sins Then in acknowledgment of this Voyage and the great expence I had been at he made me many large offers which I would by no means accept of at that time Neverthelesse I was well contented to justifie before him by attestations and acts past expresly for it how many times I had been made a slave for the service of the King our Master and how many times also I had been robbed of my Merchandize for I imagined that this would suffice to keep me at my return into my Country from being refused that which I believed was due to me for my services as indeed the Vice-Roy past me an Act of all these things adding thereunto the Certificates which I presented unto him withall he gave me a Letter addrest to the King wherein he made so honourable a mention of me and my Services that relying on these hopes grounded as they were on such apparant reasons as I had on my side I imbarqued my self for to return into the Kingdom of Portugal so contented with the Papers which I carried along with me that I counted them the best part of my estate at leastwise I beleeved so because I was perswaded that I should no sooner ask a recompence for so many services but wont it be presently granted me Upon this hope being put to sea it pleased our Lord that I arrived safely at the Citie of Lisbon the two and twentieth day of September in the Year One thousand five hundred fifty and eight at such time as the Kingdome was governed by Madam KATHERINA our Queen of happy memory Having delivered her the Letter then from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes I told her by word of mouth all that I thought was important for the good of my businesse vvhereupon she referred mee to the Minister of her State who had the charge of dealing in her Affairs At first he gave me very good words but far better hopes as indeed I held them for most assured hearing what he said unto me But in stead of letting me see the effect thereof he kept me these miserable papers of mine four years and an half at the end of which all the fruit I reaped thereby was no other then the labor and pains which to no purpose I had imployed in these vain sollicitations and which had been more grievous unto me then all the troubles I had suffered during my voyages Wherefore seeing of what little profit all my past services were unto me notwithstanding all the suit I could make I resolved to retire my self and remain within the terms of my miserie which I had brought along with me and gotten by the means of many misfortunes which was all that was resting to me of the time and wealth which I had bestowed in the service of this Kingdome leaving the judgment of this processe to the divine Justice I put this design of mine then in execution not a little grieved that I had not done it sooner because I might thereby peradventure have saved a good peece of mony For a conclusion behold what the services have been which I have done for the space of one and twenty years during which time I was thirteen times a slave and sold sixteen times by reason of the unlucky events of so long and painfull a voyage whereof I have made mention amply enough in this Book But although this be so yet do I not leave to beleeve that the cause why I remained without the recompence whereunto I pretented for so many services and travels rather proceeded from the Divine providence which permitted it to be so for my sins then from the negligence and fault of him whom the duty of his charge seemed to oblige to do me right For it being true that in all the Kings of this Kingdome who are the lively source from whence all recompence do â—low though many times they ranne thorow pipes more affectionate then reasonable there is alwaies found an holy and acknowledging zeal accompanied with a very ample and great desire not only to recompence those which serve them but also to confer great estates on them which render them no service at all whereby it is evident that if I and others have not been satisfied the same happens by the only fault of the pipes and not of the source or rather it is a work of the Divine Justice which cannot fail and which disposeth of all things for the best and as iâ— most necessary for us in regard whereof I render infinite thanks to the King of Heaven whose pleasure it hath been that his divine will should be this way accomplished and do not complain of the Kings of the earth since my sinâ— have made me unworthy of meriting more FINIS ERRATA PAg 4. l. 17. read first Vice-Roy p. 10. l. 36. r. victual and ammunition p. 21. l. ult r. of a Pagan p. 60. l. ult r. shrewd p 77. l. 33. r. speech p. 80. l. 30. r. lands aside p. 83. l. 7. r. equalled p. 95. l. 8. r. remorse of conscience l. 49. for deserved r. demanded p. 100. l. 28. r. poor folks p. 103. l. 33. for Châ—ucer r. Chauâ—â—r p. 104. l. 48. for as r. us p. 111. l. 20. r. picos oâ— silver p. 121. l. 10. for levied r. lived p. 123. l. 8. r. render p. 124. l. 44. r. many light p. 125. l. 3. r. canals l. 12. r. praises p. 127. l. 1â— r. conservatâ—on p. 128. l. 19. r. allegations p. 129. l. 1. for constrained r. painâ—ed p. 130. l. â— r. standish l. 17. for ye are r. yea are l. â—2 r. valuable l. 40 r. who being able p. 132. l. ult r. Paquin p. 1â—3 l. 19. r. baâ—â—sters p 13â— l. 30. r. Ushers l. 44 for rightly r. richly p. 136 l. 12. r. remarkable l. 48. r. antiquitie p. 137. l. 10. r. Pâ—aâ—â—aes l. 46. r. so extravagant p. 138. l. 5. r. Exiles l. 9. r abutting on p. 139. l. 1. r. pâ—enary p. 141. l. 23. r. aâ—ches or vaults p. 142. l. 15. for entertained r. â—nfolded p. 144. l. 25. for love r. lone p. 149. l. 2â— for stâ—atagems r. strangenâ—sse p. 150. l. 21. r. breaking p. 155. l. 16. r. Nixâ—aticoo p. 155. r obliged to hold p. 163. l. 13. r. at their pleasure p. 241. l. 1. r. Timplan l. 46. r. this Prince l. 47 â— leagues in bredâ—h p. 242. l. 21. r. reputation p. 244. l. ult for undivided r. undiscovered p. 248. l. 4â—â— r. â—logâ—e p. 243. r. savages §. 1. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 4. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. 1. §. 2. §. ◠§. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 4. §. 5. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 4. â— 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 4. § 5. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 4. §. 1. §. 2. § 3. §. 4. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 4. §. 5. §. 1 §. 2 §. 3. §. 4. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 2. Sect. 3. Sect. 1. Sect. 2. Sect. 2. §. 4. §. 1. §. 2 §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 2. §. 2. §. 2. §. 3 §. 2 §. 2. §. 3 §. 1. §. 2 sect 1. §. 1 §. 2 §. 3. §. 1. §. 2 §. 1. §. 2 §. 3 §. 4 §. 5. §. 1 §. 2. §. 1 §. 2. §. 1 §. 2. §. 1 §. 1. §. 2. §. 1 §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. § 1 §. 2. §. 3. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. §. 1 §. 2. § 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1 §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 1. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 1. §. 3. §. 4. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 1. §. 2. §. 3. Sect. 1. Sect. 2. Sect. 1. Sect. 1. Sect. 1.
with the continuance of our Voyage and what we saw during the same 241 CHAP. LX. Our arrival at Pegu with the death of the Roolim of Mounay 245 CHAP. LXI The Election of the new Roolim of Mounay the grand Talagrepo of these Gentiles of the Kingdom of Pegu. 248 CHAP. LXII In what manner the Roolim of Mounay was conducted to the Isle of Mounay and put into possession of his Dignity 252 CHAP. LXIII A continuation of the success which we had in this Voyage with my departure from Goa to Zunda and what passed during my abode there 255 CHAP. LXIV The expedition of the Pangueyram Emperor of Jaoâ— and King of Demaa against the King of Passervan and all that which passed in this War 258 CHAP. LXV The death of the King of Demaa by a very strange accident and that which arrived thereupon 263 CHAP. LXVI That which befell us until our departure towards the Port of Zunda from whence we set sail for China and what afterwards happened unto us 266 CHAP. LXVII My passing from Zunda to Siam where in the company of Portugals I went to the War of Chyamay and that which the King of Siam did until he returned into his Kingdom where his Queen poysoned him 269 CHAP. LXVIII The lamentable death of the King of Siam with certain illustrious and memorable things done by him during his life and many other accidents which arrived in that Kingdom 273 CHAP. LXIX The King of Bramaa's enterprize against the Kingdom of Siam and that which past until his arrival at the City of Odiâ—â— with his besieging of it and all that insued thereupon 278 CHAP. LXX The King of Bramaa's raising his siege from before the City of Odiaâ— with a description of the Kingdom of Siam and the fertility thereof 283 CHAP. LXXI A continuation of that which happened in the Kingdom of Pegu as well during the life as after the death of the King of Bramaa 286 CHAP. LXXII That which arrived in the time of Xemin de Satan and an abominable case that happened to Diego Suarez together with the Xemindooes expedition against Xemin de Satan and that which insued thereupon 289 CHAP. LXXIII That which the Xemindoo did after he was crowned King of Pegu with the Chaumigreâ—s the King of Bramaa's Foster-brothers marching against him with a great Army and divers other memorable things 295 CHAP. LXXIV The finding of the Xemindoo and bringing him to the King of Bramaa with the manner of his execution and death and other particularities concerning the same 301 CHAP. LXXV My imbarquing in the Kingdom of Pegu to go to Malaca and from thence to Japon with a strange accident which arrived there 305 CHAP. LXXVI Our passing from the Town of Fucheo to the Port of Hiamangoo and â—hat which befell us there together with my departure from Malaca and arrival at Goa 310 CHAP. LXXVII Father Belquiors and my departure from the Indiaes to go to Japon and that which befell us till my arrival at the Island of Champeiloo 312 CHAP. LXXVIII Our departure from the Island of Champeiloo and our arrival at that of Lampacau with a relation of two great disasters which happened in China unto two Portugal Colonies and of a strange accident besides that fell out in the Country 314 CHAP. LXXIX Our arrival in the Kingdom of Bungo and that which past thereupon 318 CHAP. LXXX My reception by the King of Bungo as Embassador from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes 321 CHAP. LXXXI What past after our departure from Zequa till my arrival in the Indiaes and from thence into the Kingdom of Portugal 323 THE Travels Voyages Adventures OF Ferdinand Mendez Pinto CHAP. I. After what manner I past my Youth in the Kingdom of Portugal until my going to the Indiaes SO often as I represent unto my self the great and continual Travels that have accompanied me from my birth and amidst the which I have spenâ— my first years I find that I have a great deal of reason to complain of Fortune for that she seemeth to have taken a particular care to persecute me and to make me feel that which is most insupportable in her as if her glory had no other foundation then her cruelty For not content to have made me be born and to live miserably in my Country during my youth she conducted me notwithstanding the fear I had of the dangers that menaced me to the East Indiaes where in stead of the relief which I went thither to seek she made me find an increase of my pains according to the increase of my age Since then it hath pleased God to deliver me from so many dangers and to protect me from the fury of that adverse Fortune for to bring me into a Port of safety and assurance I see that I have not so much cauâ—e to complain of my Travels past as I have to render him thanks for the benefits which until now I have received of him seeing that by his divine bounty he hath preserved my life to the end I might have means to leave this rude and unpolished Discourse unto my children for a memorial and an inheritance For my intention is no other but to write it for them that they may behold what strange fortunes I have run for the space of one and twenty years during the which I was thirteen times a captive and seventeen times sold in the Indiaes in Aethiopia in Arabia in China in Tartaria in Madagascar in Sumatra and in divers other Kingdoms and Provinces of that Oriental Archipalage upon the Confines of Asia which the Chineses Siames Guâ—os and Lecquios name and that with reason in their Geography the eye-lids of the World whereof I hope to entreat more particularly and largely hereafter Whereby men for the time to come may take example and a resolution not to be discouraged for any crosses that may arrive unto them in the course of their lives For no disgrace of Fortune ought to esloign us never so little from the duty which we are bound to render unto God because there is no adversity how great soever but the nature of man may well undergo it being favored with the assistance of Heaven Now that others may help me to praise the Lord Almighty for the infinite mercy he hath shewed me without any regard to my sins which I confess were the cause and original of all my mis-fortunes and that from the same divine Power I received strength and courage to resist them escaping out of so many dangers with my life saved I take for the beginning of my Voyage the time which I spent in this Kingdom of Portugal and say That after I had lived there till I was about eleven or twelve years old in the misery and poverty of my fathers house within the Town of Monte-mor Ovelho an Uncle of mine desirous to advance me to a better fortune then that whereunto I was reduced at that time and to take me from the caresses
to be two thousand in number besides those that were killed which because they could not be so suddenly buried were thrown into the current of the River Hereupon the two Kings continued quiet for four days after at the end whereof one morning when nothing was less thought of there appeared in the midst of the River on Penaticans side a Fleet of fourscore and six Sails with a great noise of musick and acclamations of joy At first this object much amazed the Bataes because they knew not what it was howbeit the night before their scouts had taken five fishermen who put to torture confessed that this was the Army which the Tyrant had sent some two months before to Tevassery in regard he had War with the Sornau King of Siam and it was said that this Army was composed of five thousand Lussons and Sornes all choyce men having to their General a Turk named Hametecam Nephew to the Bassa of Cairo Whereupon the King of Batas making use of these fishermens confession resolved to retire himself in any sort whatsoever well considering that the time would not permit him to make an hours stay as well because his Enemies Forces were far greater then his as for that every minute they expected succors from Pedir and Pazen whence as it was reported for certain there were twelve ships full of strangers coming No sooner was the King fortified in this resolution but the night ensuing he departed very sad and ill contented for the bad suâ—cess of his enterprize wherein he had lost above three thousand and five hundred men not comprising the wounded which were more in number nor those that were burnt with the fire of the Mynâ— Five days after his departure he arrived at Panaiu where he dismissed all his Forces both his own subjects and strangers That done he imbarqued himself in a small Lanchara and went up the River without any other company then two or three of his Favorites With this small retinue he betook himself to a place called Pachissaru where he shuâ— himself up for fourteen days by way of pennance in a Pagod of an Idol named Giâ—nasserâ—d which signifies the God of Sadness At his return to Panaiu he sent for me and the Mahometan that brought Pedro de Faria's Merchandise The first thing that he did was to enquire particularly of him whether he made a good sale of it adding withall that if any thing were still owing to him he would command it to be presently satisfied Hereunto the Mahometan and I answered that through his Highness favor all our business had received a very good dispatch and that we were well payd for that we had sold in regard whereof the Captain of Malaca would not fail to acknowledg that courtesie by sending him succor for to be revenged on his Enemy the Tyrant of Achem whom he would inforce to restore all the places which he had unjustly usurped upon him The King hearing me speak in this manner stood a while musing with himself and then in answer to my speech Aâ— Portugal said he since thou constrainest me to tell thee freely what I think beleeve me not hereafter to be so ignorant as that thou mayst be able to perswade me or that I can be capable to imagine that he which in thirty years space could not revenge himself is of power to succor me at this present in so short a time or if yet thou thinkest I deceive my self tell me I pre thee now whence comes it that thy King and his Governors could not hinder this cruel King of Achem from gaining from you the Fort of Pazem and the Galley which went to the Moluâ—quaes as also three Ships in Queda and the Gallion of Malaca at such time as Garcia was Captain there besides the four Foists that were taken since at Salengor with the two Ships that came from Bengalâ— or Lopâ— Chanocâ— 's Iounk and Ship as likewise many other Vessels which I cannot now remember 〈◊〉 the which as I have been assured this Inhumane hâ—th put to death above a thousand Portugals and gotten an extream rich boâ—ty Wherefore if this Tyrant should happen to come once more against me how canst thou have me rely upon their word which have been so often overcome I must of necessity then continue as I am with three of my children murdered and the greatest part of my Kingdom destroyed seeing you your selves are not much more assured in your Fortress of Malaca I must needs confess that this answer made with so much resentment rendred me so ashamed knowing he spake nothing but truth that I durst not talk to him afterwards of any succor nor for our honor reiterate the promises which I had formerly made him CHAP. VIII What past between the King of Batas and me until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca my Arrival in the Kingdom of Queda and my return from thence to Malaca THe Mahometan and I returning to our lodging departed not in four days after employing that time in shipping an hundred Bars of Tin and thirty of Benjamin which were still on Land Then being fully satisfied by our Merchants and ready to go I went to wait upon the King at his Passeiran which was a great place before the Palace where those of the Country kept their most solemn Fairs There I gave him to understand that now we had nothing more to do but to depart if it would please his Majesty to permit us The entertainment that he gave me then was very gracious and for answer he said to me I am very glad for that Hermon Xabandar who was chief General of the Wars assured me yesterday that your Captains commodities were well sold but it may be that that which he told me was not so and that he delivered not the truth for to please me and to accommodate himself to the desire he knew I had to have it so wherefore continued he I pre-thee declare unto me freely whether he dealt truly with me and whether the Mahometan that brought them be fully satisfied for I would not that to my dishonor those of Malaca should have cause to complain of the Merchants of Panaiu saying that they are not men of their word and that there is not a King there who can constrain them to pay their debts and I swear to thee by the faith of Pagan that this affront would be no less insupportable to my condition then if I should chance to make peace with that Tyrant and perjured Enemy of mine the King of Achem. Whereunto having replyed that we had dispatched all our affairs and that there was nothing due to us in his Country Verily said he I am very well pleased to hear that it is so wherefore since thou hast nothing else to do here I hold it requisite that without any further delay thou shouldst go for the â—â—me is now fit to set sail and to avoyd the great heats that ordinarily are endured in passing the Gulph which is
great that it contains along the Coast above three thousand leagues as may easily be seen by the cards and globes of the world if so be their graduation be true Besides if this loss should happen which God of his infinite mercy forbid though we have but two much deserved it for our carelessness and sins we are in danger in like manner to lose the Customs of Mandorim of the City of Goa which is the best thing the King of Portugal hath in the Indiaes for they are Ports and Islands mentioned heretofore whereon depends the greatest part of his Revenue not comprehending the Spices namely the Nutmegs Cloves and Maces which are brought into this Kingdom from those Countries Now to return to my discourse I say that the Tyrant of Achem was advised by his Councel how there was no way in the world to take Malaca if he would assail it by Sea as he had done divers times before when as Dom Stephano de Gama and his Predecessors were Captains of the Fortress but first to make himself Master of the Kingdom of Aaru to the end he might afterwards fortifie himself on the River of Panetican where his Forces might more commodiously and nearly maintain the War he intended to make For then he might have means with less charge to shut up the Straights of Cincapura and Sabaon and so stop our Ships from passing to the Seas of China Sunda Banda and the Molucques whereby he might have the profit of all the Drugs which came from that great Archipelague And verily this counsel was so approved by the Tyrant that he prepared a Navy of an hundred and threescore Sails whereof the most part were Lanchares with oars Galiots Calabuzes of Iaoa and fifteen Ships high built furnished with Munition and Victual In these Vessels he imbarqued seventeen thousand men namely twelve thousand Soldiers the rest Sailers and Pioners Amongst these were four thousand Strangers Turks Abissins Malabares Gusurates and Lusons of the Isle of Borneo Their General was one named Heredin Mahomet Brother-in-law to the Tyrant by marriage with a Sister of his and Governor of the Kingdom of Baarros This Fleet arrived safely at the River of Panetican where the King of Aaru attended them with six thousand of his own natural Subjects and not a forraigner amongst them both in regard he wanted mony for to entertain Soldiers and that also he had a Country unprovided of victual to feed them At their arrival the Enemies found them fortifying of the Trench whereof I spake heretofore Whereupon without any further delay they began to play with their Ordnance and to batter the Town on the Sea side with great fury which lasted six whole days together In the mean time the besieged defended themselves very valiantly so as there was much blood spilt on either side The General of the Achems perceiving he advanced but little caused his Forces to Land and mounting twelve great Pieces he renewed the battery three several times with such impetuosity that it demolished one of the two Forts that commanded the River by means whereof and under the shelter of certain packs of Cotton which the Achems carried before them they one morning assaulted the principal Fortress In this assault an Abissin commanded called Mamedecan who a month or thereabout before was come from Iuda to confirm the new League made by the Bassa of Caire on the behalf of the grand Signior with the Tyrant of Achem whereby he granted him a Custom-house in the Port of Pazem This Abissin rendered himself Master of the Bulwark with threescore Turks forty Ianizaries and some Malabar Mooâ—s who instantly planted five Ensigns on the walls In the mean time the King of Aaru encouraging his people with promises and such words as the time required wrought so effectually that with a valorous resolution they set upon the Enemy and recovered the Bulwark which they had so lately lost so as the Abissin Captain was slain on the place and all those that were there with him The King following his good fortune at the same instant caused the gates of the Trench to be opened and sallying out with a good part of his Forces he combated his Enemies so valiantly as he quite routed them In like manner he took eight of their twelve Pieces of Ordnance and so retreating in safety he fortified himself the best he could for to sustain his Enemies future assaults CHAP. XI The Death of the King of Aaru and the cruel Iustice that was executed on him by his Enemies the going of his Queen to Malaca and her reception there THe General of Achem seeing the bad success which he received in this incounter was more grieved for the death of the Abissin Captain and the loss of those eight Pieces of Ordnance then for all them that were slain besides whereupon he assembled his Councel of War who were all of opinion that the commenced siege was to be continued and the Trench assailed on every side which was so speedâ—ly put in execution that in seventeen days it was assaulted nine several times in so much as by divers sorts of fire-works continually invented by a Turkish Engineer that was in their Camp they demolished the greater part of the Trench Moreover they overthrew two of the principal Forts on the South side together with a great Platform which in the manner of a false-bray defended the entry of the River notwithstanding all the resistance the King of Aaru could make with his people though they behaved themselves so valiantly as the Achems lost above two thousand and five hundred men besides those that were hurt which were far more then the slain whereof the most part dyed shortly after for want of looking to As for the King of Aaru he lost not above four hundred men howbeit for that his people were but few and his Enemies many as also better ordered and better armed in the last assault that was given on the thirteenth day of the Moon the business ended unfortunately by the utter defeat of the King of Aaru's Forces For it was his ill hap that having made a salley forth by the advice of a Cacis of his whom he greatly trusted it fell out that this Traytor suffering himself to be corrupted with a bar of gold weighing about forty thousand duckets which the Achem gave him whereof the King of Aaru being ignorant set couragiously on his Enemies and fought a bloody battel with them wherein the advantage remained on his side in all mens judgment but that Dog the perfidious Cacis whom he had left Commander of the Trench sallied forth with five hundred men under colour of seconding the King in his pursuit of so prosperous a beginning and left the Trench without any manner of defence which perceived by one of the Enemies Captains a Mahometan Malabar named Cutiale Marcaa he presently with six hundred Gusarates and Malabars whom he had led thither for that purpose made himself Master of the Trench
after attired in womens apparel playing upon Timbrels in all places where they went and that whensoever they made any protestation it should be in saying So may God bring me back my husband again as this is true or So may I have joy of the children I have brought into the world Most of these men seeing themselves inforced to undergo a chastisement so scandalous to them fled their Country and many made themselves away some with poyson some with halters and some with the sword A relation altogether true without any addition of mine Thus was the Kingdom of Aaru recovered from the Tyrant of Achem and remained in the hands of the King of Iantana until the year 1574. At which time the said Tyrant with a Fleet of two hundred Sails feigning as though he would go to take in Patava fell cunningly one night on Iantana where the King was at that time whom together with his wife children and many others he took prisoners and carried into his Country where he put them all to most cruel deaths and for the King himself he caused his brains to be beaten out of his head with a great club After these bloody executions he possest the Kingdom of Aaru whereof he presently made his eldest son King the same that was afterward slain at Malaca coming to besiege it in the time of Don Lionis Pâ—reyra son to the Earl of Feyra Captain of the Fortress who defended it so valiantly that it seemed to be rather a miracle then any natural work by reason the power of that Enemy was so great and ours so little in comparison of theirs as it may be truly spoken how they were two hundred Mahometans against one Christian. CHAP. XIII My departure from Malaca to go to Pan that which fortuned after my arrival there with the murther of the King of Pan and the cause thereof TO return unto the Discourse where I left I say that when I was recovered of the sickness which I got in my Captivity at Siaca Pedro de Faria desiring to find out some occasion to advance and benefit me sent me in a Lanchara to the Kingdom of Pan with goods of his to the value of ten thousand duckets for to consign them into the hands of a Factor of his that recided there named Tome Lobo and from thence to go to Patava which is an hundred leagues beyond that To that purpose he gave me a Letter and a Present for the King and an ample Commission to treat with him about the redemption of five Portugals who in the Kingdom of Siam were Slaves to Monteo de Bancha his Brother-in-law I parted then from Malaca upon this employment and the seventh day of our Voyage just as we were opposite to the Island of Pullo Timano which may be distant from Malaca some ninety leagues and ten or twelve from the mouth of the River of Pan a little before day we heard at two several times great lamentations at Sea and being not able in regard of the darkness of the night to know what it was we were all suspended into divers opinions for that we could not imagine what it should be in so much that to learn the certainty thereof I caused them to hoist up sail and row towards that part where we heard the lamentation every one looking down round about close to the water the better to discern and hear that of which we were in such doubt After we had continued a pretty while in this manner we perceived far from us a black thing that floated on the Sea and unable at first to discover what it was we advised together about it Now there being but four Portugals of us in the Lanchara we were all of different minds so that I was told how I was to go directly to the place whither Pedro de Faria had sent me that losing but an hours time I might endanger the Voyage and hazard the goods and so for want of performing the duty of my charge I might very much wrong him Whereunto I answered that happen what might I would not leave off laboring to know what it was and that if in so doing I committed any fault the Lanchara appertained to none but Pedro de Faria unto whom my self was to render an account of the goods in it and not they that had nothing else in the Vessel but their persons which were in no more danger then mine During this debate it pleased God that the day appeared by the light whereof we perceived pâ—ople that were cast away who floated pell-mell together upon planks and other pieces of wood Whereupon without further fear we turned our prow towards them and with force of sails and oars we made to them hearing them cry six or seven times without using any other speech Lord have mercy upon us At the sight of this strange and pitiful spectacle we remained so amazed that we were almost besides our selves and causing some of the Mariners to get with all speed into the Cock-boat they fetcht three and twenty persons of them into the Lanchara namely fourteen Portugals and nine Slaves which were all so dis-figured in the face as they made us afraid to look on them and so weak as they could neither speak nor stand After they had been thus taken up by us and entreated in the best manner we could we demanded of them the cause of their mis-fortune whereunto one of the company weâ—ping answered My Masters I am named Fernand Gil Porcalâ—o and the eye which you behold I want was strucken out by the Achems at the siege of Malaca when as the second time they came to surprize Dom Estâ—vano de Gama who desiring to do something for me because he saw me poor as I was at that time gave me leave to go to the Molucques where would to God I had never been since my Voyage was to have so bad a success for after I departed from the Port of Talagame which is the Roade of our Fort at Ternate having sailed three and twenty days with a favorable gale in a Junck that carried a thousand bars of Cloves worth above an hundred thousand duckets my ill fortune would that at the point of Surabaya in the Isle of Iaoa there arose so impetuous a North-wind that our Junck brake in the prow which constrained us to lighten the hatches So we passed that night by the shoar without bearing so much as a rag of sail by reason the Sea was exceedingly moved and the waves most insupportable The next day we perceived that our Junk sank so that of an hundred forty and seven persons that were in her there were saved but six and twenty and now it is fourtain days that we have been upon these planks having during all that time eaten nothing but a slave of mine that dyed with whom we have sustained our selves eight days and the very last night two Portugals more dyed on whom we would not feed although we were very much prest
retire to the Lanchara where we remained with five Boys and eight Mariners not having so much as the worth of a peny left of all our merchandize which amounted to fifty thousand crowns in gold and stone only In this Lanchara we past away all the night very much afflicted and still harkening what might be the end of this mutiny which was risen among the people as I have before related At length perceiving the matters grew worse and worse and that there was no hope for us to recover any part of our goods we thought it a far safer course to go away to Patana then by staying to run a hazard of being killed as above four thousand persons were With this resolution we parted from this place and in six days arrived at Patana where we were very well received by the Portugals which were in that Country unto whom we recounted all that had past at Pan and the pitious estate wherein we had left that miserable Town This accident very much afflicted them so that desiring to give some remedy thereunto with a true affection of charitable Christians they went all to the Palace of the King and complained to him of the wrong that had been done to the Captain of Malaca beseeching him thereupon they might be permitted to recover if it were possible the loss they had sustained and have leave granted to right themselves upon any merchants goods belonging to the Kingdom of Pan to the value of the sum they had been despoyled of The King having heard their complaint and presently granting what they demanded It is reasonable said he that you should do as you have been done unto and that you should spoyl them that first have spoyled you especially in a matter that concerns the Captain of Malaca unto whom all of you are so much obliged The Portugals having rendred him very humble thanks for this grace returned to their houses where they concluded to seize upon all the goods they could meet with belonging to the Kingdom of Pan until such time as they had fully recovered their loss It hapned then about nine days after they being advertised that some ten leagues off in the river of Calantan were three Junks of China very rich and appertaining to Mahometan Merchants Natives of the Kingdom of Pan that by foul weather at Sea were constrained to put in there our people resolved to fall upon them To which effect out of three hundred Portugals that were then in the Country we chose out fourscore with whom we imbarqued our selves in two Foysts and one round ship well provided of all things we thought to be necessary for this enterprize So we departed three days after with all speed for fear lest the Mahometans of the Country having discovered our design should advertise them of it whom we went to seek Of these three vessels one Ioano Fernandez Dabrea born in the Isle of Madera was General who with forty Soldiers went in the round ship and the other two Foysts were commanded by Laurenco de Goes and Vasco Sermento both of them of the City of Braganea in Portugal and very well experienced in Sea-service The next day we arrived at the river of Calentan where as soon as we decryed the three Junks riding at anchor which we had been told of we set very valiantly upon them and albeit those that were in them did at first do their best endevor to defend themselves yet at length all their resistance was in vain for in less then an hour we reduced them all under our power so as seventy and four of theirs were slain and but three of ours though we had many men hurt I will not hold you here with any particular discourse of what was done on either side let it suffice that after the three Junks had rendred themselves we presently set sail and carryed them away with us in all haste because the whole Country thereabout was in an uproar directing our course towards Patana where by the favor of a fair wind we arrived the next day in the afternoon Having then cast anchor we saluted the Town with a peal of Ordnance in sign of joy which put the Mahometans of the Country out of all patience for though we stood in the terms of good friends with them yet they left not to use all possible means both of Presents which they gave to the Governors and the Kings Favorites and otherwise for to make our prizes voyd and that the King would expel us out of his dominions whereunto he would at no hand consent saying that he would not for any thing in the world break the peace which his Ancestors had made with the Christians of Malaca â—nd that all that he could do therein was to become a third betwixt them Whereupon he deâ—â—â—ed us that the three Necodas of the Junks so are the Commanders of them called in that Country restoring unto us what had been taken from the Captain of Malaca we would likewise render unto them as well their vessels free as the overplus a matter which Ioano Fernandez Dabrea and the rest of the Portugals very willingly agreed unto to testifie the desire they had to content him As indeed he was exceedingly well pleased with them for it which he expressed both in courteous language and many promises of his future favor Thus were the fifty thousand duckets recovered that Pedro de Faria and Tome Lobo had lost and the Portugals were in great esteem over all that Country so that their valor rendred them very formidable to the Mahometans A little after the Soldiers assured us that in the three Junks we had taken there was only in lingoâ—s of silver besides the other merchandize wherewithall they were laden to the value of two hundred Taieis which in our mony amounts to an hundred thousand duckets CHAP. XIV The Misfortune that befell us at the entry into the River of Lugor our hiding our selves in a Wood with that which happened unto us afterwards and our return unto Malaca HAving sojourned six and twenty days at Patana for to sell away some few commodities of China that I had there arrived a Foyst from Malaca commanded by one Antonio de Faria who came thither by the express commandment of Pedro de Faria to treat with the King about some accord as also to confirm the ancient league anew which he had with Malaca and withall to give him thanks for the good entertainment he gave in his Kingdom to those of the Portugal Nation This business was carryed with a fair shew of an Embassie accompanyed with a Letter and a Present of Jewels sent in the name of the King of Portugal our Master and taken out oâ— his Coffers as all the Captains of that place used to do Now for as much as the said Antonio de Faria had brought along with him some ten or twelve thousand crowns worth of Indian woolen and linnen cloth which he had taken up on his credit at
of sinners so thou wilt be pleased to forgive us our offenceâ— that thereby we may become worthy to behold thy face in the glory of thy Kingdom where thou art sitting at the right hand of the Almighty Our Father which art in heaven hallowed be thy Name In the Name of the Father the Son and the Holy Ghost Amen And so all of them kissing the Cross imbraced one another and thereupon returned every one to his own home Moreover she told us that her Father had left her many other prayers which the Chineses had stollen from her so that she had none left but those before recited whereunto we replyed that those we had heard from her were very good but before we went away we would leave her divers other good and wholsome prayers do so then answered she for the respect you owe to so good a God as yours is and that hath done such things for you for me and for all in general Then causing the cloth to be laid she gave us a very good and plentiful dinner and treated us in like sort every meal during the five days we continued in her house which as I said before was permitted by the Chifuu in regard of a present that this good woman sent his wife whom she earnestly intreated so to deal with her husband as we might be well intreated for that we were men of whom God had a particular care as the Chifuus wife promised her to do with many thanks to her for the present she had received In the mean space during the five days we remained in her House we read the Catechism seven times to the Christians wherewithall they were very much edifyed beside Christophoro Borhalho made them a little Book in the Chinese tongue containing the Pater Noster the Creed the Ten Commandments and many other good Prayers After these things we toâ—k our leaves of Inez de Leyria and the Christians who gave us fifty Taeis in Silver which stood us since in good stead â—s I shall declare hereafter and withall Inez de Leyria gave us secretly fifty Taeis more humbly desiring us to remember her in our Prayers to God After our departure from the Town of Sempitay we continued our course upon the River of Bataupina unto a place named Lequinpau containing about eleven or twelve thousand fires and very well built at least we judged so by that we could discern as also inclosed with good Walls and Curtains rouâ—d about it Not far from it was an exceeding long House having within it thirty Furnaces on each side where a great quantity of Silver was melted which was brought in carts from a Mountain some five leagues off called Tuxenguim The Chineses assured us that above a thousand men wrought continually in that Mine to draw out the Silver and that the King of China had in yearly Revenue out of it about five thousand Picos This place we left about Sun-set and the next day in the evening we arrived just between two little Towns that stood opposite one to another the River onely between the one named Pacau and the other Nacau which although they were little yet were they fairly builâ— and well walled with great hewed stone having a number of Temples which they call Pagods all guilt over and enriched with Steeples and Fanes of great price very pleasing and agreeable to the eye Now in regard of that they recounted unto us here of these two Towns I hold it not amisse to discourâ—e it in this place the rather for that I have heard it confirmed since and that thereby one may come to know the Original and Foundation of this Empire of China whereof ancient Writers have spoken little â—ill this present It is written in the first Chronicle of fourscore which have been made of the Kings of China the thirteenth Chapter as I have heard it many times delivered That six hundred thirty and nine years after the Deluge there was a Country called then Guantipocau which as may be judged by the height of the Climate where it is scituated being in sixty two degrees to the Northward abutts on the backside of our Germany In this Country lived at that time a Prince named Turbano whose state was not very great It is said of him that being a youth he had three children by a Woman called Nancaa whom he extreamly affected although the Queen his Mother then a Widow was exceedingly displeased at it This King being much importuned by the principal Persons of his Kingdom to marry always excused himself alledging some Reasons for it which they did not well allow of but incited by his Mother they pressed him so far that at length they perceived he had no intent to condescend unto them for indeed his minde was to legitimate the eldest Son he had by Nancaa and to resign his Kingdome unto him to which effect he not long after put himself into Religion in a Temple named Gison which seems to have been the Idol of a certain Sect that the Româ—â—s had in their time and that is still at this present in the Kingdomes of China Iappon Cauchenchina Cambaya and Siam whereof I have seen many Pagods in those Countries But first having declared his said â—on King the Queen his Mother would by no means approve of it saying That since the King her Son would needs profess himself into that Religion and leave the Kingdom without a lawful Heir she would labour to remedy so great a disorder as indeed she did by instantly marrying her self being fifty years of age to a Priest of hers called Silau that was but six and twenty whom she proclaimed King notwithstanding all opposition made to the contrary whereof Turbano being presently advertised and knowing that his Mother had done it of purpose to defeat his Son of the Crown he got him forthwith out of his Religion for to repossess himself of it and to that end used all the means and diligence he could whereupon the Queen Mother and Silau fearing that which might follow thereof to both their destructions if he were not in time and that speedily prevented they secretly assembled some of their partakers to the number of thirty Horse and fourscore Foot who going one night where Turbano was slew him and all his Company Howbeit Nancaa saved her self with her three Sons and accompanied with certain of her Domestical Servants she imbarqued her self in a small Lanteaa and fled away down the River to a place some seventy leagues from thence where she landed with those few followers she had There assisted with some others that resorted unto her she fortified her self in a little Island that was in the middest of the River and which she named Pilaunere that signifies The retreat of the poor with an intent there to end the rest of her days now having lived five years in that poor and miserable estate the Tyrant Silan whom the People hated doubting lest the three young Princes coming
