingdome before her seeing her Line was next and yet by this testament shee could not pretend her selfe to obtaine it But rather having marryed Adrian Stokes her horse-keeper she must have suffered her sonne by him if she had any to enjoy the Crown and so Adâ—ian of a Serving man and Master of Horses should have become the great Master and Protector of England Of like absurditie is that other clause also wherein the King bindeth his owne daughters to marry by consent and direction of his counsell or otherwise to leese the benefit of their succession yet bindeth not hiâ— Neices daughters to wit the daughters of Francis Elenor if they had any to any such condition Thirdly there may bee divers causes and arguments alledged in law why this pretended will is not authenticall if otherwise it were certaine that King Henrie had meant it first for that it is not agreeable to the mind and meaning of the Parliament which intended onely to give authoritie for declaration and explication of the true title and not for donation or intricating of the same to the ruine of the Reâ—lme Secondly for that there is no lawfull and authenticall Copie extant thereof but onely a bare inrolement in the Chancerie which is not sufficient in so weighty an affaire no witnesse of the privie Councell or of Nobilitâ—e to the same which had been convenient in so great a case for the best of the witnesses therein named is Sir Iohn Gates whose miserable death is well knowne no publike Notary no probation of the will before any Bishop or any lawfull Court for that puâ—pose no examination of the witnessâ—s or other thing orderly done for lawfull authorizing of
of doubt that Leicester the caster of these shadowes doth look to play his part first in these troublesome affaires so doe I heartily feare that unlesse the tyranny of this Leicestrian fury bee speedily stopped that such miserie to Prince and people which the Lord for his mercies sake turne from us as never greater fell before to our miserable Countrey is far nearer hand than is expected or suspectâ—d And therefore for the prevention of these calamities to tell you plainly mine opinion good Sirs and therewith to draw to an end of this our conference for it waxeth late I would thinke it the most necessarie poynt of all for her Majesty to call his Lordship to account among other and to see what other men could say against him at length after so mâ—ny yeares of his sole accusing and pursuing of others I know and am very well assured that no one act which her Majestie hath done since her comming to the Crowne as shee hath done right many most highly to be commended nor any that lightly her Majesty may doe hereafter can be of more utility to Her selfe and to the Realme or more gratefull to her faithfull and zealous subjects than this noble act of Iustice would be for tryall of this mans deserts towards his Countrey I say it would be profitable to her Majesty and to the Realme noâ— onely in respect of the many dangers befoâ—e mentioned hereby to be avoyded which are like to ensue most certainly if his courses bee still permitted but also for that her Majesty shall by this dâ—liver Her selfe from that generall grudge and griefe of mind with great dislike which many subiects otherwise most faithfull have conceived against the excessive favour shewed to this man so many yeares without desert or reason Which favour he having used to the hurt annoyance and oppression both of infinite severall persons and the whole common-wealâ—h as hath bin said the griefe and resentment thereof doth redound commonly in such cases not only upon the person delinquent alone but also upon the Soveraigne by whose favour authority he offers such iniuries though never so much against the others inteÌ„t dâ—sire or meaning And hereof we have examples of sundry Princes in all ages and Countries whose exorbitant favour to some wicked subiect that abused the same hath bin the cause of great dâ—nger and ruine the sins of the favourite being returned and revenged upon the favourer As in the Historie of the Grecians is declared by occasion of the pittifull murther of that wise and victorious P. Philip of Macedony who albeit that he were well assured to have given no offence of himself to any of his subiects consequently feared nothing but conversed openly and confidently among them yet for that hee had favoured too much one â—uke Attalus a proud â—nd insolent Courtier and had born him out in certain of his wickednes or at least not punished the same after it was detected and coâ—plained upon the parties grieved accounting the crime more proper and heinous on the part of him who by office should do iustice protect other than of â—he perpetrator who followeth his own passion and sensuality let pass Attalus made their â—evenge upon the bloud life of the