of grain plentifull for Catell but vnapt for trees It hath few springs and litle rain The people are heathfull of body swift of foote and indurable of labour Many who come not to vntimelie deaths by the sword or wild beasts would outliue the accustomed course of mans age if nature failed not for it is sildome heard that any die by sicknesse yet is the whole land stored with infinite swarmes of venemous wormes and beasts of prey But what people possessed the a Pauca ciâ—itates â—â—rint Originâ—m Country in the beginning who afterwards arriued or how they becam mingled one with another though diuersity of opinions possesse priuate fancies yet as we are letten to vnderstand by the interpretation of those Punique bookes which were said to be Hiempsals we will as briefly as we may relate as the case standeth what the Natiues report for truth in this matter Let euery man giue credite as he pleaseth to fancie it 2 The Getuli and Libians an vnciuill and barbarous people feeding vpon raw flesh and the fruits of the Earth as Beastes did first inhabit this Countrey They were neyther gouerned by Nature neither by Law nor superiority wilde stragling without leader and there resting where night ouertooke them But after that Hercules saith the Affricans dyed in Spaine his Army composed of diuers Nations hauing lost their Captaine in short time disbanded by reason of the disagreement and ambition of their Leaders Of these companies the Medes Persians and Armenians beeing transported into Affrique by shipping seized vppon the Sea-coastes of the Mediterranean The Persians tooke vp their Seates more inward toward the Ocean and turning the Keeles of their Boats vpwards vsed them in liew of better buildinges for neyther the soile affoorded Timber neyther was it lawfull to buy or barter for any in Spaine Further Traffique the Great Sea ignorance of forreine languages prohibited In processe of time by intermariages with the Getuli they became one Nation and for their wandering from place to place to prooue the goodnesse of pasturage for their Cattaile they tearmed themselues b A Graeca voce vemein i. pascers vnde dâ—rmatur dictio Nomades i. vagabâ—ndi pascentes Numidae Euen vnto this day those vpland buildinges of the Numidians which they tearme Mapalia Cottages are a kind of building edgelong on the top and broad-wasted below in a manner resembling the bottomes of ouerwhelmed Shipping Vnto the Medes and Armenians arriued the Libians for they conuersed more neerer the Affrican Sea The Getuli liued more neere the Sunne almost vnder the Tropique and by reason of the small distance of Sea between Spaine and them they built Townes in short time and gaue themselues to Traffique and Nauigation By assiduity the Libians corrupted their Names and of Medi in their barbarous languages called them Mauri The fortunes of the Persians in short time flourished whereupon vnder the name of Numidae in regard of their multitudes taking leaue of their Parents they seated theÌ„selue in the Territories next adioyning to Carthage and after their own names Numidia After some continuance of c Numidae Carthagiuâ—â— sium Carthaginensis Numidarum time the one Nation making vse of the other they inforced their neighbours either for loue or feare to subiection They became famous augmented their glories in greater measure then those that were nearer seated towardes d our Seas For the Lybians were not so warlike as the Getuli So for the most part the lower part of Affrica was wholy possessed by the Numidians and the e Viclis victorum nomen inditur victor imposed his owne name vpon the conquered people and country Againe the Phaeniceans some to diminish their home-bred multitudes and some of the Comminalty desirous of aduancement and other some in loue of nouelties arriued vpon the Sea-costs and there built Hippon Adrumetum Leptis and many other Citties which in short time grew admirable famous many whereof in future ages at some seasons gaue great assistance and at all times continued an honour to their first and ancient Countrimen I holde it more wisedome to silence the Originall of f Cum eius Origo fama factaruÌ„ ingentem deposcat historiam Carthage then to write thereof sparingly because time calleth me to make hast of another discourse Neere vnto Cathabathmon the frontier betweene Affricke and Egipt in the higher sea first appeareth Ciren Colonia Thereon the two g Duo arenosa loca in mari Sirtes betweene them Leptis and then Arae philenorum Heere endeth the Carthaginian Dominion towardes Egipt Beyond are some Citties of the Punique iurisdiction the residue the Numidians possesse as farre as Mauritania The Moores lie nearest Spaine Beyonde the Numidians men say that the Getuli liue some in homely Cottages some more rudely to wander as Vagarants Beyond them the Ethiopians and beyond them againe all places to be scorched with extreamity of heat CHAP. 3. 1. The estate of Affrique in the beginning of these warres 2 Iugurths cunning carriage 3. He prouoketh his Brother to fight and routeth his Army 1. IN this warre the Roman people did gouerne many of the Punique Townes and al those Territories which were lately conquered from the Carthaginians by their Lieutenantes A great part of the Getuli and the Numidians as far as the flood Mulucha were Subiect to Iugurth King Bochus was Lorde of the Moores by report onely knowne to the Romaines otherwaies neuer heard of either in times of war or treaties of peace Thus haue I spoken enough to purpose as concerning the scituation of Affricke and the people who inhabit it 2. The diuision of the kingdome beeing determined the Commissioners returned and Iugurth contrary to his owne feares hauing obtained a reward for his Treason began to call vnto mind how he had heard his friends at Numantia report That all things were vendible at Rome Vpon assurance whereof concurring with the late protestations of his corrupted fauourites being incouraged he resolued to make a proofe vpon the kingdome of Adherbal The inuader was violent and valourous the invaded peaceable No souldier Of a frolicke disposition Disgistiue of iniuries Fearefull rather then to be feared Whereupon Iugurth taketh the occasion and vpon the sodaine strongly inuadeth his frontiers maketh booty of men and Cattle fiereth villages sheweth himselfe in warlike aray with his horsmen before many good towns This Brauado performed he retireth with his people into his owne kingdome coniecturing that Adherbal coulde not but take this hostile outrage to heart and in like measure cry quittance which if he did then was his desires satisfied for this would he pretend to bee the cause of the quarrell But Adherbal for that hee knew himselfe inferiour in forces and reposed greater confidence in the friendship of the Roman people then in his Numidians dispatcheth Messengers to Iugurth to complaine of these outrages Who although they reported nothing backe again saue contumelious Language yet sat he still with full resolution to
or abandoning your naked bodies to your enemies were a point of madnesse beyond extreame In a set battaile no danger is comparable to feare Resolution is vnconquerable Valiant Companions euen the opinion of your woorthes your former exploits and your yeares fit for warre warrant my conceits of good fortune I will silence necessities true motiues to make Cowardes couragious the streights of the Mountaines forbid our Enemies to inclose vs and therefore if our destinies be to die set your liues at a deare rate die not vnreuenged neither suffer your selues to be taken Prisoners afterwards to be cut in pieces rather like Dogges then men of seruice Leaue nothing to your enemies to boast of saue a Lamentable and bloudie victorie 2. After a little pausing he commandeth to sound to the charge and Marshalling his battallions in very seemely order approcheth the place of encounter Where being arriued hee causeth euery man to dismisse his horse that the daunger being alike their hopes and constancie should be equall yea himselfe on foote rangeth his people as the Nature of the place and his numbers would permit The plaine was fortified on the left hand with Mountaines on the right with a steepe rocke Betweene these he brought the vauntgard consisting of eight Cohortes the Areregard he commaunded to march more close and in it he placed the chiefe and choisest Centurions The Mercinaries and best armed made the first rankes of the battell Caius Manlius marched on the right hand a certaine Fesulan on the left Himselfe with his fellow-Cittizens all free men borne and the aides of the Colonies stood next vnto the standard of the Eagle the same they say that C. Marius displaied in the Cimbrian warre On the other side C. Antonius being sicke of the Gout could not be at the combate and therefore made M. Petreyus his Lieutenant Generall Of old souldiers pressed out for the suddennesse of the businesse he made the voward the residue he placed behind for succor and aduantage Then gallopping through the rankes calling vpon euery Captaine by name he coniureth he commandeth he intreateth that that day they would shewe themselues men and call to remembrance that they were to fight but against a rable of vnarmed fugitiues for their Countrey their children their Religion This Martiall man had bin aboue thirty yeares Tribune and either as Generall Lieutenant or Colonell had borne the Offices in many fortunate battailes wherein he knew the insufficiency of his followers and their valiant exploits by repitition whereof he doubled their courages All places thus ordered hee soundeth the signall hee marcheth somewhat forward and then maketh a stand the like doth Cateline Then the battailes aproching within shot they runne fiercely to the shocke with diuers clamors and deadly hatred The shot being spent they fall to their swords The old Soldiers disdaining to be foiled go resolutely to the charge Laus optimi imperatoris Resolue I cannot whether he A better Chiefe or Souldier be and are as valiantly receiued both dooing their vtmost At last Cateline comming in with his light armed followers into the head of the battalions refresheth the weary planteth fresh soldiers in the places of the wounded hath an eye vppon all chances giueth and taketh many strokes finally performeth the part of a valiant souldier and an excellent Commander Petreyus assoone as hee pereciued the station