are comparable unto it how famous or populous soever they be Nay I will say further that one must not think it to be like to Grand Cairo in Egypt Tauris in Persia Amadaba in Cambaya Bisnagar in Narsingua Goura in Bengala Ava in Chaleu Timplan in Calaminhan Martaban and Bagou in Pegu Guimpel and Tinlau in Siammon Odia in the Kingdom of Sornau Passarvan and Dema in the Island of Iaoa Pangor in the Country of the Lequiens Vsangea in the Grand Cauchin Lancama in Tartaria and Meaco in Iappun all which Cities are the Capitals of many great Kingdoms for I dare well affirm that all those same are not to be compared to the least part of the wonderful City of Pequin much less to the greatness and magnificence of that which is most excellent in it whereby I understand her stately buildings her inward riches her excessive abundance of all that is necessary for the entertaining of life also the world of people the infinite number of Barques and Vessels that are there the Commerce the Courts of Justice the Government and the State of the Tutons Chaems Anchacys Aytaos Puchancys and Bracanons who rule whole Kingdoms and very spacious Provinces with great pentions and are ordinarily resident in this City or others for them when as by the Kings command they are sent about affairs of consequence But setting these things aside whereof yet I intend to speak more amply when time shall serve I say that this City according to that which is written of it both in the Aquesendoo before mentioned and all the Chronicles of the Kingdom of China is thirty leagues in circuit not comprehending therein the buildings of the other inclosure that is without it and is invironed with a double wall made of good strong free-stone having three hundred and threescore gates each of which hath a small Forâ— composed of two high towers with its ditches and draw-bridges and at every gate is a Register four Porters with halberds in their hands who are bound to give account of all that goes in and out These gates by the Ordinance of the Tuton are divided according to the three hundred and threescore dayes of the year so that every day in his turn hath the feast of the invocation of the Idol whereof each gate bears the name celebrated with much solemnity This great City hath also within that large inclosure of her walls as the Chineses assured us three thousand and three hundred Pagodes or Temples wherein are continually sacrificed a great number of birds and wild beasts which they hold to be more agreeable unto God then such as are kept tame in houses whereof their Priests render divers reasons to the people therewith perswading them to believe so great an abuse for an article of faith The structures of these Pagodes whereof I speak are very sumptuous especially those of the orders of the Menegrepos Conquiays and Talagrepos who are the Priests of the four Sects of Xaca Amida Gizom and Canom which surpass in antipuity the other two and thirty of that Labyrinth of the Divel who appears to them many times in divers forms for to make them give more credit to his impostures and lies The principal streets of this City are all very long and broad with fair houses of two or three stories high and inclosed at both ends with ballisters of iron and lattin the entrance into them is through lanes that cross these great streets at the ends whereof are great arches with strong gates which are shut in the night and on the top of the arches there are watch-bels Each of these streets hath its Captain and officers who walk the round in their turns and are bound every ten dayes to make report into the Town-house of all that passeth in their quarters to the end that the Punchacys or Chaems of the Government may take such order therein as reason requires Moreover this great City if credit may be given to that which the said book so often before mentioned by me records hath an hundred and twenty Canals made by the Kings and people in former times which are three fathom deep and twelve broad crossing through the whole length and bredth of the City by the means of a great number of bridges built upon arches of strong free-stone at the end whereof there are pillars with chains that reach from the one to the other and resting places for passengers to repose themselves in It is said that the bridges of these hundred twenty Canals or Aqueducts are in number eighteen hundred and that if one of them is fair and rich the other is yet more as well for the fashion as for the rest of the workmanship thereof The said Book affirms That in this City there are sixscore Piatzues or publique places in each of the which is a Fair kept every month Now during the two months time that we were at liberty in this City we saw eleven or twelve of these Fairs where were an infinite company of people both on hors-back and on foot that out of boxes hanging about their necks sold all things that well neer can be named as the Haberdashers of small wares do amongst us besides the ordinary shops of rich Merchants which were ranged very orderly in the particular streets where was to be seen a world of silk stuffs tinsels cloth of gold linnen and cotton-cloth sables ermyns musk aloes fine pourcelain gold and silver plate pearl seed pearl gold in powder and lingots and such other things of value whereat we nine Portugals were exceedingly astonished But if I should speak in particular of all the other commodities that were to be sold there as of iron steel lead copper tin latin corral cornalin crystal quicksilver vermillion ivory cloves nutmegs mace ginger tamarinds cinnamon pepper cardamone borax hony wax sanders sugar conserves acates fruit meal rice flesh venison fish pulse and herbs there was such abundance of them as it is scarce possible to express it in words The Chineses also assured us that this City hath an hundred and threescore Butchers shambles and in each of them an hundred stalls full of all kinds of flesh that the earth produceth for that these people feed on all as Veal Mutton Pork Goat the flesh of Horses Buffles Rhinocerets Tygers Lions Dogs Mules Asses Otters Shamois Bodgers and finally of all other beasts whatsoever Furthermore besides the weights which are particularly in every shambles there is not a gate in the City that hath not its scales wherein the meat is weighed again for to see if they have their due weight that have bought it to the end that by this means the people may not be deceived Besides those ordinary Shambles there is not scarce a street but hath five or six Butchers shops in it where the choicest meat is sold there are withall many Taverns where excellent fare is alwayes to be had and cellers full of gammons of bacon dried tongues poudered geese and other
report that a certain King great Grandfather to him that then raigned in China named Chausi-Zarao Panagor very much beloved of his people for his good disposition and vertues having lost his sight by an accident of sickness resolved to do some pious work that might be acceptable to God to which effect he assembled his Estates where he ordained that for the relief of the poor there should be Granaries established in all the Towns of his Kingdom for wheat and rice that in the time of dearth which many times happened the people might have wherewithall to nourish themselves that year and to that purpose he gave the tenth part of the Duties of his Kingdom by a Grant under his hand which when he came to signe accordingly with a golden stamp that he ordinarily used because he was blind it pleased God to restore him perfectly to his sight again which he enjoyed still as long as he lived By this example if it were true it seemed that our Lord Jesus Christ would demonstrate how acceptable the charity that good men exercise towards the poor is to him even though they be Gentiles and without the knowledge of the true Religion Ever since there have been always a great many of Granaries in this Monarchy and that to the number of an hundred and fourteen thousand As for the order which the Magistrates observe in furnishing them continually with corn is such as followeth A little before reaping time all the old corn is distributed â—orth to the inhabitants as it were by way of love and that for the term of two months after this time is expired they unto whom the old corn was lent return in as much new and withall six in the hundred over and above for waste to the end that this store may never fail But when it falls out to be a dear year in that case the corn is distributed to the people without taking any gain or interest for it and that which is given to the poorer sort who are not able to repay what hath been lent to them is made good out of the Rents which the Countries pay to the King as an alms bestowed on them by his special grace Touching the Kings Revenues which are paid in silver Picos they are divided into three parts whereof the first is for the maintenance of the King and his State the second for the defence of the Provinces as also for the provisions of Magazines and Armies and the third to be laid up and reserved in a Treasury that is in this City of Pequin which the King himself may not touch unless it be upon occasion for defence of the Kingdom and to oppose the Tartars Cauchins and other Neighbouring Princes who many times make grievous war upon him This Treasure is by them called Chidampur that is to say The wall of the Kingdom for they say that by means of this treasure being well imployed and carefully managed the King needs lay no impositions upon the people so that they shall not be any ways vexed and oppressed as it happens in other Kingdoms for want of this providence Now by this that I have related one may see how in all the great Monarchy the Government is so excellent the Laws so exactly observed and every one so ready and careful to put the Princes Ordinances in execution that Father Navier having well noted it was wont to say that if ever God would grant him the grace to return into Portugal he would become a Suter to the King for to peruse over the rules and ordinances of those people and the manner how they govern both in time of war and peace adding withall that he did not think the Romans ever ruled so wisely in all the time of their greatest prosperity and that in matter of policy the Chineses surpassed all other Nations of whom the Ancients have written CHAP. XXXVII The great number of Officers and other people which are in the King of China's Pallace with our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our Exile and what befell us there OUt of the fear I am in left coming to relate in particular all those things which we saw within the large inclosure of this City of Pequin they that shall chance to read them may call them in question and not to give occasion also unto detractors who judging of things according to the little world they have seen may hold those truths for fables which mine own eyes have beheld I will forbear the delivery of many matters that possibly might bring much contentment to more worthy spirits who not judging of the riches and prosperity of other Countres by the poverty and misery of their own would be well pleased with the relation thereof Howbeit on the other side I have no great cause to blame those who shall not give credit to that which I say or make any doubt of it because I must acknowledge that many times when I call to mind the things that mine eyes have seen I remain confounded therewith whither it be the Grandeurs of this City of Pequin or the magnificence wherewith this Gentile King is served or the pomp of the Chaems and Anchacys of the Government or the dread and awe wherein all men are of these Ministers or the sumptuousness of their Temples and Pagodes together with all the rest that may be there for within the only inclosure of the Kings Pallace there are above a thousand Eunuchs three thousand women and 12 thousand men of his Guard unto whom the King gives great entertainment and pentions also twelve Tutons dignities that are Soveraign above all others whom as I have already declared the vulgar call The beams of the Sun Under these twelve Tutons there are forty Chaems or Vice-roys besides many other inferiour dignities as Judges Majors Governours Treasurers Admirals and Generals which they term Anchacys Aytaos Ponchacy Lauteas and Chumbims whereof there are above five hundred always residing at the Court each of them having at the least two hundred men in his train which for the most part to strike the greater terror are of divers Nations namely Megores Persians Curazens Moems Calaminhams Tartars Cauchins and some Braamas of Chaleu and Tanguu for in regard of valour they make no account of the Natives who are of a weak and effeminate complection though otherwise I must confess they are exceeding able and ingenious in whatsoever concerneth Mechanick Trades Tillage and Husbandâ—y they have withall a great vivacity of spirit and are exceeding proper and apt for the inventing of very subtle industrious things The women are fair and chaste and more inclined to labour then the men The Country is fertile in victual and so rich aboundâ—ng in all kind of good things as I cannot sufficiently express it such is their blindness as they attribute all those blessings to the only merit of their King and not to the Divine Providence and to the goodness of that Soveraign Lord who
of this Emperor of Caran was more remarkable in his entry then all the rest He had for his Guard about sixscore men armed with â—â—rows and Partisans damasked with gold and silver and all attired alike in violet and green After them marched on horsback twelve Ushers carrying silver Maces before whom twelve horses were led that had carnation clothes on them bordered about with gold and silver They were followed by twelve huge tall men that seemed to be Giants clothed with Tygers skins as wild men are used to be painted of them holding in his hand a great Greyhound by a silver chain Then appeared twelve little Pages mounted on white Haâ—kneys having green velvet Saddles trimmed with silver lace and frenge they were all apparelled alike in crimson sattin Cassocks lined with marterns breeches and hats of the same and great chains of gold scarf-wise about them These twelve boys were all of one equal stature so fair of face so well favoured and of so sweet a proportion of body as I believe there have never been any seen more accomplished For himself he was seated in a Chariot with three wheels on each side garnished all over with silver Round about this Pirange for so was this Chariot called there were forty foot-men in jerkâ—ns and breeches of green and red cloth laced all over with carnation silk lace having swords by their side above three fingers bâ—oad with the hilts handles and chaps of silver and hunting horns hanging in silver chains bandrick-wise about thâ—m and on their heads they wore caps with feathâ—rs in them full of silver spangles Thus was the equipage of this Ambassador so sumptuous and stately that one might very well conclude he belonged to some very rich and mighty Prince Now going one day as attendants on the Mitaquâ—r who went to visit him from the King amongst other things that we saw in his lodging we observed there for one of the greatest rarities in that Country five Chambers hung all with very rich Arras such as we have in Christendom and no question brought from thence In each of these Chambers was a Cloth of State of gold or silver tinsel and under it a Table with a Bason and Ewer of silver of a very costly fashion also a Chair of State of rich violet stuff trimmed with gold frenge and at the foot of it a Cushion of the same all upon an exceeding large foot-pace of tapestry There was also a chaâ—ingdish of silver with a perfuming pot of the same out of the whâ—ch proceeded a most delicate odour At the door of each of those five Chambers stood two Halberdiers who permitted persons of quality to enter that came thither to see them In another very great room in form like to a Gallery there was upon a very high and large foot-pace a little table placed covered with a damask table-cloth edged about with gold-frenge and upon a silver plate a napkin with a fork and a spoon of gold as also two little salt-sellers of the same mettal Now about ten or eleven paces on the one side from this table were two cupbards of plate of all kind of fashions and other vessels of great value Moreover at the four corners of this table were four cisterns about the bigness of a bushel with their kettels fastened to them with chains all of silver as also two very great candlesticks of the same with white wax candles in them but not lighted There were also at the door of the room twelve handsome Halberdiers clothed in mantles like to Irish rug with Scymitars by their sides all covered over with plates of silver which Guard as ordinarily it is with them were very haughty and rude in their answers to all that speak to them Although this Ambassadour was come thither in the way of visit as the râ—st yet the principal subject of his Ambassy was to treat of a marriage between the Emperour of Caran and a sister of the Tartar named Meica vidau that is to say a rich Saphir a Lady about some thirty years of age but very handsom and exceeding charitable to the poor whom we saw divers times in this City at the chiefest Feasts which these people use to solemnize at certain times of the year after the manner of the Gentiles Howbeit setting aside all this whereof I had not spoken but that it seemed more remarkable unto me then all the rest I will return to my former discourse as well concerning our liberty as the voyage that we made even to the Islands of the Sea of China whether the Emperour of Tartaria caused us to be conveighed to the end that such as shall come after us may attain to the knowledge of a part of those things whereof it may be they have never heard spoken until this present CHAP. XLI In what manner we were brought again before the King of Tartaria with our departure from that Kingdom and all that we saw and befell us in our voyage till our arrival at the Court of the King of Cauchinchina AFter some time had been spent in the Celebrations of certain remarkable Feasts that were made for joy of the conclusion of a marriage betwixt the Princess Meica vidau the Kings sister and the Emperour of Caran the Tarâ—ar by the advice of his Captains resolved to return anew to the Siege of Pequin which he had formerly quitted taking the ill success that he had there as a great affront to his person To this effect then he caused all the Estates of his Kingdom to be assembled and also made a league with all the Kings and Princes bordering in his Dominions whereupon considering with our selves how prejudicial this might prove to the promise had been made us for the setting of us at liberty we repaired to the Mitaquer and represented unto him many things that made for our purpose and obliged him to keep his word with us To the which he returned us this answer Certainly you have a great deal of reason for that you say and I have yet more not to refuse you that which you demand of me with so much justice wherefore I resolve to put the King in mind of you that you may enjoy your liberty and the sooner you shall be gone from hence the sooner you shall be freed from the labours which the time begins to prepare for us in the enterprise that his Majesty hath newly undertaken by the counsel of some particulars who for that they know not how to govern themselves have more need to be counselled then the earth hath need of water to produce the fruits that are sowed in her but to morrow morning I shall put the King in mind of you and your poverty and withall I shall pâ—esent unto him how you have poor fatherless child ren as you have heretofore told me to the end he may be thereby incâ—ted to cast his eyes upon you as he is accustomed to do in like cases which is none of the least marks
thus caused them to be put into a deep Dungeon he made them to be so cruelly scourged that within a month after their imprisonment of an hundred sixty four of them which they were there dyed nineteen either of a Lethargy or of hunger or thirst As for the rest they were put into a miserable Shallop without Sails or Oars wherein they were exposed down the River Being delivered in this sort to the mercy of Fortune they were cast by the wind into a desart Island called Pulho Canuida seated twenty leagues within the Sea of this Bar where they furnished themselves with some Sea-fish and such fruits as they found in the woods and in this necessity making a kind of sail of the clothes they had and with two Oars which it may be they met withall there or made themselves they took their course all along by the Coast of Iunçalan and from thence to another place wherein they employed the space of two months arriving at length at the River of Parles in the Kingdom of Quâ—da where they all dyed of certain Impostumes which rose in their throats like unto Carbuncles two onely excepted who came to Malaca and recounted to Pedro de Faria the whole success of this sad Voyage and how that I was condemned to dye as indeed I expected every hour to be led to execution when as it pleased God to deliver me miraculously for as soon as the Necoda and the Merchants were banished in the manner that I have declared I was committed to another prison farther off where I remained six and thirty days laden with chains and irons in a most cruel and insupportable manner During all that time the Traytor Gonçalo exhibited against me dayly new and false allegations wherein he charged me with a world of things which I never so much as thought of and that to no other intent but to procure my death that so he might rob me as he had done all the rest that were in the Junck To which end having questioned me three several times in Judgment I never answered any thing to his Interrogatories that was to purpose whereat he and other of my Enemies were much enraged saying that I did it out of pride and in contempt of Justice so that for a punishment thereof they caused me to be openly whipped and a great deal of lacre which is like unto hard wax to be dropped scalding hot upon me whereof the pain was such as it had almost killed me and indeed all that were by held me for a dead man Now because for the most part I knew not what I spake but talked like a desperate man I happened three or four times to say that for to rob me of my goods I had all these false accusations put upon me but that Captain Ioano Cayeyro who was at Pegu would ere it were long acquaint the King with this cruel usage of me which was the cause of saving my life for even as this wicked Governor was going to have the sentence executed which was given against me some of his friends counselled him to forbear saying that if he put me to death no doubt but that all the Portugals which were at Pegu would complain of him to the King and tell him that for to rob me of an hundred thousand duckets which I had there in Commodities appertaining to the Captain of Malaca he had most unjustly taken away my life And that this being so the King would demand an account of him of all those Commodities or of the Mony for them and that if he rendered him even all that he had taken from me yet would not that content him imagining still there was somewhat more whereby he would so put himself out of the good grace of the King as he would never recover it again which would be the cause of the utter overthrown both of himself and his children besides the dishonor that would redound to him over and above This dog the Governor Bainbaa Chaque fearing lest that should come to pass which they â—ad said desisted from his former obstinacy and correcting the sentence he had given he ordained That I should not dye but that my goods should be confiscated and my self arrested for the Kings prisoner As indeed so soon as I was healed of the hurts which the burning of the lacre and the stripes of the whips had made upon me I was conducted in chains to Pegu and there as a prisoner was put into the hands of a Bramaa Treasurer to the King named Diosoray who had also in his custody eight other Portugals whose sins had procured them the same misfortune which mine had caused unto me for it was now full six months since these poor wretches had been in his power being taken in the ship of Don Anrique Deca of Cananor which by a tempest was cast on that Coast. Now seeing that hitherto I have discoursed of the success of my Voyage to Martabano and of the benefit that redounded to me by my going thither for the service of the King which was no other then the loss of my goods and the imprisonment of my person before I engage my self further in these relations I am resolved to intreat of the divers Fortunes which I ran in that Kingdom for the space of two years and an half that I travelled therein being the time of my Captivity as also of the several Countâ—â—es through which I was carryed by my crosses and mishaps as holding it altogether necessary for the declaration of that which I am going on withall I say then that after this King of Bramaa was departed from the City of Martabano as I have related before he journeyed so long that at length he came to Pegu where before he dismissed his Commanders he caused a Muster to be made of his Army and found that of seven hundred thousand men which he had carryed along with him to the besieging of the Chaubainhaa there was fourscore and six thousand of them wanting And for as much as he had about that time some inckling how the King of Avaa confederated with the Savadis and Chaleus would give entry unto the Sianmon whose Country borders on the West and Northwest side on the Calaminban Emperor of the indomptable Forces of the Elephants of the Earth as I will shew hereafter when I speak of him to the end he might win from this Bramaa the chiefest strengths of his Kingdom he like a good Captain as he was and very cunning in matter of War before he passed on further caused men to be levyed with whom as also with all other necessary things he furnished those principal Fortresses from whence his greatest fear proceeded Then having resolved to go and besiege the City of Prom he retained the Army which he had already a foot and made new and great preparations throughout the Kingdom using such diligence therein as in six months time he had got together the number of nine hundred thousand men whom
he imbaâ—qued in twelve thousand rowing Vessels whereof two thousand were Seroos Laulers Caturos and Foists Now all this great Fleet set forth from Pegu the ninth day of March 1545. and going up the River of Ansedaa it went to Danapluu where it was furnished with all such provisions as was necessary From this place following on their way through a great River of fresh water called Picau Malacou which was above a league broad at length upon the thirteenth of April they came within view of Prom. There by some whom they took that night they learned that the King was dead and how he had left for his successor to the Kingdom a son of his of thirteen years of age whom the King his Father before he dyed had marryed to his wives sister the Aunt of the said young Prince and Daughter to the King of Avaa This young King was no sooner advertised of the King of Bramaa his coming to besiege him in his City of Prom but he sent presently away to the King his Father-in-law for succor which he instantly granted and to that end speedily raised an Army of 30000 Mons Tarces and Chalems choyce men and trained up in the Wars of whom he made a son of his and brother to the Queen General In the mean time the Bramaa having intelligence thereof used all possible diligence for to besiege the City before so great a succor might arrive To which purpose having landed his Army in a plain called Meigavotau some two leagues below the City he continued there five days in making ready such preparations as were needful Having given order for all things he caused his Army to march one morning before day directly to the City with the sound of Drums Fifes and other such instruments of War where being arrived about noon without any opposition he began presently to settle his Camp so that before it was night the whole City was environed with Trenches and very great Ditches as also with six rows of Cannons and other Pieces of Ordnance CHAP. LIII That which passed between the Queen of Prom and the King of Bramaa together with the first Assault that was given to the City and the Success thereof THe King of Bramaa had been now five days before the City of Prom when as the Queen that governed the State in the place of her Husband seeing her self thus besieged sent to visit this her enemy with a rich jewel of precious stones which was presented unto him by a Talagrepo or religious man of above an hundred years old who was held amongst them for a Saint together with a Letter wherein this was written Great and mighty Lord more favoured in the House of fortune then all the Kings of the earth the force of an extream power an increasing of the Salt-seas whereinto all lesser rivers do render themselvos a Shield full of very fair devices Processor of the greatest States upon the Throne whereof thy feet do repose with a marvellous Majesty I Nhay Nivolau a poor woman Governess and Tutress of my Son an Orphan do prostrate my self before thee with tears in mine eyes and with the respect which ought to be rendred unto thee I beseech thee not to draw thy Sword against my weakness for thou knowest that I am but a silly woman which can but only cry unto God for the wrong that it done me whose property also it is to succour with mercy and to chastice with justice the States of the world be they never so great trampling them under his feet with so redoubted a power that the very Inhabitants of the profound house of smoak do fear and tremble before this Almighty Lord I pray and conjure thee not to take from me that which is mine seeing it is so small a thing as thou shalt not be the greater for it when thou hast it nor yet the less if thou hast it not whereas contrarily if thou my Lord wilt shew thy self pitiful to me that act of clemency will bring thee such reputation as the very Infants themselves will cease from sucking the white breasts of their Mothers for to praise thee with the pure lips of their innocency and likewise all they of my Country and Strangers will ever remember such thy charity towards me and I my self will cause it to be graven on the Tombs of the dead that both they and the living may give thee thanks for a thing which I do beg of thee with so much instance from the bottom of my heart This holy man Avenlachim from whom thou shalt receive this Letter written with mine own hand hath Power and Authority to treat with thee in the Name of my Fatherless Son concerning all that shall be judged reasonable touching the tribute and homage which thou shalt think fit to have rendred unto thee upon condition that thou wilt be pleased to let us enjoy our houses so that under a true assurance thereof we may bring up our children and gather the fruit of our labours for the nourishment of the poor Inhabitants of this paltry Town who will all serve thee and I to with a most humble respect in all things wherein thou shalt think good to imploy us at thy pleasure The Bramaa received this Letter and Ambassage with a great deal of authority and entertained the Religious man that delivered it to him with much honour as well in reguard of his age as for that he was held as a Saint amongst thâ—m with all he granted him certain things which were at first demanded as a Cessation of Arms till such time as Articles should be agreed on as also a permission for the Besieged to converse with the Besiegers and other such things of little consequence In the mean time judging with himself that all those offers which this poor Queen made him and the humble submissions of her Letter proceeded from weakness and fear he would never answer the Ambassadour clearly or to purpose Contrarily he caused all the places there abouts that were weak and unarmed to be secretly ransaked and the poor Inhabitants thereof to be unmercifully butchered by their barbarous enemies whose cruelty was so gâ—eat that in five dayes according to report they killed fourteen thousand persons the most part whereof were women children and old men that were not able to bear Arms. Hereupon the Rolim who brought this Letter relying no longer on the false promises of this Tyrant and discontented with the little respect he used towards him demanded leave of him to return to the City which the Bâ—amaa gave him together with this answer That if the Queen would deliver up her self her Treasure her Kingdom and her Vassals to him he would recompence her another way for the loss of her State but withall that she was to return him a peremptory answer to this proposition of his the very same day which was all the time I could give her that so he might upon the knowledge of her resolution determine upon
King of Bramaa as attributing the cause thereof to the negligence of some of his Capâ—ains in the â—ll guarding of the Terrace that the day following he caused two thousand Pegu's to be bâ—hâ—aded which had stood sentinel that night This adventure rendred things quiet for the space of twelve days during which the besieged stirred not in the mean time one of the four principal Captain of the City named Xemim Meleytay fearing that which all others in general misdoubted namely that they could not escape from falling into the hands of so cruel an Enemy treated secretly with the Tyrant and upon condition that he would continue him in his charge not meddle with any of the houses of his friends and make him Xemin of Ansedaa in the Kingdom of Pegu with all the Revenue which the Bainhaa of Malacou had there being thirty thousand Duckats a year he would deliver him up the City by giving him entrance into it through the gate which he commanded The King of Bramaa accepted hereof and for a gage of performance on his part he sent him a rich Ring from off his finger This Treason so concluded was effected on the three and twentieth of August in the year 1545. wherein this Tyrant of Bramaa carryed himself with all the barbarousness and cruelty that he used to practise in the like cases And for as much as I conceive that I should never have done if I should recount here at large how this affair past I will say no more but that the gate was opened the City delivered up the Inhabitants all cut in pieces without so much as sparing one the King and Queen made prisoners their Treasurers taken the Buildings and Temples demolished and many other inhumanities exercised with such outragiousness the belief whereof is beyond the imagination and thought of man and truly I never represent unto my self in what manner it was done as having seen it with mine own eyes but that I remain as it were astonished and besides my self at it For as this Tyrant was touched to the quick with the affront he had lately received so he executed all the cruelties he could imagine against thosâ— miserable Inhabitants for to be revenged of the ill success he had had in the siege which could not proceed from any other but a base mind and vile extraction for it ordinarily falls out that barbarousness finds place in such kind of people rather then in generous and valiant hearts Whereunto may be added that he was a man without faith and of an effâ—minate disposition though he was nevertheless an Enemy to women albeit there were in that Kingdom and in all the others whereof he was Lord those that were very white and fair After the bloody ruine of that wretched City the Tyrant entred into it in great pomp and and as it were in triumph through a breach that was made of purpose in the wall and by his express commandment When he was arrived at the young Kings pallace he caused himself to be crowned King of Prom and during the Ceremony of this Coronation he made that poor Prince whom he had deprived of his Kingdom to continue kneeling before him with his hands held up as if he adored some God and ever and anon they constrained him to stoup down and kiss the Tyrants feet who in the mean time made shew as if he were not pleased therewith This done he went into a Balcone which looked on a great Market place whither he commanded all the dead children that lay up and down the streets to be brought and then causing them to be hacked very small he gave them mingled with Bran Rice and Herbs to his Elephants to eat Afterward with a strange kind of ceremony at the sound of Trumpets Drums and other such like Instruments there was above an hundred Horses led in loaden with the quarters of men and women which also he commanded to be cut small and then cast into a great fire kindled expresly for it These things so done the Queen was brought before him that was wife to the poor little King who as I said before was but thirteen years of age and she thirty and six a woman very white and well-favored Aunt to her own Husband Sister to his Mother and Daughter to the King of Avaa which is the Country from whence the Rubies Saphirs and Emeralds do come to Pegu and it was the same Lady whom this Bramaa had sent to demand in marriage of her Father as it was then spoken but that he refused him saying to his Embassador for an answer That the thoughts of his Daughter soared a pitch higher then to be the wife of the Xemim of Tanguu which was the family whence this Tyrant was issued But now that she was fallen into his hands as his slave whether he used her so either out of a revenge of that affront or out of scorn and contempt so it was that he made her to be publiquely stript stark naked and to be torn and mangled with whipping and then in that manner to be led up and down all the City where amidst the cries and hooting of the people he exposed her to other cruel torments wherewith she was tortured till she gave up the ghost When she was dead he made her to be bound to the little King her Husband who was yet living and having commanded a great stone to be tyed about their necks they were cast into the River which was a kind of cruelty very dreadful to all that beheld it To these barbarous parts he added many others so inhumane as it is not likely that any other but he could imagine the like And for a conclusion of his cruelties the next day he caused all the Gentlemen that were taken alive being some three hundred to be impaled and so spitted like rosted Pigs to be also thrown into the River whereby may be seen how great and unheard of the injustice of this Tyrant was which he exercised on these miserable wretches CHAP. LIV. The King of Bramaa his besieging of the Fortress of Meleytay with his going from thence to Avaa and that which passed there FOurteen days were past since the doing of these things during the which the Tyrant employed himself in fortifying the City with a great deal of diligence and care when as his spies whom he had sent out brought him word that from the City of Avaa a Fleet of four hundred rowing Vessels was come down the River of Queitor wherein there were thirty thousand Siamon Soldiers besides the Mariners of which the King of Avaas son and brother to the poor Queen was General for this Prince having received advertisement of the taking of the City of Prom and of the death of his sister and brother-in-law went and lodged in the Fortress of Meleytay which was some twelve leagues up the River from Prom. This news much troubled the Tyrant howbeit he resolved to go himself in person against his Enemies before
misfortune this poor woman was reduced so that we told her our opinion and what we thought was fit for her to do whereupon she concluded to go along with us to Timplam and so to Pegu and from thence to set sail for Coromandel there to finish her days in the Island of St Thomé Having vowed unto us to do thus we quitted her not doubting that she would lose so good an opportunity to retire her self out of the errors wherein she was and to restore her self to an estate wherein she might be saved since it had pleased God to permit her to meet with us in a Country so far distant from that which she could hope for Howbeit she performed nothing for we could never see nor hear of her afterwards which made us to believe that either some thing was befallen her that kept her from coming to us or that through the obstinacy of her sins she deserved not to make her profit of the grace which our Lord had offered to her out of his infinite goodness and mercy CHAP. LVIII The Magnificent Reception of the King of Bramaa his Ambassadour at the City of Timplam and that which passed betwixt the Calaminham and him NIne dayes after the King of Bramaa his Ambassadour had reposed himself there by way of ceremony according to the fashion of the Coâ—try for the more honour of his Ambassage one of the Governours of the City called Quampanogrem came to fetch him accompanied with fourscore Seroos and Laulees very well eqipped and full of luâ—ty able men Throughout this Fleet they played on so many barbarous and ill accorded instruments as Belâ— Cymbals Drums and Sea-corners that the din thereof coming to joyn with the noise which the Rowers made terrified all those that heard it and indeed one would have thought it at first to be some inchantment or to say better a musick of hell if there be any there Amidst this stir we drew near to the City where we arrived about noon Being come to the first Key that was named Campalarraia we saw a great many men both Horse and Foot all richly accoutred as also a number of fighting Elephants very well harnessed having their chairs and forâ—-head pieces garnished with silver and their warlike Panores fastened to their teeth which rendred them very terrible The Ambassadour was no sooner come on shore but the Campanogrem took him by the hand and falling on his knees presented him to another great man that attended for him at the Key in great pomp This same was called Patedacan one of the chiefest of the Kingdom as we were told After he had with a new complement of courtesie received the Ambassadour he offered him an Elephant furnished with a Chair and harness of gold but whatsoever the Mandarin could do to make the Ambassadour accept of it he could by no means draw him thereunto whereupon he caused another almost as well furnished to be brought and gave it to him As for us nine Portugals and fifty or threescore Bramaas they provided Horses on which we mounted In this manner we departed from that place having his Chariots before us full of men that amidst the acclamations of the people played upon divers kinds of instruments namely on silver Cymbals Bells and Drums Thus we were conducted through many long Streets whereof nine were invironed with Ballisters of Lattin and at the entrance into them there were Arches very richly wrought as also many Chapters of pillars guilt and great Bells which like unto clocks struck the hours nay the quarters of the hour of the day whereby the people were ordinarily directed After that with much ado by reason of the great press of people that was in the streets we were come to the outward Court of the Calaminham's Pallace which was as long or little less as a Faulcons shot and broad proportionable thereunto we saw in it above six thousand Horses all trapped with silver and silk and those that were mounted on them were armed with Coâ—slets of Lattin and Copper head-pieces of silver carrying Ensigns in their hands of divers Colours and Targets at their Saddle-bowâ— The Câ—mmander of thâ—se Troops was the Quietor of Justice who is as the Super-intendent over all the other Civil and Criminal Ministers which is a Jurisdiction â—epeâ—ate by it self from whence there is no appeal The Ambassadour being come near unto him who was also advanced to receive him and the two Governours they all prostraâ—eâ— themselves on the ground three times which is amongst them a new kind of Compliment whereupon the Queitor spake not a word to the Ambassadour but onely laid his hand on his head and then gave him a rich Scymitar that he wore by his side which the Ambassadour accepted of very thankfully and kissed it thrice That done the Quieor set the Ambassadour on his right hand and leaving the two Mandarins a little behind they past along through two ranks of Elephants which made a kind of Street of the length of the outward Court they being fifteen hundred in number all furnished with Castles and rich Chairs of divers inventions as also with a great many of silk Banners and gorgeous Coverings round abouâ— were a great Company of Halberdiers and many other shews of Greatness and Majesty which made us believe that this Prince was one of the mightiest of the Country When we were come to a great Gate that stood between two high Towers two hundred men which guarded it no sooner saw the Quietor but they all fell down on their knees Through this Gate we entred into another very long outward Court where the Kings second Guard was composed of a thousand men who were all in guilt Arms their Swords by their sides and on their heads Helmets wrought with gold and silver wherein stuck gallant plums of several colours After we had past through the middle of all this Guard we arrived at a great Hall where there was a Mandarim Uncle to the King called the Monvagaruu a man of above seventy years of age accompanied with a great number of Nobity as also with many Captains and Officers of the Kingdom About him were twelve little boyes richly clad with great Chains of gold three or four times double about their necks and each of them a silver Mace upon his shoulder As soon as the Ambassadour was come near him he touched him on the head with a Ventiloo that he held in his hand and beholding him May thy entrance said he into this Palace of the Lord of the world be as agreeable to his eyes as the rain is to our fields of Rice for so shall he grant thee all that thy King demands of him From thence we went up an high pair of stairs and entred into a very long room wherein there were many great Lords who seeing the Monvagaruu stood up on their feet as acknowledging him for their Superiour Out of this room we entred into another where there were four Altars very well
Captain of Malaca and by whom I had been sent as Ambassador to the Chaiubanbaa of Marâ—abano as I have declared heretofore To him I rendred an exact accompt of all that had past for which he shewed himself very sorrowfulL and accommodated me with divers things whereunto his conscience and generosity obliged him in regard of the goods which I had lost for his occasion A little after that I might not lose the oportunity of the season I imbarqued my self with an intention to go to the Southward and once more to try my fortune in the Kingdomes of China and Iapan to see if in those countries where I had so many times lost my coat I could not find a better then that I had on Being imbarqued at Goa in a Junck that belonged to Pedro de Faria which was bound in way of trade for Zunda I arrived at Malaca the same day that Ruy vas Pereyra termed Marramaque died who was then Captain of the fortresse there Being departed from that place to go to Zunda at the end of seventeen dayes I arrived at Banta where the Portugals are accustomed to traffique And because there was at that time great scarcity of pepper over all the country and that we came thither of purpose for it we were constrained to passe the winter there with a resolution to go for China the year following We had been almost two moneths in this Port where we exerâ—ised our commerce very peaceably whenas from the King of Demaa Emperor of all the Islands of Iaoa Angenia Bâ—la Madura and of the rest of the Islands of that Archipelago there landed in this country a widdow woman named Nhay Pombaya about the age of threescore years who came as Ambassador to Tagaril King of Zuâ—da that was also his Vassall as well as all the rest of that Monarchy for to tell him that he was within the term of six weeks to be in person at the town of Iapara where he was then making preparation to invade the Kingdome of Passaruan When this woman arrived in this Port the King went in person to the Vessell where she was from whence he carried her to his Palace with great pomp and put her into the company of his wife for her better entertainment whilest he himself retired to another lodging farther off to do her the more honor Now that one may know the reason wherefore this ambassage was executed rather by a woman then a man you must note that it hath alwayes been the custome of the Kings of this Kingdome to treat of the most important matters of their State by the mediation of women especially when it concernes peace which they observe not only in particular messages that are sent by the Lords to their Vassalls such as this was but also in matter of publique and generall affairs which is performed by ambassage from one King to another and all the reason they give for it is That God hath given more gentlenesse and inclination to courtesie yea and more authority to women then to men who are severe as they say and by consequent lesse agreeable to those unto whom they are sent Now it is their opinion that every one of those women which the Kings are accustomed to send about affaires of importance ought to have certain qualities for well executing of an ambassage and worthily discharging the Commission which is granted to them for first of all they say That she must not be a Maid for fear she chance to lose her honor in going out of her house because that even as with her beauty she contents every one so by the same reason she may be a motive of discord and unquietnesse in matters where unity is required rather then an accesse to concord and the peace which is pretended unto To this they adde that she must be married or at leastwise a widdow after a lawfull marriage that if she have had children she must have a Certificate how she hath given them all suck with her own breasts alledging thereupon that she who hath borne children and doth not nourish them if she can is rather a carnall voluptuous corrupted and dishonest woman then a true mother And this custome is observed so exactly over all this country principally amongst persons of quality that if a mother hath a child which she cannot give suck unto for some valuable consideration she must make an attestation thereof as of a thing very serious and much importing her honor That if being young too she happens to lose her husband and becomes a widdow she must for the better testifying of her vertue enter into Religion to the end she may thereby shew that she did not formerly marry for the pleasure which she expected from her marriage but to have children according to the pure and honest intention wherewith God joyned together the first married couple in the terrestiall Paradise Furthermore that there might be nothing to be found fault with in the purity of their marriage and that it might be altogether conformable to the Law of God they say that after a woman is with-child she ought no longer to have the company of her husband because the same could not then be but dishonest and sensuall To these conditions they add many others which I will passe over in silence for that I think it unreasonable to use prolixity in matters that I hold worthy of excuse if I do not relate them at length In the mean time after that Nhay Pombaya had delivered her Embassage to the King of Zunda as I have declared before and treated with him about the occasion which brought her thither she presently departed from this Towne of Baâ—ta whereupon the King having speedily prepared all things in readinesse he set sail with a Fleet of thirty Calaluzes and ten Iuripangâ—es well furnished with ammunition and victuall in which forty vessells there were seven thousand fighting men besides the Mariners and Rowers Amongst this number were forty Portugalls of six and forty that we were in all in regard whereof they did us many particular favours in the businesse of our Merchandize and publikely confessed that they were much obliged to us for following them as we did so that we should have had little reason to have excused our selves from accompanying them in this war CHAP. XLIV The expedition of the Pangueyran Emperor of Jaoa and King of Demaa against the King of Passeruan and all that which passed in this war THe King of Zunda being departed from the Port of Banta the fifth day of Ianuary in the year one thousand five hundred forty and six arrived on the nineteenth of the same at the Town of Iapura where the King of Demaa Emperor of this Island of Iaoa was then making his preparatives having an army on foot of eight hundred thousand men This Prince being advertised of the King of Zundaes coming who was his brother-in-law and vassall he sent the King of Panaruca Admirall of the Fleet to