K himself by one Pausanias suborned for that purpose in â—he marriage day of the Kings owne daughter Great store of like examples may be repeated â—ut of the stories of other countries nothing beâ—ng more usuall or frequent among all nations â—han the afâ—lictions of realms and kingdoms and the overthrow of Princes and great Potentates themselves by their too much affection towards some unworthy particular persons a thing in deed so common and ordinary as it may welâ— seem to be the speciall Rock of all other whereat Kings Princes doe make their shipwracks For if we look into the states and Monarchie all Christendoâ—e and consider the ruines thaâ— have bin of any Princes or Ruler within the same we shall find this poynt to have bin a great and principall part of the cause thereof and in our owne state and countrey the matteâ— is too evident For whereas since the Conqueâ—â— we number principally three just and lawfuâ—â— Kings to have come to confusion by alienatioâ— of their subjects that is Edward the seconâ— Râ—ch the second and Henrie the sixt this onlâ— point of too much favour towards wicked persons was the chiefest cause of destruction in a threâ— As in the first the excessive favour tâ—wards Peter Gaveston and two of the Spencer In the second the like extraordinarie and indicreet affecâ—ion towards Robert Vere Eurle oâ— Oxford and Marquesse of Dublin and Thomâ—â— Mowbray two most turbulent and wicked meâ— tâ—at set the K. against his own Vncles the nobility In the third being a simple and hoâ—â— man albeit no great exorbitant affection wâ—â— seene towards any yet his wife Queen Margâ—rets too much favour and credit by him nâ— controled towards the Marquesse of Suffolkâ— that after was made Duke by whose instinâ—â— and wicked Counsell she made away first tâ—â— noble Duke of Gloucester and afterward coâ—mitted other things in great prejudice of tâ—â— Realme and suffered the said most impious aâ—â— sinfull Duke to range and make havock of all sort of subjects at his pleasure much after the fashion of the Earle of Leicester now though yet not in so high anâ— extreame a degree this I say was the principall and originall cause both before Goâ— and man as Polidore well noteth of all the calamity and extreme desolation which after ensued both to the King Queene and their onely child with the utter extirpation of their family And so likewise now to speak in our particular case if there be any grudge or griefe at this day any mislike repining complaint or murmure against her Majesties government in the hearts of her true and faithfull subjects who wish amendment of that which is amisse and not the overthrow of that which is well as I trow it were no wisedome to imagine there were none at all I dare avouch upon Conscience that either all or the greatest part thereof proceedeth from this man who by the favor of her Majesty so afflicteth her peoâ—le as never did before him either Gaveston Spencer Fere or Mowbray or any other mischievous â—irant that abused most his Princes â—avour within our Realme of England Whereby it is evident how profitable a thing it should bee to the whole Realme how honourable to her Majeâ—â—y and how gratefull to all her subjects if this man at length might be called to his account Siâ— quoth the Lawyer you alleage great reason and verily I am of opinion that if her Majesty knew but the tenth part of this which you have here spoâ—en as also her good subjects desires and complaint in this behalfe she would well shew that her Highnesse feareth not to permit iustice to passe upon Leicester or any other within her Realme
Scots captived Queen to wife I â—gg'd him on to follow his intent That by this meanes I might abridge his life And she a crowned Queen to stint all strife First finding Scotland lost to England fled Where she in hope of succour lost head O blessed Spirits live yee evermore Iâ— heavenly Sion where your maker reignes And give me leave my fortunes to deplore That am fast fetterd with sins iron chaines Mans most sweet joys are mixt with some foul pains And doâ—h he live of high or low degree In life or death that can from woe be free Ah now my tongue growes weary to recite Such mâ—ssaâ—res as have been here exprest Whose sad remembrance doth afflict my spright Me thinkes I see legions of soules to rest In Abrahams bosome and my selfe opprest The burden of my sinnes doe weigh me downe At me the fiends doe laugh and Angels frowne My crimes I grant were geat and manifold Yet not so heynous as men make report But flattering Parasites are growne so bold That they of Princes matters make a sport To please the humors of the vulgar sort And that poore peevish giddiheaded crue Are prone to credit any tale untrue Let those that live endeavour to live well Left after death like mine their guilt remaine Let