of Cateline imagining that there his people should bee forcst trauelled without more ado chargeth into the midst of his enemies with the Pretorian Cohort speedily disordereth their rankes and slayeth as many as make resistance Then turneth he head vpon the winges and at the first shocke slayeth Manlius and Fesulanus When Cateline saw this miserable spectacle his armie defeated and few left about him calling to mind the Honour of his house and his auncient dignity thrusteth into the thickest of his enemies and there valiantly fighting was slaine The battaile beeing ended what valour and courage had bin in Catelines people was plainely to be discerned For what parcell of ground any one made choice of to stand on in fight the same being slaine his slaughtered carcasse couered Onely a few violently ouerborn by the fresh charge of the Pretorian cohort lay somewhat farther remoued yet al with their deaths-wounds vpon the fore-parts of their bodies The bodie of Cateline was at length found dead amongst the slaughter of his slaine enemies not yet altogether breathlesse but in countenance shewing some tokens of his liuing fiercenesse At a word not one free Cittizen was taken aliue either in fight or flight neither partie made spare of their owne bloods So farre forth that the victory prooued neyther ioyfull nor vnbloody to the Roman people For the brauest men were either slaine in fight or dangerously wounded Of many that went out of their Tents whether to gaze vpon the place of the battaile or to rifle the dead bodies of their Adversaries some found their friends some their Hosts some their Kinsmen and amongst them many of their knowne enemies Insomuch that the whole Campe was replenished with diuersitie of humors of ioy of heauinesse of Triumph of Mourning FINIS C. C. SALVSTIVS his History of the Warre of IVGVRTH Printed at London Anno MDCIX A Breuiat of the Historie Now the Realm of Tuâ—is in Barbary NVMIDIA contayneth that part of Affrick wherein Massinissa the faithfull friend and confederate of the Roman people sometime raigned This Massinissa had three Sonnes Micipsa Manastaball and Gulussa Manastaball and Gulussa died by whose death the Kingdome entirely descended to Micipsa Micipsa had issue Adherbal and Hiempsal Iugurth he fostered as the Sonne of his Brother Manastabal for that his Grand-father Massinissa had left him vnaduanced as his base Grand-Childe begotten on the body of a Concubine The man was ambitious well qualified of a ready wit and great spirit elder then Adherbal or Hiempsal In iealousie whereof Micipsa fearing that if he should die during the minority of his children that their Cousin Iugurth might happen ambiciously to vsurpe the Kingdome resolued to oppose him to daungerous aduentures in hope by these meanes to see him miscarry About the same time it happened that the Romans vnder the conduct of Scipio besieged Numantia in Spaine wherevnto Micipsa sent certaine Regiments of Horse and foote vnder the commaund of his Kinsman Iugurth their Generall making full accouÌ„t in this iourney to heare newes answerable to his plotted desseignements but Fortune had otherwise decreed for in this war the reputation of Iugurth more and more increased yea he made so many faire proofes of his valour in this Action that Scipio not only commended him in a publicke Oration but the warre ended and Numantia razed he inuested him with many military honors by his Letters commending his seruice to Micipsa in very worthy and honourable tearmes which bred so sodaine an alteration in the King that whereas before he fully minded his destruction hee now wisheth and intendeth nothing so much as his
Spaine thou hast reuiued the remembrance of our deceased Progenitors Masâ—inissae qui claruit sub Hasdrubaie Aboue all a worke most difficult thy Vertues haue ouertopped Enuy. And now for that I perceiue that my life draweth towardes an end I admonish and adiure thee by this right hand and the allegiance which thou owest to thy countrey Quam ad tunc tenuit that thou estrange not thy loue and seruice from these thy kinsmen whom by fauor and adoption I haue created thy Brethren neither couet thou in gouernment to admit of strangers rather then of those who are allied vnto thee in blood and parentage Loyall friends not the armed Souldier nor the Richest Treasure are the surest guards of Kingdomes True friendship which thou canst neither allure by practise nor buy with gold is purchased by respect fidelity And who I pray thee should be more indeered then one Brother to another Or what stranger shall that man find confident who proueth a Traytour to his owne blood Surely if you continue vertuous I bequeath you a strong Kingdome if yee turne euill a weake Patrimony By Vnity small thinges are multiplyed by Dissention the greatest kingdomes are ruinated Beleeue me Iugurth it is thy Office for that thou art eldest in yeares and experience to take care that nothing happen contrary to these my latest Counsels for in all controuersies the man that is most powerfull though hee receiue an iniury yet will it be supposed that he hath giuen it because he is best able to do it Againe you my sonnes see that you Honour and aduance this your worthy Kinsman Imitate and out-strippe hins in vertue least it be said by me that I haue adopted brauer Children then I haue begotten Although Iugurth conceited that the King spake not this from his heart hauing his mind busied vpon farre higher different cogitations yet for the present he gaue courteous and gracious language Within a fewe dates after Micipsa dyed CHAP. 2. 1. The Roytelets assemble about partition of the Kingdome 2. Hiempsal disgraceth Iugurth 3. His reuenge 4. And preparation to warre 5. His course after victory 6. Adherbals Accusation 7. Iugurths excuse 8. Order taken to content both Parties 9. The yssue AFter the three Roytelets according to the custome of their Auncestors had Royally interred the body of Micipsa they apointed a time of meeting ther to take order for their further affaires Where Hiempsal the youngest of three but by Nature the proudest now as before time scorning the base discent of Iugurth by his mother tooke place vpon the right hand of Adherbal that Iugurth might not sit in the midst which amongst the Numidians is accounted the most Honourable place Neither could he by his Brothers earnest importunity without apparant discontent be perswaded to remoue on the other hand Where amongst many particulars proposed of gouernement Iugurth affirmed that whatsoeuer Micipsa had decreed fiue yeares before his death ought to be of no validity for that by reason of his aged years during those times his sences had failed him Wherewithall Hyempsal was well pleased for within the space of these three yeares last past quoth hee you were adopted as co-heire into the Kingdome Which words tooke deeper impression in the heart of Iugurth then any man present would haue suspected 3 This disgrace from this time forwarde prouoked Iugurth irresolute betweene wrath and feare to study and plot in his minde how to surprize Hyempsal by Treason Which determination working but to slow effects and his inraged passion nothing the lesse by time asswaged he now resolueth to dispatch it vpon any occasion At their first meeting shewed you before to auoide all causes of contention they tooke Order to diuide the Treasure and to limit out euery man the bounds of his portion A time certaine is set downe to perfect both these Decrees but with order to haue the diuision of the money first dispatched Whereuppon the Roytelets seuerally remoue to places neerely adioyning to that place where the Treasures were stored Hiempsal tooke vp his lodging by great chaunce in his house who was Captaine of the Guard to Iugurth a man very inward and gracious with his maister Him by fortune thus making a fit Instrument for Treason Iugurth solliciteth by massie promises corrupteth without deniall importuneth to forge and deliuer him the counterfeit keyes of his house for the true keyes were nightly carried vp into Hiempsals Chamber The remainder as occasion serued himselfe with his armed retinue would take order to dispose of The Numidian speedily executeth his masters commands and according to his instructions at night giueth entrance vnto Iugurths Souldiers who were no sooner in possession of the house but they disperse themselues some to seeke the King some to murder Hiempsals seruants others to make good their entrance in case any person made resistance This done they left no secret place vnransaked they broke vp Presses and diued into euery blind corner confounding all places with noise and vprore and at last lighted vppon Hiempsal hidden in the lodging of a poore Maide-seruant whether the sudden apprehension of feare and ignorance of the place in the beginning of the tumult had frighted him to flye vnto The Murderers as they had in commaund strike off his head and present it to Iugurth The fame whereof in a trice flyeth ouer all Affrique 4. Adherbal and the Subiects of Micipsa stand astonished at the report of so haynous a treacherie The people in generall fall to partes-taking The greater number continue constant to Adherbal the men of Warre follow Iugurth Whereupon without further delay he raysest the strongest forces he can hee seizeth vppon Townes some by force and some by faite speeches hee vniteth them to his former portion and casteth in his mind how to become sole-Lord of Numidia Adherbal notwithstaÌ„ding that he had sent his messengers to Rome to informe the Lordes of the Senat of the death of his Brother and his particuler misfortunes yet seeing himselfe well accompanied with armed troopes he doubteth not the aduenture of his welfare vpon the hazard of a battell But comming vnto tryall his army was defeated himselfe glad to flye into his owne prouince from whence he tooke his way towards Rome 5 Now Iugurth being Maister of his desires peaceable Lord of al Numidia reuoluing in his mind the future scandall of this heynous murther saw none of whom he should need to stand in feare of but the Roman people To mitigate whose wrath no hopes remained but such as Mony and the auarice of the Nobilitie afforded Wherfore to preuent stormes on that side hee within a few dayes after dispatcheth his Ambassadors towards Rome plentifully loaden with Gold and Siluer giuing them instructions First to present his ancient acquaintance Secondly to drawe in New And lastly to bee sparing towardes no man so hee were in place to countenance his practises So ariuing at Rome according to the direction of their Lord