neer a moneth in this Port of Zunda where a good number of Portugals were assembled together so soon as the season to go to China was come the three Vessells set sail for Chincheo no more Portugals remaining ashore but only two who went to Siam in a Junck of Patana with their Merchandise I bethought me then to lay hold on this occasion and put my self into their company because they offered to bear my charges in this voyage yea and to lend me some money for to try fortune once more and see whether by the force of importuning her she would not use me bâ—tter then formerly she had done Being departed then from this place in six and twenty daies we arrived at the City of Odiaa the Capitall of this Empire of Sarnau which they of this country do ordinarily call Siam where we were wonderfully well received and intreated by the Portugals which we found there Now having been a moneth and better in this City attending the season for the voyage to China that so I might passe to Iapon in the company of six or seven Portugals who had imbarqued themselves for that purpose I made account to imploy in commodities some hundred duckats which those two with whom I came from Zunda had lent me In the mean time very certain news came to the King of Siam who was at that time with all his Court at the said City of Odiaa that the King of Chiammay allied with the Timocouhos Laaos and Gueos people which on the North East hold the most part of that country above Capimpâ—r and Passilâ—â—o and are all Soveraignes exceeding rich and mighty in Estates had laid siege to the Town of Quiteruan with the death of above thirty thousand men and of Oyaa Capimper Governor and Lievtenant Generall of all that Frontire The King remained so much appalled with this news that without further temporising he passed over the very same day to the other side of the river and never standing to lodge in houses he went and incamped under Tents in the open field thereby to draw others to do the like in imitation of him Withall he caused Proclamation to be made over all the City That all such as were neither old nor lame and so could not be dispensed with for going to this war should be ready to march within twelve daies at the uttermost upon pain of being burned alive with perpetuall infamy for themselves and their descendants and confiscation of their Estates to the Crown To the which he added many other such great and dreadfull penalties as the only recitall of them struck terror not into them of the country but into the very strangers whom the King would not exempt from this war of what Nation soever they vvere for if they would not serve they were very expresly enjoyned to depart out of his Kingdome within three daies In the mean time so rigorous an Edict terrified every one in such sort as they knew not what counsell to take or what resolution to follow As for us Portugals in regard that more respect had alwayes been carried in that country to them then to all other Nations this King sent to desire them that they would accompany him in this voyage wherein they should do him a pleasure because he would trust them onely with the guard of his person as judgiâ—g them more proper for it then any other that he could make choice of and to oblige them the more thereunto the message was accompanied with many fair promises and very great hopes of pensions graces benefits favours and honors but above all with a permission which should be granted them to build Churches in his Kingdome which so obliged us that of an hundred and thirty Portugals which we were there were sixscore of us that agreed together to go to this war The twelve daies limited being past the King put himself into the field with an Army of four hundred thousand men whereof seventy thousand were strangers of divers Nations They imbarqued all in three hundred Sâ—roos Lauleas and Iangâ—s so that on the nineth day of this voyage the King arrived at a Frontire Town named Suropisâ—â— some twelve or thirteen leagues from Quitiruan which the enemies had besieged There he abode above seven daies to attend four thousand Elephants which came to him by Land During that time he was certified that the Town was greatly prest both on the rivers side which the enemies had seized upon with two thousand Vessels as also towards the Land where there were so many men as the number of them was not truly known but as it was judged by conjecture they might be some three hundred thousand whereof forty thousand were horse but no Elephants at all This news made the King hâ—sten the more so that instantly he made a review of his forces and found that he had five hundred thousand men for since his coming forth many had joyned with him by the way as also four thousand Elephants and two hundred carts with field pieces With this Army he parted from Suropisem and drew towards Quitiruan marching not above four or five leagues a day At the end of the the third then he arrived at a valley called Siputay a league and an half from the place where the enemies lay Then all these men of War with the Elephants being set in battell array by the three Masters of the Camp whereof two were Turks by Nation and the third a Portugal named Domingâ—s de Sâ—ixas they proceeded on in their way towards Quitiruan where they arrived before the Sun appeared Now whereas the enemies were already prepared in regard they had been advertised by their Spies of the King of Siaâ—s forces and of the design vvhich he had they attended him resolutely in the plain field relying much on their forty thousand horse As soon as they discovered him they presently advanced and with their vant-guard which were the said forty thousand horse they so charged the King of Siams rearward composed of threescore thousand foot as they defeated them in lesse then a quarter of an hour with the losse of three Princes that were slaine upon the place The King of Siam seeing his men thus routed resolved not to follow the order which he had formerly appointed but to fall on with the whole body of his Army and the four thousand Elephants joyned together With these forces he gave upon the battalion of the enemies with so much impetuosity as at this first shock they were wholly discomfited from whence ensued the death of an infinite company of men for whereas their prinâ—â—s â—ll strength consisted in their horse as soone as the Elephants sustained by the harqueâ—uses and the field pieces fell upon them they were defeated in lesse then an half hour so that after the routing of these same all the rest began instantly to retreat In the meane time the King of Siam following the honor of the victory pursued them to the rivers side
which the enemies perceiving they formed a new Squadron of all those that remained of them wherein there were above an hundred thousand men as well sound as hurt and so past all the same day there joyned together in one entire body of an Army the King not daring to fight with them by reason he saw them fortified with two thousand ships wherein there were great numbers of men Neverthelesse as soon as it was dark night the enemies began to march away with all speed all along by the river wherewith the King was nothing displeased because the most part of his souldiers being hurt they were necessarily to be drest as indeed that was presently executed and the most part of the day and the night following imployed therein After the King of Siam had obtained so happy a victory the first thing that he did was to provide with all diligence for the fortifications of the town and whatsoever els he thought to be necessary for the security thereof After that he commanded a generall muster to be made of all his men of war that he might know how many he had lost in this battell whereupon he found that some fifty thousand were wanting all men of little reckoning whom the rigor of the Kings Edict had compelled to serve in this war ill provided and without defensive arms As for the enemies it was known the next day that an hundred and thirty thousand of them had been slain As soon as the hurt men were recovered the King having put into the principall places of this frontier such guards as seemed requisite to him was counselled by his Lords to make war upon the Kingdom of Guibem which was not above fifteen leagues from thence on the North side to be revenged on the Queen of Guibem for having given free passage thorough her dominions to those of Chiammay in regard whereof he attributed to her the losse of Oyaa Capimper and the thirty thousand men that had been killed with him The King approving of this advice parted from this town with an army of foure hundred thousand men and went and fell upon one of this Queens towns called Fumbacor which was easily taken and all the inhabitants put to the sword not one excepted This done he continued his voyage till he came to Guitor the capitall town of the Kingdom of Guibem where the Queen then was who being a widdow governed the State under the title of Regent during the minority of her son that was about the age of nine years At his arrivall he laid siege to the Town and forasmuch aâ— the Queen found not her self strong enough to resist the King of Siams power she fell to accord with him to pay him an annuall tribute of five thousand Turmes of silver which are threescore thousand Duckats of our money whereof she paid him five years advance in hand Besides that the young Prince her son did him homage as his vassall and the King led him away with him to Siam Hereupon he raised his siege from before the Town and passed on towards the North-East to the Town of Taysiran where he had news that the King of Chiammay was fallen off from the league aforesaid In the mean time whereas he had been six daies march in the enemies territories he sacked as many places as he met withall not permitting the life of any male whatsoever to be saved So proceeding onward he arrived at the Lake of Singipamor which ordinarily is called Chiammay where he stayed six and twenty daies during the which he took twelve goodly places invironed with ditches and bullworks after our fashion all of brick and mortar without any stone or lime in them because in the country it is not the custome to build so but they had no other Artillery then some Faulconets and certain muskets of brasse Now forasmuch as winter began to approach and that it was very rainy weather the King too feeling himself not very well he retired back again to the Town of Quitiruan where he tarried three and twenty daies and better in which space he made an end of fortifying it with walls and many broad and deep ditches so that having put this Town into an estate of being able to defend it self against any attempt he imbarqued his Army in the three thousand vessells which brought him thither and so returned towards Siam Nine daies after he arrived at Odiaa the chiefe City of his whole Kingdome where for the most part he kept his Court. At his arrivall the inhabitants gave him a stately reception wherein they bestowed a 〈◊〉 of money upon divers inventions which were made against his entry Now whereas during the six moneths of the Kings absence the Queen his wife had committed adultery with a Purveyor of her house named Vquuâ—cheâ—iraa and that at the Kings return she found her selfe gone four moneths with-child by him the fear she was in left it should be discovered made her for the saving of her self from the danger that threatned her resolve to poyson the King her husband as indeed without further delaying her pernitious intention she gave him in a messe of milk which wrought that effect as he died of it within five daies after during which time he took order by his Testament for the most important affairs of his Kingdome and discharged himself of the obligation wherein he stood ingaged to the strangers which had served him in this war of Chiammay In this Testament whenas he came to make mention of us Portugals he would needs have this clause added thereunto It is my intent that the sixscore Portugals which have alwayes so faithfully watched upon the guâ—rd â—f my person shall â—eceive for a recompence of their good services half a years tribute which the Queen of Guâ—bem gives me and that in my custome houses their Merchandise shall pay no custome foâ— the space of three years Moreover my intent is that their Priests may throughout all the Townes of my Kingdome publish the Law whereof they mâ—ke profâ—ssion namely of a God made man for the salvation of mankind as they have many times assured me To these things he added many others such like which well deserve to be reported here though I passe them under silence because I hope to make a more ample mention of them hereafter Furthermore he desired all the Grandees of his Court which were present with him that they would give him the consolation before he died to make his eldest Son be declared King which was incontinently executed For which effect after that all the Oyaas Conchalis and Montâ—os which are Soveraign dignities over all the rest of the Kingdome had taken the oath of Allegeance to this young Prince they shewed him out at a window to all the people who were in a great place below and they set upon his head a rich Crovvn of gold in the form of a Miter and put a svvord into his right hand and a pair of balances into
fire was put to all that infinite number of Idolls just in the manner as they stood in the Barques and this was accompanied with so horrible a din of cries great Ordnance Harquebuzes Drums Bells Cornets and other different kinds of noyse as it was impossible to hear it without trembling This ceremony lasted not above an hour for whereas all these figures were made of combustible stuffe and the Vessells filled with pitch and rozen so dreadfull a flame ensued presently thereupon as one might well have said that it was a very pourtraiture of hell so that in an instant the Vessells and all that vvere in them vvere seen to be reduced to nothing Whenas this and many other very lively inventions which had cost a great deal of money vvere finished all the inhabitants vvhich vvere come thronging thither and vvhereof the number seemed to be infinite retired back to their houses where they remained with their doors and windows shut not one appearing in the streets for the space of ten daies during which time all places were unfrequented and none were seen stirring but some poor people who in the night went up and down begging with strange lamentations At the end of the ten daies wherein they had shut themselves up so they opened their doors and windows and their Pagodes or Temples were adorned with many Ensigns of rejoycing together with a world of hangings standards and banners of silk Hereupon there went through all the streets certain men on horseback apparelled in vvhite Damask who at the sound of very harmonious instruments cried aloud with tears in their eys Ye sad inhabitants of this Kingdomâ— of Siam hearken hearken to that which is made known to you from God and with humble and pure hearts praise ye all his holy name for the effects of his divine justice are great withall laying aside your mourning come forth of your aâ—odes wherein you are shut up and sing the praises of the goodnesse of your God since he hath been pleased to give you a new King who fears him and is a friend of the poor This Proclamation being made all the Assistants with their faces prostrated on the ground and their hands lifted up as people that rendred thanks to God answered aloud weeping We make the Angells of heaven our Attorneys to the end they may continually praise the Lord for us After this all the inhabitants of the City coming out of their houses and thinking of nothing but dancing and rejoycing went to the Temple of Quiay Fanarel that is to say the God of the joyfull where they offered sweet perfumes and the poorest sort fruits pullen and rice for the entertainment of the Priests The same day the nevv King shewed himself over all the City with a great deal of pomp and Majesty in regard whereof the people made great demonstrations of joy and gladnesse And forasmuch as the King was but nine years old it was ordained by the four and twenty Bracà loâ—s of the Government that the Queen his mother should be the Protector or Regent of him and that she should beare rule over all the Officers of the Crown Things past thus for the space of four moneths and an half during the which there was no manner of disorder but all was peaceable in the Kingdome howbeit at the end of that time the Queen coming to be delivered of a Son which she had had by her Purveyor being displeased with the bad report that went of her she resolved with her self to satisfie her desire which was to marry with the Father of this new Son for that she was desperately in love with him And further she wickedly enterprised to make away the new King her lawfull child to the end that by this means the Crown might passe to the bastard by right of inheritance Now to execute this horrible design of hers she made shew that the excesse of her affection to the young King her Son kept her always in fear left some attempt should be made upon his life so that one day having caused all the Councell of the State to be assembled the represented unto them that having but this only pearl enchaced in her heart she desired to keep it from being plucked from thence by some disaster for which effect she thought it requisite as well to secure her from her apprehensions as to prevent the great mischiefs which carelessenesse is wont to bring in such like cases that there should be a guard set about the Palace and the person of the King This affair was immediately debated in the Councell and accorded to the Queen in regard the matter seemed good of it self The Queen seeing then that her design had succeeded so well took instantly for the guard of the Palace and the person of her Son such as she judged were proper for the executing of her damnable enterprise and in whom she most confided She ordained a guard then of two thousand foot and five hundred horse besides the ordinary guard of her house which were six hundred Cauehins and Lequios and thereof she made Captain one called Tileubacus the cozen of the same Purveyor by whom she had had a child to the end that by this mans favour she might dispose of things as she pleased and the more easily bring to passe her pernicious design Whereupon relying on the great forces which she had already on her party she began to revenge her self upon some of the great ones of the Kingdome because she knew they despised her and held her not in that esteem she desired The two first whom she caused to be laid hands on were two Deputies of the Government making use of this pretext that they held secret intelligence with the King of Chiamway and were to give him an entry into the Kingdome thorough their lands so that under colour of justice she caused them to be both executed and confiscated their estates whereof she gave the one to her Favorite and the other to a brother-in-law of his who it was said had been a Smith But in regard this execution had been done precipitously and without any proof the greatest part of the Lords of the Kingdom murmured against the Queen for it representing unto her the merit of them whom she had put to death the services they had rendred to the Crown the qualitie of the persons and the nobility and antiquity of their extractions as being of the bloud royall and lineally descended from the Kings of Siam howbeit she made no reckoning thereof but contrarily a little after making show as if she had not been well she in a full Councill renounced her regency and conferred it on Vquumcheuiraa her Favorite to the end that by this means bearing rule over all others he might dispose of the affairs of the kingdom at his pleasure and give the most important charges thereof to such as would be of his party which he thought to be the most assured way for him to usurp this Crown and make
himself absolute Lord of the Empire of Sâ—rnaâ— whereof the revenue was twelve millions of gold besides other comings in which amounted to as much more With all these inventions this Queen used so great diligence for the contenting of the desire which she had to raise her Favorite to the Royalty to marry her self to him and to make the illegitimate son which she had bad by him successor of the Crown as within the space of eight moneths fortune favouring her designes and hoping more fully to execute her wicked plot shee caused most of the great men of the kingdom to be put to death and confiscated all their lands goods and treasures which she distributed amongst such of her creatures as she daily drew to her party Now forasmuch as the young King her son served for the principall obstacle to her intentions this young Prince could not escape her abominable fury for she her self poysoned him even as she had poysoned the King his father That done she married with Vquumcheniraa who had been one of the Purveyors of her house and caused him to be crowned King in the city of Odiaa the eleventh of November in the yeare one thousand five hundred forty five But whereas Heaven never leaves wicked actions unpunished the year after one thousand five hundred forty and six and on the fifteenth day of January they were both of them slain by Oyaa Passilico and the King of Cambaya at a certain banquet which these Princes made in a Temple that was called Quiay Figrau that is to say the god of the atoms of the Sun whose solemnity was that day celebrated So that as well by the death of these two persons as of all the rest of their party whom these Princes also killed with them all things became very peaceable without any further prejudice to the people of the kingdom onely it is true that it was despoyled of the most part of the Nobility which formerly it had by the wicked inventions and pernicious practices whereof I have spoken before CHAP. LXIX The King of Bramaa's enterprize upon the Kingdom of Siam and that which past untill hiâ— arrivall at the city of Odiaa with his besieging of it and all that ensued thereupon THe Empire of Siam remaining without a lawfull successor those two great Lords of the Kingdom namely Oyaa Passiliâ—â— and the King of Cambaia together with four or five more of the trustiest that were left and which had been confederate with them thought fit to chuse for King a certain religious man named Pretiâ—m in regard he was the naturall brother of the deceased Prince husband to that wicked Queen of whom I have spoken whereupon this religious man who was Talagrepo of a Pagodâ— called Quiay Mitrau from whence he had not budg'd for the space of thirty years was the day after drawn forth of it by Oyaa Passilico who brought him on the seventeenth day of January into the city of Odiaa where on the nineteenth he was crowned King with a new kind of ceremony and a world of magnificence which to avoid prolixity I will not make mention of here having formerly treated of such like things Withall passing by all that further arrived in this Kingdom of Siam I will content my self with reporting such things as I imagine will be most agreeable to the curious It happened then that the King of Bramaa who at that time reigned tyrannically in Pegu being advertised of the deplorable estate whereinto the Empire of Sâ—rnau was reduced and of the death of the greatest Lords of the Country as also that the new King of this Monarchy was a religious man who had no knowledge either of arms or war and withall of a cowardly disposition a tyrant and ill beloved of his subjects he fell to consult thereupon with his Lords in the town of Anapleu where at that time he kept his Court. Desiring their advice then upon so important an enterprize they all of them told him that by no means he should desist from it in regard this Kingdome was one of the best of the world as well in riches as in abundance of all things thereunto they added that the season which was then so favourable for him â—romised it to him at so good a rate as it was likely it would not cost him above the revenue of one only year what expence soever he should make of his treasure besides if he chanced to get it he should remain Monarch of all the Emperors of the world and therewithall he should be honored with the soveraign title of Lord of the whiâ—e Elephant by which means the seventeene Kings of Capimper who made profession of his Law must of necessity render him obedience They told him moreover that having made so great a conquest he might thorough the same territories and with the succour of the Princes his Allies passe into China where was that great City of Pequin the incomparable pearl of all the world and against which the great Cham of Tartaria the Siamon and the Calaminham had brought such prodigious Armies into the field The King of Bramaa having heard all these reasons and many others which his great Lords alledged unto him wherein his interest was especially concerned which alwayes works powerfully on every man was perswaded by them and resolved to undertake this enterprise For this effect he went directly to Martabano where in lesse then two moneths and an half he raised an Army of eight hundred thousand men wherein there were an hundred thousand strangers and amongst them a thousand Portugals which were commanded by Diego Suarâ—z d' Albergaria called Galego by way of nick name This Diego Suarez departed out of the Kingdome of Portugal in the year one thousand five hundred thirty and eight and went into the Indiaes with the Fleet of the Vice-Roy Don Garcia de Noronha in a Junck whereof Ioano de Sepulveda of the town of Euora was Captain but in the time of which I speak namely in the yeare one thousand five hundred forty and eight he had of this King of Bramaa two hundred thousand duckats a yeare with the title of his brother and Governor of the Kingdome of Pegu. The King departed then from the Town of Marâ—abano the Sunday after Easter being the seventh of April 1548. His Army as I have already said was eight hundred thousand men whereof only forty thousand were horse and all the rest foor threescore thousand of them being Harquebuziers there were moreover five thousand warlike Elephants with whom they fight in those countries and also a world of baggage together with a thousand pieces of Canon which were drawn by a thousand couple of Buffles and Rhinocerots withall there was a like number of yoke of oxen for the carriage of the victualls Having taken the field then with these forces he caused his Army to march still on untill at length he entred into the Territories of the King of Siam where after five days he came to a
want of care and imprudence His Commanders presently obeyed him and without longer tarrying there each of them went straight to the place whither his Commission directed him The Chaumigrem by means of this so cunning and well dissembled a sleight rid himself in lesse then three hours of all the hundred and fifty thousand Pegues who he knew if once they came to hear of the Kings death would fall upon the thirty thousand Bramaaes that he had there with him and not leave one of them alive This done as soon as it was night turning back to the City which was not above a league from thence he seized with all speed on the deceased Kings Treasure which amounted according to report unto above thirty millions of gold besides jewells that were not to be estimated and withall he saved all the Bramaaâ—s wives and children and took as many arms and as much ammunition as he could carry away After this he set fire on all that was in the Magazines caused all the lesser Ordnance to be rived asunder and the greater which he could not use so to be cloyed Furthermore he made seven thousand Elephants that were in the country to be killed reserving only two thousand for the carriage of his treasure ammunition and baggage As for all the rest it was consumed with fire so that neither in the Palace where were chambers all seeked with gold nor in the Magazines and Arsenalls nor on the river where were two thousand rowing Vessells remained ought that was not reduced to ashes After this execution he departed in all hast an hour before day and drew directly towards Tanguu which was his own country from whence he came some fourteen years before to the conquest of the Kingdome of Pegu which in the heart of the country was distant from thence about an hundred and threescore leagues Now whereas fear commonly adds wings to the feet it made him march with such speed as he and his arrived in fifteen days at the place whither they were a going In the mean time whereas the Chaumigrem had cunningly sent away the hundred and fifty thousand Pegues as I have declared already it happened that two days after they understood how the King of Bramaa was dead Now in regard they vvere mortall enemies of that Nation sixscore thousand of them in one great body turned back in hast for to go in quest of the thirty thousand Bramaaes but when they arrived at the City they found that they were gone from thence three days before this making them to follow in pursuit of them with all the speed that possibly they could they came to a place called Guinacoutel some forty leagues from the City whence they came there they were informed that it was five days since they passed by so that dispairing of being able to execute the design which they had of cutting them in pieces they returned back to the place from whence they were parted where they consulted amongst themselves about that which they were to do and resolved in the end since they had no lawfull King and that the Land was quite freed of the Bramaaes to go to Xemin de Satan as incontinently they did who received them not only with a great deal of joy and good entertainment but promised them mighty matters and much honor by raising them to the principall commands of the Kingdome as soon as time should serve and that he was more peaceably setled Thereupon he went directly to the City of Pegu where he was received with the magnificence of a King and for such crowned in the Temple of Comquiay which is the chief of all the rest CHAP. LXXII That which arrived in the time of Xenim de Satan and an abominable â—ase that befell to Diego Suarez together with the Xemindoos expedition against Xenim de Satan and that which insued thereupon THree moneths and nine dayes had this Tyrant Xenim de Satan already peaceably possessed the city and kingdome of Pegu whenas without fearing any thing or being contradicted by none he fell to distributing the treasure and revenues of the Crown to whomsoever he pleased whereupon great scandalls insued which were the cause of divers quarrells and divisions amongst many of the Lords who for this cause and the injustice which this tyrant did them retyred into severall foraigne Countries and Kingdoms Some also went and sided with the Xemindoâ— who began at that time to be in reputation again For after he had fled from the battell onely with six horse as I have declared heretofore he got into the Kingdom of Ansedaa where as well by the efficacy of his Sermons as by the authority of his person he won so many to his devotion as assisted by the favour and forces of those Lords as adhered to him he made up an army of threescore thousand men with which he marched to Meidoo where he was very well received by those of the Country Now setting aside what he did in those parts during the space of foure moneths that he abode there I will in the mean time passe to a strange accident which in a few dayes fell out in this city that one may know what end the good fortune of the great Diego Suarez had who had been Governour of this Kingdom of Pegâ— and the recompence which the world is accustomed to make at last unto all such as serve and trust in it under the semblance of a good countenance which she shews them at first The matter past in this sort There was in this city of Pegu a Merchant called Manbagoaa a rich man and that of good reputation in the country This same resolved to marry a daughter of his to a young man the son of a worshipfull and very rich Merchant also named Manicaniandarim about that time that Diego Suarez was in the greatest height of his fortune and termed the Kings brother and in dignity above all the Princes and Lords of the Kingdom So the fathers of these young couple being agreed on this marriage and of the dowry that was to be given which by report was three hundred thousand duckats when as the day was come wherein the nuptialls were celebrated with a great deal of state and magnificence and honoured with the presence of most of the gentlemen of chiefest quality in the city it happened that Diego Suarez being come a little before Sun-set from the royall palace with a great train both of horse and foot as his manner was to be alwayes well accompanied passed by Mambogoaas door where hearing the musick and rejoycing that was in the house asked what the matter was whereunto answer being made him that Mambogoaa had married his daughter and that the wedding was kept there he presently caused the Elephant on which he was mounted to stay and sent one to tell the father of the bride that he congratulated with him for this marriage and wished a long and happy life to the new married couple to these words he
heaven O Lord Iesus Christ cried he my true Redeemer I beseech thee by the pains which thou hast suffered upon the Crosse to permit that the accusation of these hundred thousand hunger-starved dogs against me may serve to satisfie the chastisement of thy divine justice in my behalf to the end that the inestimable price which thou hast imployed for the salvation of my soule without any merit of mine may not be unprofitable unto me This said he ascended the staires which led to the market place and the Portugal that assisted him told mee how at every step he kissed the ground and called upon the name of IESVS at length when he was come to the top the Manbogoaa who held the Idoll in his armes animating the people with great cries said unto them Whosoever shall not for the honour of this God of the afflicted whom I have here in my armes stone this accursed Serpent let him for ever be miserable and let the braines of his children be consumed in the midst of the night to the end that by the punishment of so great a sinne the righteous judgement of the Lord above may be justified in them He had no sooner made an end of speaking thus but there fell so great a showre of stones on Diego Suarez as in lesse then a quarter of an houre he was buried under them and they that flung them at him did it so indiscreetly as the most part of them hurt one another therewith An houre after they drew forth the poore Diego Suarez from under the stones and with another new tumult of cries and voices they tore him in pieces with so much fury and hatred of the whole people in generall as there was not he which did not believe that he did a charitable and holy work in giving a reward to the most mutinous amongst those which dragged his members and entrailes up and downe the streets This execution done the King willing to confiscate his goods sent men to his house for that purpose where the disorder was so great in regard of the extreme avarice which these hungry dogs had they left not a tile unmoved and because they found not so much as they expected they put all his slaves and servants to torture with such an excesse of cruelty as eight and thirty of them remained dead in the place amongst which were seventeen Portugals who bore the pain of a thing whereof they were not guilty In all this spoile there were no more then six hundred bisses of gold found which are in value three hundred thousand duckats besides some pieces of rich houshold-stuffe but no precious stones nor jewells at all which perswaded men that Diego Suarez had buried all the rest howsoever it could never be found out notwithstanding all the search that was made for it and yet it was verified by the judgement of some who had seene him in his prosperity that he had in meanes above three millions of gold according to the supputation of the country Behold what was the end of the great Diego Suarez whom fortune had so favoured in this Kingdome of Pegu as she had raised him up to the degree of the Kings Brother the highest and most absolute title of all others and given him withall two hundred thousand duckats yearely rent vvith the charge of Generall of eight hundred thousand men and Soveraigne over all the other Governours or Vice-Royes of fourteene Kingdomes which the King of Bramaa had at that time in his possession But it is the ordinary course of the goods of this world especially of such as are ill gotten alwayes to serve for a way to disgraces and misfortunes I return now to the Xemindoo of whom I have not spoken a long time Wheras that Tyrant and avaritious King Xenim de Satan gave daily new increases to the cruelties and tyrannies which he exercised against all sorts of persons never ceasing killing and robbing indifferently those who were thought to have money nor sparing any thing on which he could lay his hands his rapines proceeded so far as it was that in the space of seven moneths only wherin he was peaceable possessor of this Kingdom of Pegu he put to death six thousand very rich Merchants besides many ancient Lords of the Country who by way of right of inheritance held their estates from the Crown These extortions rendered him so odious as the most part of those that were with him abandoned him to side with the Xemindoo who had for him at that time the towns of Digon Meideo Dalaa and Coulam even to the confines of Xaraa from whence he parted in hast to go and besiege this Tyrant with an army of two hundred thousand men five thousand Elephants When he was arrived at the city of Pegu where Xemin de Satan then kept his Court he invested it round about with palisadoes and very strong trenches yea and gave some assaults to it but he could not enter it so easily as he believed in regard of the great resistance he found from them within wherefore judging it requisite for him to alter his mind being prudent as he was he came very subti ly to a truce of twenty dayes with the Tyrant upon certain conditions whereof the principall was that if within the terme of those twenty dayes he gave him a thousand bisses of gold which are in value five hundred thousand Duckats he would desist from the pretension and right which he had to this Kingdome and all this he did as I have already said cunningly hoping by this means to bring him to his bow with lesse perill So the time of the truce beginning to run on all things remained peaceable on either side and the besiegers fell to communicate with the besieged During this pacification every morning two houres before day they of the Xemindooes Camp played after their manner upon divers sorts of instruments very melodiously at the sound whereof all they of the city ran to the walls to see what the matter was Whereupon those instruments ceasing to play a Proclamation was made by a Priest accounted by every man a holy personage who said these words with a very sad voice O ye people ye people unto whom Nature hath given eares to hear hearâ—en to the voice of the holy Captain the Xemindoo of whom God will make use for the restoring you to your liberty and former quiet in order wherunto he admonisheth you from Quiay Niuandel the god of battells of the field Vitau that none of you be so hardy as to lift up your hand against him nor against this holy assembly which he hath made out of a holy zeal towards these people of Pegu as brother that he is to the least of all the poor Otherwise whosoever shall come against the army of these servants of God or shall have the will to do them any harm let him be accursed for it and as deformed and vile as the children of the night who
and untunably and the Grepo Capizondo set on his head a rich Crown of gold and precious stones of the fashion of a Miter wherewith the King made his entry into the City with a great deal of state and tryumph causing to march before him all the spoile of the elephants and chariots as also the statue of the Xemindoo whom he had vanquished bound with a great yron chain and forty Colours trayled on the ground As for him he was seated on a very mighty elephant harnessed with gold and invironed with forty Serjeants at armes bearing Maces there marched likewise all the great Lords and Commanders on foot with their Scymitars covered with plates of gold which they carried on their shouldiers and three thousand fighting elephants with their Castles of divers inventions besides a world of other people as well foot as horse which followed him without number CHAP. LXXIV The finding of the Xemindoo and bringing of him to the King with the manner of his execution and death and other particularities concerning the same AFter that the King of Bramaa had continued peaceably in this Citie of Pegu for the space of six and twenty daies the first thing he did was to make himself Master of the principal places of this Kingdome which not knowing the defeat of the Xemindoo held still for him To this purpose having given Commission to some Commanders for it hee wrote to the inhabitants of those places divers courteous Letters wherein he called them his dear children and gave them an abolition of all that was past He also promised them by a solemn oath to maintain them in peace for the time to come and alwayes to minister justice to them without any Imposts or other oppression but that hee would contrarily do them new favours as to the very Bramaas which served him in the Warres To these words hee added many others very well accommodated to the time and his desire for the better crediting whereof they that were already reduced under his obedience wrote their Letters also unto them wherein they made an ample relation of the Franchises and Immunities which the King had granted to them All this accompanied with the same which ran thereof in all parts wrought so great an effect as all those places rendred unto him and put themselves under his obedience so that in imitation of them all the other Cities Towns States and Provinces that were in the Kingdom did the like For my part I hold that this Kingdome whereof the King of Bramaa made at this time a new Conquest is the best the most abundant and richest in Gold in Silver and precious Stones that may be found in any part of the world Things being thus accomplished to the great advantage of the Bramaa he dispatches divers Horsemen with all speed into all parts to go in quest of the Xemindoo who as I have already declared had escaped from the past Battel and was so unhappy that he was discovered in a place named Fauleu a league from the Town of Potem which separates the Kingdom from Aracam Presently whereupon he was lead with great joy by a man of base condition to this King of Bramaa who in recompence thereof gave him thirty thousand Duckats of yeerly rent Being brought before him bound as he was with an iron coller and manacles he said unto him in way of derision Thou art welcome King of Pegu and maist well kisse the ground which thou seest for I assure thee I have set my foot on it whereby thou mayest perceive how much I am thy Friend since I do thee an honour which thou couldst never imagine To these words the Xemindoo made no answer so that the King falling to jeer this miserable man anew vvho lay before him with his face on the ground said unto him What means this Art thou amazed to see me or to see thy self in so great honour Or what is the matter that thou dost not answer to that which I demand of thee After this affront the Xemindoo whether it were that he was troubled with his misfortunes or ashamed of his dishonour answered him in this sort If the clouds of Heaven the Sun the Moon and the other creatures which cannot expresse in words that which God hath created for the service of man and for the beautifying of the Firmament which hides from us the rich treasures of his power could naturally with the horrible voice of their dreadfull Thunder explain to them which now look upon me the estate whereunto I see my self reduced before thee and the extreme affliction which my soul doth suffer they would answer for me and declare the cause I have to be mute in the condition wherein my sins have set me and whereas thou canst not be Iudg of that which I say being the party that accusest me and the minister of the execution of thy designe I hold my self for excused if I do not make thee an answer as I would do before that blessed Lord who how faulty soever I could be would have pitie on me moved with the least tear that I should shed This said he fell down with his face on the ground and twice together asked for a little water Whereupon the King of Bramaa the more to afflict him commanded that the Xemindoo should receive this water from the hand of a Daughter of his held by him as a slave whom he exceedingly loved and had at that time of his defeat promised to the Prince of Nautir Son to the King of Avaa The Princesse no sooner saw her Father lying in that manner on the ground but she cast her self at his feet and straitly embracing him after shee had kissed him thrice she said to him with her eyes all bathed in tears O my Father my Lord and my King I intreat you for the extreme affection which I have alwayes born you and for that also which you have at all times shewed to me that you will be pleased to lead me with you thus imbracing you as I do to the end that in this sad passage you may have one to comfort you with a cup of water now that for my sins the world refuses you that respect which is due unto you It is said that the Father would fain have answered to these words yet could not possibly do it so much was he oppressed with grief and anguish of minde to see this Daughter whom he so dearly loved in such a taking but fell as it were in a swoun and so continued a good vvhile vvherewith some Lords that were there present vvere so moved as the tears came into their eyes vvhich observed by the King of Bramaa and that they vvere Pegues vvho had formerly been the Xemindoo's Subjects fearing lest they should betray him in time to come he caused their heads to be presently strucken off saying vvith a disdainfull and fierce countenance Seeing you have so great pitie of the Xemindoo your King get you before and prepare a