no man thinke there is no Heaven or Hell Or with the impious Sadduces maintaine That after death no flesh shall rise againe Let no man trust on Fortunes fickle wheele The guerdon due for â—â—ne I partly feele Know that the Prince of heavenly Saraphins When he 'gainst his Creator did rebell Was tumbled downe for his presumptuous sinne Sathan that once was blest like lightning fell From the highest heaven to the deepest hell And all those Angells that his part did take Have now their portion in the burning lake Of mighty heapes of treasure I could vant For I reapt profit out of every thing I could the Prince and peoples hearts inchant With my faire words and smooth fac'd flâ—ttering And out of drosse pure gold I oft did wring For though the meanes to win be oft unmeet The smell of lucre ever smelleth sweet So I somtimes had very much good hap Great suites of my dread Soveraigne to obtaine Prodigall fortune powr'd down from hâ—r lap Angels of gold as thick as drops in raine Such was my luck to finde the golden veine Likewise with me it seemed nothing strange Both tents and lands oft with my Prince to change I had another way t' inrich my selfe By geting licences for me alone For Wine Oyle Velvet Cloath and such like pelfe By licences to alienation By raising rents and by oppression By claiming Forrests Pastures Commons Woods And forfeiture of lands of life and goods By this strong course also I greatly thrived Jn falling out with my deere Soveraigne For I the Plot so cunningly contrived That reconcilement soone was made againe And by this meanes great gifts I did obtaine For that I might my bags the better fill I beg'd great suites as pledge of new goodwill Besides somtimes I did encrease my store By benefit that I from Oxford tooke Electing heads of houses heretofore I lov'd their money and they lov'd their booke Some poorer though more learned I forsooke For in those daies your charity was cold Little was done for love but much for gold Doubtlesse my Father was a valiant Peere In Edwaâ—d the sixt daies when he was sent Gainst Rebells that did rise in Norfolke shire And after that when he to Scotland went Under the Lord Protectors Regiment By notable exploits against the Sâ—ot Eternall glory to himselfe he got Truly ambition was his greatest fault Which commonly in noble hearts is bred He thought the never could his slate exalt Till the good Dâ—ke of Sumerset was dead Who by my Fathers meanes did lose his head So ill the race of Dudlies could endure The Seymors lives which did their fame obscure When once King Edward 〈◊〉 the butt had shot My Father sayd your Grace shoots neere the mark Thâ— King repli'd but not so neere I wot As when you shot my Vncles head off quite The duke my Father knew the King said right And that he ment this matter to debate If ere hee liv'd to come to mans estate It seemes my Father in times past had been A skillfull Archer though no learned clerke So straâ—ge a chance as this is seldome seen I doe suppose hâ— shot not in the dark That could so quickly hit so faire a mark Nor have I mâ—st my aime nor worse have sped When I shot off the Duke of Norfolks head Now when the Duke of Somerset was dead My Father to the French did Bulloigne sell As pleâ—sâ—d him the King he governed And from the privy counsell did depell Th'earles of Southampton and of Arundell Thus whilst he ruled and controuled all The wise young King extreamly sick did fall Who having languisht long of lâ—fe deprived Not wâ—thout poison as it was suspected The counsell through my Fathers meanes conâ—rived That Suffolks Daugther should be Queen elected Thâ— Sisters of King Edward were rejected My brother Guiâ—forâ— to Iane Gray was wedded Too high preferr'd that was so soone beheaded This Lâ—dy Iane that once was tearmed Queeen Greatâ—r in fame then fortune was put downe Had not King Henries Dâ—ughters living been Mâ—ght for her vertues have deserv'd a â—rowne Fortune at once on her did smile and frowne Her wedding garment for a Princes meet Was quickly changed for a winding sheet For I was iump of Julâ—â—us â—â—sars minde That could 〈◊〉 one supâ—rioâ— Lord endure Nay I to guide my Sâ—veraigne was inclin'd And bring the common people to my lure Accounting that my fortune was obscure And that I lived in a wofull plight If any one eclipst my glorious light The love to reigne makes many men respect Neither their friend their kindâ—ed nor their vow The love to reigne makes many men neglect The duty which to God and man they ow From out this fountaine many mischeifes flow Hâ—reof examples many may be read In Chronicles of th' English Princes dead This humor made King Hâ—râ—old break his oath Made unto William Duke of Normandy This made King Rufus and young Beauclaâ—k both Their elder Brother Robert to defie And Stephen to forget his loialty To Mawa the Empresse and to hold in scorne The faithfull oath which he to her had sworne This made young Henry crowned by his sire Against his Father Warfare to maintaine This made King Iohn the kingdome to aspire Which to his Nephew Arthur did pertaine And him in pâ—ison hardly to retaine And this made Buâ—ingbrook t' usurp the Crowne Putting his lawfull Soveraigne Richard downe This made Edward the fourth at his returne From Burgundy when he to Yorke was come To break the oath which he had lately sworne And rule the Realme in good King Henries roome This made the Tyrant Richard eke to doome His Nephewes death and rid away his wife And so in bloud to end