in ful cariere to affront any that came so to intangle and disorder the Army Thus with these ready and trained footmen they had almost routed their enemies This very instant Zama was strongly pressedâ— the Colonels and Tribunes discharged their duties most valiantly other hopes they expected none but such as their own prowesse could affoord each other In like manner the Townesmen resisted as valiantly they fought stoutly and prepared for all euents One party was more violent to wound another then carefull to defend their owne bodies The cry was mixt with contrary encouragements with contrary ioyes and contrary sorrowes The noise of Weapons ascended the Aire and no spare of shot was made on either side Those vpon the wals assoon as the heat of the fight a litle slaked took leisure to behold the horse fight of Iugurth As the Iugurthines either prospered or had the worse so might a man perceiue in their faces courage or feares and as they could either be seen or heard by their fellowes some they taught some they incouraged made signes with their hands and like moueable gestures with their bodies as men are constrained to doe in auoiding or weilding their missile weapons Which being made knowne to Marius for vpon that quarter lay his charge he began of purpose to slaken the assault and to dissemble a distrust of preuailing permitting the Numidians at pleasure to behold the Kinges encounter Whilst the Zamenses stood thus earnestly gazing vpon their fellowes vppon the sodaine Marius attempteth the wall with great violence the souldiers by Scalado had almost gained the curtaine The Townesmen run to defence stones fireworkes and shot fly thicke and threefold The Romans at first receiued them valiantly but after that one or two ladders were broken ouerthrown those that stood vpon them were pittifully brused The residue as well as they could retired some sound the greater part wounded And thus night parted the fray CHAP. 18. 1 Metellus riseth from Zama 2 Wintereth his army 3 turneth force into pollicy 4 Iugurth yeeldeth flyeth off againe MEtellus perceiued that hee spent time and men to no purpose that the Town was impregnable that Iugurth could not bee forced to fight but by ambushes in places of his owne choise and lastly that Summer was spent he arose from Zama and into those towns which had reuolted from Iugurth being by nature or art any way fortified he thrust in sufficient garrisons 2 The residue of his Troops he led into the prouince there to spend the Winter in garrison Being there as others had done he suffered them not to spend their times in sloth and lazinesse but sithence he could not preuaile by force he worketh the Kings frends by policy and prepareth to make vse of theyr trayterous mindes in stead of fight 3 Acquaintance is the Anuile on which this proiect must be hammered Bomilchar the man This was he that had accompanyed Iugurth to Rome and after giuing in of sureties had notwithstanding secretly made an escape in feare of processe for the death of Massiua Him hee meaneth to make proofe of by faire words and golden promises First he soundeth and secretly effâ—cteth a priuate conference and then vpon oth hee auoweth to procure him pardon and performance of all other promises from the Lords of the Senat if he would vndertake to deliuer him Iugurth aliue or dead The Numidian being partly of a perfidious disposition and partly misdoubting that if the Romans and his Lord Iugurth fell into tearmes of peace himselfe by the Articles of agreement might happen to bee demaunded and deliuered to punishment was quickly perswaded Vpon the first occasion Bomilchar finding Iugurth troubled and perplexed for his euill fortune commeth vnto him and with teares in his eyes mouth and beseecheth him that he would now at length looke vppon the compassionaâ—e estate of himselfe his Children and the whole Kingdome of Numidia which had so well deserued at his hands He fayleth not to put him in mind that in al fights they had carryed away the worst that the Countrey lay wasted that much people were either slaine or carryed away Prisoners that the wealth of the Kingdome was exhausted By this time sayth hee you haue made tryall inough what your Souldiers can doe what your fortunes can promise I could wish you to aduise lest your hopes vppon aelayes fayle you not the Numidians take some course to prouide for themselues By these and like reasons he insinuateth with the kings humours to faâ—l to composition Messengers are sent to shewe the Generall that Iugurth is ready to performe whatsoeuer is commaundedâ— that without capitulation he will simply yeeld himselfe and his kingdome to his discretion 4 The Generall speedily causeth all the Gentlemen of Senators ranke to bee sent for out of their wintering places with them others whom he thinketh meet he goeth to counsell according to ancient custome by an order set downe by the Counsell Iugurth is commanded by Messengets to bring in two hundred thousand waight of siluer all his Elephants and a proportion of horse and munition Which beeing perfomed with expedition the Consull likewise commandeth the fugitiues to be brought bound before him According to commaund the greater part are so presented vpon the first motion of the composition some few departed into Mauritania toward king Bocchus 5 Thus Iugurth being bereaued of his Armes men and mony is summoned to Tisidium to performe the Articles when againe he beganne to repent him of his bargaine and by the sting of his owne conscience to growe suspitious of deserued punishment His doubts wore out many daies somtime he recounted that in the irkesomnesse of aduerse fortune all miseries were lighter then the pressures of warre at another time his mind was perplexed to thinke vpon the hard estate of those who from a kingdome were deiected to seruitude At last being not yet furnished with many and great meanes of assistants vncashiered he beginneth the warre afresh At Rome the Lordes going to Counsell concerning the prouinces Numidia is againe decreed to Metellus CHAP. 17. Marius affecteth the Consulship his politicke proceeding IN these times by chance C Marius offered Sacrifice to the gods at Vtica The Auruspex declared that the signes portended great and wonderful euents These the fauours of the Gods he laid vp in his minde and other times making like triall of his fortunes he alwaies found the tokens answerable An immeasurable desire of attaining the Consulship had long ago possessed the man to the atchiuing whereof besides the discent of his house he had good giftes at will Industrious honest a great souldier high minded Parsimonious in priuate a contemner of wealth pleasure in publicke onely greedy of glory Notwithstanding his birth and his bringing vp at Arpinas in his Childhood where he first learnt to vndergoe the labour of war he spent his youth in seruice for wages not in learning the Greek toong or City-complements And thus by being conuersant among virtuous
Testimonyâ— he was threescore yeares old whâ—n he bâ—gan to writ his Historie at which age hee cou'd hard'y endure to take that paâ—neâ— which we do expâ—ct man Historiographer His owne words are I am weary to set downe the matters of smallest moment in that warre And againe Who can endure to read all without tediousnesse Thâ—se are meerly the phrases of Oraâ—ors as was also the Oration of Lauredan against Mimus â—â—uouring of the same affectation wherein hee stood so precisely vpon thâ— purity of a woâ—d that fiâ— were not true Grammer he would refuse it were it neuer so significant The Emperour of Turkes he woulde stile King of Thrace being scarcely the twentieth part of his Kingdome and the Duke of Millaine King If he did it for phrase sakeâ— in my Opinion he did worse for seâ—câ— sake But Procopius was farre vnlike Bembus Procopius for it should seeme that he neither neglected or vnderstood not the method of History nor the elegancie of the Greek tongue but related the bare accident with diligent obseruation of thinges of small moment And for that he alwaies accompanied Bellisarius in Action was of his Counsell imployed in diuers Embassies and indifferent wel learned I make no doubt to ranke him with the best And againe I could not but allow him the credit of a most true Authour because he setteth downe the Letters the Counsels the leagues and Orations in diuers and different stile of speeches infallable arguments of true relations but that he remembreth his Bellisarius somewhat more often then modesty may warrant and that manie times very foolishly And yet no where so foolish as where he excuseth the murder of Constantianus maister of the Horse to Iustinian the Emperour procured by Bellisarius and would haue the worlde beleeue That the destinies and not his Maister had decreed that Constantianus should die in that manner His coniectures of the thirty Hogges and the Statue of Theodorus I reckon as childish As also his dimension of Thule to be twice as great as Brittaine being indeed not so by halfe But his report that Vesuvius scituated on this side Naples should disgorge ashes which with the wind were carried as farre as Bizantium passeth all beliefe being prodigies altogether sauouring of Graecian leuity wherein the Heathen Historiographers are not onely to be taxed but likewise the Ecclesiasticall Nicephorus Nicephorus Calistus is stuffed with like Fables and Zonoras otherwise an allowable Author with Nicephorus Gregoras are of the same straine and now and then Eusebus Caesariensis As where with eagernesse of protestation he affirmeth that he saw a plant grow of his owne accord at the base of a piller Whereupon a brazen Statue of Christmas erected and by the woman cured of her issue of blood dedicated to our SAVIOVR three hundred yeares before Which as soone as by growth it had touched the extreamest hem of the Statues ingrauen garment it proued to cure al maner of diseases The like estimate ought to be had of the workes of Antoninus Adonis Saxo GraÌ„maticus Sigisbert Phriculphus Nauclerus Marianus Merlin Vrspergensis Annonius Turpin Guaguin and such like old Annales which notwithstanding we cannot vtterly want of these too some are better