of the teares of your eyes for the entertainment of my soul because of the good newes I now bring you which is that by the wil of God this Country is setled on our King Chaumigrem without being tyed to make any restitution thereof for which you have all of you good cause to rejoyce like good and faithfull servants as you are He had scarcely made an end of speaking thus when as all those of the assembly clapping their hands gave great demonstrations of joy and cryed out in a way of thanksgiving Be thou praised O Lord. All this ceremony ended the Priests full of devotion and zeal immediately took all the parts of this poor King dismembred in that sort and with great veneration carried them to a place below where a great fire was kindled of Sandal Aloes and Benjamin which cost a great deal then three of them taking up of the body of the deceased with the bowels and all the rest threw it into it and afterwads with a strange ceremony offered many sacrifices unto him whereof the most part were of sheep The body burned all that night untill the next moâ—ning and the ashes thereof was put into a silver urne wherein with a very solemn assembly of above ten thousand Priests it was carried to a Temple called The God of thousand Gods and there was buried in a rich tomb within a Chappel guilt all over Behold what was the end of the great and mighty Xemindoo King of Pegu unto whom his subjects bore so great respect and honour during the time of his raign which was so flourishing that it seemed there was no other Monarch greater then he on the earth but such is the course of all the world CHAP. LXXV My imbarking in the Kingdome of Pegu to go to Malaca and from thence to Japan and a strange accident which arrived there THe death of the good King of Siam and the adulterie of the Queen his wife whereof I have spoken at large heretofore were the root and beginning of so many discords and of so many cruell warres which hapning in those two Kingdomes of Pegu and Siam indured three years and an half with so much expence of mony and bloud as is horrible to think of Now the end of all those warres was that the Chaumigrem King of Bramaa remained absolute Lord of the Kingdome of Pegu howbeit for the present I will speak no further of him but will deliver that which arrived in other Countries untill such time as the same Chaumigrem King of Bramaa returned upon the Kingdome of Siam with so mighty an Army as never any King whatsoever in the Indiaes brought a greater into the field as consisting of seventeen hundred thousand men and of sixteen thousand elephants whereof nine thousand were for the carriage of the Baggage and seven thousand for fighting an enterprize that was so dammageable for us as I learned afterwards that it cost us two hundred and four score Portugals I come now again to my designe from which I have wandered a good while After that these commotions whereof I have spoken heretofore were all appeased Gonçalo Pacheco departed from the City of Pegu with all us the rest of the Portugals which remained there and whom the new King of Bramaa had delivered as I have already declared causing their merchandize to be restored unto them and obliging them with many other courtesies as well of Honour as of Liberty So we an hundred and three score Portugals as we were imbarqued our selves in five vessels which were at that time in the Port of Cosmin one of the principal Townes of that Kingdom and there we divided our selves as pilgrims and travellers to the Indiaes for to go into divers Countries according as each of us thought to be most convenient for him As for me I set sail for Malaca with six and twenty of my companions where when we were arrived I sojourned there one month only and then imbarqued my self again to go to Iapan with one Iorge Alvarez who in a Sip belonging to Simono de Mello Captain of the Fortresse went to traffick Now having been already six and twenty dayes under sail in contiâ—â—ing our course with a good winde according to the season wee came in sight of an Iland called Tanixumaa some nine Leagues South towards the point of the Land of Iapan so that turning our prow that vvay vve vvent and rode the next day in the midst of the haven of Ganxiroo In this place the Nautaquin who was Governour thereof had the curiositie to come unto us for to see a thing which he had never seen before to which effect he got aboard of us where amazed with the fashion and equipage of our vessel as being the first that ever arrived in that Country he seemed to be infinitely glad of our coming yea and was very earnest vvith us to have us trade in that place with him but Iorge Alvarez and the Merchants excused themselves saying that this port was not safe for their Ship if any contrary winde should happen to arise The day following being parted from this place to go to the Kingdom of Bungo from whence vve vvere distant some hundred leagues to the Northward in five dayes after our departure it pleased God that we arrived in the port of the Town of Fucheo where we were vvell received as vvell by the King as the people vvho greatly favoured us in that vvhich concerned the duties of our Merchandize and the King had yet more obliged us if in the little time that vve abode there he had not been miserably slain by a Vassal of his named Fucarandono a mighty Prince Lord of many Subjects and exceeding rich a disaster which hapned as followeth At the time when we arrived there there was in the King of Bungo's Court a young man called Axirandoo Nephew to the King of Arimaa vvho in regard of the ill intreaty vvhich he had received from the King his Uncle had retired himself into this Court and continued there above a yeer with an intent never to return into his Country again but his good fortune was such as his Uncle coming to die and having no other to succeed him he declared him for his Heir Whereupon the Fucarandono of whom I lately made mention desiring to marry this Prince to a Daughter of his intreated the King to mediate this marriage for him which he easily condescended unto For vvhich effect the King one day invited the Prince to go a hunting with him into a Wood which was some two leagues off and where there was great store of game vvhich he much delighted in When they were there in private together he moved this Marriage unto him and certified how exceedingly it vvould content him that hee vvould accept of it vvhich accordingly he did vvherewith the King seemed to be extremely satisfied so that upon his return unto the Town hee sent for the Fucarandono and told him how he had prevailed for the
THE VOYAGES AND ADVENTURES OF Fernand Mendez Pinto A Portugal During his TRAVELS for the space of one and twenty years in The Kingdoms of Ethiopia China Tartaria Cauchinchina Calaminham Siam Pegu Japan and a great part of the East-Indiaes With a Relation and Description of most of the Places thereof their Religion Laws Riches Customs and Government in time of Peace and War Where he five times suffered Shipwrack was sixteen times sold and thirteen times made a Slave Written Originally by himself in the Portugal Tongue and Dedicated to the Majesty of Philip King of Spain Done into English by H. C. Gent. LONDON Printed by I. Macock for Henry Cripps and Lodowick Lloyd and are to be sold at their shop in Popes head Alley neer Lumbar-street 1653. TO THE Right Noble Lord and worthy of all Honor William Earl of Strafford Vicount Wentworth Baron Wentworth of Wentworth Woodhouse Newmarsh Oversley and Raby My Lord PVrchas a Writer of good credit here in England gives this testimony of my Author that no man before him to his knowledg hath spoken so much and so truly of those Oriental parts of the World which are so little known to us as he hath done And that too not upon hearsay and report but for the most part as an ocular Witness and personal Actor of and in all that he hath related which is so full of Variety and strange Occurrences that as another Writer affirms the like will hardly be met withall elsewhere So that the most curious Wits which delight in reading of rare Books will I beleeve find all the satisfaction they can desire in this same of his where without so much as stirring out of their Studies or running the danger of Shipwrack they may traverse the Seas view the goodliest Provinces of the World entertain themselves with stupendious and unheardâ—of things consider in the manner of those peoples living whom we term Barbarians their Laws their Riches their Government in time of Peace and War and in a word represent unto themselves as in a picture all that is most exquisite and of greatest marvel in the extent of Europe Affrica and Asia These together with many other remarkable matters are contained in this Work which I have taken the presumption to present unto your Honor being invited thereunto by the example of two Translators of it into the Spanish and French Tongues whereof the one dedicated it to the Archbishop of Toledo in Spain and the other to the Cardinal Richelieu of France both of them the most eminent persons of their time in those Kingdoms And with whom your Honor may justly be ranked especially in respect of the Nobility of your Birth as well as for the great Hope which your many present Vertues and Abilities do give unto the World of your future Worth and Estimation Be pleased then my Lord to receive it favorably as a tender of the great desire I have to appear in all occasions Your Honors most humble and devoted Servant HENRY COGAN AN Apologetical Defence OF FERNAND MENDEZ PINTO HIS HISTORY IF it be true that Authors do render themselvs commendable by their Works there is no doubt but that Fernand Mendez Pinto hath by this same of his justly acquired such reputation as will make him be esteemed for ever He was a man of a strong wit and sound judgment and indued with a most rare and extraordinary memory as appears in the Relation of his Voyages and Adventures which sufficiently testifie how far he excelled therein retaining in his remembrance an infinitie of such strange and wonderful things whereof to his cost he was for the most part an eye witness as many great Personages of Asia and Europe took no little delight in hearing him recount them especially Philip the second King of Spain who at several times spent many houres in discoursing with him there about which questionless he would never have done being a Prince in the opinion of all the world of a most exact and profound judgment had he not been verily perswaded that what he delivered was true Nevertheless since there may be some who in regard of the stupendious things which he delivers wil seem to give no credit thereunto I have held it very necessary to cite here many several authentick Authors that in their writings have confirmed the verity of his Narrations as followeth Of the Riches and Grandeurs of these Orientall Countries and perticularly of the Kingdome of China Nicholas Trigault the Iesuite treates diffusedly in his book intituled De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas in the first part thereof principally in the 6 th Chapter Gasper de la Cruz in his book of China the third fourth fifth and nineteen Chapters John de Lucena in the life of Francis Xavier the Iesuite in the tenth Book from the seventeenth to the twenty fourth Chapter Anthony Galuan in his Treatise of the Discovery of those Parts fol. 39. and in his History of Florida Mendoza in his History of China the second Chapter of the third Book Trigault in his first Book the seventh Chapter Palatii Regis Doctor Babia in the third part of his Pontifical History the 18 Chapter in the life of Sixtus Quintus Boterus in his Relations John de Sanctis in his Orientall Aethiopian History Chap. 8. and in the Ecclesiastical History of Rebullosa Ribadeneyra Mathew and Lewes Gusman in divers Chapters of the Orientall Histories Josephus de Acosta Peter of Leon Zarate Michael Vazquez de Padilla Peter Martyr Cefas Bishop of Chiapa Francesco Lopez de Gomorra Hierosme du Pré Ferdinand de Cordoua Hierosme Romain Illescas Antonio de Herrera Pineda Prudentius de Sandobal and Garcilasso in divers places of his Royal Commentaries and in the 20 th Chapter of his third Book Touching that which Fernand Mendez writes of the Governors of those Kingdomes of the strict observation of Iustice of the Names of the Iudges Vice-Royes Magistrates Captains Governours and Ministers of the State Boterus in his universal Relations sayes the same Trigault in divers places particularly in the sixth Chapter of the first book de Senensis Reipublicae administratione Gaspar de la Cruz in the 16.17.18 and 19. Chapters Babia in the third page of his Ponticall book in the life of Sixtus Quintus Lucena in the life of Francis Xavier the tenth book Mendoza in the ninth and tenth chapters of his third Book and in many other Chapters of his new world Mafeus in his Oriental History and in the Letters of China written by Guerrier the Iesuit Concerning the great number of prisons and other particularities the same may be seen at large in the History of China Mendoza in the twelfth Chapter of his first book Gaspar de la Cruz Chapter ninth and twenty second Trigault in divers places of his History Lucena in the twenty first Chapter of his tenth book and Alexander Valignario in his Letters missive That which he speaks of the great multitudes of people that are in those Countries
of his Pontifall History the eighteenth Chapter In vita Sexti Quinti Fernand makes a narration of certain men whom he calls Caloges and Fingaos which have their feet râ—und like unto those of Cows and hands all over hairy for the clearing of the truth whereof read Galvan in his discoveries folio 32. and 72. Gaspar de la Cruz the sâ—venth Chapter Touching the tryumphant Arches which they have in their streets together with their manner of accommoâ—ating and inriching them when as they solemnised certain Feasts read de la Cruz the seventh chapter Of the Universities which they have in China see Trigault in the third and fifth Chapters of his first Book De Artibus apud Sinas liberalibus ac Scientiis c. And in another entituled De Artibus apud Sinas mechanicis For a Confirmation of that which our Author says of the strange Ceremonies and Complements used by them at their saluting one another when they meet together by chance in the streets and in their visits read Mafeus in the sixth Book of his Indian History folio 134. beginning with these words Salutandi ritus miter plebeios c. And Mendoza in divers places of his Book declares the same Trigault in the seventh Chapter of his first Book at the title De Sinarum ritibus non nullis describes their manner of Salutations Babia in the third Part of his Pontifical History in the life of Gregory the thirteenth The History of the King of Bramaa together with his Victories and Conquests may be found in the Relations of Boterus De la Cruz in the second and fourth Chapters Mafeus and S t Romain Of the entrance of the Tartars into China and their besieging of Pequin Boterus in his Relations De la Cruz the fourth Chapter Paulus Jovius Antonius Armenius and Mathias de Micuy discourse at large That which is written of the subversion of the Provinces of Cuy and Sansii and of the dâ—leful and dreadful events ensuing thereupon Gaspar de la Cruz hath spoken of sufficiently in the 29 th Chapter of his Book As for that which Fernand says of their Gods Fatoquis Amida Xaca Gizon and Canom as also of the fooleries dreams and leasings which they recount of them and of their original and the respests and reverences they bear unto them it may be all seen in the twelfth Book of Mafeus his Indian History and in the first and fourth Chapters of his Epistles Trigault in his first and second Book Boterus in his Relaâ—ions S t Romain and many others By all this now is my Author throughly vindicated from all aspersions of falshood that may be cast upon this his Work which were it otherwise and meerly devised yet is it so full of variety and of such strange both Comick and Tragick Events as cannot chuse but delight far more then any Romance or other of that kind But being accompanyed with the truth as I have sufficiently proved it will no doubt give all the satisfaction and content that can be desired of the Reader The Contents CHAP. I. IN what manner I past my youth in the Kingdom of Portugal until my going to the Indiaes Fol. 1. CHAP. II. My Departure from Portugal for the East-Idiaes and my imbarquing there for the Straight of Mecqua 3 CHAP. III. Our travelling from Mazua by Land to the Mother of Prester John as also our re-imbarquing at the Port of Arquico and that which befell us by the encounter of three Turkish Vessels 5 CHAP. IV. A Mutiny happening in the Town of Mocaa the occasion thereof that which befell thereupon and by what means I was carryed to Ormuz as also my sailing from thence to Goa and what success I had in that Voyage 8. CHAP. V. Goncalo vas Coâ—inhoes Treaty with the Queen of Onor his assaulting of a Turkish 〈◊〉 and that which happened unto us as we were upon our return to Goa 11 CHAP. VI. What passed till such time as Pedro de Faria arrived at Malaca his receiving an Embassador from the King of Batas with his sending me to that King and that which arrived unto me in that Voyage 14 CHAP. VII What happened to me at Panaiu with the King of Batas expedition against the Tyrant of Achem and what he did after his Victory over him 18 CHAP. VIII That which past between the King of Batas and me until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca my arrival in the Kingdom of Queda and my return from thence to Malaca 21 CHAP. IX The arrival of an Embassador at the Fortress of Malaca from the King of Aaru to the Captain thereof his sending me to the said King my coming to Aaru and that which happened unto me after my departure from thence 26 CHAP. X. By what means I was carryed to the Town of Siaca and that which befell me there my going to Malaca with a Mahometan Merchant and the Tyrant of Achems Army marching against the King of Aaru CHAP. XI The death of the King of Aaru and the cruel justice that was executed on him by his Enemies the going of his Queen to Malaca and her reception there 33 CHAP. XII The Queen of Aaru's departure from Malaca her going to the King of Jantana his summoning the Tyrant of Achem to restore the Kingdom of Aaru and that which past between them thereupon 36 CHAP. XIII My departure to go to Pan that which fortuned after my arrival there with the murther of the King of Pan and the cause thereof 39 CHAP. XIV The misfortune that befell us at our entry into the River of Lugor our hiding our selves in a Wood with that which happened unto us afterwards and our return unto Malaca 42 CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria his setting forth for the Isle of Anyan his arrival at the River of Tinacoreu and that which befell us in this Voyage 46 CHAP. XVI Antonio de Faria's arrival at the Bay of Camoy where was the fishing of Pearls for the King of China the relation made to him of the Isle of Aynan with that which happened to him by the means of a renegado Pirate and other ways 52 CHAP. XVII The information that Antonio de Faria had of the Country some passages betwixt him and the Nautarel of the Town his going to the River of Madel with his encountering a Pirate there and that which passed between them 58 CHAP. XVIII What Antonio de Faria did with the Captain of the Pirates Iunck that which past between him and the people of the Country with our casting away upon the Island of Thieves 61 CHAP. XIX In what sort we escaped miraculously out of this Island our passage from thence to the River of Xingrau our encountering with a Chinese Pirate and the agreement we made with him 65 CHAP. XX. Our encounter at Sea with eight Portugals very sorely hurt and Antonio de Faria's meeting and fighting with Coia Acem the Pirate 69 CHAP. XXI What Antonio de Faria did after his Victory his departure
from the River of Tinlau with his ill success thereupon and the succor we met withall 73 CHAP. XXII Antonio de Faria hath news of the five Portugals that were made Captives his Letter to the Mandarin of Nouday about them and his assaulting the said Town 76 CHAP. XXIII Antonio de Faria's Navigation till he came to the Port of Liampoo his arrival and gallant reception there by the Portugals 81 CHAP. XXIV Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to go and seek out the Island of Calempluy the strange things that we saw and the hazard we ran in our Voyage thither 87 CHAP. XXV Our arrival at the Island of Calempluy with the description thereof what happened to Antonio de Faria in one of the Hermitages there and how we were discovered 92 CHAP. XXVI Our casting away in the gulph of Nanquin with all that befell us after this lamentable shipwrack 97 CHAP. XXVII Our arrival at the Town of Taypor where we were made Prisoners and so sent to the City of Nanquin 103 CHAP. XXVIII The Marvels of the City of Nanquin our departure from thence towards Pequin and that which happened unto us till we arrived at the Town of Sempitay 107 CHAP. XXIX Our arrival at Sempitay our encounter there with a Christian woman together with the original and foundation of the Empire of China and who they were that first peopled it 112 CHAP. XXX The foundation of the four chief Cities of China together with which of the Kings of China it was that built the wall betwixt China and Tartaria and many things that we saw as we past along 116 CHAP. XXXI The order which is observed in the moving Towns that are made upon the Rivers and that which further befell us 122 CHAP. XXXII Our arrival at the City of Pequin with our imprisonment and that which moreover happened unto us there as also the great Majesty of the Officers of their Court of Iustice. 125 CHAP. XXXIII What past between us and the Tanigores of Mercy with the great favor they did us and a brief relation of the City of Pequin where the King of China keeps his Court. 131 CHAP. XXXIV The order which is observed in the Feasts that are made in certain Inns and the state which the Chaems of the two and thirty Universities keeps with certain remarkable things in the City of Pequin 134 CHAP. XXXV The Prison of Ximanguibaleu wherein those are kept which have been condemned to serve at the reparations of the wall of Tartaria and another Inclosure called the Treasure of the dead with the revenues whereof this Prison is maintained 137 CHAP. XXXVI Of an Edifice scituated in the midst of the River wherein were the hundred and thirteen Chappels of the Kings of China and the publique Granaries established for the relief of the poor 142 CHAP. XXXVII The great number of Officers and other people which are in the King of China's Pallace with our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our Exile and what befell us there 144 CHAP. XXXVIII A Tartar Commander enters with his Army into the Town of Quincay and that which followed thereupon with the Nauticors besieging the Castle of Nixiamcoo and the taking of it by the means of some of us Portugals 149 CHAP. XXXIX The Mitaquer departs from the Castle of Nixiamcoo and goes to the King of Tartaria's Camp before Pequin with that which we saw till we arrived there and the Mitaquers presenting us unto the King 154 CHAP. XL. The King of Tartaria's raising his siege from before Pequin for to return into his Country and that which passed until his arrival there 158 CHAP. XLI In what manner we were brought again before the King of Tartaria with our departure from that Kingdom and all that we saw and befell us in our Voyage till our arrival at the Court of the King of Chauchinchina 160 CHAP. XLII The reception of the Tartarian Embassador by the King of Chauchinchina with the said Kings going to the City of Uzanguea and his triumphal entry thereinto 167 CHAP. XLIII Our departure from the City of Uzanguea and our adventures till our arrival at the Isle of Tanixumaa with our going a shore there 170 CHAP. XLIV The great Honor which the Nautaquin Lord of the Isle did to one of us for having seen him shoot with an Harquebuse and his sending me to the King of Bungo with that which passed till my arrival at this Court 172 CHAP. XLV The great mishap which befell the King of Bungo's son with the extream danger that I was in for the same and what followed thereupon 176 CHAP. XLVI My curing the young Prince of Bungo with my return to Tanixumaa and imbarquing there for Liampoo and also that which happened to us on land after the shipwrack we suffered by the way thither 178 CHAP. XLVII The carrying of us to the Town of Pungor and presenting us to the Broquen Governor of the Kingdom with that which ensued upon it 181 CHAP. XLVIII The King of Lequios sending a cruel sentence against us to the Broquen of the Town where we were Prisoners to the end he should put it in execution and that which further happened unto us till our arrival at Liampoo 184 CHAP. XLIX My sailing from Liampoo to Malaca with the sending me by the Captain of the Fortress there to the Chaubainhaa at Martibano and all that befell us in our Voyage thither 189 CHAP. L. The Continuance of our Voyage to the Bar of Martibano and certain memorable particularities happening there 195 CHAP. LI. In what manner the Chaubinhaa rendered himself to the King of Bramaa and the cruel prâ—ceeding against the Queen of Martabano and the Ladies her attendants 201 CHAP. LII In what manner the sentence of death was executed on the person of the Chaubinhaa King of Martabano Nhay Canatoo his wife and an hundred and forty women with that which the King of Bramaa did after his return to Pegu. 205 CHAP. LIII That which passed between the Queen of Prom and the King of Bramaa together with the first assault that was given to the City and the success thereof 209 CHAP. LIV. The King of Bramaa his besieging the Fortress of Meleytay with his going from thence to Avaa and that which passed there 282 CHAP. LV. Our going with the King of Bramaa's Embassador to the Calaminham with the course which we held until we arrived at the Temple or Pagode of Tinagoogoo and a description thereof 215 CHAP. LVI The great and sumptuous Procession made in this Pagode together with their Sacrifices and other particularities 218 CHAP. LVII What we saw in the continuing of our Voyage until we arrived at the City of Timplan 223 CHAP. LVIII The Magnificent Reception of the King of Bramaa his Embassador at the City of Timplan and that which passed betwixt the Calaminham and him 226 CHAP. LIX An ample Relation of the Empire of Calaminham and of the Kingdoms of Pegu and Bramaa
and cockering of my Mother brought me to this City of Lisbon where he put me into the service of a very honorable Lady To the which he was carried out of the hope he had that by the favor of her self and her friends he might attain to his desire for my advancement and this was in the same year that the funeral pomp of the deceased King Emanuel of happy memory was celebrated at Lisbon namely Saint Luces day the thirteenth of December 1521. which is the furtheâ—â— thing I can remember In the mean time my Uncles desâ—gâ— had a succes◠〈◊〉 contrary to that which he had promised to himself in favor of me For having been in the service of this Lady about a year and an half an accident befell me that cast me into manifest peril of my life so that to save my self I was constrained to abandon her house with all the speed that possibly I could Flying away then in very great fear I arrived before I was aware at the Ford of Pedra which is a small Port so called There I found a Carvel of Alfama that was laden with the horses and stuff of a Lord who was going to Setuval where at that instant King Ioana the Third kept his Court by reason of a great plague that raigned in divers parts of the Kingdom Perceiving then that this Carvel was ready to put to Sea I imbarqued my self in her and departed the next day But alas a little after we had set sail having gotten to a place named Cezmibra we were set upon by a French Pirate who having boarded us caused fifteen or sixteen of his men to leap into our Vessel who finding no resistance made themselves Masters of her Now after they had pillaged every one of us they emptied all the Merchandise wherewithall ours was laden which amounted to above six thousand duckets into their ship and then sunk her so that of seventeen of us that remained alive not so much as one could escape slavery for they clapped us up all bound hand and foot under hatches with an intent to go and sell us at La Rache in Barbary whither also as we found by being amongst them they carried Arms to the Mahometans in way of Trade for this purpose they kept us thirteen days together continually whipping us but at the end thereof it fortuned that about Sun set they discovered a ship unto which they gave chase all the night following her close like old Pirates long used to such Theeveries Having fetcht her up by break of day they gave her a volley of threâ— pâ—eces of Ordnance and presently invested her with a great deal of courage Now though at first they found some resistance yet they quickly rendred themselves Mâ—sters of her killing six Portugals and ten or eleven slaves This was a goodly Vessel and belonged to a Portugal Merchant of the Town of Conde named Silvestre Godinho which divers other Merchants of Lisbon had laden at Saint Tome with great store of Sugar and Slaves In such sort that those poor people seeing themselves thus taken and robbed fell to lament their loss which they estimâ—ted to be forty thousand Duckets Whereupon these Pirates having gotten so rich a booty changed their design for going to la Rache and bent their course for the Goast of France carrying with them such of ours for slaves as they judged fit for the service of their Navigation The remainder of us they left at night in the Road at a place called Melides where we were landed miserably naked our bodies covered with nothing but with the stripes of the lashes which so cruelly we had received the days before In this pitiful case we arrived the next morning at Saint Iago de Cacen where we were relieved by the inhabitants of the place especially by a Lady that was there at that time named Donna Beatrix daughter to the Earl of Villanova and wife to Alonso Perez Pantoia Commander and grand Provost of the Town Now after the sick and wounded were recovered each of us departed and got him where he hoped to find best assistance for my self poor wretch I went with six or seven that accompanied me in my misery to Setuval Thither I was no sooner come but my good fortune placed me in the service of Francisco de Faria a Gentleman belonging to the great Commander of Saint Iago who in recompence of four years service that I did him put me to the said Commander to wait on him in his chamber which I performed for an year and an half after But in regard the entertainment which was given at that time in Noble-mens houses was so small as I was not able to live on it necessity constrained me to quit my Master with a design to imbarque my self by his favor to go to the Indiaes for that I thought was the best way I could take to free me of my poverty So albeit I were but meanly accommodated I imbarqued my self notwithstanding submitting my self to whatsoever fortune should arrive unto me in those far Countries either good or bad CHAP. II. My departure from Portugal for the Indiaes and my imbarquing there for the Straight of Mecqua IT was in the year 1537. and the eleventh of March that I parted from this Kingdom in a Fleet of five Ships whereof there was no General for each of those Vessels was commanded by a particular Captain For example in the ship named the Queen commanded Don Pedro de Silva surnamed the Cock son to the Admiral Don Vasco de Gama In the ship called S t Rock commanded Don Fernando de Lima son to Diego Lopez de Lima grand Provost of the Town of Guimaranes who dyed valiantly in defence of the Fortress of Ormuz whereof he was Captain the year following 1538. In the S. Barba commanded Don Fernando de Lima who was to be Governor of the Town of Chaul Of that which was called the Flower of the Sea Lope Vaz Vagado was Captain And in the fifth and last ship named Galega commanded Martimde Freitas born in the Isle of Madera who the same year was slain at Damao together with five and thirty men that followed him These Vessels sailing different ways arrived at length at a good Port called Mozambique There we met with the S. Michel that wintered there and was commanded by Duart Tristao who parted thence richly laden for to return into Portugal Howbeit I beleeve she was taken or suffered shipwrack as it happens but too often in this Voyage to the Indiaes for he was never heard of since After our five Vessels were equipped with all that was necessary for them and ready to set sail from Mozambique the Lievtenant of the Fortress called Vincent Pegado shewed the Captains of the said five ships a Mandate from the Governor named Nunho de Cunha whereby he expresly commanded that all Portugal ships which did arrive in that Port this year should go to Diu and leave their men there for the guard of the
and that which arrived to me in that Voyage THe next day our General Gonçallo vaz Coutinho arrived at Goa with so many of us as remained alive There he was exceedingly welcomed by the Vice-roy unto whom he rendred an accompt of his Voyage as also of that which he had concluded with the Queen of Onor who had promised to burn the Galley within four days and to chace the Turks out of all the Confines of her Kingdom wherewith the Vice-roy was very well satisfied In the mean time after I had remained three and twenty days in the said Town of Goa where I was cured of two hurts which I had received in fight at the Turks Trenches the necessity whereunto I saw my self reduced and the counsel of a Fryer my Friend perswaded me to offer my service unto a Gentleman named Pedro de Faria that was then newly preferred to the Charge of Captain of Malaca who upon the first motion was very willing to entertain me for a Soldier and promised me withall to give me something over and above the rest of his Company during the Voyage which he was going to make with the Vice-roy For it was at that very time when as the Vice-roy Dom Garcia de Noronha was preparing to go to the succor of the Fortress of Diu which he certainly knew was besieged and in great danger to be taken by reason of the great Forces wherewithall it was invested by the Turk and to relieve it the Vice-roy had assembled a mighty Fleet at Goa consisting of about two hundred and twenty five Vessels whereof fourscore and three were great ones namely Ships Gallions Carvels and the rest Brigantins Foists and Galleys wherein it was said there were ten thousand Land-men and thirty thousand Mariners besides a great number of Slaves The time of setting sail being come and the Foists provided of all things necessary the Vice-roy imbarqued himself on Saturday the fourteenth of November 1538. Howbeit five days past away before he put out of the Haven in regard he stayed for his men that were not all ready to imbarque the mean while a Catur arrived from the Town of Diu with a Letter from Antonio de Silveyra Captain of the Fortress whereby he advertised the Vice-roy that the Turks had raised the siege and were retired Now though these were good news yet was the whole Fleet grieved thereat for the great desire every one had to fight with the Enemies of our Faith Hereupon the Vice-roy abode there five days longer during the which he took order for all things necessary to the conservation of his Government of the Indiaes and then commanding to hoist sail he departed from Goa on a Thursday morning the sixteenth of December The fourâ—eenth of his Navigation he went and cast anchor at Chaul where he remained three days during the which he entred into conference with Inezamuluco a Mahometan Prince and took order for certain affairs very much importing the surety of the Fortress After that he cauâ—ed some of the Vessels of the Fleet to be rigged which he furnished with Soldiers and Victuals and then dâ—parted for to go to Diu But it was his ill fortune as he was crossing the Gulph to be suddenly overtaken by such a furious Tempest that it not only separated his Fleet but was the loss of many Vessels chiefly of the Bastard Galley which was cast away at the mouth of the River Dabul whereof Dom Alvaro de Noronha the Vice-roys son and General of the Sea-forces was Captain In the same Gulph also perished the Galley named Espinheyro commanded by Iovan de Sousa howbeit the most part of their men were saved by Christophilo de Gama who came most opportunely to their succor During this Tempest there were seven other ships likewise cast away the names of which I have forgotten in so much that it was a month before the Vice-roy could recover himself of the loss he had sustained and re-assemble his Fleet again which this storm had scattered in divers places At length the sixteenth of Ianuary 1539. he arrived at the Town of Diu where he caused the Fortress to be re-built the greater part whereof had been demolished by the Turks so as it seemed that it had been defended by the besieged rather by miracle then force Now to effect it the better he made proclamation that all the Captains with their Soldiers should each of them take in charge to re-build that quarter which should be allotted them and because never a Commander there had more then Pedro de Faria he thought fit to appoint him the Bulwark which looked to the Sea for his quarter together with the out-wall that was on the Lands side wherein he bestowed such care and diligence that in six and twenty days space both the one and the other were restored to a better state then before by the means of three hundred Soldiers that were employed about it This done for that it was the fourteenth of March and a fit time for Navigation to Malaca Pedro de Faria set sail for Goa where by vertue of a Pattent granted him by the Vice-roy he furnished himself with all things necessary for his Voyage Departing then from Goa on the thirteenth of April with a Fleet of eight Ships four Foists and one Galley wherein there were five hundred men he had so favorable a wind that he arrived at Malaca the fifth day of Iune in the same year 1539. Pedro de Faria succeeding Dons Estevano de Gama in the Charge of Captain of Malaca arrived there safely with his Fleet nothing hapning in his Voyage worthy of writing Now because at his arrival Estevan de Gama had not yet ended the time of his Commission he was not put into the possession of that Government until the day that he was to enter upon his Charge Howbeit in regard Pedro de Faria was ere long to be Governor of the Fortress the neighboring Kings sent their Embassadors to congratulate with him and to make a tender of their amity and of a mutual conservation of Peace with the King of Portugal Amongst these Embassadors there was one from the King of Batas who raigned in the Isle of Samatra where it is held for a surety that the Island of Gold is which the King of Portugal Dom Ioana the Third had resolved should have been discovered by the advice of certain Captains of the Country This Embassador that was Brother-in-law to the King of Batas named Aquarem Dabolay brought him a rich Present of Wood of Aloes Calambaa and five quintals of Benjamon in flowers with a Letter written on the bark of a Palm tree where these words were inserted More ambitious then all men of the service of the crowned Lyon seated in the dreadful Throne of the Sea the rich and mighty Prince of Portugal thy Master and mine to whom in thee Pedro de Faria I do now render obedience with a sincere and true amity to the end I may become
his Subject with all the purity and affection which a Vassal is obliged to carry unto his Master I Angeessiry Timorraia King of Batas desiring to insinuate my self into thy friendship that thy Subjects may be inriched with the fruits of this my Country I do offer by a new Treaty to replenish the Magazins of thy King who is also mine with Gold Pepper Camfire Benjamon and Aloes upon condition that with an entire confidence thou shalt send me a safe conduct written and assigned with thine own hand by means whereof all my Lanchares and Jurupanges may navigate in safety Furthermore in favor of this new amity I do again beseech thee to succor me with some Powder and great Shot whereof thou hast but too much in thy Store-houses and therefore mayst well spare them for I had never so great need of all kind of warlike munitions as at this present This granted I shall be much indebted to thee if by thy means I may once chastise those perjured Achems the mortal and eminent Enemies of thy Malaca with whom I swear to thee I will never have peace as long as I live until such time as I have had satisfaction for the blood of my three children which call upon me for vengeance and that therewith I may asswage the sorrow of their noble Mother who having given them suck and brought them up hath seen them since miserably butchered by that cruel Tyrant of Achem in the Towns of Jacur and Lingua as thou shalt be more particularly informed by Aquarem Dabolay the Brother of those childrens desolate Mother whom I have sent unto thee for a confirmation of our new amity to the end Signior that he may treat with thee about such things as shall seem good unto thee as well for the service of God as for the good of thy people From Paniau the fifth day of the eighth Moon This Embassador received from Pedro de Faria all the honor that he could do him after their manner and as soon as he had delivered him the Letter it was translated into the Portugal out of the Malayan Tongue wherein it was written Whereupon the Embassador by his Interpreter declared the occasion of the discord which was between the Tyrant of Achem and the King of Batas proceeding from this that the Tyrant had not long before propounded unto this King of Batas who was a Gentile the imbracing of Mahometâ— Law conditionally that he would wed him to a Sister of his for which purpose he should quit his wife that was also a Gentile and married to him six and twenty years Now because the King of Batas would by no means condescend thereunto the Tyrant incited by a Cacis of his immediately denounced War against him So each of them having raised a mighty Army they fought a most bloody Battel that continued three hours and better during the which the Tyrant perceiving the advantage the Bataes had of him after he had lost a great number of his people he made his retreat into a Mountain called Cagerrendan where the Bataes held him besieged by the space of three and twenty days but because in that time many of the Kings men fell sick and that also the Tyrants Camp began to want Victuals they concluded a Peace upon condition that the Tyrant should give the King five bars of Gold which are in value two hundred thousand crowns of our mony for to pay his Soldiers and that the King should marry his eldest son to that sister of the Tyrant who had been the cause of making that War This accord being signed by either part the King returned into his Country where he was no sooner arrived but relying on this Treaty of Peace he dismist his Army and discharged all his Forces The tranquillity of this Peace lasted not above two months and an half in which time there came to the Tyrant three hundred Turks whom he had long expected from the Straight of Mecqua and for them had sent four Vessels laden with Pepper wherein also were brought a great many Cases full of Muskets and Hargebusezes together with divers Pieces both of Brass and Iron Ordnance Whereupon the first thing the Tyrant did was to joyn those three hundred Turks to some Forces he had still afoot then making as though he would go to Pacem for to take in a Captain that was revolted against him he cunningly fell upon two places named Iacur and Lingua that appâ—rtained to the King of Batas which he suddenly surprized when they within thâ—m least thought of it for the Peace newly made between them took away all the mistrust of such an attempt so as by that means it was easie for the Tyrant to render himself Master of those Fortresses Having taken them he put three of the Kings sons to death and seven hundred Ouroballones so are the noblest and the valiantâ—st of the Kingdom called This while the King of Batas much resenting and that with good cause so great a Treachery sware by the head of his god Quiay Hocombinor the principal Idol of the Gentiles sect who hold him for their god of Justice never to eat either fruit salt or any other thing that might bring the least gust to his palate before he had revenged the death of his children and drawn reason from the Tyrant for this loss protesting further that he was resolved to dye in the maintenance of so just a War To which end and the better to bring it to pass the King of Batas straightway assembled an Army of fifteen thousand men as well natives as strangers wherewithall he was assisted by some Princes his friends and to the same effect he emplored the Forces of us Christians which was the reason why he sought to contract that new amity we have spoken of before with Pedro de Faria who was very well contented with it in regard he knew that it greatly imported both the service of the King of Portugal and the conservation of the Fortress besides that by this means he hoped very much to augment the Revenue of the Customs together with his own particular and all the rest of the Portugals profit in regard of the great Trade they had in those Countries of the South After that the King of Batas Embassador had been seventeen days with us Pedro de Faria dismissed him having first granted whatsoever the King his Master had demanded and something over and above as fire-pots darts and murdering Pieces wherewith the Embassador departed from the Fortress so contented that he shed tears for joy nay it was observed that passing by the great door of the Church he turned himself towards it with his hands and eyes lift up to Heaven and then as it were praying to God Almighty Lord said he openly that in rest and great joy livest there above seated on the Treasure of thy Riches which are the spirits formed by thy Will here I promise thee if it may be thy good pleasure to give us
them CHAP. VII What happened to me at Penaiu with the King of Batas expedition against the Tyrant of Achem and what he did after his Victory over him BY that time we had sailed seven or eight leagues up the River at the end we arrived at a little Town named Botterrendan not above a quarter of a mile distant from Panaiu where the King of Batas was at that time making preparation for the War he had undertaken against the Tyrant of Achem. This King understanding that I had brought him a Letter and a Present from the Captain of Malaca caused me to be entertained by the Xabandar who is he that with absolute power governs all the affairs of the Army This General accompanied with five Lanchares and twelve Ballons came to me to the Port where I rode at anchor Then with a great noise of Drums Bells and popular acclamations he brought me to a certain Key of the Town called Campalator There the Bendara Governor of the Kingdom stayed for me in great solemnity attended by many Ourâ—balons and Amborraias which are the noblest persons of his Court the most part of whom for all that were but poor and base both in their habit and manner of living whereby I knew that the Country was not so rich as it was thought to be in Malaca When I was come to the Kings Palace and had past through the first Court at the entrance of the second I found an old woman accompanied with other persons far nobler and better apparelled then those that marched before me who beckoning mâ— with her hand as if she had commanded me to enter Man of Malaca said she unto me Thy arrival in the King my Masters Land is as agreeable unto him as a sâ—owre of rain is to a crop of Rice in dry and hot weather Wherefore enter boldly and be afraid of nothing for the people which by the goodness of God thou seest here are no other then those of thine own Country since the hope which we have in the same God makes us believe that he will maintain us all together unto the end of the world Having said so she carried me where the King was unto whom I did obeysance according to the man-of the Country then I delivered him the Letter and the Present I had brought him which he graciously accepted of and asked me what occasion drew me thither Whereunto I answered as I had in commission that I was come to serve his Highness in the Wars where I hoped to 〈◊〉 the honor to attend on him and not to leave him till such time as he returned Conqueror of his Enemies Hereunto I likewise added that I desired to see the City of Achem as also the scituation and fortifications of it and what depth the River was of whereby I might know whether it would bear great Vessels and Gallions because the Captain of Malaca had a design to come and succor his Higness as soon as his men were returned from the Indiaes and to dâ—liver his mortal Enemy the Tyrant of Achem into his hands This poor King presently believed all that I said to be true and so much the rather for that it was conformable to his desire in such sort that rising out of his Thâ—one where he was set I saw him go and fall on his knees before the carcass of a Cows head set up against the wall whose horns were guilt and crowned with flowers Then lifting up his hands and eyes O thou said he that not constrained by any material love whereâ—nto Nature hath obliged thee dost continually make glad all those that desire thy milk as the own mother doth him whom she hath brought into the world without participating either of the miseries or pains which ordinarily she suffers from whom we take our Being be favorable unto the prayer which now with all my heart I offer up unto thee and it is no other but this that in the meadows of the Sun where with the payment and recompence which thou receivest thou art contented with the good that thou dost here below thou wilt be pleased to conserve me in the new amity of this good Captain to the end he may put in execution all that this man here hath told me At these words all the Courtiers which were likewise on their knees said three times as it were in answer How happy were he that could see that and then dye incontinently Whereupon the King arose and wiping his eyes which were all beblubbered with the tears that proceeded from the zeal of the prayer he had made he questioned me about many particular things of the Indiaes and Malaca Having spent some time therein he very courteously dismissed me with a promise to cause the Merchandise which the Mahometan had brought in the Captain of Malaâ—a's name to be well and profitably put off which indeed was the thing I most desired Now for as much as the King at my arrival was making his preparations for to march against the Tyrant of Achem and had taken order for all things necessary for that his Voyage after I had remained nine days in Panaiu the Capital City of the Kingdom of Batas he departed with some Troops towards a place named Turban some five leagues of where he arrived an hour before Sun-set without any manner of reception or shew of joy in regard of the grief he was in for the death of his children which was such as he never appeared in publique but with great demonstrations of sorrow The next morning the King of Batas marched from Turban towards the Kingdom of Achem being eighteen leagues thither He carried with him fifteen thousand men of War whereof eight thousand were Bataes and the rest Menancabes Lusons Andraguires Iambes and Bournees whom the Princes his neighbors had assisted him with as also forty Elephants and twelve Carts with small Ordnance namely Faulcons Bases and other field Pieces amongst the which there were three that had the Arms of France and were taken in the year 1526. at such time as Lopo Vaz dâ— Sampayo governed the State of the Indiaes Now the King of Batas marching five leagues a day came to a River called Quilem There by some of the Tyrants Spies which he had taken he learnt that his Enemy waited for him at Tondacur two leagues from Achem with a purpose to fight with him and that he had great store of strangers in his Army namely Turks Cambayans and Malabars Whereupon the King of Batas assembling his Councel of War and falling into consultation of this affair it was concluded as most expedient to set upon the Enemy before he grew more strong With this resolution having quit the River he marched somewhat faster then ordinary and arrived about ten of the clock in the night at the foot of a Mountain half a league from the Enemies Camp where after he had reposed himself a matter of three hours he marched on in very good order for which effect having