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâ—st of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâ—ward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâ—ivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâ—er pretenâ—ed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ— his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and â—bolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a câ—rtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâ—ry sâ—cretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâ—sse of Winchester which then was Treasuâ—er the old Eaâ—les of Arundell and Penbrooâ—e that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâ—lfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâ—ue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâ—ime the Queen of Scotland heâ—re apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ— I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâ—e second â—mpâ—diment imaginâ—d to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched â—ith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveâ—nment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâ—berty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâ—ssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâ—mples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ— trâ—iâ—ors against the fâ—rmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâ—red by their owne confession after but for â—mbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâ—d favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâ—otestants at this dâ—y of that Counâ—ry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ— King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâ—tly injured by the stâ—te of â—rance which is dâ—fferent from them in religion at this dâ—y if after the death of thâ— Kiâ—g that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ— Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâ—e of a different religion from thâ— present state of Englâ—nd and rhâ—t if he weâ—e King to morrow nâ—xt he would alter the whoâ—e government order condiâ—ion and state of râ—ligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ— consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
from time to time that his education was in all learning princely exercises and instruction of true religion under rare and vertuous men for that purpose Whereby I conceived hope that he might not onely become in time an honourable and profitable neighbour unto us for assurance of the Gospell in these parts of the world but also if God should deprive us of her Maiesty without issue might be a meane by his succession to unite in Concord and Government the two Realmes together which heretofore hath beene sought by the price of mary a thousand mens bloud and not obtained Marry yet now of late I know not by what means there 〈◊〉 â—egun in mens hearts a certaine mislike or grudge against him for that it is given out every where that he is inclined to be a Papist and an enemy to her Majesties proceedings which argueth him verily of singular ingratitude if it be true considering the great helpes and pâ—otection which he hath received from her Highnes ever sithens he was borne And are you so simple quoth the Gentleman as to beleeve everie report that you heare of this matter know you not â—hat it is expedient for my Lord of Leycester and his faction that this youth above all other bee held in perpetuall disgrace with her Majesty and with this Realme You know that Richard of Gloucester hâ—d never been able to have usurped as he did if hee had not first perswaded K. Edward the fourth to hate his owne brother the Duke of Clarence which Duke stood in the wâ—y between Richard and the thing which he most of all things coveted that is the possibilitie to the Crowne and so in this case is there the like device to be observed Foâ— truly for the yong King of Scotlands religion it is evident to as many as have reason that it can bee no other of it selfe but inclined to the best both in respect of his education instruction and conversation wiâ—h those of true religion as also