then other For although Gregory Turenensis Antonius Florentine Gulielmus Bishop of Tire and Abbas VrspengeÌ„sis relate many prodigious miracles yet amongst them shall you find verie profitable and good obseruations especially for those times which as a man may say were ouer whelmed with Barbarisme For they were men long and much imployed in affaires of state and publicke Counsels And therefore it may wel beseeme vs amongst their Garbish to cut out their best annotations as men doe Golde out of Rockes and Rubbish especially where better are not to bee had As for the Historie of the Tartars if you wil not credit Paulus Venetus and Hayton then must you al most beleeue no man P. Venetus Haiton And that which they wrote is but little and full of Fables but of the two Hayton is the truer P. Venetus writeth that the Caspian Sea is alwaies without Fish except on fasting daies that Quinzay containeth in circuit seauenty miles and hath twelue thousand bridges vnder which For their concauitie Ships vnder saile may passe and repasse The Acts Customes Lawes and Religion of the Tartars you must vnderstand where you can The state of Aethiopia F. Aluarus hath written with better integritie and more warinesse being since confirmed by Straungers F Aluarus good Authors and late Trauellers and with great delight to bee pervsed The late Histories of the Gothes Saxons Neruians Sarmatians or Polonians and Danes ZeÌ„glerus Cromerus Crantzius Olaus haue published al except Olaus very probable Authors who now and then telleth wouders whereof manie by the Testimony of Authors and good witnesses may induce perswasion as the metamorphosing of men into Wolues once set downe by the Authoritie of Herodotus Pomponius Mela and the Ancients and nowe againe verified by the Moderne Which Gaspar Pencer a man of great Learning well aduised and one that had trauelled through most partes of Europe did signifie vnto me that hee heard it crediblie reported by the Inhabitantes to bee true Which whether it bee a secret of Nature as is storied of Parrhasius or an influence of Diuine punnishment as it is recorded of Nabuchadnezar I cannot yet resolue Leo Afer After Aluaresius followeth Leo Afer and for similitude of subiect I will compare him to Pomponius Strabo and Pausanias whome I will hence-forward tearme Geographistorici for their Geographicall method of Historie Strabo lightly toucheth the kingdomes and Common-weales of the whole world Pausanias onely the Prouinces of Greece but so exactly describeth their greatnesse their declinings the inhabitants the Citties Castles Riuers Hilles Springs Temples and statues that by al mens opinions in that kind be challengeth precedency So Leo Afer by birth a Moor by habitation a Spaniard first a Mahumetan and afterward a Christian after he had Trauailed almost the better part of Affricke Asia the lesse and a good portion of Europe was taken Prisoner by Pirats and presented to Pope Leo. During the tearme of which captiuity be translated into the Italian tongue these remembrances which with infinite toile hee had gathered in the Arabian language concerning Affrica the customes lawes and diuers people thereof with the scituation and description of the whole Region The art military he seldome toucheth but the ouerthrowes of their Kings giuen and taken he briesely relateth without Orations or ornament of stile Geographically not Historically and yet with pleasing delight of noueltie he coÌ„fineth his vnwilling Reader to studious perseuerance He thrusteth vpon vs no great impossibilities vnlesse it be the admirable docility of the Egiptian Asse of which himselfe was an eye-witnesse Likewise that the tailes of certaine Sheepe of Egipt shoulde weigh some fiftie pound some one hundred and tweâ—tie pound It is the report also of Bellonius Hieronimus and Cardanus At a word bee onely
which we haue heere before described Thus much for choise of History which I avow not so positiuely to haue published but that therin I am content to leaue euery man to his free election FINIS THE CONSPIRACIE of Cateline written by C. Crispus Salustius The Proëme CHAP. 1. BY howe much Nature hath created Man the worthiest of all liuing Creatures by so much the rather ought a Pli. Omni homini id faciendum est quo se aliquaÌ„do vixiâ—â—e testetur he by Vertuous exercises to Dedicate to eternity some Record of his proficiency and not to die in Scilence or Obliuion like the Beasts of the field whom God hath fashioned onely of a Seruile condition b Paululum admodum sentiens praeterita aut futura fit for no proiect but to feede the belly Our sufficiency consisteth aswell of a Soule as of a Body yea more bountifully assisted by the Essence of the One then any way aduanced by the faculties of the Other For of the First we participate with the Goddes The Second we inioy in no fuller a measure then euery other Base Creature Whereupon â— dare be bolde to affirme that it is more commendable to Labour in quest of glory by c Sen. In omnia prâ—mittendus est animus cogitandumque non quid soleâ— sed quicquid potest sierâ— Learning and good Artes considering the shortnesse of our daies bound as I saide to leaue somewhat behind vs to the eternizing of our remembrance then to purchase Fame by the dependancies of Valour and Fortitude For Riches and Strength of Body are fleeting and determinable Vertue is onely permanent and out-liueth Time But it hath beene much questioned amongst diuers sorts of men whether d Alterum indiget auxilio alterius corpus auxilio animi animus auxilio corporis strength or Policy in the Art Military hath best ballanced the affaires The conclusion whereof hath bin that Before Resolution it is the wisest course to advise slowly but after mature aduice to proceede roundly Wherby it should seem that the one without the assistaÌ„ce of the other can affoord no true safety And therefore in Auncient time e Vt Trismegistus Ptolomeus the Kings for that was the first attribute of Honour in this worlde did some take delight in the contemplation of Wisedome and the Vertues of the mind others in exercises of Actiuity and strength of bodie For as yet the f Vnde aurea secula feruntur sub Saturno fuisse Ambitious desire of Soueraignty had not inthralled mens mindes to Couetize euery one passed his time with content of his priuate fortunes But after that Cyrus in Asia and the Lacedemonians with the Athenians in Greece began to force Cities and to subdue Nations then the loue of Soueraignty became a iust Title for Warre and invasion and the largest Empire was inrolled for the most Honourable conquest Euen then by dangers and occurrances experience gaue proofe that Policy bore no small sway in Martial exploits But if the carriages of Kings and Princes bore like moderation in times of peace as they affoord in Tempests of Warre surely the estates of Kingdomes and the affayres of this world would longer flourish and be better gouerned And then should we neither behold VsurpatioÌ„s nor mixture of Nations nor confusion of Languages for it is doubtlesse true that Kingdomes are safest maintained by those meanes by which they were at first acquired But where as Sloth is entertained insteed of Labor Lust in lieu of Chastity h Hinc Catâ—nâ—m aâ—â—nt cenâ—uisse de Carthagine non deâ—enda vt inde inuentus Romana teneretur in militia Iuven. Nunc patimur longae pacis mala saeuior armis Luxuria incubuit and Pride maketh scorne of Aequity there of necessity must our hard Fortunes participate of our manners and behauiours And so it commonly falleth out that all Empires at first in themselues Valiant and vertuous haue degenerated and declined For let men assure themselues that Whether they imploy their Times in Husbandry Traffique or gorgeous Buildinges Perpetuity consisteth in i Plaut Omnia assunt bona quem penes est virtus Vertue For as concerning those partâ—s of men whose mind is their belly their delight sleep their body against common sence their Coyance their Nobler part agreeuance vtterly vnlearned and worse nurtured spending their daies as Ideots and k Qui transeunt non transigunt Strangers of these I say I put no distinction betweene their liuing soules and their dead Carkases for that l Inglorij sunt vinâ— mortui with their bodies their remembraunce is buried But the man that either spendeth his time in publicke Office in atchieuement of Honour or aduancement of his name by the inuention of some good profitable Art him will I affirme truely to liue and essentially to participate of a reasonable soule But in this mixture and vniuerse of humors Nature hath laide out to diuers men diuersity of courses as to meditate the prosperity and welfare of the state is exceeding commendable no lesse praise-worthy is it to speake well and to plead iudiciously and to inuest posterity with the Titles of Honor in merit of our good carriages either in Peace or Warre is no lesse allowable neither they that haue beene Actors nor they that haue beene the Registers of others honourable actions are to be denied or defrauded of their Lawrell Girlands And in my Iudgement although the like commendation were to be bestowed vppon the Historiographer as may seeme deserued due to the Actor yet thus much dare I affirm that it is a most difficult task by writing to represent the Actions of great Personages First for that words and stile ought to equalize their deeds Secondly for that many men are of opinion that the reprehension of faults proceedeth from Spleene or Enuy whereas in recitall of the Vertues and generous passages of good men euery one according to his slender capacity opinionating the facility of performance giueth the beliefe but what is more or goeth beyond his incredulous vnderstanding he reputeth false and therefore fabulous Now I being a young man amongst others was taken from my Booke and thrust into the worlde wherein I found many things were opposite to my disposition For insteed of modesty abstinence and frugall Liberality I found all places accustomed m Vbi prisci Romani abstinebant à gradu altiore quam digni videbantur nunc per largitionem omnia inuadebant to Impudence Bribery Auarice Which although my very soule did loath as a Virgin vndefiled with these contagious abuses yet by reason of my tender yeares as it could not otherwise fall out in the very context of so many fretting and inticing frailties I could not escape the humour of Ambition For beeing spotlesse in all other Vanities the same desire of preferment which had atached others with boldnes ambition n Dociles imitandis turpibus et prauiâ— omnes