the cause that ships are many times cast upon Pazem by foul weather at Sea from which I pray God deliver thee for I assure thee that if thy ill fortune should carry thee thither the men of Achem would eat thee alive and the Tyrant himself would have the first bite at thee there being nothing in the world these Inhumanes so much vaunt of as to carâ—y on the crest of their Arms the device of Drinkers of the troubled blood of miserable Caâ—sers who they say are come from the end of the world calling them Tyrannical men and Vsurpers in a soveraign degree of other mens Kingdoms in the Indiaes and Isles of the Sea This is the title wherein they glory most and which they attribute particularly to themselves as being sent them from Mecqua in recompence of the golden Lamps which they offered to the Alcoran of their Mahomet as they use to do every year Furthermore although heretofore I 〈◊〉 often advised thy Captain of Malaca to take careful heed of this Tyrant of Achem yet do not thou omit to advertise him of it once more from me for know that he never had nor shall have other thoughts then to labor by all means to expel him out of the Indiaes and make the Turk Master of them who to that end promiseth to send him great succors but I hope that God will so order it as all the malice and cunning of this disloyal wretch shall have a contrary success to his intentions After he had used this language to me he gave me a Letter in answer to my Embassage together with a present which he desired me to deliver from him to Captain de Faria this was six small Javelins headed with Gold twelve Cates of Calambuca Wood every one of them weighing twenty ounces and a box of exceeding value made of a Tortoise shâ—ll beautified with Gold and full of great seed pearl amongst the which there were sixteen fair pearls of rich account For my self he gave me two Cates of Gold and a little Courtelâ—â—â— garnished with the same Then he dismissed me with as much demonstration of honor as he had always used to me before protesting to me in particular that the amity which he had contracted with our Nation should ever continue inviolable on his part Thus I imbarqued my self with Aquarem Dabâ—lay his Brother-in-law who was the same he had sent Embassador to Malaca as I have related before Being departed from the Port of Panaiu we arrived about two hours in the â—ight at a little Island called Apofingua distant some league and an half from the mouth of the River and inhabited by poor people who lived by the fishing of Shadâ— The next morning leaving that Island of Apofingua we ran along by the coast of the Ocean Sea for the space of five and twenty leagues until such time as at length we entered into the Straight of Minhagaruu by which we came then passing by the contrary coast of this other Mediterranean Sea we continued our course along by it and at last arrived near to Pullo Bugay There we crost over to the firm Land and passing by the Port of Iunçalan we sailed two days and an half with a favorable wind by means whereof we got to the River of Parles in the Kingdom of Queda there we rode five days at anchor in expectation of a fit wind to carry us on During that time the Mahometan and my self by the counsel of certain Merchants of the Country went to visit the King with an Odiaa or Present of divers things that we thought were convenient for our design which was received with much demonstration of being very well pleased therewith When we came to his Court we found that with a great deal of pomp excellent musick dancing and largess to the poor he was solemnizing the funerals of his Father whom he himself had poynarded of purpose for to marry his own mother after he had gotten her with child Wherewithall not being contented to decline the murmur which so wicked and horrible an act might provoke unto he had made proclamation that on pain of a most rigorous death no person whatsoever should be so daring as to speak a word of that which had past and it was told us there how for that cause he had most tyrannically put the principal Personages of his Kingdom and a number of Merchants already to death whose goods he had confiscated to his own use and thereby enriched his Coffers with two millions of Gold So that upon our arrival we perceived such a general fear to be amongst the people as not the most hardy of them all durst so much as make the least mention in the world of it Now in regard the Mahometan my companion named Coia Ale was a man liberal of his tongue and that would say any thing which came into his head he perswaded himself in regard he was a stranger and the Captain of Malaca's Factor that he might with more liberty then those of the Country talk what he listed and the King not punish him for it as he did his Subjects But he found himself far short of his account and this presumption cost him his life For being invited to a feast by another Mahometan like himself a Merchant stranger born at Patana when as they were both of them high with wine and meat as I learned since they began to talk boldly and without any respect of the Kings Brutality and Parracide whereof the King being incontinently advertised by Spies which he had in every corner for that purpose he caused the house to be presently invested and all the guests to be apprehended to the number of seventeen persons These poor wretches were no sooner brought bound before him but immediately without observing any form of Justice or hearing what they could say for themselves either good or bad he commanded them to be put to a most cruel kind of death called by them Gregoge which is to saw off the feet hands and heads of them that are condemned to it as I beheld afterwards my self This execution done the King feaâ—ing lest the Captain of Malaca should be offended for that he had executed his Factor thus with the rest and therefore might arrest some goods that he had at Malaca sent the night following for me to the Iurupango where I was sleeping and altogether ignorant of that which had past understanding the Kings pleasure away I went and coming about midnight to the Palace I perceived in the outward Court a great many men in arms the sight whereof I must confess put me into a mighty amazement and mistrust because I could not imagine what should be the cause of it and doubting lest it might be some such Treason as at other times they had practised against us I would fain have returned but they that accompanied me judging that my fear proceeded from the Soldiers which I beheld there bid me be afraid of nothing for these
and gave it me as also a Letter directed to Pedro de Faria whereupon I took my leave of him with a promise that I would stay there a week longer howbeit getting speedily aboard my Iurupango I made not a minutes stay but instantly caused the Mariners to hoist sail and away still imagining that some were following to apprehend me by reason of the extream fear I was in having so lately escaped as I thought the danger of a most cruel death Being departed from the River of Parles on a Saturday about Sun-set I made all the speed that possibly I could and continued my course until the Tuesday following when it pleased God that I reached to the Isles of Pullo Sambalin the first Land on the Coast of Mallayo There by good fortune I met with three Portugal ships whereof two came from Bengala and the other from Pegu commanded by Tristan de Gaa who had sometimes been Governor of the person of Don Lorenzo son to the Vice-roy Don Francesco d' Almeda that was afterward put to death by Miroocem in Chaul Roade as is at large delivered in the History of the Discovery of the Indiaes This same Tristan furnished me with many things that I had great need of as tackle and Mariners together with two Soldiers and a Pilot moreover both himself and the other to ships had always a care of me until our arrival at Malaca where dis-imbarquing my self the first thing I did was to go to the Fortress for to salute the Captain and to render him an account of the whole success of my Voyage where I discoursed unto him at large what Rivers Ports and Havens I had newly discovered in the Isle of Samatra as well on the Mediterranean as on the Ocean Seas side as also what commerce the inhabitants of the Country used Then I declared unto him the manner of all that Coast of all those Ports and of all those Rivers whereunto I added the scituations the heights the degrees the names and the depths of the Ports according to the direction he had given me at my departure Therewithall I made him a description of the Rode wherein Rosado the Captain of a French ship was lost and another named Matelote de Brigas as also the Commander of another ship who by a storm at Sea was cast into the Port of Diu in the year 1529. during the raign of Sultan Bandur King of Cambaya This Prince having taken them all made fourscore and two of them abjure their â—aith who served him in his Wars against the great Mogor and were every one of them miserably slain in that expedition Moreover I brought him the description of a place fit for anchorage in Pullo Botum Roade where the Bisquayn Ship suffered shipwrack which was said to be the very same wherein Magâ—llan compassed the World and was called the Vittoria which traversing the Isle of Iooa was cast a way at the mouth of the River of Sonda I made him a recital likewise of many different Nations which inhabit all along this Ocean and the River of Lampon from whence the Gold of Menancabo is transported to the Kingdom of Campar upon the waters of Iambes and Broteo For the inhabitants affirm out of their Chronicles how in this very Town of Lampon there was anciently a Factory of Merchants established by the Queen of Sheba whereof one named Nausem sent her a great quantity of Gold which she carried to the Temple of Ierusalem at such time as she went to visit the wise King Solomon From whence some say she returned with child of a son that afterwards succeeded to the Empire of Aethiopia whom now we call Prester-Iohn of whose race the Abissins vaunt they are descended Further I told him what course was usually held for the fishing of seed pearl betwixt Pullo Tiquos and Pullo Quenim which in times past were carried by the Bataes to Pazem and Pedir and exchanged with the Turks of the Straight of Mecqua and the Ships of Iudâ—a for such Merchandise as they brought from Grand Cairo and the Ports of Arabia Foelix Divers other things I recounted unto him having learnt them of the King of Batas and of the Merchants of Panâ—iâ— And for conclusion I gave him an information in writing as he had formerly desiâ—ed me concerning the Island of Gold I told him how this Island is beyond the River of Calandor five degrees to the Southward invironed with many shelfs of sand and currents of water as also that it was distant some hundred and threescore leagues from the point of the Isle of Samatra With all which reports Pedro de Faria remained so well satisfied that he made present relation thereof to the King Don Iovan the Third of happy memory who the year after ordained Francesco d' Almeida for Captain to discover the Isle of Gold a Gentleman of merit and very capable of that charge who indeed had long before petitioned the King for it in recompence of the services by him performed in the Islands of Banda of the Molucques of Ternate and Geilolo But by ill fortune this Francesco d' Almeida being gone from the Indiaâ—s to discover that place dyed of a feaver in the Isles of Nicubar Whereof the King of Portugal being advertised he honored one Diego Cabral born at the Maderaes with that Command but the Court of Justice deprived him of it by express order from Martinez Alphonso de Sousa who was at that time Governor which partly proceeded according to report for that he had murmured against him Whereupon he gave it to Ieronimo Figuereydo a Gentleman belonging to the Duke of Braganca who in the year 1542. departed from Goa with two Foists and one Carvel wherein there were fourscore men as well Soldiers as Mariners But it is said that his Voyage was without effect for that according to the apparances that he gave of it afterward it seemed that he desired to enrich himself too suddenly To which end he passed to the Coast of Tanassery where he took certain Ships that came from Mecqua Adem Alcosser Iudaa and other places upon the Coast of Persia. And verily this booty was the occasion of his undoing for upon an unequal partition thereof falling at difference with his Soldiers they mutined in such fort against him as after many affronts done him they bound him hand and foot and so carried him to the Isle of Ceilan where they set him on Land and the Carvel with the two Foists they returned to the Governor Don Ioano de Castra who in regard of the necessity of the time pardoned them the fault and took them along with him in the Army which he led to Diu for the succor of Don Ioana Mascarenhas that was then straitly besieged by the King of Cambaya's Forces Since that time there hath been no talk of the discovery of this Island of Gold although it seems very much to import the common good of our Kingdom of Portugal if it would
please God it might be brought to pass CHAP. IX The Arrival of an Embassador at Malaca from the King of Aaru to the Captain thereof his sending me to the said King my coming to Aaru and that which happend to me after my departing from thence FIve and twenty days after my coming to Malaca Dom Stephano de Gama being still Captain of the Fortress an Embassador arrived there from the King of Aaru for to demand succor of men from him and some munitions of War as Powder and Bullets for to defend himself from a great Fleet that the King of Achem was setting forth against him with an intention to deprive him of his Kingdom and so be a nearer neighbor unto us to the end that having gained that passage he might afterwards send his forces the more easily against our Fortress of Malaca whereof Pedro de Faria was no sooner advertised but representing unto himself how important this affair was for the service of the King and preservation of the Fortress he acquainted Dom Stephano de Gama with it in regard his Command of the place was to continue yet six weeks longer howbeit he excused himself from giving the succor which was required saying that the time of his Government was now expiring and that his being shortly to come in the duty of his charge did oblige him to take care of this business and to think of the danger that menaced him Hereunto Pedro de Faria made answer that if he would relinquish his Government for the time he had yet to come in it or give him full power to dispose of the publique Magazins he would provide for the succor that he thought was necessary In a word and not to stand long on that which past betwixt them it shall suffice to say that this Embassador was utterly denyed his demand by these two Captains whereof the one alledged for excuse that he was not yet entered upon his Charge and the other that he was upon the finishing of his whereupon he returned very ill satisfied with this refusal and so far resented injustice which he thought was done unto his King as the very morning wherein he imbarqued himself having met by chance with the two Captains at the gate of the Fortress he said aloud before them publiquely with the tears in his eyes O God! that with a soveraign Power and Majesty raignest in the highest of the Heavens even with deep sighs fetch'd from the bottom of my heart I take thee for Iudg of my cause and for witness of the just occasion I have to make this request to these Captains here and that in the name of my King the faithful Vassal of the great King of Portugal upon homage sworn by his Ancestors to the famous Albuqueâ—que who promised us that if the Kings of our Kingdom did always continue true and loyal Subjects to his Master that then both he and his successors would oblige themselves to defend them against all their enemies as belonged to their soveraign Lord to do wherefore since we have continued still loyal to this day what reason have you my Masters not to accomplish this obligation wherein your King and you are so deeply engaged especially seeing you know that only in respect of you this perfidious Tyrant of Achem takes our Country from us For there is nothing he so much reproacheth us withall as that my King is as good a Portugal and Christian as if he had been born in Portugal and yet now that he desires you to succor him in his need as allyes and true friends ought to do you excuse your selves with reasons that are of no validity The succor we require of you for to secure us and to keep this faithless wretch from seizing on our Kingdom is a very small matter namely forty or fifty Portugals that may instruct us in the military art together with four barrels of Powder and two hundred Bullets for field Pieces a poor thing in comparison of that you have Now if you can yet be perswaded to grant us this little ayd you shall thereby so much oblige our King as he will ever remain a faithful slave to the mighty Prince of Portugal your Master and ours in whose name I beseech you once twice nay an hundred times that you will perform that appertains unto your duty to do for this which I thus publikely demand of you is of so great importance that therein consists not so much the preservation of the Kingdom of Aaru as the safety of this your Fortress of Malaca which that Tyrant of Achem our enemy so extreamly desires to possess and to that purpose he hath gotten the assistance of divers strange Nations but because he finds that our Kingdom is a let to the execution of his design he endeavors to usurp it upon us and then he intends to guard this Straight in such sort as he will quite exclude you from all Commerce with the Spices of Banda and the Molucques and from all the Trade and Navigation of the Seas of China Sunda Borneo Timor and Jappon and this his own people stick not to boast of even already being also further manifested by the accord which he hath lately made with the Turk through the interposâ—ure of the Bassa of grand Cairo who in consideration thereof hath promised to ayâ— him with great Forces Wherefore at length give ear unto the request which I have made unto you in the name of my King and that so much concerns the service of yours for since you may yet give a remedy to the mischief which you see is ready to fall I desire you to do it speedily And let not one of you excuse himself by alledging that the time of his Government is almost at an end nor the other that he is not as yet entered upon his Charge for it is sufficient that you know you are both of you equally obliged thereunto Having finished this speech in form of a request which availed him nothing he stooped down to the ground from whence taking up two stones he knocked with them upon a Piece of Ordnance and then the tears standing in his eyes he said The Lord who hath created us will defend us if he please and so imbarquing himself he departed greatly discontented for the bad answer he carried back Five days after his departure Pedro de Faria was told how all the Town murmured at the small respect that both he and Dom Stephano had carried to that poor King who had ever been a friend both to them and the whole Portugal Nation and continually done very good offices to the Fort for which cause his Kingdom was now like to be taken from him This advice causing him to see his fault and to be ashamed of his proceeding he labored to have palliated it with certain excuses but at last he sent this King by way of succor fifteen quintals of fine Powder an hundred pots of Wild-fire an hundred and fifty Bullets for
great Ordnance twelve Harquebuzes forty sacks of stones threescore Headpieces and a Coat of guilt Mail lined with Crimson Sattin for his own person together with many other garments of divers sorts as also twenty pieces of Caracas which are stained linnen or Cotten Tapestry that come from the Indiaes and cloth of Malaya wherewith they usually apparel themselves in that Country as well for his wife as his daughters All these things being laden aboard a Lanchara with oars he desired me to conduct and present them from him to the King of Aaru adding withall that this business greatly concerned the King of Portugals service and that at my return besides the recompence I should receive from him he would give me an extraordinary pay and upon all occasions employ me in such Voyages as might redound to my profit whereupon I undertook it in an ill hour as I may say and for a punishment of my sins in regard of what arrived unto me thereupon as shall be seen hereafter So then I imbarqued my self on Tuesday morning the fifth of October 1539. and used such speed that on Sunday following I arrived at the River of Panetican upon which the City of Aaru is scituated I no sooner got to the River of Panetican but presently landing I went directly to a Trench which the King in person was causing to be made at the mouth of the River for to impeach the Enemies dis-imbarquing Presenting my self unto him he received me with great demonstration of joy whereupon I delivered him Pedro de Faria's Letter which gave him some hope of his coming in person to succor him if need required with many other complements that cost little the saying wherewith the King was wonderfully contented because he already imagined that the effect thereof would infallibly ensue But after he saw the Present I brought him consisting of Powder and Ammunitions he was so glad that taking me in his arms My good friend said be unto me I assure thee that the last night I dreamt how all these things which I behold here before me came unto me from the King of Portugal my Masters Fortress by mâ—ans whereof with Gods assistance I hope to defend my Kingdom and to serve him in the manner I have always hitherto done that is most faithfully as all the Captains can very well testifie which have heretofore commanded in Malaca Hereupon questioning me about certain matters that he desired to know as well concerning the Indiaes as the Kingdom of Portugal he recommended the finishing of the Trench to his people who wrought very earnestly and chearfully in it and taking me by the hand on foot as he was attended only by five or six Gentlemen â—e led me directly to the City that was about some quarter of a league from the Trench where in his Palace he entertained me most magnificently yea and made me to salute his wife a matter very rarely practised in that Country and held for a special honor which when I had done with abundance of tears he said unto me Portugal here is the cause that makes me so much to redoubt the coming of mine Enemies for were I not withheld by my wife I swear unto thee by the Law of a good and true Moor that I would prevent them in their designs without any other ayd then of my own Subjects for it is not now that I begin to know what manner of man the perâ—idious Achem is or how far his power extends Alas it is the great store of Gold which he possesseth that covers his weakness and by means whereof he wageth such forces of strangers wherewith he is continually served But now that thou mayst on the other side understand how vile and odious poverty is and how hurtful to a poor King such as I may be come thee along with me and by that little which I will presently let thee see thou shalt perceive whether it be not too true that Fortune hath been exceeding niggardly to me of her goods Saying so he carried me to his Orsenal which was covered with thatch and shewed me all that he had within it whereof he might say with reason that it was nothing in comparison of what he needed for to withstand the attempts of two hundred and thirty Vessels replenished with such warlike people as the Achems and Mulabar Turks were Moreover with a sad countenance and as one that desired to discharge his mind of the grief he was in for the danger was threatened him he recounted unto me that he had in all but six thousand men Aaruns without any other forraign succor forty Pieces of small Ordnance as Falconets and Bases and one cast Piece which he had formerly bought of a Portugal named Antonio de Garcia sometimes Receiver of the Toll and Customs of the Ports of the Fortress of Pacem whom Georgio â— ' Albuqurque caused since to be hanged and quartered at Malaca for that he treated by Letters with the King of Bintham about a plot of Treason which they had contrived together He told me besides that he had also forty Muskets six and twenty Elephants fifty Horsemen for the guard of the place eleven or twelve thousand staves hardened in the fire called Salignes whose points were poysoned and for the defence of the Trench fifty Lances good store of Targets a thousand pots of unslack'd Lime made into Powder and to be used in stead of pots of Wild-fire and three or four Barques full laden with great flints In a word by the view of these and such other of his miseries I easily perceived he was so unprovided of things necessary for his defence that I presently concluded the Enemy would have no great ado to seize on this Kingdom Nevertheless he having demanded of me what I thought of all this Ammunition in his Magazin and whether there were not enough to receive the guests he expected I answered him that it would serve to entertain them but he understanding my meaning stood musing a pretty while and then shaking his head Verily said he unto me if your King of Portugal did but know what a loss it would be to him that the Tyrant of Achem should take my Kingdom from me doubtless he would chastise the little care of his Captains who blinded as they are and wallowing in their avarice have suffered my Enemy to grow so strong that I am much afraid they shall not be able to restrain him when they would or if they could that then it must be with an infinite expence I labored to answer this which he had said unto me with such resentment but he confuted all my reasons with so much truth as I had not the heart to make any farther reply withall he represented divers foul and enormous actions unto me wherewithall he charged some particulars amongst us which I am contented to pass by in silence both in regard they are nothing pertinent to my discourse and that I desire not to discover other mens faults
For a conclusion of his speech he related unto me the little punishment which was ordained for such as were culpable of these matters and the great rewards that he had seen conferred on those which had not deserved them whereunto he added that if the King desired throughly to perform the duty of his Charge and by Arms to conquer people so far distant from his Kingdom and to preserve them it was as necessary for him to punish the wicked as to recompence the good This said he sent me to lodg in a Merchants house who for five days together that I remained there entertained me bravely though to speak truth I had rather have been at that time in some other place with any poor victuals for here I was always in fear by reason of the Enemies continual alarms and the certain news that came to the King the next day after my arrival how the Achems were already marching towards Aaru and would be there within eight days at the farthest which made him in all haste to give directions for such things as he had not taken order for before and to send the women and all that were unfit for War out of the City five or six leagues into the Wood amongst the which the Queen her self made one mounted on an Elephant Five days after my arrival the King sent for me and asked me when I would be gone whereunto I replyed at such time as it would please his Greatness to command me though I should be glad it might be with the soonest for that I was to be employed by my Captain with his Merchandise to China Thou hast reason answered he then taking two Bracelets of massy Gold off from his wrists worth some thirty Crowns I pre-thee now said he giving them to me do not impute it to miserableness that I bestow so little on thee for thou mayst be assured that it hath been always my desire for to have much for to give much withall I must desire thee to present this Letter and this Diamond from me to thy Captain to whom thou shalt say that whatsoever I am further engaged to him in for the pleasure he hath done me by succoring me with those Ammunitions he hath sent me by thee I will bring it to him my self hereafter when I shall be at more liberty then now I am Having taken leave of the King of Aaru I presently imbarqued my self and departed about Sun-set rowing down the River to an Hamlet that is at the entrance thereof composed of ten or eleven houses covered with â—traw This place is inhabited with very poor people that get their living by killing of Lezards of whose livers they make a poyson wherewith they anoint the heads of their arrows For the poyson of this place chiefly that which is called Pocausilim is held by them the best of those Countries because there is no remedy for him that is hurt with it The next day having left this small Village we sailed along the coast with a land wind until evening that we doubled the Islands of Anchepisan then the day and part of the night following we put forth somewhat farther to Sea But about the first watch the wind changed to the North-east for such winds are ordinary about the Isle of Samatra and grew to be so tempestuous that it blew our mast over board tore our sails in pieces and so shattered our Vessel that the water came in that abundance into her at two several places as she sunk incontinently to the bottom so that of eight twenty persons which were in her three and twenty were drowned in less then a quarter of an hour For as five that escaped by the mercy of God we passed the rest of the night upon a Rock where the waves of the Sea had cast us There all that we could do was with tears to lament our sad fortune not knowing what counsel or course to take by reason the Country was so moorish and invironned with so thick a Wood that a bird were she never so little could hardly make way through the branches of it for that the trees grew so close together We sat crouching for the space of three whole days upon this Rock where for all our sustenance we had nothing but Snails and such filth as the â—oam of the Sea produced there After this time which we spent in great misery and pain we walked a whole day along by the Isle of Samatra in the owze up to the girdle-stead and about Sun-set we came to the mouth of a little River some Crossbow-shot broad which we durst not undertake to swim over for that it was deep and we very weak and weary so that we were forced to pass all that night standing up to the chin in the water To this misery was there adjoyned the great affliction which the Flies and Gnats brought us that coming out of the neighboring Woods bit and stung us in such sort as not one of us but was gore blood The next morning as soon as we perceived day which we much desired to see though we had little hope of life I demanded of my four companions all Mariners whether they knew the Country or whether there was any habitation thereabout Whereupon the eldest of them who had a wife at Malaca not able to contain his tears Alas answered he the place that now is most proper for you and me is the house of death where ere it be long we must give an account of our sins it therefore behoves us to prepare our selves for it without any further delay and patiently to attend that which is sent us from the hand of God For my part let me intreat thee to be of a good courage whatsoever thou seest and not be terrified with the fear of dying since every thing well considered it matters not whether it be to day or to morrow This spoken he embraced me and with tears in his eyes desired me to make him a Christian because he beleeved as he said that to be so was sufficient to save his Soul which could not otherwise be done in the cursed sect of Mahomet wherein he had lived till then and for which he craved pardon of God Having finished these last words he remained dead in mine arms for he was so weak as he was not able to subsist any longer as well for that he had not eaten ought in three or four days before as in regard of a great wound the wrack of the Lanchara had given him in his head through which one might see his brains all putrefied and corrupted occasioned both for want of looking unto as by salt water and flies that were gotten into it Verily this accident grieved me very much but for my self I was in little better case for I was likewise so weak that every step I made in the water I was ready to swoon by reason of certain hurts on my head and body out of which I had lost a great
deal of blood Having buried him in the owze the best we could the other three Mariners and my self resolved to cross the River for to go and sleep on certain great Trees that we saw on the other side for fear of the Tygers and Crocodiles whereof that Country is full besides many other venomous creatures as an infinite of those copped Adders I have spoken of before in the sixth Chapter and divers sorts of Serpents with black and green scales whose venom is so contagious as they kill men with their very breath This resolution being thus taken by us I desired two of them to swim over first and the other to stay with me for to hold me up in the water for that in regard of my great weakness I could hardly stand upon my legs whereupon they two cast themselves presently into the water exhorting us to follow them and not be afraid But alas they were scarce in the midst of this River when as we saw them caught by two great Lâ—zards that before our faces and in an instant tearing them in pieces dragged them to the bottom leaving the water all bloody which was so dreadful a spectacle to us as we had not the power to cry out and for my self I knew not who drew me out of the water nor how I escaped thence for I was gone before into the River as deep as my waste with that other Mariner which hâ—ld me by the hand CHAP. X. By what means I was carried to the Town of Ciaca and that which befell me there my going to Malaca with a Mahometan Merchant and the Tyrant of Achems Army marching against the King of Aaru FInding my self reduced to that extremity I have spoken of I was above three hours so besides my self as I could neither speak nor weep At length the other Mariner and I went into the Sea again where we continued the rest of that day The next morning having discovered a Baâ—que that was seeking the mouth of the River as soon as it was near we got out of the water and falling on our knees with our hands lift up we desired them to come and take us up whereupon they gave over rowing and considering the miserable state we were in they judged immediately that we had suffered shipwrack so that coming somewhat nearer they asked us what we desired of them we answered that we were Christians dwelling at Malaca and that in our return from Aaru we were cast away by a storm about nine days before and therefore prayed them for Gods sake to take us away with them whithersoever they pleased Thereupon one amongst them whom we guessed to be the chiefest of them spake to us thus By that which I see you are not in case to do us any service and gain your meat if we should receive you into our Barque wherefore if you have any mony hidden you shall do well to give it us aforehand and then we will use towards you that charity you require of us for otherwise it is in vain for you to hope for any help from us Saying so they made shew as though they would be gone whereupon we besought them again weeping that they would take us for slaves and go sell us where they pleased hereunto I added how they might have any ransom for me they would require as having the honor to appertain very nearly unto the Captain of Malaca Well answered he then we are contented to accept of thy offer upon condition that if that which thou sayst be not true we will cast thee bound hand and foot alive into the Sea Having replyed that they might do so if they found it otherwise four of them got presently to us and carried us into their Barque for we were so weak at that time as we were not able to stir of our selves When they had us aboard imagining that by whipping they might make us confess where we had hid our mony for still they were perswaded that we had somâ— they tyed us both to the foot of the Mast and then with two double coards they whipped us till we were nothing but blood all over Now because that with this beating I was almost dead they gave not to me as they did to my companion a certain drink made of a kind of Lime â—â—eepâ—d in Urine which he having taken it made him fall into such a furious vomiting as he cast up both his lungs and his liver so as he dyed within an hour after And for that they found no gold come up in his vomit as they hoped it pleased God that that was the cause why they dealâ— not so with me but only they washed the stripes they had given me with the said liquor to keep them from festering which notwithstanding put me to such pain as I was even at the point of death Being departed from this River which was called Arissumhea we went the next day after dinner ashore at a place where the houses were covered with straw named Ciaca in the Kingdom of Iambes there they kept me seven and twenty days in which time by the assistance of Heaven I got my self throughly cured of all my hurts Then they that had a share in my person who were seven in number seeing me unfit for their Trade which was fishing exposed me to sale three several times and yet could meet with no body that would buy me whereupon being out of hope of selling me they turned me out of doors because they would not be at the charge of feeding me I had been six and thirty days thus abandoned by these Inhumanes and put a grasing like a cast Horse having no other means to live but what I got by begging from door to door which God knows was very little in regard those of the Country were extream poor when as one day as I was lying in the Sun upon the sand by the Sea side and lamenting my ill fortune with my self it pleased God that a Mahometan born in the Isle of Palimban came accidentally by This man having been sometimes at Malaca in the company of Portugals beholding me lie naked on the ground asked me if I were not a Portugal and willed me to tell him the truth whereunto I answered that indeed I was one and descended of very rich parents who would give him for my ransom whatsoever he would demand if he would carry me to Malaca where I was Nephew to the Captain of the Fortress as being the son of his sister The Mahometan hearing me say thus If it be true replyed he that thou art such as thou deliverest thy self to be what so great sin hast thou committed that could reduce thee to this miserable estate wherein I now see thee Then I recounted to him from point to point how I was cast away and in what sort the fishermen had first brought me thither in their Barque and afterwards had turned me out to the wide world because they could not find any body
which the traytrous Cacis for the bar of gold he had received had left unguarded and forthwith put all the sick and hurt men that he found there to the sword amounting to the number of about fifteen hundred whereof he would not spare so much as one In the mean time the unhappy King of Aaru who thought of nothing less then the treachery of his Cacis seeing his Trench taken ran to the succoring of it being a matter that most imported him But finding himself the weaker he was constrained to quit the place so that as he was making his retreat to the Town ditch it was his ill fortune to be killed by a shot of an Haâ—quebuse from a Turk his enemy Upon this death of his ensued the loss of all the rest by reason of the great disorder it brought amongst them Whereat the Enemies exceedingly rejoycing took up the Corps of that wretched King which they found amongst the other dead bodies and having imbowelled and salted him they put him up in a Case and so sent him as a Present to the Tyrant who after many ceremonies of Justice caused him to be publiquely sawed into sundry pieces and then boiled in a great Cauldron full of Oyl and Pitch with a dreadful Publication the tenor whereof was this See here the Iustice which Sultan Laradin King of the Land of the two Seas hath caused to be executed whose will and pleasure it is that as the body of this miserable Mahometan hath been sawed in sunder and boiled here on Earth so his Soul shall suffer worse torments in Hell and that most worthily for his transgressing of the Law of Mahomet and of the perfect belief of the Musselmans of the House of Mâ—â—qua For this execution is very just and conformable to the holy Doctrine of the Book of Flowers in regard this Miscreant hath shewed himself in all his works to be so far without the fear of God as he hath incessantly from time to time betrayed the most secret and important affairs of this Kingdom to those accursed Dogs of the other end of the world who for our sins and through our negligence have with notorious Tyranny made themselves Lords of Malaca This Publication ended a fearful noise arose amongst the people who cryed out This punishment is but too little for so execrable a crime Behold truly the manner of this passage and how the loss of the Kingdom of Aaru was joyned with the death of that poor King who lived in such good correspondence with us and that in my opinion might have been succored by us with very small charge and pains if at the beginning of the War he had been assisted with that little he demanded by his Embassador Now who was in the fault hereof I will leave to the judgment of them which most it concerns to know it After that this infortunate King of Aaru had miserably ended his days as I have before related and that his whole Army was utterly defeated both the Town and the rest of the Kingdom were easily and quickly taken in Thereupon the General of the Achems repaired the Trenches and fortified them in such manner as he thought requisite for the conservation and security of all that he had gained which done he left there a Garison of eight hundred of the most couragious men of his Army who were commanded by a certain Lusan Mahometan named Sapetù de Raia and incontinently after departed with the rest of his Forces The common report was that he went to the Tyrant of Achem who received him with very much honor for the good success of this enterprize For as I have already delivered being before but Governor and Mandara of the Kingdom of Baarros he gave him the title of King so that ever after he was called Sultan of Baarros which is the proper denomination of such as are Kings amongst the Mahometans Now whilest things passed in this sort the desolate Queen remained some seven leagues from Aaru where being advertised and assured of the death of the King her husband and of the lamentable issue of the War she presently resolved to cast her self into the fire for so she had promised her husband in his life time confirming it with many and great oaths But her friends and servants to divert her from putting so desperate a design in execution used many reasons unto her so that at length overcome by their perswasions Verily said she unto them although I yield to your request yet I would have you know that neither the considerations you have propounded nor the zeal you seem to shâ—w of good and faithful Subjects were of power to turn me from so generous a determination as that is which I promised to my King my Husband and my Master if God had not inspired me with this thought that living I may better revenge his death as by his dear blood I vow unto you to labor as long as I live to do and to that end I will undergo any extremiâ—y whatsoever nay if need be turn Christian a thousand times over if by that means I may be able to compass this my desire Saying so she immediately got up on an Elephant and accompanied with a matter of seven hundred men she marched towards the Town with a purpose to set it on fire where incountring some four hundred Achems that were busie about pillaging of such goods as were yet remaining she so encouraged her people with her words and tears that they cut them all presently in pieces This execution done knowing her self too weak for to hold the Town she returned into the Wood where she sojourned twenty days during which time she made War upon the Townsmen surprising and pillaging them as often as they issued forth to get water wood or other necessaries so as they durst not stir out of the Town to provide themselves such things as they needed in which regard if she could possibly have continued this War other twenty days longer she had so famished them as they would have been constrained to render the Town But because at that time it rained continually by reason of the Climate and that the place was boggy and full of bushes as also the fruits wherewithall they nourished themselves in the Wood were all rotten so that the most part of her people fell sick and no means there to relieve them the Queen was constrained to depart to a River named Minhaçumbaa some five leagues from thence where she imbarqued her self in sixteen Vessels such as she could get which were fishermens Paroos and in them she went to Malaca with a belief that at her Arrival there she should not be denyed any thing she would ask Pedro de Faria being advertised of the Queens coming sent Alvaro de Faria his son and General of the Sea-forces to receive her with a Galley five Foists two Catures twenty Balons and three hundred men besides divers persons of the Country So she was brought to the