by his former actions Edicts Government and private behaviour he hath declared Marrie these men whose profit is nothing lesse than thaâ— he or any other of that race should doe well doe not cease dayly by all secret wayes drifts and molestations possible to drive him either to mislike of our religion or else to incurre the suspition thereof with such of our Realme as otherwise would be his best friends or if not this yet for very need and feare of his owne life to make recourse to such other Princes abroad as may most offend or mislâ—ke this stâ—te And for this cause they suborne certaine busie fellowes of their owne crew and faction pertaining to the ministerie of Scotland but unworthy of so worthy a calling to use such insolencie towards their King and Prince as is not onely undecent but intolerable For he may doe nothing but they will examine and discusse the same in Pulpit If hee goe but on hunting when it pleaseth them to call him to their preaching if he make but a dinner or supper when or where or with whom they like not if he receive but a couple of horses or other present from his friâ—nds or kinsemen beyond the seas if hee salute or use courteously any man or messenger which commeth from them as you know Princes of their nobâ—lity and courtesie are accustâ—med though they come from â—heir enemies as very often hath beene seene and highly commended in her Majestie of England If hâ—e deale familâ—aâ—ly with any Ambassâ—dor which liketh not them or finally if hee doe say or signifie any one thing whatsoever that pleaseth not their humour they wil presently as seditious Tribunes of the people exclaime in publicke and stepping to the Pulpit where the Word of the Lord onely ought to be preached will excite the Communalty to discontentation inveying against their Soveraigne with such bitternes of speech unreverend tearmes and insolent controlements as is not to be spoken Now imagine what her Majesty and her grave councell would do in England if such proceedings should be used by the Clergy against them No doubt quoth I but that such unquiet spirits should be punished in our Realme And so I sâ—â—d of late to their most reverend and worthy Prelate and Primate the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews with whom it was my luck to come acquainted in London whither he was come by his Kings appointment as he said to treat certain affairs with our Q. and Councell And talking with him of this disorder of his ministerie he confessed the same with much griefe of mind and told me that â—e had preached thereof before the K. himselfe detesting and accusing divers heads therof for which cause he was become very odious to them and other of their faction both in Scotland and England But he said that as he had given the reasons of his doings unto our Qu. so meaneth he shortly to do the same unto Monsieur Beza and to the whole Church of Geneva by sending thither the Articles of his and their doâ—ngs proteâ—â—ing unto me that the proceedings and attempts of those factious and corrupt men was most scandalous seditious and perilous both to the K. person and to the realm being sufficienâ— indeed to alienate wholy the yong Prince from all affection to our religion when he shall see the chiefe Professors thereof to behave themselves so undutifully towards him That is the thing which these men his competitors most dâ—sire quoth the Gentleman hoping thereby to procure him most evill will and danger both at home and from England For which cause also they have practised so many plots and treacheries with his owne subjects against him hoping by that meanes to bring the one in distrust and hatred of the other and consequently the K. in danger of destruction by his own And in this machination they have behaved themselves so dexterously so covertly used the mannage and contriving hereof and so cunningly conveyed the execution of many things as iâ— might indeed seem apparent to the yong K. that the whole plot of treasons against his Realme and Person doth come from England thereby to drive him into jealousie of our state and our state of him and all this for their owne profit Neither is this any new device of my Lord of Leicest to draw men for his own gain into danger and hatred with the state under other pretences For I could tell you divers stories and stratagems of his cunning in this kind and the one farre different from the other in device but yet all to one end I have a friend yet living that was towards the old Earle of Arundel in good credit and by that means had occasion to deal with the late Duke of Norfolk in his chiefest affaires before his troubles This man is wont to report strange things from the Dukes owne mouth of my L. of Leicesters most treacherous dealing towards him for gaining of his bloud as after appeared albeit the