welfare and aduancement adopteth him his Sonne and shortly after dying left him Co-heire with his Children throughout his whole estates and dominions After whose disease the three Roytelets Adherbal Hiempsal and Iugurth deuising with themselues about the portion of the Kingdome Iugurth trayterously slayeth Hiempsal the younger of the twaine and casting in his haughty mind how by the death of the other he might become sole Lord of the whole firmely resolueth to leuy an Army wherwith he giueth the ouerthrow to the elder Brother Adherbal Who after this defeature flyeth to Rome and there aggrauating his Brothers death his owne banishment and Iugurths treasons beseecheth aid of the Lordes of the Senate The Lords accord and send tenne Commissioners into Affricke to make diuision of the Kingdome betweene them who had no sooner ended the businesse and turned their backes but Iugurth entertayned his former practises and a new inuadeth his Brothers portion with warre and slaughter To represse this his insolency Adherbal of meere necessitie is driuen to leuy an Army and to march against Iugurth but is againe ouerthrowne and with a few Horsemen in his company forced to fly vnto Cirtha whether Iugurth aduaunceth his forces and besiegeth the Citty Hereof Adherbal by Letters certifieth the Lordes of the Senate giuing them to vnderstand vppon what desperate tearmes his estate depended how hee was depriued of his kingdome by Iugurth and forced by warre and famine to vndergoe such vtmost extremities that long time he was not able to make good the place of his refuge euen the sanctuary of his life That his aduersary little regarded the censures of the Senat finally that they would vouchsafe to send him potent and speedy succours Vpon the opening of these Letters many gaue their opinions in fauour of the distressed estate of Adherbal but others corrupted by the Numidian aduised rather to send Commissioners vnto Iugurth with authority to commaund him in the name of the Lordes and people of Rome to abstaine from farther violence Iugurth gaue these Commissioners during their imployment in Affricke faire language and faithfull protestations but after their departure fell a fresh to his former proiects Wherupon the besieged desire Adherbal to pitty the estates of so many innocent people in the Towne that seeing he could not otherwise prouide for his safety that he would yeelde the place vpon assurance of his life onely Which being granted and the towne surrendred without respect of Oth or kindred Iugurth falsifieth his Faith and cruelly murdereth his innocent Brother The newes whereof much disquieted the Lordes of the Senate and therefore they posted away Lucius Calphurnius Bestia the Consull with an Army into Affricke to giue stop to his further proceedinges but he being corrupted by Iugurth in stead of punishing the Traitor concluded a most dishonorable peace Wherewith the Lordes of the Senat being much more moued then before dispatched away Albinius the Consull with order and authority to represse the Traytors insolencies but him Iugurth so long deluded with promises and counterfeit demonstrations of submission and conformity that the yeare beeing spent without doing any thing he was inforced to leaue all as he found it and to hasten to Rome against the day of election nominating his brother Aulus Lieutenant of the Army Prouince This man either on a foolish opinion to reap the glory of finishing this warre or vppon auarice to fill his priuate Coffers in Ianuary in the depth of Winter leadeth the Army into the open field Iugurth quickly finding the insufficiency of this new Generall pretending feare and cowardize trayneth his enemy into woody and mountanous Countries yea and to colour his subtilty sendeth his humble petition to the Roman Generall with offers of submission and satisfaction The faster he fled the more eager was Aulus in pursuit vntill Iugurth taking the benefit of time and the aduantage of the place found easie meanes to rout the whole Romain Army The day following they fell to composition First that the Roman Prisoners should be dismissed Sub iugum Secondly the whole army within ten daies cleerly to depart the bounds of Numidia This daunted the people for the present but gathering againe their spirits notwithstanding the composition of Aulus and his peoples ouerthrow they dimitted Numidia to Metellus the Consull for his Prouince This excellent Commaunder finding the Army corrupted by the remisse carriage of his Predecessors first restored the Ancient discipline then by hazarding a set-battell with Iugurth put him to the worse After him Marius Consull elect succeeded in this Prouince of Numidia who persecuting the war with courage and good Fortune vtterly vndid the Numidian and getting him into his possession by policy led him through Rome as a Captiue before his Triumphall Chariot C. C. SALVSTIVS his History of the Warre of IVGVRTH The Proëme FAlse and friuolous is this generall complaint of Mankind That Nature hath not onely endowed vs with weake bodies and those of short continuance but also hath subiâ—cted theÌ„ more to the influence of Fortune then to the predominance of Vertue a Clamantes vt poeta Fortuna immeritos auget honoribus Iustos illa viros pauperie grauat Indignos eadem diuitijâ— beat c. For vpon mature aduice if we coulde call our indowments into consideration we should find no Planet to bee of like operation or greater efficacy to preferment To the atchieument whereof we may more truly lay to blame vpon our want of industry then eyther vppon the shortnesse of life or indigence of meanes For without doubt the b Animum rectum bonum quid aliud voces quà m deam in humano corpore hospitem Mind is Lord and Monarch of Mortality which whensoeuer it resolueth to climbe the aduenturous passage of Aduancement by the path of c Sen. Neminem dedignatur qui modò se dignum illâ iudicaueriâ— Vertue it shall finde it selfe aboundantly furnished with sufficiency and fauours powerfull and eminent without any way being beholding to the inconstancy of that disgracefull Goddesse for that shee hath neither meanes to giue nor power to bereaue vs of our good reputation of our industrie no nor of the least of any of our vertuous inclinations But when we enthrall these so powerfull instincts to sloth base motions and bodilie pleasures and therein haue worne out our strong bodies our irrecouerable youth and excellent wits then is it Error and no iust complaint to accuse Nature of weaknesse infirmity our selues being the workers of our own woe by pretence of impotencie and difficulty But had we the like alacrity to ayme at the fairest obiects as we haue inclination to affect the basest courses and those of no worth yet full of hazards we should be as ready to resist fortune as fortune were d Nullum numen habeâ— si sit prudentia c. able to crosse our intendments yea we should share so farre forth with glory and greatnesse that in despight of Obliuion our
names after death should participate of eternity For as wee are compacted of Soule and body so all our thoughts words and actions follow some the frailties of the flesh som the vertues of the Soule And therefore by the infallible law of Nature beauteous faces immeasurable riches and strongest bodies shall in short time decline and perish All things that haue a beginning must of necessitie haue an ending somtime falling before they are blossomed but how euer wayning before they are fully come to perfection But the gifts of a vertuous mind are subiect to no such limitations they are as the Soule Immortall Time-scorners the guids of life resisting all things commanding all things containing all things yet vncommaunded and vncontained of any Which high and Soueraigne Prerogatiues make me the more to wonder to see men spend the whole date of their dayes Dum seruitur libidini facta est consuetudo dum consuetudini non resistitur facta est necessitas in Reuelling Ryot and Idlenesse suffering their wits the richest Ornament of humane bodies for want of courage and imployment to rest base and vulgar especially sithence the mind affordeth such store and diuersity of means to rise to aduancement But it should seem that men thus qualified in these daies affect not Offices Superiority imployment in the state because vertue is neither countenanced nor those who haue attained preferment by indirect courses the freer from f Cum non iustis sufragijs ius obtinuerint Disgrace nor accounted more honest For although by their supereminence they haue iurisdiction ouer their country and parents and may punish offences yet is the President distastfull In Magistratibus neque salus nec requâ—es nisi benè vtentibus for that all h Hoc est regi per Magistratus non electoâ— liberis suffragijs innouation irritateth Discontents Ielousies Quarrels and Scandall Whereas on the other side againe to gape after a thankelesse Office and to reape for our labours nothing but Enuy is as extreame a part of madnesse vnlesse it bee for him whome a preiudicate and factions i Vt fecère aliqui in fauorem Caesaris PoÌ„peij et Augusti humour of power possesseth thereby to gratifie the ambition abuses and partialities of a few great personages But to come to my purpose of all taskes that the minde can vndertake I hold none to be of greater vse then k Historia est testis tem poruÌ„ lux veritatis magistra vitae nuncia vetustatis History of whose excellency because many famous men haue worthily discoursed thereof I will forbeare to speake least some seuere censurer should tax me of affectation for praising the profession wherein I confesse I take most delight Yea and I am in perfect beleefe that othersome for that I was once determined to spend the remainder of my daies in vacancy from State-Affayres wil not stick to write vpon the forhead of these my laborious and profitable studies the Titles of l Quia absque magno labore sed non sine Arte videtur seribi Historia Sloth But my best hope is they wil proue only such who onely account it a worke of industry to complement with the people or by making good cheere to captiuate mens fauours Who if it please them to remember in what times I was chosen to Office and what men at the same times were put