Fortress where she was saluted with an honorable peal of Ordnance which lasted the space of a good hour Being landed and having seen certain things which Pedro de Faria desired to shew her as the Custom-house the River the Army the Manufactures stores of Powder and other particulars prepared before for that purpose she was lodged in a fair house and her people to the number of six hundred in a field called Ilher in Tents and Cabbins where they were accommodated the best that might be During all the time of her abode which was about a matter of five months she continued soliciting for succor and means to revenge the death of her husband But at length perceiving the small assistance she was likely to have from us and that all we did was but a meer entertainment of good words she determined to speak freely unto Pedro de Faria that so she might know how far she might trust to his prom ses To which end attending him one Sunday at the gate of the Fortress at such time as the place was full of people and that he was going forth to hear Mass she went to him and after some complements between them she said unto him Noble and valiant Captain I beseâ—ch you by the generosity of your race to give me the hearing in a few things I have to represent unto you Consider I pray you that albeit I am a Mahometan and that for the greatness of my sins I am altogether ignorant in the knowledg of your holy Law yet in regard I am a woman and have been a Queen you ought to carry some respect to me and to behold my misery with the eyes of a Christian. Hereunto at first Pedro de Faria knew not what to answer in the end putting off his cap he made her a low reverence and after they had both continued a good while without speaking the Queen bowed to the Church gate that was just before them and then spake again to Pedro de Faria Truly said she the desire I have always had to revenge the death of my husband hath been and still is so great that I have resolved to seek out all the means that possibly I may to effect it since by reason of the weakness of my sex Fortune will not permit me to bear arms Being perswaded then that this here which is the first I have tryed was the most assured and that I more relyed upon then any other as trusting in the ancient amity which hath always been betwixt us and you Portugals and the obligation wherein this Fortress is engaged to us passing by many other considerations well known to you I am now to desire you with tears in mine eyes that for the honor of the high and mighty King of Portugal my soveraign Lord and unto whom my husband was ever a loyal Subject and Vassal you will ayd and succor me in this my great adversity which in the presence of many noble Personages you have promised me to do howbeit now I see that in stead of performing the promises which you have so often made me you alledg for an excuse that you have written unto the Vice-roy about it whereas I have no need of such great Forces as you speak of for that with an hundred men only and such of my own people as are flying up and down in hope and expectation of my return I should be able enough though I be but a woman in a short space to recover my Country and revenge the death of my husband through the help of Almighty God in whose Name I beseech and require you that for the service of the King of Portugal my Master and the only refuge of my widowhood you will since you can assist me speedily because expedition is that which in this affair imports the most and so doing you shall prevent the plot which the wicked enemy hath upon this Fortress as too well you may perceive by the means he hath used to effect it If you will be pleased to give me the succor I demand of you say so if not deal clearly with me for that you will prejudice me as much in making me lose time as if you refused me that which so earnestly I desire and which as a Christian you are obliged to grant me as the Almighty Lord of Heaven and Earth doth well know whom I take to witness of this my request CHAP. XII The Queen of Aaru's departure from Malaca her going to the King of Jantana his summoning the Tyrant of Achem to restore the Kingdom of Aâ—ru and that which past between them thereupon PEdro de Faria having heard what this desolate Queen said openly unto him convinced by his own conscience and even ashamed of having delayed her in that fashion answered her that in truth and by the faith of a Christian he had recommended this affair unto the Viceroy and that doubtless there would some succor come for her ere it were long if so be there were no trouble in the Indiaes that might hinder it wherefore he advised and prayed her to stay still in Malaca and that shortly she should see the verity of his speeches Thereunto this Princess having replyed upon the uncertainty of such succor Pedro de Faria grew into choller because he thought she did not believe him so that in the heat of his passion he lashed out some words that were more rude then was fit Whereupon the desolate Queen with tears in her eyes and beholding the Church gate which was just against her and sobbing in such manner as she could scarcely speak The clear Fountain said she is the God which is adored in that house out of whose mouth proceeds all truth but the men of the Earth are sinks of troubled water wherein change and faults are by nature continually remaining wherefore accursed is he that trusts to the opening of their lips For I assure you Captain that â—ver since I knew my self to this present I have neither heard nor seen ought but that the more such unhappy wretches as my late husband was and my self now am do for you Portugals the less you regard them and the more you are obliged the less you acknowledg whence I may well conclude that the recompence of the Portugal Nation consists more in favor then in the merits of persons And would to God my deceased husband had nine and twenty years ago but known what now for my sins I perceive too well for then he had not been so deceived by you as he was But since it is so I have this only left to comfort me in my misery that I see many others scandalized with your amity as well as my self For if you had neither the power nor the will to succor me why would you so far engage your self to me a poor desolate widow concerning that which I hoped to obtain from you and so beguile me with your large promises Having spoken thus she turned her back to the Captain
and without harkening to what he might say she instantly returned to her lodging then caused her Vessâ—ls wherein she came thither to be made ready and the next day set sail for Biâ—tan where the King of Iantana was at that time who according to the report was made of it to us afterward received her with great honor at her arrival To him she recounted all that had past betwixt her and Pedro de Faria and how she had lost all hope of our friendship Unto whom it is said the King made this answer That he did not marvel at the little faith she had found in us for that we had shewed it but too much upon sundry occasions unto all the world Now the better to confirm his saying he recited some particular examples of matters which he said had befallen us conformable to his purpose and like a Mahometan and our Enemy he made them appear more enormous then they were So after he had recounted many things of us very ill done amongst the which he interlaced divers Treacheries Robberies and Tyrannies at length he told her that as a good King and a good Mahometan he would promise her that ere it were long she should see her self by his means restored again to every foot of her Kingdom and to the end she might be the more assured of his promise he told her that he was content to take her for his wife if so she pleased for that thereby he should have the greater cause to become the King of Achems Enemy upon whom for her sake he should be constrained to make War if he would not by fair means be perswaded to abandon that which he had unjustly taken from her Whereunto she made answer that albeit the honor he did her was very great yet she would never accept of it unless he would first promise as in way of a dowry to revenge the death of her former husband saying it was a thing she so much desired as without it she would not accept of the Soveraignty of the whole world The King condescended to her request and by a solemn Oath taken on a Book of their Sect confirmed the promise which to that effect he made her After that the King of Iantana had taken that Oath before a great Cacis of his called Raia Moulana upon a festival day when as they solemnized their Ramadan he went to the Isle of Compar where immediately upon the celebration of their Nuptials he called a Councel for to advise of the course he was to hold for the performance of that whereunto he had engaged himself for he knew it was a matter of great difficulty and wherein he should be forced to hazard much of his Estate The resolution that he took hereupon was before he enterprized any thing to send to summon the Tyrant of Achem to surrender the Kingdom of Aaru which in the right of his new wife belonged now unto him and then according to the answer he should receive to govern himself This Councel seemed so good to the King that he presently dispatched an Embassador to the Tyrant with a rich Present of Jewels and Silks together with a Letter containing these words Sibri Laya quendou pracama de Raia lawful King by a long succession of Malaca which by strong hand and the injustice of the faithless Kings of Jantana and Bintan hath been usurped from me To thee Siry Sultan Aaradin King of Achem and of all the Land of the two Seas my true Brother by the ancient Amity of our forefathers I thine Ally in flesh and in blood do give thee to understand by my Embassador that about the seventh Moon of this present year the noble Widow Anchesiny Queen of Aaru came to me full of grief and tears and prostrating her self on the ground before me she told me that thy Captains had taken her Kingdom from her as also the two Rivers of Lava and Panetican and slain Aliboncar her husband together with five thousand Amborraias and Ouroballons all men of mark that were with him and made three thousand children slaves which had never offended tying their hands behind them and scourging them continually without pity as if they had been the sons of unbelieving mothers Wherefore being moved with compassion I have received her under the protection of my faith to the end that I might with more certainty inform my self of the reason and right thou hadst so to do and perceiving by her oaths that thou hadst none I have taken her to my wife that I might the more freely before God demand that which is hers I desire thee then as being thy true Brother that thou wilt render that thou hast taken from her and thereof make her a good and full restitution And touching the proceeding that is to be held in this restitution which I demand of thee it is to be done according to the manner that Syribican my Embassador will shew thee And not doing thus conformable to what in justice I require of thee I declare my self thine Enemy in the behalf of this Lady unto whom I am obliged by a solemn Oath to defend her in her affliction This Embassador being come to Acheâ— the Tyrant received him very honorably and took his Letter But after he had opened it and read the contents he would presently have put him to death had he not been diverted by his Councel who told him that in so doing he would incur great infamy Whereupon he instantly dismissed the Embassador with his Present which in contempt of him he would not accept of and in answer of that he brought him he returned him a Letter wherein it was thus written I Sultan Aaradin King of Achem Baarros Pedir Paacem and of the Signories of Dayaa and Batas Prince of all the Land of the two Seas both Mediterranean and Ocean and of the Mynes of Menencabo and of the Kingdom of Aaru newly conquered upon just cause To thee King replenished with joy and desirous of a doubtful heritage I have seen thy Letter written at the table of thy Nuptials and by the inconsiderate words thereof have discerned the drunkenness of thy Councellors and Secretaries whereunto I would not have vouchsafed an answer had it not been for the humble prayers of my servants As touching the Kingdom of Aaru do not thou dare to speak of it if thou desirest to live sufficeth it that I have caused it to be taken in and that it is mine as thine also shall be ere long if thou hast married Anchesiny with a purpose upon that occasion to make claim to a Kingdom that now is none of hers wherefore live with her as other husbands do with their wives that tilling the ground are contented with the labor of their hands Recover first thy Malaca since it was once thine and then thou mayst think of that which never belonged to thee I will favor thee as a Vassal and not as a Brother as thou qualifiest thy self From my great
and Royal House of rich Achem the very day of this thy Embassadors arrival whom I have presently sent away without further seeing or hearing of him as he may tell thee upon his return to thy presence The King of Iantana's Embassador being dismissed with this Answer the very same day that he arrived which amongst them they hold for a mighty affront carried back the Present which the Tyrant would not accept of in the greater contempt both of him that sent and he that brought it and arrived at Compar where the King of Iantana was at that instant who upon the understanding of all that had past grew by report so sad and vext that his servants have vowed they have divers times seen him weep for very grief that the Tyrant should make so little reckoning of him Howbeit he held a Councel there upon the second time where it was concluded that at any hand he should make War upon him as on his mortal Enemy and that the first thing he should undertake should be the recovery of the Kingdom of Aaru and the Fort of Panetican before it was further fortified The King accordingly set forth a Fleet of two hundred Sails whereof the most part were Lanchares Calaluses and fifteen tall Juncks furnished with Munition necessary for the enterprize And of this Navy he made General the great Laque Xemena his Admiral of whose valor the History of the Indiaes hath spoken in divers places To him he gave two thousand Soldiers as also four thousand Mariners and gally slaves all choyce and trained men This General departed immediately with his Fleet and arrived at the River of Panetican close by the Enemies Fort which he assaulted five several times both with scaling ladders and divers artificial fires but perceiving he could not prevail that way he began to batter it with four hundred great Pieces of Ordnance which shot continually for the space of seven whole days together at the end whereof the most part of the Fort was ruined and overthrown to the ground whereupon he presently caused his men to give an assault to it who performed it so valiantly that they entered it and slew fourteen hundred Achems the most of which came thither but the day before the Fleet arrived under the conduct of a Turkish Captain Nephew to the Bassa of Caire named Mora do Arraiz who was also slâ—iâ—â— there with four hundred Turks he had brought along with him whereof Laque Xemena would not spare so much as one After this he used such diligence in repairing that which was fallen wherein most of the Soldiers labored that in twelve days the Fort was rebuilt and made as strong as before with the augmentation of two Bulwarks The news of this Fleet which the King of Iantana prepared in the Ports of Bintan and Compar came to the Tyrants ears who fearing to lose that which he had gotten put instantly to Sea another Fleet of fourteen hundred and twenty Sails Foists Lanchares Galiots and fifteen Galleys of five and twenty banks of oaâ—s a piece wherein he caused fifteen thousand men to be imbarqued namely twelve thousand Soldiers and the rest Mariners and such as were for the service of the Sea Of this Army he made the same Heredin Mahomet General who had before as I have already declared conquered the Kingdom of Aaru in regard he knew him to be a man of a great spirit and fortunate in War who departing with this Army arrived at a place called Aapessumhee within four leagues of the River of Panetican where he learnt of certain fishermen whom he took and put to torture all that had past concerning the Fort and the Kingdom and how Laque Xemena had made himself Master both of the Land and Sea in expectation of him At this news it is said that Heredin Mahomet was much perplexed because intruth he did not bâ—lieve the Enemy could do so much in so little time By reason whereof he assembled his Councel where it was concluded that since both the Fort and Kingdom were regained and all the men he had left there cut in pieces as likewise for that the Enemy was very strong both at Sea and Land and the season very unfit for their design therefore they were to return back Neverthâ—less Heredin Mahomet was of a contrary opinion saying that he would rather dye like a man of courage then live in dishonor and that seeing the King had made choyce of him for that purpose by the help of God he would not lose one jot of the reputation he had gotten wherefore he vowed and swore by the bones of Mahomet and all the Lamps that perpetually burn in his Chappel to put all those to death as Traytors that should go about to oppose this intent of his and that they should be boiled alive in a Cauldron of Pitch in such manner as he meant to deal with Laque Xemena himself and with this boiling resolution he parted from the place where he rode at anchor with great cries and noise of Drums and Bells as they are accustomed to do upon like occasions In this sort by force of oars and sails they got into the entry of the River and coming in sight of Laque Xemena's Navy who was ready waiting for him and well reinforced with a great number of Soldiers that were newly come to him from Pâ—ra Bintan Siaca and many other places thereabout he made towards him and after the discharging of their Oâ—dnance afar off they joyned together with as much violence as might be The fight was such that during the space of an hour and an half there could no advantage be discerned on either part until such time as Heredin Mahomet General of the Achems was slain with a great shot that hit him just in the brest and battered him to pieces The death of this Chieftain discouraged his people in such manner as laboring to return unto a Point named Baroquirin with a purpose there to unite and fortifie themselves until night and then by the favor thereof to fly away they could not execute their design in regard of the great currant of the water whâ—ch separated and dispersed them sundry ways by which means the Tyrants Army â—ell into the power of Laque Xemena who defeated it so that but fourteen Sails of them escaped and the other hundred threescore and six were taken and in them were thirteen thousand and five hundred men killed besides the fourteen hundred that were slain in the Trench These fourteen Sails that so escaped returned to Achem where they gave the Tyrant to understand how all had past at which it is reported he took such grief as he shut up himself for twenty days without seeing any body at the end whereof he struck off the heads of all the Captains of the fourteen Sails and commanded all the Soldiers beards that were in them to be shaved off enjoyning them expresly upon pain of being sawed asunder alive to go ever
Malaca and that he saw there was so little utterance of that commodity as he could not meet with any Merchant that would deal for it he was fain to resolve for to spend the winter there until such time as he might meet with some opportunity to put it off Howbeit he was advised by some of the best experienced of the Country to send it unto Lugor which is a great Town in the Kingdom of Siam an hundred leagues lower towards the North for they alledged that this Port was very rich and of great vent by reason of a world of Junks that arrived there dayly from the Isle of Iaoa from Lava Taniampura Iapara Demaa Panaruca Sydayo Passarvan Solor and Borneo whose Merchants were used to give a good rate for such like commodities in exchange of gold or stone This advice was well approved of by Antonio de Faria who instantly went about to put it in execution To which end he took order for the providing of a vessel by reason the Foyst wherein he came was altogether unfit for a further voyage Matters thus disposed of he deputed one named Christovano Borhalho for his Factor a man exceeding well vers'd in business of Traffique with whom there imbarqued some sixteen men as well Soldiers as Merchants with a hope that one crown would yield them six or seven what in the commodities they should carry as in those they should return Hereupon wretched I being one of the sixteen we parted from the Port on a Saturday and sailed with a favorable wind along the coast till Thursday next in the morning that we arrived at Lugor Road and anchored at the mouth of the River There it was thought fit to pass the rest of the day to the end we might inform our selves of what was behoveful for us to do as well for the sale of our commodities as for the safety of our persons And to say truth we learnt such good news that we were confident of gaining above six times double and to be sure of freedom and liberty during all the month of September according to the Ordinance of the King of Siam because it was the month of the Kings Sumbayas Now the better to clear this you must know that all along this coast of Malaya and within the Land a great King commands who for a more famous and recommendable Title above all other Kings causeth himself to be called Prechau Saleu Emperor of all Sornau which is a Country wherein there are thirteen Kingdoms by us commonly called Siam to the which fourteen petty Kings are subject and yield homage that were anciently obliged to make their personal repair unto Odiaa the Capital City of this Empire as well to bring their Tribute thither as to do the Sumbaya to their Emperor which was indeed to kiss the Courtelas that he ware by his side Now because this City was seated fifty leagues within the Land and the Currents of the Rivers so strong as these Kings were oftentimes forced to abide the whole winter there to their great charge they petitioned the Prechau King of Siam that the place of doing this their homage might be altered whereupon he was pleased to ordain that for the future there should be a Viceroy resident in the Town of Lugor which in their language is called Poyho unto whom every three years those fourteen Kings should render that duty and obedience they were accustomed to do unto himself and that during that time they spent there in performing the same being the whole month of September both their own merchandize and that of all others as well natives as strangers that either came in or went out of the Country should be free from all manner of imposts whatsoever So that we arriving in the time of this freedom there was such a multitude of Merchants that flocked thither from all parts as we were assured there was no less then fifteen hundred Vessels in the Port all laden with an infinity of Commodities of very great value And this was the good news we learnt at such time as we arrived at the mouth of the River wherewith we were so well pleased that we presently resolved to put in as soon as the wind would permit us But alass we were so unfortunate that we could never come to see what we so much desired for about ten of the clock just as we had dined and were preparing to set sail we saw a great Junk coming upon us which perceiving us to be Portugals few in number and our Vessel small fell close with our prow on the larboard side and then those that were in her threw into us great Cramp-irons fastened unto two long chains wherewithall they grappled us fast unto them which they had no sooner done but straightway some seventy or eighty Mahometans came flying out from under their hatches that till then had lien lurking there who with a mighty cry cast so many stones darts and lances which â—ell as thick as hail upon us that of us sixteen Portugals twelve rested dead in the place together with six and thirty others as well Boys as Mariners Now for us four remaining Portugals after we had escaped so dreadful â—n incounter we leapt all of us into the Sea where one was drowned and we three that were left getting to land as well as we could being dangerously hurt and wading up to the wast in mud went and hid our selves in the next adjoyning wood In the mean time the Mahometans of the Junk entring into our Frigot not contented with the slaughter they had made of our men like mad dogs they killed six or seven Boys out-right whom they found wounded on the Dâ—ck not sparing so much as one of them That done they imbarqued all the goods of our Vessel into their Junk then made a great hole in her and so sunk her Immediately whereupon leaving their anchor in the Sea and the Cramp-irons wherewithall they had grappled us unto them they set sail and made away as fast as ever they could for fear of being discovered After this our escape seeing our selves all sore hurt and without any hope of help we did nothing but weep and complain for in this disaster we knew not what to resolve on so much were we amazed with that which had befaln us within the space of half an hour In this desolation we spent the rest of that sad day but considering with our selves that the place was moorish and full of Adders and Lizards we thought it our safest course to continue there all the night too as accordingly we did standing up to the middle in the Owze The next morning as soon as it was day we went along by the Rivers side until we came unto a little channel which we durst not pass as well for that it was very deep as for fear of a great number of Lizards that we saw in it so that in great pain we stayd not only that night there but five days
pleased God to restore us to our perfect health so that this virtuous Dâ—me seeing us able to travel recommended us to a Merchant her kinsman that was bound for Patana with whom after we had taken our leave of that noble Matron unto whom we were so much obliged we imbarqued our selves in a Cataluz with Oars and sailing on a River called Sumhâ—chitano we arrived seven days after at Patana Now for as much as Antonio de Faria looked every day for our return with a hope of good success in his business as soon as he saw us and understood what had past he remained so sad and discontented that he continued above an hour without speaking a word in the mean time such a number of Portugals came in as the house was scarce able to contain them by reason the greatest part of them had ventuâ—ed goods in the Lanchara whose lading in that regard amounted to seventy thousand duckets and better the most of it being in silver coyn of purpose with it to return gold Antonio de Faria seeing himself stripped of the twelve thousand duckets he had borrowed at Malaca resolved not to return thither because he had no means to pay his Creditors but rather thought it fitter to pursue those that had robbed him of his goods so that he took a solemn Oath upon the holy Evangelists to part incontinently from that place for to go in quest of those Pyrats for to revenge upon them the death of those fourteen Portugals and thirty six Christians Boys and Mariners killed by them as aforesaid Adding withall that if such a course were not taken they should every day be used so â—ay far worse All the Assistants very much commended him valorous resolution and for the execution thereof there were many young Soldiers amongst them that offered to accompany him in that voyage some likewise presented him with mony and others furnished him with divers necessaries Having accepted these offers and presents of his friends he used such diligence that within eighteen days he made all his preparations and got together five and fifty Soldiers amongst whom poor unfortunate I was fain to be one for I saw my self in that case as I had not so much as a single token nor knew any one that would either give or lend me one being indebted besides at Malaca above five hundred duckets that I had borrowed there of some of my friends which with as much more that dog had â—obbed me of amongst others as I have related befoâ—e having been able to save nothing but my miserable carcass wounded in three places with a Javelin and my skull crackt with a stone whereby I was three or four times at the point of death But my companion Christovan Borralho was yet â—ar worse entreated then my self and that with more hurts which he received in satisfaction of five and twenty hundred duckets that he was robbed of as the rest CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainan his arrival at the River of Tinacoren and that which befell us in this Voyage AS soon as Antonio de Faria was ready he departed from Patana on a Saturday the ninth of May 1540. and steered North North-west towards the Kingdom of Champaa with an intent to discover the Ports and Havens thereof as also by the means of some good booty to furnish himself with such things as he wanted for his haste to part from Patana was such as he had not time to furnish himself with that which was necessary for him no not with victual and warlike ammunition enough After we had sailed three days we had sight of an Island called Pullo Condor at the height of eight degrees and three quarters on the North Coast and almost North-west towards the mouth of the River of Camboia so that having rounded all the Coast we discovered a good Haven Eastward where in the Island of Camboia distant some six leagues from the firm Land we met with a Junk of Lequios that was going to the Kingdom of Siam with an Embassador from the Nautauquim of Lindau who was Prince of the Island of Tosa and that had no sooner discovered us but he sent a message by a Chinese Pilot to Antonio de Faria full of complements whereunto was added these words from them all That the time would come when as they should communicate with us in the true love of the Law of God and of his inâ—inite clemency who by his death had given life to all men and a perpetual inheritance in the house of the good and that they beleeved this should be so after the half of the half time was past With this complement they sent him a Courtelas of great value whose handle and scabbard was of gold as also six and twenty Pearls in a little Box likewise of gold made after the fashion of a Salt-seller whereat Antonio de Faria was very much grieved by reason he was not able to render the like unto this Prince as he was obliged to do for whâ—n the Chinese arrived with this message they were distant above a league at Sea from us Hereupon we went ashore where we spent three days in taking in fresh water and fishing Then we put to Sea again laboring to get to the firm Land there to seek out a River named Pullo Cambim which divides the State of Camboia from the Kingdom of Champaa in the height of nine degrees where arriving on a Sunday the last of May we went up three leagues in this River and anchored just against a great Town called Catimparu there we remained twelve days in peace during the which we made our provision of all things necessary Now bâ—cause Antonio de Faria was naturally curious he endevored to understand from the people of the Country what Nation inhabited beyond them and whence that mighty River took its souâ—ce whereunto he was answered that it was derived from a lake named Pinator dâ—stant from them Eastward two hundred and sixty leagues in the Kingdom of Quitirvan and that it was invironed with high mountains at the foot whereof upon the brink of the water were eight and thirty villages of which thirteen were very great and the rest small and that only in one of the great onâ—s called Xincaleu there was such a huge myne of gold as by the repâ—â—t of those that lived thereabout there was every day a bar and a half drawn out of it which according to the value of our mony makes two and twenty millions in a year and that four Lords had share in it who continually were in war together each one striving to make himself master of it I and that one of them named Raiahitau had in an inner yard of his house in pots under ground that were full to the very brims above six hundred bars of gold in powder like to that of Mexancabo of the Island of Samatra And thâ—â— if three hundred Harquebusiers of our Nation should go and assault it
of thirteen years during the which the King of Cauchin was five several times defeated in open Battel At length this Hoyha Paguarol coming to dye without issue in regard of the good offices that in his life time he had received from the King of China he by his testament declared him for his Successor and lawful Heir so that ever since being now two hundred thirty and five years ago to this present this Isle of Ainan hath remained annexed to the Scepter of the great Chinese And touching that you have further demanded of me concerning the Treasures and Revenue of this Island I am able to say no more then what I have learnt of some ancient Personages who as I have related before have governed it in quality of Teutons and Chaems and I remember they said that all the Revenues thereof as well in Mynes of Silver Customs and otherways amounted unto two Millions and an half Taeis yearly And perceiving that our Captain was amazed to hear him speak of so mighty a riches continuing his discourse Truly my Masters said he laughing if you make such a matter of that little I have spoken of what would you do if you saw the great City of Pequin where the son of the Sun the name they give to their King with his Court is always resident and where the Revenues of two and thirty Kingdoms that depend on this Monarchy are received of which out of fourscore and six Mynes of Gold and Silver only is annually drawn above fifteen thousand Picos which according to our weight comes to twenty thousand quintals After Antonio de Faria had given him many thanks for satisfying him so fully in his demands he dâ—sired him to tell him in what Port he would advise him to go and sell his Commodities seeing the season was not proper to set sail for Liampoo Whereunto he answered that we were not to go into any Port of that Country nor to put trust in any Chinese whatsoever for I assure you said he there is not one of them will speak truth in any thing he says to you and believe me for I am rich and will not lye to you like a poor man besides I would wish you to go in this Straight always with the plummet in your hand for to sound your way because there are very many dangerous shelvs all along till you come to a River called Tanauquir and there is a Port where is very good anchoring and where you may be as safe as you can desire as also you may there in less then two days put off all your commodities and much more if you had them Nevertheless I will not counsel you to disimbarque your goods on land but to sell them in your Vessels in regard that many times the sight causeth desire and desire disorder amongst peaceable persons much more with them that are mutinous and of an evil conscience whose wicked inclination carries them rather to take away another mans goods from him then give of their own to the needy for Gods sake This said both he that spake and those that accompanyed him took leave of our Captain and us with many complements and promises whereof they are not ordinarily very sparing in those parts bestowing on Antonio de Faria in return of that he had given them a little Box made of a Tortoise shell full of seed-pearl and twelve pearls of a pretty bigness craving his pardon for that they durst not traffique with him in this place for fear lest if they should do so to be all put to death conformably to the Law of the rigorous justice of the Country and they again intreated him to make haste away before the Mandarims arrival with his Army for if he found him there he would burn both his Vessel and him and all his company Antonio de Faria unwilling to neglect the counsel of this man lest that which he told him should prove true he set sail immediately and passed to the other side towards the South and in two days with a Westerly wind he arrived at the River of Tanauquir where just over against a little village called Neytor he cast anchor We remained all that day and the next night at the mouth of the River of Tanauquir intending the next morning to sail up to the Town which was some five leagues from thence in the River to see if by any means we might put off our commodities there for our Vessels were so heavy laden with them as there was scarce a day wherein we ran not twice or thrice on some shelve or other which in divers places were four or five leagues long wherefore it was concluded that before we did any thing else we were to sell away our commodities so that we labored with all our might to get into the River whose current was so strong that though we had all our sails up yet could we prevail but very little against it As we were in this pain we perceived two great Junks in warlike manner come out of the River upon us which chaining themselves together for the more strength attaqued us so lively as we had scarce the leasure to defend our selves so that we were constrained to throw into the Sea all that stood in our way to make room for our artillery being that we had then most need of The first salutation we had from them was a peal of six and twenty pieces of Ordnance whereof nine were Falconets and field-pieces Antonio de Faria as a man verst in such affairs seeing them chained one to another perceived their drift and therefore made as though he fled as well to win time to prepare himself as to make them beleeve that they were no Christians whereupon they like cunning thieves desiâ—ing that the prey which they held to be surely their own should not escape out of their hands loosed themselves the one from the other the better to set upon us and approaching very near to us they shot so many arrows and darts into our Junk as no man was able to appear upon the deck Antonio de Faria to avoyd this storm retired under the half deck with five and twenty Soldiers and some ten or twelve others Slaves and Mariners there he entertained the Enemy with Harquebuse shot the space of half an hour in which time having used all their munitions of war some forty of them that seemed to be more valiant then the rest longing to finish their enterprize leaped into our Junk with a purpose to make themselves master of the prow but to hinder them from it our Captain was constrained to go and receive them so that there began a most bloody fight wherein it pleased God within an hour to give us the upper hand by the slâ—ughter of four and twenty of their forty in the place Thereupon twenty of ours pursuing this good success boarded the Enemies Junk where finding but small resistance by reason the principals were already slain all that were
himself that out of his impatience judged according to the wicked inclination of his heart Moreover asking of them whether in their Law they believed that the great God which governeth this All came at any time into the world clothed with a humane form they said No because there could be nothing that might oblige him to so great an extremity in regard he was through the excellency of the divine Nature delivered from our miseries and far esloigned from the Treasures of the Earth all things being more then base in the presence of his splendor By these answers of theirs we perceived that these people had never attained to any knowledg of our truth more then their eyes made them to see in the picture of Heaven and in the beauty of the day for continually in their Combayes which are their prayers lifting up their hands they say By thy works Lord we confess thy greatness After this Antonio de Faria set them at liberty and having given them certain presents wherewith they were very well pleased he caused them to be conveyed to Land that done the wind beginning a little to rise he set sail having all his Vessels adoâ—ned with divers coloured Silks their Banners Flags and Streamers displayed and a Standart of Trade hung out after the manner of the Country to the end they might be taken for Merchants and not for Pyrats and so an hour after he anchored just against the Key of the Town which he saluted with a little peal of Ordnance whereupon ten or eleven Almadiaes came presently to us with good store of refreshments Howbeit finding us to be strangers and discerning by our habits that we were neither Siams Iaos nor Malayos nor yet of any other Nation that ever they had seen they said one to another Please Heaven that the dew of the fresh morning may be as profitable to us all as this evening seems fair with the presence of these whom our eyes behold Having said thus one of the Almadiaes asked leave to come aboard us which they were told they might do because we were all their brothers so that three of nine which were in that Almadia entred into our Junk whom Antonio de Faria received very kindly and causing them to sit down upon a Turky Carpet by him he told them that he was a Merchant of the Kingdom of Siam and going with his goods towards the Isle of Ainan he had been advertised that he might better and more securely sell off his Commodities in this Town then in any other place because the Merchants thereof were juster and truer of their word then the Chineses of the Coast of Ainan Whereunto they thus answered Thou art not deceived in that which thou sayst for if thou be a Merchant as thou affirmest beleeve it that in every thing and every where thou shalt be honored in this place wherefore thou mayst sleep without fear Antonio de Faria mistrusting some intelligence might come over Land concerning that which he had done to the Pyrat upon the River of Tanauquir and so might work him some prejudice would not dis-imbarque his goods as the Officers of the Custom-house would have had him which was the cause of much displeasure and vexation to him afterward so that his business was twice interrupted by that means wherefore perceiving that good words would not serve to make them consent to his Propositions he sent them word by a Merchant who dealt between them that he knew well enough they had a great deal of reason to require the landing of his goods because it was the usual course for every one so to do But he assured them that he could not possibly do it in regard the season was almost past and therefore he was of necessity to hasten his departure as soon as might be the rather too for the accommodating of the Junk wherein he came for as much as she took in so much water that threescore Mariners were always laboring at three pumps to clear her whereby he ran a great hazard of losing all his goods And that touching the Kings Customs he was contented to pay them not after thirty in the hundred as they demanded but after ten as they did in other Kingdoms and so much he would pay presently and willingly To this offer they rendred no answer but detained him that carried the message prisoner Antonio de Faria seeing that his messenger returned not set sâ—il immediately hanging forth a number of flags as one that cared not whether he sold or no Whereupon the Merchants strangers that were come thither to trade perceiving the Commodities of which they hoped to make some profit to be going out of the Port through the perversness and obstinacy of the Nautarel of the Town they went all to him and desired him to recall Antonio de Faria otherwise they protested to complain to the King of the injustice he did them in being the cause of hindring their Traffique The Nautarel that is the Governor with all the Officers of the Custom-house fearing left they might upon this occasion be turned out of their places condescended to their request upon condition since we would pay but ten in the hundred that they should pay five more whereunto they agreed and instantly sent away the Merchant whom they had detained prisoner with a Letter full of complements wherein they declared the agreement they had made Antonio de Faria answered them that since he was out of the Port he would not re-enter it upon any terms by reason he had not leasure to make any stay howbeit if they would buy his Commodities in gross bringing lingots of silver with them for that purpose he would sell them to them and in no other manner would deal for he was much distasted with the little respect the Nautarel of the Town had carried towards him by despising his messages and if they were contented to accept thereof that then they should let him know so much within an hour at the farthest otherwise he would sail away to Ainan where he might put off his Commodities far better then there They finding him so resolved and doubting to lose so fair an occasion as this was for them to return into their Country embarqued themselves in five great Lighters with forty chests full of lingots of silver and a many sacks to bring away the Pepper and arriving at Antonio de Faria's Junk they were very well received by him unto whom they represented anew the agreement they had made with the Nautarel of the Town greatly complaining of his ill Government and of some wrongs which without all reason he had done them but since they had pacified him by consenting to give him fifteen in the hundred whereof they would pay five they desired him to pay the ten as he had promised for otherways they could not buy his Commodities Whereunto Antonio de Faria answered that he was contented so to do more for the love of them then for any profit
the goodliest things in this Country whereof the least is worth above a hundred thousand Taeis and bestowed them on thee but thou art of a humour more inclined to hunt a Hare then to retain this vvhich I novv tell thee The young Gentleman made no reply but smiling looked upon his Sisters Then the old man caused meat to be brought unto us before him and commanded us to fall to it as vve most vvillingly did whereat he took great pleasure in regard his stomack was quite gone with his sickness but his young daughters much more who with their brother did nothing but laugh to see us feed our selves with our hands for that is contrary to the custome which is observed throughout the whole Empire of China where the Inhabitants at their meat carry it to their mouthes with two little sticks made like a pair of Cizers After we had given God thanks the old man that had well observed us lifting up his hands to heaven with tears in his eyes Lord said he that livest raigning in the tranquility of thy high wisdome I laud thee in all humility for that thou permittest men that are strangers come from the farthest end of the world and without the knowledge of thy doctrine to render thee thanks and give thee praise according to their weak capacity which makes me beleeve that thou wilt accept of them with as good a will as if it were some great offering of melodious musick agreeable to thine eares Then he caused three pieces of linnen cloth and four Taeis of Silver to be given us willing us withall to passe that night in his house because it was somewhat too late for us to proceed on our journey This offer we most gladly accepted and with complements after the manner of the Country we testified our thankfulness to him wherewith himself his wife and his son rested very well satisfied CHAP. XXVII Our arrival at the Town of Taypor where we were made Prisoners and so sent to the Citie of Nanquin THe next morning by break of day parting from that place we went to a Village called Einginilau which was some four leagues from the old Gentlemans house where we remained three dayes and then continuing travelling from one place to another and from Village to Village ever declining the great Towns for fear lest the Justice of the country should call us in question in regard we were strangers in this manner we spent almost two months without receiving the least damage from any body Now there is no doubt but we might easily have got to the Câ—tie of Nanquin in that time if we had had a guide but for wâ—nt of knowing the way we wandred we knew not whither suffering much and running many hazards At length we arrived at a Village named Chaucer at such a time as they were a solemnizing a sumptuous Funeral of a very rich woman that had disinherited her kindred and left her estate to the Pagod of this Village where she was buried as we understood by the Inhabitants We were invited then to this Funeral as other poor people were and according to the custome of the Country we did eat on the grave of the deceased At the end of three dayes that we stayed there which was the time â—he funeral lasted we had six Taeis given us for an Alms conditionally that in all our Oraisons we should pray unto God for the soul of the departed Being gone from this place we continued on our journey to another Village called Guinapalir from whence we were almost two months travelling from country to country untill at last our ill fortune brought us to a Town named Taypor where by chance there was at that time a Chumbrin that is to say one of those Super-intendents of Justice that every three years are sent throughout the Provinces for to make report unto the King of all that passeth there This naughty man seeing us go begging from door to door called to us from a window where he was and would know of us who we were and of what Nation as also what obliged us to run up and down the World in that manner Having asked us these questions in the presence of three Registers and of many other persons that were gathered together to behold us we answered him that we were strangers Natives of the Kingdom of Siam who being cast away by a storm at Sea went thus travelling and begging our living to the end we might sustain our selves with the charity of good people until such time as we could arrive at Nanquin whither we were going with an intent to imbarque our selves there in some of the Merchants Lanteaas for Canton where the shipping of our Nation lay This answer we made unto the Chumbim who questionless had been well enough contented with it and would have let us go had it been for one of his Clarks for he told them that we were idle vagabonds that spent our time in begging from door to door and abusing the alms that were given us and therefore he was at no hand to let us go free for fear of incurring the punishment ordained for such as offend in that sort as is set forth in the seventh of the twelve books of the Statutes of the Realm wherefore as his faithful servant he counselled him to lay us in good and sure hold that we might be forth-coming to answer the Law The Chumbim presently followed his Clarks advice and carried himself toward us with as much barbarous cruelty as could be expected from a Pagan such as he was that lived without God or religion To which effect after he had heard a number of false witnesses who charged us with many foul crimes whereof we never so much as dreamt he caused us to be put into a deep dungeon with irons on our hands and feet and great iron collars about our necks In this miserable place we endured such hunger and were so fearfully whipped that we were in perpetual pain for six and twenty days together at the end whereof we were by the sentence of the same Chumbim sent to the Parliament of the Cheam of Nanquin because the Jurisdiction of this extended not to the condemnation of any prisoner to death We remained six and twenty days in that cruel prison whereof I spake before and I vow we thought we had been six and twenty thousand years there in regard of the great misery we suffered in it which was such as one of our companions called Ioano Roderiguez Bravo died in our arms being eaten up with lice we being no way able to help him and it was almost a miracle that the rest of us escaped alive from that filthy vermine At length one morning when we thought of nothing less loden with irons as we were and so weak that we could hardly speak we were drawn out of that prison and then being chained one to another we were imbarqued with many others to the number of thirty or forty