by with the insufficiences of such as afterwardes were chosen into Parliament they cannot but acknowledge that I l Sapientis est mutiare propositum sires mutentur changed my mind vppon due considerations and not vpon any inclination to Sloth and that the common-wealth is likely to reape more profit by my times of leysure then by the continuall imployments of some other For I haue often heard Q. Maximus P. Scipio others our honorable Predecessors report that the intentiue contemplation of the m Vnde dici solet picturas et coelaturas illiteratorum esse libros Medalls of their Auncestors hath often inflamed their minds to Emulation not that the painting or the liueles protraiture had any such influences in theÌ„ but that the recording of their glorious actions did disperse such a Bout-feau of imitation in their spirits that it could neuer bee extinguished vntill they had equalized their highest Vertues But in these times of corruption what man liueth that contendeth not with his fore-fathers in acquisition of riches expence but neyther in honesty nor industry Euen vpstarts who in the olde world were accustomed to enter the ranke of Nobility Quorum maiores nunquam fuere in to Magistratâ— by worth and sufficiency in these daies lay their plots for preferment by sinister endeuours and not by vertuous courses As if the Praetership Consul-ship and such like offices were in themselues simply Noble and not graced by their worths who manage such places Tet. Qui ista bona vocant perinâ—e sunt atqua qui illis vtuntur Thus haue I giuen my pen her liberty confessing that the corrupt and degenerate manners of the Citty hath made it forgetfull of duty for recompence whereof I will now betake me to my taske CHAP. 1. 1. Reasons inducing the Authour to write this History 2. Massinissa entreth aliance with the Romans 3. The vexation and cares of Misipsa his Sonne and successour 4. The commendation and qualities of Iugurth 5. His fortunes IN this Booke my purpose is to write the Warre which the Romane people vndertooke against Iugurth King of Numidia First because it was weighty cruell and doubtfull Secondly for that about this time the people avowed their first discontents against the surquedrie of the Roman Nobility a contention whereby al Diuine and humaine lawes were wrapped in confusion afterward proceeded into such raging fits of succeeding madnesse that Italy was almost wasted before their ciuill warres ended But for the Readers better vnderstanding and more satisfaction before I enter into the maine of the History I will first begin with matter of more ancient discourse In the second Punique warres wherein Hanniball the Carthaginian Captaine had after their manifold good fortunes almost laide desolate the Italian Prouinces and wasted their forces Masinissa king of Numidia was receiued by Scipio afterwards for subduing Affrica Surnamed Affricanus into the Romane alliance A man for Military prowesse and valor much renowned and whom after the ouerthrow of the Carthaginians and the taking of Sciphax a Lord of a spacious kingdom in Affricke the Romane people in reward of his good and loyal seruice frankly inuested with those cities and prouinces which by force he had gained from Sciphax By this meanes the friendship of Masinissa continued profitable and constant Quia tam parùm durauit successoruÌ„ regnum vt non regnassâ— vâ—deaÌ„tur but hee finished his life no sooner then his Empire tooke ending Manastaball and Gulussa his Brethren being dead the kingdom diuolued vnto Micipsa as sole-heyre He had two Sonnes
they saluted their Patrons and the greatest of authority in the Senate with rich presents A sudden alteration followed the greater part of the gentrie which but euen now were most violently carryed in passion against Iugurth forthwith became a Protector and fauorer of his cause Some in hope and others vpon resceipt priuately laboured euery Lorde of the Senate to lay no heauy or vnsupportable pressure vpon Iugurth This done the Embassadors are confirmed and a day of hearing set downe for both parties wherein Adherbal thus layed open his cause Adherbals Oration 6 HOnourable Lords my Father vpon his death-bed gaue me in charge that I should carry my selfe but as Lieutenant of the kingdome of Numidia It was his last will that the Soueraignty should remaine at your deuotions Moreouer he commanded me to do you my vtmost seruice in times of peace and warre as also to make no other account of your fidelities then of the loyalties of so many friendes and Kinsmen which precepts said he if you obserue By the security of their friendships you shall neuer bee to seeke of an Army of Riches and the protection of a Kingdome These rules had I no sooner planted in my mind with determination of obedience but Iugurth the most impious man that breatheth vppon the circuite of the earth in despight of your imperiall prerogatiues hath vtterly disabled me the Nephew of Masinissa yea friend and confederate of the Roman people Suadet Senatum vt sibi suppetias ferri iubeat to accomplish these duties by him being expulsed from my kingdome and Natiue Country Yet Honourable Lords such is my estate that I had rather implore your assistaunce to these my present miseries in remorse of mine owne calamities then in respect of any my Auncestors deserts rather wishing that these fauours were due vnto me by the Roman people for mine owne sake thogh I had no occasion to vse them or if I had that my selfe might onely remaine their debter But for that a good conscience for it selfes sake is smally regarded and fortune hath not shewed like fauours to mee as she hath to Iugurth Honourable Lords my selfe haue made choice to make my resort to your fauorable protections wherein my onely griefe is that miserie hath inforced mee first to bee burdensome before I haue bin profitable to your state Other Kings haue bin admitted into your friendship either after their ouerthrowes or at best haue requested it doubtfull and desperate pinches but our house ventured their alliance in the hottest of the Carthaginian wars at what times their singular good willes were rather to bee accepted then their forces valued The issues of such men and me the Nephew of Masinissa suffer not Honourable Lordes to implore ayd in vaine but rather if there were no other reasons of satisfaction then my distressed fortunes who whilome was a King happy in discent famous in renowne and powerfull in substaÌ„ce now base miserable needy begging assistaÌ„ce of another yet let the Maiesty of the Roman Empire prohibit iniuries and restraine a wicked varlet to vsurpe vpon another mans right Honestum quia id pater aâ—us meriti sunt wrongfully For Honourable Lords I am dispoiled of that inheritance which the Roman people allotted my Auncestors and whereof my Father and Grand-father stoode seized ioyntly with you after the expulsion of Sciphax and the Carthaginians These your Noble donatiues Honourable Lords are iniuriously taken from me you in my disgraces shamefully dishonored Wretch that I am O father Micipsa howe are thy fauours requited Shall the man whom thou broughtest in to be coheire of thy kingdome and of mecre fauour aduancst to equall dignity with thy children become the chiefe instrumeÌ„t to destroy thy Progeny What! shall our house neuer see quiet daies Shall wee alwaies conuerse with blood warre and banishment As long as the Carthaginians flourished wee indured the greeuances of all hostility without complaint then our enemies lay vpon our backes your aide was farre remote and therefore our hopes resided in our owne valours wee knewe what to trust to But after that Affrique was disburdened of that plague euery man reioyned in the security of peace beecause no enemy remained Vtile quia socius Româ—â— imperii permanerâ—t but him perhaps whom you might haue giuen in commaundement to be defied But behold contrary to expectation this Iugurth bewraying his insufferable presumption his bloody Conscience and his ambitious spirite in the slaughter of my brother and his owne kinsman did make his kingdome the first purchase of his wicked disposition His second proiects were to circumvent mee by like Treason which when hee could not effect nethlesse by force and warre hee hath now dispoiled me mistrusting no such violence of mine inheritance of my birth-right and as you can witnesse inforced me to vndergoe the miserable casualties of want and beggerie beeing in euerie place more secure then in mine owne kingdome Of your assistance my Lords I make this construction that as I haue often heard my Father say those who with integrity regard your friendship took much paines in obtaining their sutes B. Pater avuâ— but of all people liuing their estate is securest Our family neuer failed in the one in all your wars their assistance hath bin at your seruice now lieth it in your power to requite me with the other S. ab infidiis Iugurthae Honourable Lords Our Father left vs two brethren the third this Iugurth By his bountie hee supposed to haue left likewise a Brother deuoted to our good but the one hee hath alreadie slaine my selfe the other hath hardlie escaped his blood-thirstie crueltie In this distresse what shall I doe Infortunate that I am to what especiall friend shall I turne my complaints The assistance of my kinsmen lieth buried with their bodies in the graue my Father is departed this world the decree of Nature my brother slaughtered by the treason of this his Kinsman a murder most vnnaturall the remainder of my affinity consanguinity friends and followers hee hath by diuers practises oppressed some hee hath put to ransome some he hath dispatched at the Gallowes and others he hath cast before the hungry iawes of rauenous beastes A few yet beholding vnto him for their liues he hath imprisoned in darke dungeons there to spend the date of their dayes in sighes and laments a life far more intollerable then death it selfe Thus honourable Lords if I had neither lost some part of my people neither had cause to complaine of the reuolt of others yet if any misfortune should haue against expectation befallen me I would haue implored the protection of your fauours vnto whom for the maiestie of your Empire euery Subiests right or wrong ought to bee regardfull But being as I am a banished man from my natiue soile from mine owne House alone and in extreamity whether shall I goe VVhom shall I appeale vnto Vnto our Neighbour Common-Weales or Kings My Lords
they all hate vs in regard of your alliance In those places on no side can I turn my visage but I shall behold many hostile remembrances of our Auncestors seruice Can they then take compassion of him who was once their capitoll enemy No my Lordes Micipsa taught vs to crouch to no men but to the Roman people yea to defie strange leagues and alliances Your friendships were Bulwarkes impregnable to secure vs. If fortune should frowne vppon this Empire then I know our estate were also desperate but by your owne prowesse and the fauours of the Gods your Common-weale flourisheth in wealth and increase prosperity tryumpheth in your Citties and loyaltie in your Prouinces blessings which make easie the reliefe of your associate VVhereof I despaire not but onely feare least the priuate insinuation of Iugurth of whom you haue yet made small triall peruert the iudgement of some whom as I heare with tooth and naile he seuerally laboureth to worke to corrupt to inueigle not to passe any decree in his absence without hearing his answers obiecting that my complaints are false my flight dissimulation and that I might haue stayed with security in any kingdom if it had so beene my pleasure O! I would to God I might but liue to see the same man who hath by his impious treacherie inwrapped me in this conflict of miseries in like case dissembling that these humane Controuersies might at some one time or other be referred either to your decisions or to the iustice of the immortall Gods That so being now proud and famosed for his villanies and as a man exposed to all calamities he might suffer the deserued reward of his impieties committed against our Father of murther inflicted vppon our Brother and of Treason the source of my miseries Deerest Brother although thy death were vntimelie and thou of life bereaued by him whom of all men liuing it worst beseemed yet am I of opinion that this thy misfortune is rather to be ioyed at theÌ„ lamented For with thy life thou lost but thy kingdom of flight of banishment of pouerty al such afflictions Sic Virg. â— terqâ— quaterque beâ—ti Queis ante ora patrum Troia sub montibus altis Contigiâ— oppetere which oppresse my very soule thou art insensible But I vnhappy maÌ„ throwne headlong out of my Patrimony into an Ocean of miseries wander the world as a spectacle of humaine change vncertaine what course to run Shall I reuenge thy wrongs Alas I am not of power Shall I doe good to our Country Ah! My life and death slandeth at the deuotion of others for death I wish It were an honourable period to my misfortunes rather then by affecting of longer life to make shew that in loue thereof beeing quite spent with miseries I liued content to brooke his insolent iniuries But as I am I haue neither pleasure to liue nor meanes to die without impeachment of mine honour And therefore thrice-Honourable Lords I adiure you by your children parents Sueto Neque me neque liberâ—â— meos chariores habebo quam c. yea by the maiesty of the Roman Empire to put redresse to my miserable estate to preuent these wronges and not to suffer this your kingdome of Numidia to bee ruinated by Treason and the blood of our family After the King had made an end of his speech the Agents of Iugurth more confident in their gold then the goodnesse of their cause Callidè tacent ê™ iussu Iugurthae made this short reply That Hyempsall was slaine by certaine Numidians for his crueltie That Adherbal had begun the warre vnprouoked and being ouercome Quia natura sâ—rox superbus re vera erat fell to complaints hauing no further means to prosecute his enuy That Iugurth humbly petitioned the Lords of the Counsell would be pleased to make no other construction of his vpright carriage Vnde laudatissimus redierat then of such as he shewed in their seruice at Numantia neither yet to preferre the words of his enemie Iugurthae mores Scipioni imperatori populâ—que Romano iampridem noâ—i essent before his deeds Which ended both parties are commanded to depart the Court. Whereupon the Lords demaund opinions The fauourites of Iugurth and with them the maior part of the Senate traduced by gifts made small account of Adherbals complaints The deserts of Iugurth they aduanced with fauour commendation allowance and thankes no lesse outstriuing by all meanes possible to extenuate so apparant a treason and villany committed by a Stranger then if they had bin pleading in a righteous cause to reap glory and commendation But in opposition some fewe to whom right and indifferencie were more respectiue then rewards gaue sentence with Adherbal That he was to be succoured and the murder of Hyempsal to be seuerely punished Amongst theÌ„ of especiall note was Emilius Scaurus a Gentleman stout of courage factious and ambitious of rule honour and riches but close and cunning of carriage This man after he had obserued the infamous abhominable bribery of Iugurth fearing as in like cases happeneth that free speech against the abuses of corrupted greatnesse might procure enuie contained his humors from their accustomed Liberty 8. Notwithstanding in Senate the greater part preuailed Meed and fauour ouerswayed Equity and an order recorded that ten Commissioners should be sent into the prouince of Micipsa to make a diuision thereof betweene Adherbal and Iugurth The president of this Embassie was L. Opinius a man Honourable by birth and great in Senate who beeing Consull after the deaths of C. Graccus and M. Flaccus made sharp and cruell vse of that victory which the Nobility gained against the Commons Him at Rome his professed aduersary Iugurth notwithstaÌ„ding entertaineth with especiall curtesie 9. By Largesse and promises hee likewise suborneth him to set more by profit then fame faith or reputation he attempteth the residue by like cunning Some he worketh a few made more Conscience of Honesty then of Money In the diuision of the kingdome the portion thereof that bordereth Mauritania populous and firtill is assigned to Iugurth the other part fairer in shew then profit but beautified with hauens and adorned with costly buildings was giuen to Adherbal CHAP. 2. 1. The description of Affricke 2. The first inhabitants ORder calleth vpon mee briefely to discourse of the scituation of Affrique as also to shew what Nations liued with vs in warre or amity But as for those places countries which either for their extream rough mountaines or vast deserts lie vnfrequented I wil but point at randon the residue I will discourse of in shortest maner In the diuision of the Terrestriall Globe some attribute vnto Affrick a third part othersome speaking onely of Asia and Europe containe Affrique in Europe Westward it boundeth vpon the Mediterranean and Ocean seas Eastward vpon those steepe mountaines which the inhabitants tearme Catabathmon The sea is stormy the shores without hauens the soile firtill
that my misery might win you to credit But sithence the destinies haue reserued me to this houre wherein I am made a laughing stock and matter of triumph to the disloialty of Iugurth I do not now thinke vpon death nor the diuersion of miseries but onely pray that I might share in his punishments so I were sure to participate of his fortunes As for the kingdome of Numidia which I confesse is yours prouide for it as you thinke best let me intreat you thus much for the maiesty of your Empire and our plighted faiths in friendship onely to deliuer my body from the tyranny of this impious conspirator And this as you tender the remembrance of my Grand-father Massinissa CHAP. 5. 1. Ambassadors of greater quality are againe sent into Affrique 2. Remisly they leaue things as they find them 3. Cirtha is forced 4. Adherbal slayne VPon the reading of these Letters some of the Lords were very hot to haue an Army forthwith leuied for Affrique affirming that they were in honour ingaged to send present succors to Adherbal and at leysure to consult vpon Iugurths contempt for disobeying the order of the Ambassadors But on the contrary his fauourites with much ado bestird them to dash this decree Thus as in like cases priuate fauour peruerted publicke honesty Notwithstanding least they should seeme to doe nothing they hast in Ambassage grauer personages men of great place and quality againe into Affricke amongest whom was M Scanus of Consulare dignity powerful in Senate of whom we told you before These men for that Iugurth had incurred the a Qua legatis non parnisset generall hatred and the Numidians also with no lesse importunity did solicite a speedy departure in three daies space were got a shippebord and with a faire passage arriued at Vtica whence in hast they posted away their Letters to Iugurth with intimation thaâ— he should all excuses and delayes set apart vpon sight thereof retire into his owne prouince not forgetting likewise to acquaint him how they were especially sent vnto him from the Lords of the Senate 2 Iugurth hearing that such eminent persons and of such authority in Rome were imployed to crosse his disseignes at first somewhat perplexed betweene feare and perseuerance stood diuersly distracted what to determin He feared the displeasure of the Senate for his contempt towards the former Ambassadors but lastly the blinde humour of Ambition ouermastred his sences And so an vngracious Counsel forced out of a rash resolue preuailed to the worst Whereupon giuing a generall assault to the Towne he laboured his vtmost to become maister thereof confidently hoping that by drawing his enemies forces to to diuers defences either the sworde or policy would cast vpon him the Trophy of victory Which not succeeding neither his proiects of circumventing Adherbal before he should come to Negotiation with the Ambassadors sorting to effect fearing by longer stay further to exasperate Scaurus his anger whom hee much feared in the company of some few horsemen hee retired into his owne Prouince where being giuen to vnderstand in the name of the Senate in what heynous measure they took his contumacy in not desisting from the siege of Cirtha and what greeuous punnishment they threatned after much debating on both sides the Ambassadors retired towards Rome b Quia â—alses inâ—â—pâ—i ratiouâ—s causas friuolas adduceret Iugurtha without accomplishing any agreement to purpose 3 After newes heereof was brought vnto Cirtha the c Cirthae pro presidio imbositi post diuisionem regni Italians vppon whose Vertue the safety of the Towne consisted perswaded themselues that if they motioned a composition and yeelded the place they in regarde of the Roman name should bee sure to finde good dealing moue Adherbal to giue his consent to yeelde himselfe the Towne to Iugurth with conditions of security for his life All other the Controuersies to be referred vnto the good pleasure of the Senate Adherbal though hee had rather haue vndergone any extreamity then trusted Iugurths oath yet because it lay in their powers to constraine him how obstinat soeuer yeilded to accept of whatsoeuer Articles the Italians did thinke meetest 4 The first sacrifice that Iugurth offereth after some cruell tortures Inermibus verefimâ—le est pepercit an tamen Italicis non constat is his brothers blood the second a promiscuous slaughter of the young Numidians and Marchants as any one hapned to meete with his armed enemie CHAP. 6. 