this Stone upon which this new place is to be built for I desire that hereafter it should be so called wherefore I pray you all as Friends and command you as your King not to call it otherwise to the end the memory thereof may remain immortal to those that shall come after us to the end of the World By which means it shall be manifested to all men that the thirteenth day of the eighth Moon in the year one thousand six hundred thirty and nine after the Lord of all things created had made those that lived upon the Earth see how much he abhorred the sins of Men for the which he drowned the whole World with Water that he sent down from Heaven in satisfaction of his divine Iustice it shall I say be manifested to them that the new Prince Pequin built this Fortress whereunto he gave his Name And so conformable to the Prophesie which the dead childe hath delivered it shall be published over all by the voice of strange People in what manner the Lord is to be feared and what Sacrifices are to be made that they may be just and acceptable unto him Now this was that which King Pequin said unto his Vassals and which is at this day to be seen engraven on a silver Scutcheon fastened to an Arch of one of the principal Gates of the City called Pommicotay where in memory of this Prophecy there is ordinarily a Guard of forty Halberdiers with their Captain whereas there are but onely four in all the rest who are bound to render an account of all that pass in and out there daily And because the Histories relate that this new King laid the first foundation of this City on the 3 d of the moneth of August the Kings of China do on that day usually shew themselves to the People and that with such Pomp and Majesty that I profess I am not able to declare the least part of it much less to describe the whole Now in regard of this first Kings words which the Chineses hold for an infallible Prophecy his Descendants do so fear the accomplishment thereof that by a Law expresly made by them the admittance of any Strangers into this Kingdom saving Ambassadours and Slaves is forbidden upon most grievous pains So that when any do chance to arrive there they banish them presently from one place to another not permitting them to settle any where as they practised it towards me and my eight companions And thus as I have succinctly delivered was this Empire of China founded and peopled by the means of this Prince named Pequin the eldest of Nancaa's three Sons As for the other two called Pacan and Nacau they afterwards founded the other two Towns aforesaid and withall gave them their own Names It is also the general opinion that their Mother Nancaa founded the City of Nanquin which took its denomination from her continuing so to this day and is the second City of this great Monarchy The Histories further affirm that from the time of this first Founder the Empire of China augmented always from one King to another by a just Succession till a certain Age which according to our Computation was in the Year of Lord one thousand one hundred and thirty After which a King that then reigned named Xixipan inclosed the City of Pequin within the space of three and twenty years in such manner as it is seen at this day and that fourscore and two years after another King his Grand-childe called Iumbileytay made the like so that both together were sixty leagues in circuit namely each of them thirty ten in length and five in breadth Now it is certain and I have often times read it that each of these Inclosures or Walls hath a thousand and threescore round Bulwarks as also two hundred and forty Towers very fair strong large and high with gilt Lions upon Globes being the Arms of the Kings of China which are very pleasing to the eye Without the last Inclosure is an exceeding great Ditch round about it ten fathom deep and forty broad continually replenished with many Barques and Boats covered over head as if they were Houses where both Provisions and all sorts of Merchandise are sold. This City according to the Chineses report hath above three hundred and threescore Gates in each of which as I have before recited there are always four Halberdiers who are obliged to render an account of all that go in and out daily There are also certain Chambers in it whither it is the custome to bring such Children as wander and go astray in the Town to the end their Parents that lose them may be sure to hear of them there I will refer my speaking more largely of the Magnificences of this goodly City to another place for that which I have now delivered in haste and as it were en passant was but to make a brief Relation of the original of this Empire and of the first Founder of the City of Pequin which may be truly said to be the chiefest of all the World for greatness policy riches and abundance of all things that can be desired of man as also of the Foundation of the second City of this mighty Kingdom that is Nanquin and of the other two Pacan and Nacan whereof I have heretofore spoken and in which the Founders of them are buried in very stately and rich Temples within Tombs of white and green Alabaster all garnished with Gold and erected upon Lions of Silver with a world of Lamps and perfuming Pans full of divers sorts of sweet Odours round about them Now that I have spoken of the Original and Foundation of this Empire together with the circuit of the great City of Pequin I hold it not amiss to intreat as succinctly as I may of another particular which is no less admirable then those whereof I have made mention before It is written in the fifth Book of the Scituation of all the remarkable places of this Empire or rather Monarchy for to speak truly there is no appellation so great but may be well attributed unto it that a King named Crisnagol Dicotay who according to the computation of that Book reigned in the year of our Lord five hundred and eighteen happened to make war with the Tartar about some difference between them concerning the State of Xenxinapau that borders on the Kingdom of Lauhos and so valiantly demeaned himself in a Battel against him that he defeated his Army and remained Master of the Field whereupon the Tartar confederating himself with other Kings his Friends did by their assistance assemble together greater Forces then the former and therewith invaded the Kingdom of China where it is said he took three and thirty very important Towns of which the principal was Panquilor insomuch that the Chinese fearing he should not be well able to defend himself concluded a Peace with him upon condition to relinquish his right which he pretended to that in
question betwixt them and to pay him two thousand Picos of Silver for to defray the Charges of those strangers the Tartar had entertained in this War by this means China continued for a good while quiet but the King doubting lest the Tartar might in time to come return to annoy him again resolved to build a Wall that might serve for a Bulwark to his Empire and to that end calling all his Estates together he declared his determination unto them which was presently not onely well approved of but held most necessary so that to enable him for the performance of a business so much concerning his state they gave him ten thousand Picos of Silver which amount according to our account unto fifteen Millions of Gold after the rate of fifteen hundred Ducates each Pico and moreover they entertained him two hundred and fifty thousand men to labour in the work whereof thirty thousand were appointed for Officers and all the rest for manual services Order being taken then for whatsoever was thought fit for so prodigious an enterprise they fell to it in such sort as by the report of the History all that huge Wall was in seven and twenty years quite finished from one end to the other which if credit may be given to the same Chronicle is seventy Iaos in length that is six hundred and fifteen miles after nine miles every Iao wherein that which seemed most wonderfull and most exceeding the belief of man was that seven hundred and fifty thousand men laboured incessantly for so long a time in that great work whereof the Commonalty as I delivered before furnished one third part the Priests and Isles of Aynen another third and the King assisted by the Princes Lords Chaems and Anchacys of the Kingdom the rest of the building which I have both seen and measured being thirty foot in height and ten foot in breadth where it is thickest It is made of Lime and Sand and plaistered on the outside with a kind of Bitumen which renders it so strong that no Cannon can demolish it Instead of Bulwarks it hath Sentries or Watch-towers two stages high flanked with Buttresses of Carpentry made of a certain black wood which they call Caubesy that is to say Wood of Iron because it is exceeding strong and hard every Buttress being as thick as an Hogshead and very high so that these Sentries are far stronger then if they were made of Lime and Stone Now this Wall by them termed Chaufacan which signifies Strong resistance extends in height equal to the Mountains whereunto it is joyned and that those Mountains also may serve for a Wall they are cut down very smooth and sâ—eep which renders them far stronger then the Wall it self but you must know that in all this extent of land there is no Wall but in the void spaces from Hill to Hill so that the Hills themselves make up the rest of the Wall and Fence Further it is to be noted that in this whole length of an hundred and fifteen leagues which this Fortification contains there are are but onely 5 Entries whereby the Rivers of Tartaria do pass which are derived from the impetuous Torrents that descend from these Mountains and running above five hundred leagues in the Country render themselves into the Seas of China and Cauchenchina howbeit one of these Rivers being greater then the rest disemboques by the Bay of Cuy in the Kingdom of Sournau commonly called Siam Now in all these five Passages both the King of China and the King of Tartaria keep Garrisons the Chinese in each of them entertains seven thousand men giving them great pay whereof six thousand are Horse the rest Foot being for the most part strangers as Mogores Pancrus Champaas Corosones Gizares of Persia and other different Nations bordering upon this Empire and which in consideration of the extraordinary pay they receive serve the Chineses who to speak truth are nothing couragious as being but little used to the Wars and ill provided of Arms and Artillery In all this length of Wall there are three hundred and twenty Companies each of them containing five hundred Souldiers so that there are in all one hundred and threescore thousand men besides Officers of Justice Anchacis Chaems and other such like persons necessary for the Government and entertainment of these Forces so that all joyned together make up the number of two hundred thousand which are all maintained at the Kings onely charge by reason the most of them are Malefactours condemned to the reparations and labour of the Wall as I shall more amply declare when I come to speak of the Prison destined to this purpose in the City of Pequin which is also another Edifice very remarkable wherein there are continually above thirty thousand Prisoners the most of them from eighteen to forty five years of age appointed to work in this Wall Being departed from those two Towns Pacau and Nacau we continued our course up the River and arrived at another Town called Mindoo somewhat bigger then those from whence we parted where about half a mile off was a great Lake of Salt-water and a number of Salt-houses round about it The Chineses assured us that this Lake did ebb and flow like the Sea and that it extended above two hundred leagues into the Country rendring the King of China in yearly Revenue one hundred thousand Taeis onely for the third of the Salt that was drawn out of it as also that the Town yielded him other one hundred thousand Taeis for the Silk alone that was made there not speaking at all of the Camphire Sugar Pourcelain Vermilion and Quick-silver whereof there was very great plenty moreover that some two leagues from this Town were twelve exceeding long Houses like unto Magazines where a world of people laboured in casting and purifying of Copper and the horrible din which the Hammers made there was such and so strange as if there were any thing on earth that could represent Hell this was it wherefore being desirous to understand the cause of this extraordinary noise we would needs go to see from whence it proceeded and we found that there were in each of these Houses forty Fornaces that is twenty of either side with forty huge Anvils upon every of which eight men beat in order and so swiftly as a mans eye could hardly discern the blows so as three hundred and twenty men wrought in each of these twelve Houses which in all the twelve Houses made up three thousand eight hundred and forty workmen beside a great number of other persons that laboured in other particular things whereupon we demanded how much Copper might be wrought every year in each of these Houses and they told us one hundred and ten or sixscore thousand Picos whereof the King had two thirds because the Mines were his and that the Mountain from whence it was drawn was called Corotum baga which signifies a River of Copper for that from the
time since it was discovered being above two hundred years it never failed but rather more and more was found Having past about a league beyond those twelve Hoâ—ses up the River we came to a place inclosâ—d with three ranks of Iron grates where we beheld thirty Houses divined into five rows six in each row which were very long and compleat with great Towers full of Bells of cast mettle and much carved work as also guilt Pillars and the Frontispieces of fair hewed stone whereupon many Inventious were engraved At this place we went ashore by the Chifâ—us permission that carried us for that he had made a Vow to this Pagod which was called Bigay potim that is to say God of an hundred and ten thousand Gods Corchoo fungané ginaco ginaca which according to their report signifies strong and great above all others for one of the Errors wherewith these wretched people are blinded is that they beleeve every particular thing hath its God who hath created it and preserves its natural being but thâ—t this Bigay potim brought them all forth from under his arm-pitâ— and that from him as a father they derive their being by a filial union which they term Biâ—â— Porentasay And in the Kingdom of Pegu where I have often been I have seen one like unto this named by those of the country Ginocoginans the God of all greatness which Temple was in times past built by the Chineses when as they commanded in the Indiaes being according to their supputation from the year of our Lord Iesus Christ 1013. to the year 1072. by which account it appears that the Indiaes were under the Empire of China but onely fifty and nine years for the successor of him that conquered it called Exiragano voluntarily abandoned it in regard of the great expence of mony and bloud that the unprofitable keeping of it cost him In those thirty Houses whereof I formerly spake were a great number of Idols of guilt Wood and a like number of Tin Lâ—tten and Pourcelain being indeed so many as I should hardly be believed to declare them Now we had not past above five or six leagues from this place but we came to a great Town about a league in circuit quite destroyed and ruinated so that asking the Chineses what might be the cause thereof they told us that this Town was anciently called Cohilouza that is The flower of the field and had in former times been in very great prosperity and that about one hundred forty and two years before a certain stranger in the company of some Merchants of the Port of Tanaçarim in the Kingdom of Siam chanced to come thither being as it seems an holy man although the Bonzes said he was a Sorcerer by reason of the wonders he did having raised up five dead men and wrought many other Miracles whereat all men were exceedingly astonished and that having divers times disputed with the Priests he had so shamed and confounded them as fearing to deal any more with him they incensed the Inhabitants against him and perswâ—ded them to put him to death affirming that otherwise God would consume them with fire from Heaven whereupon all the Townsmen went unto the House of a poor Weaver where he lodged and killing the Weaver with his son and two sons in Law of his that would have defended him the Holy man came forth to them and reprehending them for this uproar he told them amongst other things That the God of the Law whereby they were to be saved was called Iesus Christ who came down from heaven to the earth for to become a man and that it was needful he should dye for men and that with the price of his precious bloud which he shed for sinners upn the Crosse God was satisfied in his justice and that giving him the charge of Heaven and Earth he had promised him that whosoever professed his Law with Faith and good works should be saved and have everlasting life and withall that the gods whom the Bonzes served and adored with sacrifices of bloud were false and Idols wherwith the Devil deceived them Here at the Churchmen entred into so great furie that they called unto the people saying Cursed be he that brings not wood and fire for to burn him which was presently put in execution by them and the fire beginning exceedingly to rage the Holy man said certain Prayers by vertue whereof the fire incontinently went out wherewith the people being amazed cryed out saying Doubtlesse the God of this man is most mighty and worthy to be adored throughout the whole World which one of the Bonzes hearing who was ring-leader of this mutiny and seeing the Town-men retire away in consideration of that they had beheld he threw a stone at the holy man saying They which do not as I do may the Serpent of the night ingulf them into hell fire At these words all the other Bonzes did the like so that he was presently knock'd down dead with the stones they flâ—ng at him whereupon they cast him into the river which most prodigiously staid its course from running down and so continued for the space of five days together that the body lay in it By means of this wonder many imbraced the law of that holy man whereof there are a great number yet remaining in that country Whilest the Chineses were relating thishistory unto us we arrived at a point of land where going to double Cape we descryed a little place environed with trees in the midst whereof was a great cross of stone very well made which we no sooner espied but transported with exceeding joy we fell on our knees before our Conductor humbly desiring him to give us leave to go on shoar but this Heathen dog refused us saying that they had a great way yet to the place where they were to lodge whereat we were mightily grieved Howbeit God of his mercy even miraculously so ordered it that being gone about a league further his wife fell in labour so as he was constrained to return to that place again it being a Village of thirty or forty houses hard by where the Cross stood Here we went on land and placed his wife in an house where some nine days after she died in Child-bed during which time we went to the Cross and prostrating our selves before it with tears in our eyes The people of the Village beholding us in this posture came to us and kneeling down also with their hands lift up to heaven they said Christo Iesu Iesu Christo Maria micauvidau late impont model which in our tongue signifies Iesus Christ Iesus Christ Mary always a Virgine conceived him a Virgine brought him forth and a Virgine still remained whereunto we weeping answered that they spake the very truth Then they asked us if we were Christians we told them we were which as soon as they understood they carried us home to their houses where they entertained us with great affection Now all these
savoury viands for to relish ones drink all in so great abundance that it would be very superfluous to say more of it but what I speak is to shew how liberally God hath imparted to these miserable blinded wretches the good things which he hath created on the earth to the end that his holy Name may therefore be blessed for evermore CHAP. XXXV The Prison of Xinanguibaleu wherein those are kept which have been condemned to serve at the reparations of the wall of Tartaria and another inclosure called the Treasure of the dead with the revenues whereof this prison is maintained DEsisting now from speaking in particular of the great number of the rich and magnificent buildings which we saw in this City of Pequin I will only insist on some of the Edifices thereof that seemed more remarkable to me then the rest whence it may be easie to infer what all those might be whereof I will not make any mention here to avoid prolixity And of these neither would I speak were it not that our Lord may one day permit that the Portugal Nation full of valour and of lofty courage may make use of this relation for the glory of our great God to the end that by these humane means and the assistance of his divine favor it may make those barbarous people understand the verity of our holy Catholique faith from which their sins have so far esloigned them as they mock at all that we say to them thereof Hereunto I will adde that they are extravagant and senceless as they dare boldly affirm that only with beholding the face of the Son of the Sun which is their King a soul would be more happy then with all other things of the world besides which perswades me that if God of his infinite mercy and goodness would grant that the King of the people might become a Christian it would be an easie matter to convert all his Subjects whereas otherwise I hold it difficult for so much as one to change his belief and all by reason of the great awe they are in of the Law which they fear and reverence a like and whereof it is not to be believed how much they cherish the Ministers But to return to my discourse the first building which I saw of those that were most remarkable was a prison which they call Xinanguibaleu that is to say The inclosure of the Epiles the circuit of this prison is two leagues square or little less both in length and bredth It is inclosed with a very high wall without any battlements the wall on the outside is invironed with a great deep ditch full of water over the which are a many of draw-bridges that are drawn up in the night with certain iron chains and so hang suspended on huge cast pillars In this prison is an arch of strong hewed stone abutting in two towers in the tops whereof are six great sentinel bells which are never rung but all the rest within the said inclosure do answer them which the Chineses affirm to be above an hundred and indeed they make a most horrible din. In this place there are ordinarily three hundred thousand prisoners between seventeen and fifty whereat we were much amazed and indeed we had good cause in regard it is a thing so unusual and extraordinary Now desiring to know of the Chineses the occasion of so marvellous a building and of the great number of prisoners that were in it they answered us that after the King of China named Crisnago Docotay had finished a wall of three hundred leagues space betwixt this Kingdom of China and that of Tartaria as I have declared other where he ordained by the advice of his people for to that effect he caused an Assembly of his Estates to be held that all those which should be condemned to banishment should be sent to work in the repairing of this wall and that after they had served six years together therein they might freely depart though they were sentenced to serve for a longer time because the King pardoned them the remainder of the term by way of charity and alms but if during those years they should happen to perform any remarkable act or other thing wherein it appeared they had advantage over others or if they were three times wounded in the Sallies they should make or if they killed some of their enemies they were then to be dispensed with for all the rest of their time and that the Chaem should grant them a certificate thereof where it should be declared why he had delivered them and how he had thereby satisfied the Ordinances of War Two hundred and ten thousand men are to be continually entertained in the work of the wall by the first institution whereof defalcation is made of a third part for such are dead maimed and delivered either for their notable actions or for that they had accomplished their time And likewise when as the Chaem who is as the chief of all those sent to the Pitaucamay which is the highest Court of Justice to furnish him with that number of men they could not assemble them together so soon as was necessary for that they were divided in so many several places of that Empire which is prodigiously great as I have delivered before and that withall a long time was required for the assembling them together another King named Gopiley Aparau who succeeded to that Crisnago Dacotay ordained that the great inclosure should be made in the City of Pequin to the end that as soon as any were condemned to the work of this wall they should be carried to Xinanguibaleu for to be there altogether by which means they might be sent away without any delay as now is done So soon as the Court of Justice hath committed the prisoners to this prison whereof he that brings them hath a Certificate they are immediately left at liberty so that they may walk at their pleasure within this great inclosure having nothing but a little plate of a span long and four fingers broad wherein these words are engraven Such a one of such a place hath been condemned to the general exile for such a cause he entred such a day such a month such a year Now the reason why they make every prisoner to carry this plate for a testimony of their evil actions is to manifest for what crime he was condemned and at what time he entred because every one goes forth conformably to the length of time that shall be since he entred in These prisoners are held for duly delivered when they are drawn out of captivity for to go and work at the wall for they cannot upon any cause whatsoever be exempted from the prison of Xinanguibaleu and the time they are there is counted to them for nothing in regard they have no hope of liberty but at that instant when their turn permits them to work in the reparations for then they may be sure to be delivered according
Tribunal fourteen steps high that was all overlaid with fine gold Her face was very beautiful and her hands were heaved up towards Heaven at her armpits hung a many of little idols not above half a finger long filed together whereupon demanding of the Chineses what those meant they answered us That after the waters of Heaven had overflowed the earth so that all mankind was drowned by an universal Deluge God seeing that the world would be desolate and no body to inhabit it he sent the goddess Amida the chief Lady of honour to his wife Nacapirau from the Heaven of the Moon that she might repair the loss of drowned mankind and that then the goddess having set her feet on a Land from which the waters were withdrawn called Calemphuy which was the same Island whereof I have spoken heretofore in the streight of Nanquin whereof Antonio de Faria went on land she was changed all into gold and in that manner standing upright with her face looking up unto Heaven she sweat out at her armpits a great number of children namely males out of the right and females out of the left having no other place about her body whence she might bring them forth as other women of the world have who have sinned and that for a chastisement of their sin God by the order of nature hath subjected them to a misery full of corruption and filthiness for to shew how odious unto him the sin was that had been committed against him The goddess Amida having thus brought forth these creatures which they affirm were thirty three thousand three hundred thirty and three two parts of them females and the other males for so say they the world was to be repaired she remained so feeble and faint with this delivery having no body to assist her at her need that she fell down dead in the place for which cause the Moon at that time in memory of this death of hers whereat she was infinitely grieved put her self into mourning which mourning they affirm to be those black spots we ordinarily behold in her face occasioned indeed by the shadow of the earth and that when there shall be so many years ran out as the goddess Amida brought forth children which were as I have delivered thirty three thousand three hundred thirty and three then the Moon will put off her mourning and afterwards be as clear as the day With these and such like fopperies did the Chineses so turmoil us as we could not chuse but grieve to consider how much those people which otherwise are quick of apprehension and of good understanding are abused in matter of Religion with such evident and manifest untruths After we were come out of this great place where we saw all these things we went unto another Temple of religious Votaries very sumptuous and rich where they told us the Mother of the then reigning King named Nhay Camisama did abide but thereunto we were not permitted to enter because we were strangers From this place through a street arched all along we arrived at a Key called Hichario Topileu where lay a great number of vessels full of pilgrims from divers Kingdoms which came incessantly on pilgrimage to this Temple for to gain as they believe plenary indulgences which the King of China and the Chaems of the Government do grant unto them besides many priviledges and franchises throughout the whole Country where victuals are given them abundantly and for nothing I will not speak of many other Temples or Pagodes which we saw in this City whilest we were at liberty for I should never have done to make report of them all howbeit I may not omit some other particulars that I hold very fit to be related before I break off this discourse whereof the first were certain houses in several parts of this City called Laginampurs that is to say The School of the poor wherein fatherless and motherlesâ— children that are found in the streets are taught to write and read as also some trade whereby they may get their living and of these houses or schools there are about some five hundred in this City Now if it happen that any of them through some defect of nature cannot learn a trade then have they recourse to some means for to make them get their living according to each ones incommodity As for example if they be blind they make them labour in turning of handmils if they be lame of their feet they cause them to make laces riband and such like manufactures if they be lame of their hands then they make them earn their living by carrying of burdens but if they be lame both of feet and hands so that nature hath wholly deprived them of means to get their living then they shut them up in great Convents where there are a number of persons that pray for the dead amongst whom they place them and so they have their share of half the offerings that are made there the Priests having the other half if they be dumb then they are shut up in a great house where they are maintained with the amerciaments that the common sort of women as oyster-wives and such like are condemned in for their scolding and fighting one with another As for old queans that are past the trade and such of the younger sort as by the lewd exercise thereof are becomâ— diseased with the pox or other filthy sickness they are put into other houses where they are very well looked unto and furnished abundantly with all things necessary at the charge of the other women that are of the same trade who thereunto pay a certain sum monthly and that not unwillingly because they know that they shall come to be so provided for themsâ—lves by others and for the collecting of this mony there are Commissioners expresly deputed in several parts of the City There are also other houses much like unto Monasteries where a great many of young maids that are Orpâ—ans are bred up and these houses are maintained at the charge of such women as are convicted of adultery for say they it is most just that if there be one which hath lost her self by her dishonesty there should be another that should be maintained by her vertue Other places there are also where decayed old people are kept at the charge of Lawyers that plead unjust causes where the parties have no right and of Judges that for favoring one more thâ—n another and corrupted with bribes do not execute justice as they ought to do whereby one may see with how much order and policy these people govern all things In the prosecution of my discourse it will not be amiss here to deliver the marvellous order and policy which the Kings of China observe in furnishing their States abundantly with provisions and victuals for the relief of the poor people which may very well serve for an example of charity and good government to Christian Kingdoms and Commonwealths Their Chronicles
who with each of them a Cenâ—er in his hand went two and two about then at the sound of a bell prostrated themselves on the ground and censed one another saying with a loud voice Let our cry come unto thee as a sweet perfume to the end thou mayest hear us For the Guard of of this Tent there were threeâ—core Halberdiers who at a little distance invironed it all about They were clothed with guilt leather and had Murrians on their heads curiously engraven all which were very agreeable and majestical objects Out of this place we entred into another division where there were four Chambers very rich and well furnished in the which were mâ—ny Gentlemen as well strangers as Tartars From thence passing on whithâ—r the Mitaquer and the young boys conducted us we arrived at the door of a great â—ow room in form like to a Church where stood six Ushers with their Maces who with a new complement to the Mitaquer caused us â—o â—nter but kept out all others In this room was the King of Tartaria accompanied with many Princes Lords and Captains amongst whom were the Kings of Pafua Mecuy Capinper Raina Benan Anchesacotay and others to the number of fourteen who in rich attire were all seated some three or four paces from the foot of the Tribunal A little more on the one side were two and thirty very fair women who playing upon divers instruments of musick made a wonderful sweet Consort The King was set on his Throne under a rich Cloth of State and had about him twelve young bâ—ys kneeling on their knees with little Maces of gold like Scepters which they carried on their shoulders close behind him was a young Lady extreamly beautiful and wonderfully richly attired with a Ventiloe in her hand wherewith she ever and anon fanned him This same was the sister of the Mitaquer our General and infinitely beloved of the King for whose sake therefore it was that he was in such credit and reputation throughout the whole Army The King was much about forty years of age full stature somewhat â—â—an and of a good aspect His beard was very short his Mustaches after the Turkish manner his eyes like to the Chineses and his countenance severe and majestical As for his vesture it was violet colour in fashion like to a Turkish Roak imbroydered with pearl upon his feet he had green Sandals wrought all over with gold pearl and great purls among it and on his head a sattin cap of the colour of his habit with a rich band of diamonds and rubies intermingled together Before we past any farther after we had gone ten or eleven steps in the room we made our complement by kissing of the ground three several times and performing other ceremonies which the Truch-men taught us In the mean time the King commanded the musick to cease and addressing himself to the Mitaquer Ask these men of the other end of the world said he unto him whether they have a King what is the name of their Country and how far distant it is from this Kingdom of China where now I am Thereupon one of ours speaking for all the rest answered That our Country was called Portugal that the King thereof was exceeding rich and mighty and that from thence to the City of Pequin was at the leâ—st three years voyage This answer much amazed the King because he did not think the world had been so large so that striking his thigh with a wand that he had in his hand and lifting up his eyes to Heaven as though he would render thanks unto God he said aloud so as eveâ—y one might hear him O Creator of all things are we able to comprehend the marvels of thy greaâ—ness we that at the best are but poor worms of the earth Fuxiquidane fuxiquidane let them approach let them approach Thereupon beckening to us with his hand he caused us to come even to the first degree of the Throne where the fourteen Kings sat and demanded of him again as a man astonished Pucau pucau that is to say how far how far whereunto he answered as before that we should be at least three years in returning to our Country Then he asked why we came not rather by Land then by Sea where so many labours and dangers were to be undergon Thereunto he replyed that there was too great an extent of land through which we were not â—ssured to pass for that it was commanded by Kings of several nations What come you to seek for then added the King and wherefore do you expose your selves to such dangers Then having rendred him a reason to this last demand with all the submission that might be he stayed a prety while without speaking and then shaking his head three or four times he addressed himselfe to an old man that was not far from him and said Certainly we must needs conclude that there is either much ambition or little justice in the Country of these people seeing they come so far to conquer other Lands To this Speech the old man named Raia Benan made no other answer but that it must â—eeds be so for men said he who have recourse unto their industry and invention to run over the Sea for to get that which God hath not given them are necessarily carried thereunto either by extream poverty or by an excess of blindness and vanity derived from much covetousness which is the cause why they renounce God and those that brought them into the world This reply of the old man was seconded with many jeering words by the other Courtiers who made great sport upon this occasion that very much pleased the King in the mean time the women fell to their musick again and so continued till the King withdrew into another Chamber in the company of these fair Musicians and that young Lady which fanned him not so much as one of those great Personages daring to enter besides Not long after one of those twelve boys that carried the Scepters before mentioned came to the Mitaquer and told him from his sister that the King commanded him not to depart away which he held for a singular favour by reason this message was delivered to him in the presence of those Kings and Lords that were in the room so that he stirred not but sent us word that we should go unto out tent with this assurance that he would take care the Son of the Sun should be mindful of us CHAP. XL. The King of Tartaria's raising of his Siege from before Pequin for to return into his Country and that which passed until his Arrival there WE had been now full three and forty dayes in this Camp during which time there past many fights and skirmishes between the besiegers and the besieged as also two assaults in the open day which were resisted by them within with an invincible courage like resolute men as they were In the mean time the King of Tartaria seeing how contrary
Benan Prince of Pafua whom the death of her husband had made resolve to shut her self up in this Monastery with six thousand women that had followed her thither and she had taken upon her as the most honourable Title she could think on the name of the broom of the House of God The Ambassadors went to see this Lady and kissed her feet as a Saint she received them very courteously and demanded many things of them with great discretion whereunto they rendred such answers as became them but coming to cast her eye upon us who stood somewhat far off and understanding that never any of our Nation was seen in those parts before she enquired of the Ambassadors of what Country we were They answered that we were come from a place at the other end of the world whereof no man there knew the name At those words she stood much amazed and causing us to come nearer she questioned us about many things whereof we gave her such an account as greatly contented her and all that were present In the mean time the Princess wondring at the answers which one of ours made her They speak said she like men that have been brought up amongst people who have seen more of the world then we have So after she had heard us talk a while of some matters that shâ— had propounded unto us she dismissed us with very good words and caused an hundred Taeis to be given us in way of an alms The Ambassadors having taken their leave of her continued their voyage down along the river so that at the end of five days we arrived at a great Town called Rendacalâ—m scituated on the uttermost Confines of the Kingdom of Tartaria Out of this place we entred upon the State of the Xinalâ—ygrau and therein we proceeded on four days together until such time as we came to a Town named Voulem where the Ambassadors were very well entertained by the Lord of the Country and abundantly furnished with all things necessary for their voyage as also with Pilots to guide them in those rivers From thence we pursued our course for seven days together during the which we saw not any thing worthy of note and at length came to a straight called Catenâ—ur whereinto the Pilots entred as well to abridge their voyage as to avoid the encounter of a famous Pirot who had robbed those parts of most of their wealth Through this straight running East as also East North-east and somtimes East and by East according to the windings of the water we arrived at the Lake of Singapamor called by them of the Country Cunebetea which was as our Pilots affirmed six and thirty leagues in extent where we saw so many several sorts of birds that I am not able to recount them Out of this Lake of Singapamor which as an admirable Master-piece nature hath opened in the heart of this Country do four very large and deep rivers proceed whereof the first is named Ventrau that runneth Eastward through all the Kingdoms of Sornaâ— and Siam entring into the Sea by the Bâ—â— of Chiamtabuu in six and twenty dâ—grees The second Iangumaa that going South and South-east traverseth also the greatest part of this Country as likewise the Kingdom of Chiammay the Laos Gueos and another part of Danbambur disimboking into the Sea by the Bar of Martabano in the Kâ—ngdom of Pegu and there is in distance from the one to the other by the degrees of this Climate above seven hundred leagues The third called Pamphileu passeth in the same manner through all the Countries of Capimper and Sacotay and turning above that second river runs quite through the Empire of Monginoco and a part of Meleytay and Sovady rendring it self into the Sea by the Bar of Cosmim near to Arracaâ— The fourth which in all likelihood is as great as the rest is not known by any name neither could the Ambassadors give us any reason for it but it is probable according to the opinion of divers that it is Ganges in the Kingdom of Bengala so that by all the discoveries which have been made in these Oriental Countries it is conceived that there is not a greater river then it Having crossed this Lake we continued our course for the space of seven dayes till we came to a place named Caleyputa the inhabitants whereof would by no means permit us to land for the Ambassadors endeavouring to do so they entertained us with such store of darts and stones from the shore as we thought us not a little happy in that we could save our selves from the danger of it After we had gotten out of this place much vexed with the bad entreaty we had received there that which most afflicted us was to sâ—t our selves unprovided of things we were greatly in need of but by the counsel of our Pilots we sailed by another river far larger then the straight which we had left and that by the spâ—ce of nine dayes at the end whereof we arrived at a very good Town called Tarem the Lord of which was subject to the Cauchin who received the Ambassadors with great Demonstrations of love and furnished them abundantly with all that they wanted The next day we departed from thence about Sur-set and continuing our voyage down the river about seven days after we came to an Anchor in the Port of Xolor which is a very fair Town where all the enammelled purcelain which is carried to China is made There the Ambassadors stayed five days during which time they caused their ships that were very heavy to be haled ashore by the force of boats That done and provision made of all things nâ—cessary they went to see certain Mines which the King of Cauchin hath in that place from whence great store of silver is drawn and the Ambassadors being desirous to know how much silver those Mines yielded every year they were answerâ—d that the whole amounted to some six thousand Picos which make eight thousand Quintals of our weight After our departure from the Town of Xolor we still continued our course for five days together down that great river and saw all along that while a many of great Boâ—oughs and goodly Towns for in that Climate the Land is better then other where very well peâ—pled and full of riches withall the rivers are frequented with a world of vessels and the fields very well tilled and replenished with abundance of wheat rice all kind of pulse and exceeding great Sugar-canes whereof there is marvellous store in all that Country The Gentlemen there are ordinarily clothed in silk and mounted on horses handsomly furnishâ—d as for the women they are exceeding white and fair Now it was not without much labour pain and danger that we passed those two Channels as also the river of Ventinau by reason of the Pyrats that usually are encountred there nevertheless we at the length arrived at the Town of Manaquileu which is scituated at the foot of the Mountains