1. The Humour of the Lords the opposition of Memmius the subtility of Iugurth 2. The Romans first preparation to warre 3. frustrated by Iugurth AFter intelligence heerof was certified at Rome and the matter began to be expostulated in Senate the olde fauourites of the King sometime by interuption and sometime by faire speeches intermingled with foule found occasions by protraction of time to adde hopes of mittigation of the offence And if C. Memmius a In proximum annum Tribune elect of the people a man of an vndaunted spirit and much offended at the insolencies of the Gentry had not preferred an information to the people against Iugurth howe matters were carried viz that by a few factious Cittizens the offender was likely to bee pardoned without doubt all displeasure had bin forgotten by procrastination of consultations Of so great moment were fauour and Mony 2 But the popular feare awakeneth the Drousie spirits of the Lordes of the Senate to recall to their memories the inexcusable management of this foul fact By the Lawe Sempronia Numidia and Italy are the appointed prouinces for the future Consuls P. Scipio Nasica and L. Calphurnius Bestia are nominated The lot of Numidia fell vpon Calphurnius of Italy vpon Scipio Wages and al other ammonitions necessary for warre are proportioned for the Army of Affricke Iugurth contrary to immagination being beyond doubt perswaded that all thinges would to contentment be managed at Rome for money by message hearing heereof sendeth his own sonne with two of his trustiest Counsellors in Ambassage to the Senate To these he giueth in strict charge as he had done at the death of Hyempsal to worke vppon all creatures with money After their arriuall at Rome the Senate was demanded by Bestia if it were their pleasures that Iugurths Messengers should bee suffered to enter within their walles For answere they replyed that vnlesse he would personallie appeare before the Counsell Table and there simply surrender himselfe and his kingdome that his Legats within ten daies next immediately following should get them packing out of the confines of Italy at perill The Consull acquainteth the Numidians with the decree of the Counsell acordingly they departed without satisfaction to any thing they demanded Meane time Calphurnius mustreth his army entertaineth gentlemen and amongst them some factious spirits whose greatnesse he made account should be his protection against errors and calumnies of these Scaurus made one of whose carriage and behauiour wee haue alreadie related
exercises his experience in short time grew vp to be absolute At his first standing for a amilitary Tribuneship before the people when many knowing him not by face at length knew his name he easily caried it with the general suffrage of all the Tribes By this step he ascended from one to another so sufficiently managing his carriage in office that he was by all men censured woorthy of a better then the present he inioyed yet durst not so woorthy a personage make sute for the Consulship before his time Quâ— ab aruspice ad altiora petonda animad verteretur Afterwarde his ambition was bounded by no limit Euen in these times the Nobility conferred the Consulship either by partiality or succession the Comminalty all other inferior offices No new man how sufficient soeuer Quia non ex patribus ortus nor any growne honorable by desert were thoght worthy of that honourable calling yea the place was censured to be discredited if any such person attained it But after Marius grew confident that the southsaiers prophesies concurred with the imagination of his thoghts he desireth dismission of Metellus s. Metellus with intentioÌ„ to go for Rome there to make suite for the Consular dignity The man althogh he were virtuous honorable indowed with many excellent qualities yet were they accompanied with disdaine and pride Influences generall to all Nobility who at first beeing mooued at the nouelty Quia nouus homo municipalis tooke occasion to wonder at the enterprise by way of friendship to disswade him not to begin so vnlawfull a suite neither to rack his thoghts aboue his fortunes Al things wer not to be desired of all men and your place quoth he is a sufficient recompence for your deserts Lastly he wished him to bee well aduised before he motioned a request of so high a nature before the Roman people from whom by Law nothing but a iust repulse was to be expected When these nor many like speeches could direct the mind of Marius Metellus answered that as soone as the common cause would admit permission he would yeilde to his request Againe being at sundry times after importunate to be gone it is reported that he wished him not to make ouer much hast For quoth he there is no time past for you nor my Sonne to stand for the Consulship The Gentleman serued at the same time in his fathers Pauilion beeing about twenty yeares old This quip partly in regard of the place affected and partly for the deniall of departure extreamly exasperated the minde of Marius against his General Ambition and wrath two the worst Counsellors wholy possessed him all his deeds and words now tended to popularity The souldiers vnder his Regiment liued more loosely then accustomed to the Marchantes of Vtica he would sometimes scandall the warre and sometime bost of himselfe That if he were Gouernour but of halfe such an Army within few daies he would present Iugurth in chaines That the Generall prolonged the Warre of purpose That the man was of no worth but onely desirous too too long to retain the command of proud soueraignty All which imputations seemed to them the more credible for that by the continuance of warre their traffique was hindered For to a mind set vpon couetousnesse nothing seemeth to be performed with sufficient dispatch Moreouer in our Army conuersed one Gauda a Numidian the sonne of Manastabel and Nephew of Massinissa a sickly man and thereby somewhat crasie of mind whom Micipsa had declared second heire of the kingdome This man had requested of Metellus first that he woulde giue him leaue according to the custome of Kinges to set his chaire next to the Generals seat secondly that hee would appoint him a troope of Roman horsemen to guard his body Metellus denied both the Honor for that it represented that maiestie which the Romans termed and hated Kingly and the Guard for that it was disgracefull to deliuer a band of Roman horse for the safegard of a Numidian To this Numidian perplexed in mind Marius addresseth his speech and aduiseth him to bee reuenged on the Consul according to his instructions He incourageth the man weake God wot by sicknesse with pleasing courtshippe calleth him King Honorable and the Nephew of Masinissa and that shortly he should be inuested in the kingdome of Numidia if Iugurth were once slaine or taken Which should the sooner come to passe if fortune so fauoured him that he his friend might once bee sent as Consull to manage the warre By this Stratagem he worketh Gauda the Roman horsemen the soldiers the marchants and diuerse others gulled with shaddowes of peace to write their scandalous letters to their friends at Rome against Metellus maâ—y with this conclusion That they should require Marius for General Thus was the Consulshippe labored in his behalfe by the suffrage of many an honest and vpright man yea as lucke serued that very season the nobility being curbed by the law Manlia Ad magistratuÌ„ re malè gâ—stâ— a nobilibus new men were nominated by the Pleibeians And so all things fell out happily for Marius CHAP. 20. Iugurth falleth to his old prastises and recouereth Vacca to the great confusion and disgrace of the Romans AFter Iugurth had falsified his promise of personall submission he openeth the war he prepareth all necessaries with admirable diligence he slaketh no time he traineth his soldiers soundeth the reuolted cities by bribes menacies Those which yet remained at his deuotion he fortifieth and renueth or buyeth armours weapons and the like ammonitions as by the former treaty of peace he had diminished Hee allureth the Romaine slaues and tempteth the Garrisons with ready money Finally hee leauieth no course vnthought on nor vnproued Nowe the Vaccenses into whose citty Metellus vpon the first motion of the treaty had thrust in a garison being ouercom by the kings faire intreaties and to speake truth the better sort in mind neuer estranged from his seruice began a conspiracie As for the vulgar a frequent accident especially among the Numidians being by nature of a variable disposition seditious quarrelsome desirous of nouelties and contemners of peace and ciuility they were soone drawne in for company The match is made the third day following proclaimed the feastiuall throughout all Affricke Vppon the day they present sports and daunces without any appearance or imagination of feare but watching their best opportunities they inuite the Centurions the Tribunes and the Gouernor of the Towne T. Turpilius Sillanus some to one house some to another In the midst of their metriment they murder them all except Turpilius this done in a trice they set vpon the disarmed stragling soldiers obseruing then no military discipline because of the day The common people whereof some were made before hand by the Nobility other some vpon a naturall inclination to inconstancies seconded their leaders To those that knew nothing of the plot and combination