like case to the end that God might out of his gracious goodness be thereby moved to deliver him from the danger of such violent Tempests as commonly they that sail on the Sea are subject to perish in This saying of the Pirate seemed so reasonable to the Nautaquim that he presently came abord of us and because those of his Train were very many he commanded that none but such 〈◊〉 he named should enter in After he had seen all the commodities in the Junck he sate him down in a Chair upon the Deck and began to question us about certain things which he desired to know to the which we answered him in such sort as we thought would be most agreeable to his humour so that he seemed â—o be exceedingly satisfied therewith In this manner he entertained us a good while together making it apparent by his dâ—mands that he was a man very curious and much inclined to hear of novelties and rare things That done he took his leave of us and the Necoda little regarding the rest saying Come and see me at my house to morrow and for a present bring me an ample relation of the strange things of that great world through which you have travelled as also of the Countries that you have seen and withall remember to tell me how they are called for I swear unto you that I would far more willingly buy this commodity then any that you can sell me This said he returned to Land and the next morning as soon as it was day he sent us to our Junck a great Parao full of divers sorts of refreshments as Reasons Pears Melons and other kinds of fâ—uits of that Country In exchange of this present the Necoda returned him by the same messenger divers rich pieces of stuff together with certain knacks and rarities of China and withall sent him word that as soon as his Junck should be at anchor and out of danger of the weather he would come and wait on him ashore and bring him some patterns of the commodities which we had to sell as indeed the next morâ—ing he went on land and caâ—ried us three along with him as also some ten or eleven of the chiefest of the Chineses of his Company to the end that at this first sight he might settle a good opinion of himself in this people for the better satisfaction oâ— that vanity whereunto they are naturally inclined we went then to the Nautaquims house where we were very well entertained and the Necoda having given him a rich present shewed him the patterns of all the commodities he had wherewith he rested so contented that he sent presently for the principal Merchants of the place with whom â—he Necoda having agreed upon a price for his commodities it was resolved that the next day they should be transported from the Junck unto a certain house which was appointed for the Necoda and his people to remain in till such time as he should set sail for China After all this was concluded the Nautaquim fell again to questioning of us about many several matters whereunto we rendred him such answers as might rather fit his humour then agree with the truth indeed which yet we did not observe but in some certain demands that he made us where we thought it necessary to make use of certain particulars altogether fained by us that so we might not derogate from the great opinion he had conceived of our Country The first thing he propounded was how he had learned from the Chineses and Lequios that Portugal was far richer and of a larger extent then the whole Empire of China which we confirmed unto him The second how he had likewise been assured that our King had upon the Sea conquered the greatest part of the world which also we averred to be so The third that our King was so rich in gold and silver as it was held for most certain that he had above two thouand houses full of it even to the very tops but thereunto we answered that we could not truly say the number of the houses because the Kingdom of Portugal was so spacious so abounding with treasure and so populous aâ— it was impossible to specifie the same So after the Nautaquim had entertained us above two hours with such and the like discourse he turned him to those of his Train and said Assuredly not one of those Kings which at this present we know to be on the earth is to be esteemed happy if he be not the vassal of so great a Monarch as the Emperour of this people here Whereupon having dismissed the Necoda and his Company he intreated us to passe that night on shore with him for to satisfie the extream desire that he had to be informed from us of many things of the world whereunto he was exceedingly carried by his own inclination withall he told us that the next day he would assigne us a lodging next to his own Pallace which waâ— in the most commodious place of the Town and for that instant he sent us to lie at a very rich Merchants house who entertained us very bountifully that night CHAP. XLIV The great honour which the Nautaquim Lord of the Isle did to one of us for having seen him shoot with an Harquebuse and his sending me to the King of Bungo and that which passed till my arrival at his Court. THe next day the Chinese Necoda disimbarqued all his commodities as the Nautaquim had enjoyned him and put them into sure rooms which were given him for that purpose and in three dayes he sold them all as well for that he had not many as because his good fortune was such that the Country was at that time utterly unfurnished thereof by which means this Pirate profited so much that by this Sale he wholly recovered himself of the losse of the six twenty Saile which the Chinese Pirate had taken from him for they gave him any price he demanded so that he confessed unto us that of the value of some five and twenty hundred Taeis which he might have in goods he made above thirty thousand Now as for us three Portugals having nothing to sell we imployed our time either in fishing hunting or seeing the Temples of these Gentiles which were very sumptuous and rich whereinto the Bonzes who are their priests received us very courteously for indeed it is the custome of thâ—se of Iappon to be exceeding kind and courteous Thus we having little to do one of us called Diego Zeimoto went many times a shooting for his pleasure in an Harquebuse that he hâ—d wherein he was very expert so that going one day by chance to a certain Mâ—rsh where there was great store of fowl he killed at that time about six and twenty wild Ducks In the mean time these people beholding this manner of shooting which they had never seen before were much amazed at it insomuch that it came to the notice of the Nautaquim who was at
suffered by the way THe King of Bungo being extreamly grieved to see the disaster of his Son turned himself to me and beholding me with a very gentle countenance Stranger said he unto me try I pray thee if thou canst assist my Son in this peril of his life for I sware unto thee if thou canst do it I will make no less esteem of thee then of him himself and will give thee whatsoever thou wilt demand of me Hereunto I answered the King that I desired his Majesty to command all those people away because the coyle that they kept confounded me and that then I would see whether his hurts were dangerous for if I found that I was able to cure them I would do it most willingly Presently the King willed every one to be gone whereupon approaching unto the Prince I perceived that he had but two hurts one on the top of his forehead which was no great matter and the other on his right hand thumb that was almost cut off So that our Lord inspiring me as it were with new courage I besought the King not to be grieved for I hoped in lesâ— then a month to render him his Son perfectly recovered Having comforâ—ed him in this manner I began to prepare my self for the dressing of the Prince but in the mean time the King was very much reprehended by the Bonâ—oes who told him that his Son would assuredly die that night and therefore it was better for him to put me to death presently then to suffer me to kill the Prince out-right adding further that if it should happen to prove so as it was very likely it would not only be a great scandal unto him but also much alienate his peoples affections from him To these speeches of the Bonzoes the King replyed that he thought they had reason for that they said and therefore he desired them to let him know how he should govern himself in this extremity You must said they stay the coming of the Bonzo Teixâ—andono and never think of any other course for we assure you in regard he is the holiest man living he will no sooner lay his hand on him but he will heal him straight as he hath healed many othâ—rs in our â—ight As the King was even resolved to follow the cursed counsel of thâ—se servants of the Divel the Prince complained that his wounds pained 〈◊〉 in such sort aâ— he was noâ—â—ble to indure it and therefore prayed any handsome remedy might be instantly applied to them whereupon the King much distracted between the opinion of the Bonzoes and the danger that his Son was in of his life together with the extream pain that he suffered desired those about him to advice him what he should resolve on in that exigent not one of them but was of the mind that it was far more expedient to have the Prince drest out of hand then to stay the time which the Bonzoes spake of This counsel being approved of the King he came again to me and making very much of me he promised me mighty matters if I could recover his Son I answered him with tears in my eyes that by the help of God I would do it and that he himself should be witness of my care therein So recommending my self to God and taking a good heart unto me for I saw there was no other way to save my life but that I prepared all things necessary to perform the cure Now because the hurt of the right hand thumb was most dangerous I begun with that and give it seven stitches whereas peradventure if a Chirurgion had drest him he would have given it fewer as for that of the forehead I gave it but four in regard it was much slighter then the other that done I applyed to them tow wet in the whites of eggs and so bound them up very close as I had seen others done in the Indiaes Five days after I cut the stitches and continued dressing him as before until that at the end of twenty days it pleaâ—â—d God he was throughly cured without any other inconvenience remaining to him then a little weakness in his thumb For this cause after that time the Kâ—ng and all his Lords did me much honour the Queen also and the Princesses her daughters presented me with a great many Sutes of silks and the chiefest of the Court with Cymitars and other things bâ—sides all which the King gave me six hundred Taeis so that after this sort I received in recompence of this my cure above fifteen hundred Duckets that I carried with me from this place After things were past in this manner being advertised by letters from my two Companions at Tanixumaa that the Chinese Pirate with whom we came thither was preparing for his return to China I besought the King of Bungo to give me leave to go back which he readily granted me and with much acknowledgement of the curing of his Son he willed a Funce to be made ready for me furnished with all things necessary wherein commanded a man of quality that was attended by twenty of the Kings servants with whom I departed one Saturday morning from the City of Fucheo and the Friday following about Sun-set I arrived at Tanixumaa where I found my two Comrades who received me with much joy Here we continued fifteen days longer till such time as the Junck was quite ready and then we set Sail for Liampoo which is a Sea-port of the Kingdom of China whereof I have spoken at large heretofore and where at that time the Portugals traded Having continued our voyage with a prosperous wind it pleased God that we arrived safe at our desired Port where it is not to be believed how much we were welcome by the Inhabitants of the place Now because it seemed strange unto them that we had voluntarily submitted our selves in that sort to the bad faith of the Chineses they asked of us from what Country we came and where it was that we imbarqued our selves with them whereupon we freely declared unto them the truth of all and gave them an account of our Voyage as also of the new Land of Iapon that we had discovered the great abundance of silver that was there and the exceeding profit that might be made by carrying the commodities of China thither wherewith they were wonderfully contented and instantly ordained a general Procession to be made by way of thanksgiving unto God for so great a blessing But withall covetousness began in such sort to seize upon the hearts of most of the Inhabitants every one striving to be the foremost in this voyage as they came to divide themselves into troops and to make several parties so that even with weapons in their hands they went thronging to buy up the commodities of that Country which made the Chinese Merchants upon the sight of our unruly avarice set so high a price upon their wares that whereas a Pico of silk was at first not worth forty
carried yet was it our good fortune to be advertised of it the day before his coming to us so that we had time enough to arm our selves outwardly with all the apparances of misery and affliction we could possibly devise and counterfeit which expedient next to Gods assistance stood us in more stead then any other we could have thought upon This man then came one morning well accompanied to the prison and after he had viewed us all one after another he called to him the Iurabaca who served to interpret for him Ask these men said he what is the cause that the mighty hand of God hath so abandoned them as to permit their lives through an effect of his Divine Iustice to be subjected to the judgement of men without having so much remorse of conscience as to set before their eyes the tâ—rrour of that dreadful vision which doth use to fright the soul at the last gasp of a mans life for it is to be believed that they who have done that which I observe in them have heaped sin upon sin We answered him thereunto that he had a great deal of reason for what he spake in regard it was very probable that the sins of men were the principal cause of their sufferings howbeit that God as the Soveraign Lord of all did nevertheless in that case accustome to take pity of them with sobs and tears continually called upon him and that it was also his bounty wherein all our hope was placed to the end he would be pleased to inspire the Kings heart with a will to do as justice according to our works for that we were poor strangers destitute of all favour a thing whereof men make most account in this woâ—ld That which you say replyed he is very well provided that your hearts be conformable to your words and then you are not to be found fault with for it is most certain that he which enammels all that our eyes do behold for the beautifying â—f the night and that hath likewise made whatsoever the day doth shâ—w us for the sustenance of man who are but worms of the earth will not refuse you your deliverance seeing you beg of him with so many sighs and tears wherefore I intreat you not to dissemble with me but truly to confess what I desire to understand from you at this present namely what people you are of what Nation in what part of the world you live in and how the Kingdom of your King is named whereunto you shall adde the cause that hath brought you hither and to what place you were going with so much riches which the Sea hath cast up on the shoars of Taydican whereat all the Inhabitants have so wondred as they were perswaded that you were Masters of all the Trade of China To these and other like questions which this Spie asked of us we returned him such answers as was most behoofull for us to give him wherewith he was so contented that making us many offers he promised to move the King for our deliverance In the mean time he spake not a word to us of the occasion for which he was sent but still fained himself to be a stranger and a Merchant like one of us Howbeit when he went away he carefully recommended us to the Jaylour and willed him not to let us want any thing promising to satisfie him for it to his content In acknowledgment whereof we gave him many humble thanks with tears in our eyes whereby he was greatly moved to compassion so that he gave us a Bracelet of gold that weighed thirty Duckats and also six sacks of Rice and withall desired us to excuse hâ—m for the smalness of the present he had given us After this he returned back to the King unto whom he rendred an account of all that had past with us assuring him that we were not such as the Chineses had made him to believe and offered for proof thereof to pawn his life an hundred times if need were which was the cause that the King abated much of the suspicion wherewithall they had inveighed him about our manner of lying But as he was resolving to give order for our enlargement as well upon the report of this man as in regard of the letter which the Broquen had written him there arrived at the Port a Chinese Pyrat with four Juncks unto whom the King gave his Country for a place of Retreat upon condition that he should share with him the moity of the booty which he should take by means whereof he was in great favour with the King and all them of the Country Now forasmuch as our sins would have it that this Pyrate was one of the greatest enemies the Portugals had at that time by reason of a fight that we had had with him a little before in the Port of Lamau where Laâ—cerote Pareyra born at Lyma commanded in chief and in which he had two Juncks burnt and three hundred of his men slain this dog was no sooner advertised of our imprisonment and how the King was resolved to free us but that he imbroyled the business in a strange manner and told him so many lies of us that he lacked but little of perswading him that ere long we would be the cause of the loss of his Kingdom For he assured him that it was our custom to play the Spies in a Countâ—y under pretence of trading and then to make our selves Masters of it like robbers as we were putting all to the sword that we met withall in it which wrought so powerfully with the King that he revoked all that he had resolved to have done and changing his mind he ordained that in regard of what had been told him we should each of us be dismembred into four quarters and the same set up in the publique streets that all the world might know we had deserved to be used so CHAP. XLVIII The King of the Lequios sending a cruel Sentence against us to the Broquen of the Town where we were prisoners to the end he should put it in execution and that which hapened unto us till our arrival at Liampoo AFter that this â—ruel Sentence of death had been pronounced against us the King sent a Peretanda to the Broquen of the City where we were prisoners to the end that within four dayes it should be executed upon our persons This Peretanda departed presently away and upon his arrival at the City he went and lodged himself at a certain widows house that was his sister a very honourable woman and from whom we had received much alms This same man having secretly imparted unto her the cause of his coming how he was not to return but with a good Certificate unto the King of the performance of this exâ—cuâ—ion she went strait-way and acquainted a Niece of hers with it who was daughter to the Broquen of the City in whose house lay a Portugal woman the wife of a Pilot who was a
Chavequa of the first Mamoquo of the Moon in the presence of the Queen my Mother the Source of my right eye and Lady of all my Kingdom And signed a little below Hira Pitau Xinancor Ambulec the firm prop of all Iustice. As soon as the Gentlewoman had this Letter of the Kings in her hands she was never at quiet till she had left her Aunt and put her self upon her journey which she continued with such diligence that in a short space she arrived at the City and delivered the Letter to the Broquen who presently upon the reading of it caused all the Peretandas Chumbims and other Officers of Justice to assemble together and then went with them directly to the Prison where we were at that instant under a sure guard we no sooner saw them enter but all of us cried out three or four times together Lord have mercy upon us wherewith the Broquen and all that accompanied him whereof the prison was full were so moved as some of them could not forbear weeping out of the compassion they had of us In the mean time the Broquen fell to comforting us in such kind and loving terms as well expressed the greatness of his charity Withall he commanded the irons to be taken off from our hands and feet and drawing us into an outward Court he recounted unto us all that had past in our business whereof we had not any knowledge at all in regard of the strict watch that was set upon us all the while Then having caused the Kings Letters to be published My friends said he unto us now that God hath shewed you so much grace to deliver you as you see I have one request to make unto you which is that for my sake you will thank him from the bottom of your heart and praise him for it for if you make this acknowledgement unto him he will communicate to you from above whence all good doth proceed an agreeable repose which is a thing far more convenient for us then to live three or four days in the miseries of this world where there is nothing but labour grief great affliction and above all poverty which is the accomplishment of all evils and whereby ordinarily our souls are wholly consumed in the deep abyss of the house of smoak The Broquen moreover caused two Paniers full of clothes to be brought to that place and distributed to them amongst us according to each ones need That done he carried us home to his house where all the Ladies of the Town came to see us testifying by their countenances that they greatly rejoyced at the good success of our deliverance They comforted us also with great demonstration of pity which is an effect of the good nature of the women of this Country that is common to them all and not contented therewith they entertained us in their houses one after another during all the time we were there until our departure for we continued in this City afterwards the space of forty six dayes in which time we were furnished with all things necessary for us and that in such abundance as there was not one of us but carried above an hundred Duckets away with him As for the Portugal woman of whom I spake before she had above a thousand as well in mony as in other gifts which were given her by which means her husband in less then an year recovered himself of all the losses he had sustained After we had with a great deal of contentment past those forty six dayes there the season proper for our voyage being come the Broquen procured us passage in the Junck of a Chinese which was bound for the Port of Liampoo in the Kingdom of China according to the commandment that he had received of the King for that purpose buâ— first he caused the Captain of the Junck to put in good security for the safety of our persons during all the time of the voyage In this manner we departed from Pungor the capital City of the Island of Lequios of which I will here make a brief relation to the end that if it shall one day please God to inspire the Portugal Nation principally for the exaltation and increase of the Catholick faith and next for the great benefit that may redound thereof to undertake the Conquest of this Island they may know where first to begin as also the commodities of it and the easiness of this Conquest We must understand then that this Island of Lequios scituated in nine and twenty degrees is two hundred leagues in circuit threescore in length and thirty in bredth The Country is almost like that of Iapon saving that it is a little more mountainous in certain parts but in the middle it is plainer and more fertile It is rendred very agreeable by many large Plains that are watred with divers rivers of fresh water and from whence are gathered great provisions especially of Rice and Wheat It hath Mountains out of which is drawn such quantity of copper as in regard of the abundance thereof it is so common among those people that whole Ships are laden with it from thence in way of traffique to all the Ports of China Lamau Sumbor Chabaquea Tosa Miacoo and Iapon as likewise to all the other Islands on the South-side thereof as those of Sesirau Goto Fucanxi and Pollem Moreover in all this Country of the Lequios there is also great store of iron steel lead tin allum salt-peeter brimstone hony wax sugar and ginger far better then that which comes from the Indiaes It hath withall a world of Angelin-wood Chestnuts Trees Oak and Cedar wherewith thousands of Ships may be made On the East-side it hath five very great Islands where many Mynes of Silver are found as also Pearls Amber Frankincense Silk Ebony Brasil and a great abundance of a certain wood fit for Carpentry called Poytan It is true that there is not such store of Silk there as in China The Inhabitants of all this Country do as the Chineses cloth themselves with Linnen Cotten Silk and a kind of Damask-stuff which comes to them from Nanquin They are great eaters very much addicted to the delights of the flesh little inclined to arms and altogether unfurnished of them which induceth me to believe that they might be easily conquered and the rather for that in the year a thousand five hundred fiâ—ty and six a Portugal arrived at Malaca named Pero Gomez a' Almeyda servant to the Grand Master of Santiago with a rich Present and Letters from the Nautaquim Prince of the Island of Tanixumaa directed to King Iohn the third the Substance and Contents of his request was to have five hundred Portugals granted to him to the end that with them and his own Forces he might conquer the Island of Lequio for which he would remain tributary to him at five thousand Kintals of Copper and a thousand of Lattin yearly which Ambassy came to no effect because the Messenger was
lost in the Gallion where Manael de Souzad Sepulveda also perished A little further to the Northward of this Island of Lequio there is a great Archipelago of small Islands from whence is drawn a great quantity of silver which in my opinion by what I gathered out of a petition which Ray Lopez de Vilhalobos General of the Castillians presented to Iorge de Castro at that time Captain of Ternate should be those whereof the Inhabitants had some knowledge and which they called the Islands of Silver and yet I cannot see with what reason that may be because both by what I have observed and read as well in the writings of Ptolomie as other Geographers not any one of them hath pierced into the Kingdom of Siam and the Island of Sumatra only our Cosmographers since the time of Alphonso d' Albuquerque have passed a little further and treated of the Selebres Pasuaas Mindanaus Champas as also of China and Iapon but not of the Lequios or other Archipelagoes which are to be discovered within the vast extent of that Sea From this brief relation which I have made of the Island of Lequios may be inferred both out of what I have heard and â—een that with two thousand men only this Island might be taken together with all the rest of these Archipelagoes whence more profit might be drawn then from the Indiaes and they might be conserved with less charge as well in regard of men as otherwise for we spake there with Merchants who assured us that the sole Revenue of three Custom houses and of the Island of Lequios amounted unto one million and an half of gold not comprising therein either the Mass of the whole Kingdom or the Mynes of Silver Copper Iron Steel Lead and Tin which are of a far greater revenue then the Customs I will not speak further of other particularities of this Island which I might here insert for that I hold this sufficient to awaken the courages of the Portugals and incite them to an Enterprise of so much service for our King and profit for themselves CHAP. XLIX My sayling from Liampoo to Malaca from whence the Captain of the Fortress sent me to the Chaubainhaa at Martabano and all that befâ—l us in our voyage thither BEing arrived at Liampoo we were very well received by the Portugals that lived there From whence within a while after I imbarqued my self in the Ship of a Portugal named Tristano de Gaa for to return unto Malaca with an intention once more to try my fortune which had so often been contrary to me as may appear by that which I have delivered before This Ship being safely arrived at Malaca I went presently unto Pedro de Faria Governour of the Fortress who desiring to benefit me somewhat before the time of his Government was expired he caused me to undertake the voyage of Martaban which was usually very profitable and that in the Junck of a Mahumetan named Necoda Mamude who had wife and children at Malaca Now the principal designe of this voyage was to conclude a peace with the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano as also to continue the commerce of those of that Country with us because their Juncks did greatly serve for the provâ—sions of our Fortress which at that time was unfurnished thereof by reason of the success of the Wars of Iaoa Besides I had a designe in this my voyage of no less consequence then the resâ— which was to get one called Lancarote Guâ—rreyro to come thither who was then on the Coast of Tanaucarim with an hundred men in four Foists under the name of a Rebel or Mutiner I was to require him to come to the succour of the Fortress in regard it was held for certain that the King of Achem was suddainly to fall upon it so that Pedro de Faria seeing himselfe destitute of all that was necessary for him to sustain a Siege and of men likewise found it fit to make use of these hundred men the rather for that they were nearest and so might be the sooner with him In the third place he sent me upon another important occasion namely to give advice to the Ships of Bengala that they should come all carefully in consort together left their negligence in their Navigation should be the cause of some distaster This voyage then I undertook very unwillingly and parted from Malaca upon a Wednesday the ninth day of Ianuary in the year one thousand five hundred forty and five being under Sail I continued my course with a good wind to Pullo Pracelar where the Pilot was a little retarded by means of the Shelves which cross all that Channel of the firm Land even unto the Island of Sumetra When we were got forth with much labour we passed on to the Islands of Pullo Sambillam where I put my self into a Manchua which I had very well equipped and sayling in it the space of twelve days I observed according to the order Pedro de Faria had given me for it all the Coast of that Country of Malaya which unto Iuncalan contains an hundred and thirty leagues entring by all the Rivers of Bartuhaas Salangor Panaagim Quedâ—m Parles Pendan and Sambilan Siam without so much as hearing any news at all of his enemies in any of them So continuing the same course nine days more being the three and twentieth of our voyage we went and cast anchor at a little Island called Pisandurâ—a where the Necoda the Mahometan Captain of the Junck was of necessity to make a cable and furnish himself with wood and water With this resolution going on shore every man applyed himself so the labour he was appointed unto and therein spent most part of the day Now whilest they were thus at work the Son of this Mahometan Captain came and asked me whither I would go with him and see if we could kill a Stag whereof there was great plenty in that Island I answered him that I would accompany him with all my heart so that having taken my Harquebuse I went along with him athwart the wood where we had not walked above an hundred spaces but that we espied a many of wild boars that were rooting in the earth near to a pond Having discovered this game we got as near to them as we could and discharging amongst them we carried two of them to the ground Being very glad of this good success we presently gave a great shout and ran straight to the place we had seen them rooting But so dreadful to behold in this place we found above a dozen bodies of men digged out of the earth and some nine or ten others half eaten Bâ—ing much amazed at this object we withdrew a little aside by reason of the great stanch which proceeded from these dead bodies Hereupon the Sarrazin told me that he thought we should do well to advertise his father of this to the end we might instantly surround this Island all about for to see whether
which made them all to agree that it was not necessary they should go to Malaca After these things I desired Ioano Cayeyro to make me a Dâ—claration of all that had past in this business that it might serve me as it were for a Certificate at my return to our Fortress determining as soon as I had it to get me from this place for that I had nothing more to do there With this resolution I stayed there with Ioano Cayeyro in continual expectation to be gone when the Season should serve for the Junck to depart and remained with him at this Siege the space of six and forty days which was the chief time of the King of Bramaa his abode there of whom I will say something here in a few words because I conceive the curious would be well content to know what success the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano had in this war This Siege had lasted now six months and thirteen dayes in which space the City had been assaulted five times in plain-day but the besieged defended themselves always very valiantly and like men of great courage Howbeit in regard they were insensibly consumed with length of time and the success of war and that no succour came to them from any part their enemies were without comparison far more in number then they in such sort as the Chaubainhaa found himself so destitute of men as it was thought he had not above five thousand souldiers left in the City the hundred and thirty thousand which were said to be there at the beginning of the Siege being consumed by Famine or the Sword by reason whereof the Councel assembling for to deliberate what was to be done thereupon it was resolved that the King should sound his enemy by his Interest which he presently put in execution For that effect he sent to tell him that if he would raise the Siege he would give him thirty thousand Bisses of silver which is in value a million of gold and would become his Tributary at threescore thousand Duckets by the year The answer made by the King of Bramaa hereunto was that he could accept of no conditions from him if he did not first yield himself to his mercy The second time he propounded unto him that if he would suffer him to depart away with two ships in one of the which should be his Treasure and in the other his Wife and Children that then he would deliver him the City and all that was in it But the King of Bramaa would hearken no more to that then the former The third Proposition which he made him was this That he should retire with his Army to Tagalaa some six leagues off that so he might have liberty to go away freely with all his and thereupon he would deliver him the City and the Kingdom together with all the Treasure belonging to the King his Predecessour or that in lieu thereof he would give him three millions of gold But he also refused this last offer insomuch that the Chaubainhaa utterly dispairing of ever making his peace with so cruel an enemy began to meditate with himself what means he might use to save himself from him Having long thought upon it he found no better an expedient then therein to serve himself of the succour of the Portugals for he was perswaded that by their means he might escape the present danger He sent then secretly to tell Ioano Cayeyro that if he would imbarque himself in the night in his four ships and take him in with his wife and children and so save them he would give him half his treasure In this affair he very closely imployed a certain Portugal named Paulo de Seixas born in the Town of Obidos who at that time was with him in the City This same having disguised himself in a Pegu habit that he might not be known stole one night to Cayeyro's Tent and delivered him a Letter from the Chaubainhaa wherein this was contained Valiant and faithful Commander of the Portugals through the Grace of the great King of the other end of the world the strong and mighty Lion dreadfully roaring with a Crown of Majesty in the House of the Sun I the unhappy Chaubainhaa heretofore a Prince but now no longer so finding my self besieged in this wretched and infortunate City do give thee to understand by the words pronounced out of my mouth with an assurance no less faithful then true that I now render my self the Vassel of the great King of Portugal Soveraign Lord of me and my children with an acknowledgement of homage and such tribute as he at his pleasure shall impose on me wherefore I require thee on his behalf that as soon as Paulo Seixas shall present this my Letter unto thee thou come speedily with thy Ships to the Bulwark of the Chappel-key where thou shalt find me ready attending thee and then without taking further counsel I will deliver my self up to thy mercy with all the treasures that I have in gold and precious stones whereof I will most willingly give the one half to the King of Portugal upon condition that he shall permit me with the remainder to leavy in his Kingdom or in the Fortresses which he hath in the Indiaes two thousand Portugals to whom I will give extraordinary great pay that by their means I may be re-established in this State which now I am constrained to abandon since my ill fortune will have it so As for that which concerns thee and thy men I do promise them by the faith of my verity that in case they do help to save me I will divide my treasure so liberally among them that all of them shall be very well satisfied and contented And for that time will not suffer me to enlarge any further Paulo de Seixas by whom I send this unto thee shall assure thee both of that which he hath seen and of the rest which I have communicated unto him Ioano Cayeyro had no sooner received this Letter but he presently caused the chief of his followers secretly to assemble together in Councel Having shewed them the Letter he represented unto them how important and profitable it would be for the service of God and the King to accept of the offer which the Chaubainhaa had made them Whereupon causing an Oath to be given to Paulo de Seixas he willed him freely to declare all his knowledg of the matter and whether it were true that the Chaubainhaa his Treasure was so great as it was reported to be Thereunto he answered by the Oath that he had taken That he knew not certainly how great his Treasure was but that he was well assured how he had often seen with his own eyes an house in form of a Church and of a reasonable bigness all â—ull up to the very tyles of bars and wedges of Gold which might very well lade two great Ships He further said That he had moreover seen six and twenty Chests bound about with strong
to the King of Bramaa and the cruel proceeding against the Queen of Martabano and the Ladies her Attendants ABout one of the clock in the afternoon a Cannon was shot off which was the Signal for the instant opening of the gates of the City whereupon first of all issued out the Souldiers whom the King had sent thither for the guard of it being four thousand Siams and Bramaas all Harquebusiers Halberdiers and Pikemen with above three hundred armed Elephants all which were commanded by a Bramaa Uncle to the King named Monpocasser Bainba of the City of Melietay Ten or eleven paces after this Guard of Elephants marched divers Princes and great Lords whom the King had sent to receive the Chaubainhaa all mounted on Elephants richly harnessed with Chairs upon their backs plated over with gold and Collars of precious stones about their necks Then followed at some eight or nine paces distance the Rolim of Monnay Soveraign Talapoy of all the Priests of the Kingdom and held in the reputation of a Saint who went alone with the Chaubainhaa as a Mediatour between the King and him immediately after them came in a close Chair carried upon mens shoulders Nhay Canatoo the daughter of the King of Pegu from whom this Bramaa had taken his Kingdom and wife to the Chaubainhaa having with her four small children namely two boyes and two girls whereof the eldest was not seven years old round about her and them went some thirty or forty young women of noble extraction and wonderful fair with cast down looks and tears in their eyes leaning upon other women After them marched in order certain Talagrepos which are amongst them as the Capuchins with us who bare-foot and bare-headed went along praying holding beads in their hands and ever and anon comforting those Ladies the best they could and casting water in their faces for to bring them to themselves again when as they fainted which they did very often A spectacle so lamentable as it was not possible to behold it without shedding of tears This desolate Company was attended by another Guard of Foot and five hundred Bramaas on Horse-back The Chaubainhaa was mounted on a little Elephant in signe of poverty and contempt of the world conformable to the Religion which he intended to enter into being simply apparelled in a long Cassock of black velvet as a mark of his mourning having his beard head and eye-brows shaven with an old cord about his neck so to render himself to the King In this Equipage he appeared so sad and afflicted that one could not forbear weeping to behold him As for his age he was about some threescore and two yeers old tall of Stature with a grave and severe look and the countenance of a generous Prince As soon as he was arrived at a place which was near to the gate of the City where a great throng of women children and old men waited for him when they saw him in so deplorable an estate they all made seven times one after another so loud and dreadful a cry as if Heaven and earth would have come together Now these lamentations and complaints were presently seconded with such terrible blows that they gave themselves without pity on their faces with stones as they were most of them all of a gore blood In the mean time things so horrible to behold and mournful to hear so much afflicted all the Assistants that the very Bramaas of the Guard though men of war and consequently but little inclined to compassion being also enemies to the Chaubainhaa could not forbear weeping It was likewise in this place where Nhay Cauatoo and all the other Ladies that attended on her fainted twice by reason whereof they were fain to let the Chaubainhaa alight from his Elephant for to go and comfort her whereupon seeing her lying upon the ground in a swoon with her four children in her arms he kneeled down on both his knees and looking up to Heaven with his eyes full of tears O mighty Power of God cryed he who is able to comprehend the righteous judgements of thy divine Iustice in that thou having no regard to the innocency of these little creatures givest way to thy wrath which passeth far beyond the reach of our weak capacities but remember O Lord who thou art and not what I am This said he fell with his face on the ground near to the Queen his wife which caused all the Assembly who were without number to make another such loud and horrible cry as my words are not able to express it The Chaubainhaa then took water in his mouth and spurted it on his wife by which means he brought her to her self again and so taking her up in his arms he fell a comforting her with speeches so full of zeal and devotion as any one that heard him would have taken him rather for a Christian then a Gentile After he had employed about half an hours time therein and that they had remounted him on his Elephant they proceeded on their way in the same orderas they held before and as soon as the Chaubainhaa was out of the City gate and came to the streets which was formed of the several Companies of the strangers ranked in two Files he by chance cast his eye on that side where the seven hundred Portugals were all of them in their best clothes with their buffe-coats great feathers in their Caps and their Haâ—quebuses on their shoulders as also Ioano Cayeyro â—n the middest of them in a Carnation Satin Suit and a guilt Parâ—isan in his hand wherewith he made room the afflicted Prince no sooner knew him but he presently fell down on the Elephant and there standing still without passing on he said with tears in his eyes to those that were about him My brethren and good friends I protest unto you that it is a less grief unto me to make this sacrifice of my self which the divine Iustice of God permits me to make him this day then to look upon men so wicked and ingrateful as these same here are either kill me then or send these away for otherwise I will not stir a foot further Having said so he turned away his face three times that he might not behold us thereby shewing the great spleen that he bore us and indeed all things well considered there was a great deal of reason that he should carry himself in that sort towards us in regard of that which I have related before In the mean time the Captain of the Guard seeing the stay which the Chaubainhaa had made and understanding the cause why he would not go on though he could not imagine wherefore he complained so of the Portugals yet he hastily turned his Elephant towards Cayeyro and giving him a scurvy look Geâ— you gone said he and that instantly for such wicked men as you are do not deserve to stand on any ground that bears fruit and I pray God to pardon him which hath put
City was pillaged demolished and burnt there was seen in the morning upon the hill where the King was one and twenty pair of Gallows twenty of the which were of an equal height and the other a little lower erected on pillars of stone and guarded by an hundred Bramaa Horsmen There were also round about the place very large Trenches where a great many Banners spotted with drops of bloods were planted As this Novelty promised somewhat which no man had heard of before six of us Portugals ran thither to learn what the matter might be and as we were going along we heard a great noise made by the men of War from the Camp whereupon we saw come out of the Kings Quarter a number of Horsmen who with Lances in their hands prepared a great Street and cried out aloud Let no man upon pain of death appear in Armes nor utter that with his mouth which he thinks in his heart A pretty way off from these Horse was the Xemimbrum with an hundred armed Elephants and a good many Foot after them went fifteen hundred Bramaas on Horsback cast into four Orders of Files each of them six in a rank whereof the Talanagybras Viceroy of Tangu was Commander Then marched the Chauseroo Siammon with three thousand Siammes armed with Harquebuses and Lances all in one Battalion In the midst of these was an hundred and twenty women tyed and bound four and four together and accompanied with Talagrepos men of great Austerity and are such as the Capachins amongst us who laboured all they might to comfort them in this last act of life Behind them were twelve Ushers with Maces that went before Nhay Canatoo Daughter to the King of Pegu from whom this Bramaa Tyrant had usurped his Kingdom and wife to the Chaubainhaa with four children of hers which were carried by so many Horsmen all these sufferers were the wives or daughters of the principal Commanders that the Chaubainhaa had with him in the City upon whom in the way of a strange revenge this Bramaa Tyrant desired to wreak his spight and the hatred that he had alwayes born unto women The most of these poor wretches were between seventeen and five and twenty years of age all of them very white and fair with bright auborn hair but so weak in body that oftentimes they fell down in a swoon out of which certain women upon whom they leaned endeavoured still to bring them again presenting them Comfits and other such things fit for that purpose but they would take none of them for that they were as I have said so feeble and benummed as they could scarce hear what the Talegrâ—pes spake unto them only they now and then lifted up their hands to Heaven After this Princess marched threescore Grepos in two Files praying with their looks fixed on the ground and their eyes watered with tears saying ever and anon in a doleful tone Thou which holdest thy Being of none but thy self so justifie our works that they may be agreeable to thy Iustice. Whereunto others answered weeping Grant Lord that it may be so that through our fault we lose not the rich gifts of thy promises After these Grepos followed a procession of three or four hundred little children quite naked from the Girdle-sted downwards having in their hands great white wax lights and cords about their necks These like the others with a sad and lamentable voice which moved every one to compassion uttered these words We most humbly beseech thee O Lord to give ear unto our cries and groans and shew mercy to these thy Captives that with a full rejoycing they may have a part of the graces and benefits of thy rich treasures and much more they said to that purpose in â—avour of these poor sufferers Behind this Procession was another Guard of Footmen all Bramaas and armed with Lances Arrows and some Harquebuses As for the Rear-ward it consisted of an hundred Elephants like to them that marched first of all so that the number of the men of War that assisted at this Execution as well for the Guard as for the Pomp thereof was ten thousand Foot and two thousand Horse besides the two hundred Elephants and a world of other people both Strangers and Natives that came thither to behold the end of so mournful and lamentable and action CHAP. LII In what sort the sentence of Death was executed on the person of the Chaubainhaa King of Martaban Nhay Canatoo his wife and an hundred and forty women with that which the King of Bramaa did after his return to Pegu. THese poor sufferers having been led in the order before mentioned clean through the Camp they came at last to the place of Execution where the six Ushers with a loud voyce made this Proclamation Let all manner of people see and observe the bloody justice which is here to be done by the living God Lord of all truth and our King the Soveraign of our Heads who of his absolute power doth command that these hundred and forty Women be put to death and thrown into the ayr for that by their counsel and incitement their Fathers and Husbands stood out against us in this City and at times killed twelve thousand Bramaas of the Kingdom of Tangu Then at the ringing of a Bell all the Officers and Ministers of Justice pel-mell together with the guards made such a cry as was most dreadful to hear wherupon the cruel Hangmen being ready to put the sentence of Death in execution those poor wretches embraced one another and shedding abundance of tears they addressed themselves to Nhay Canatoo who lay at that time almost dead in the lap of an old Lady and with their last complements one of them spake for all the rest unto her in this manner Excellent Lady that art as a crown of Roses upon our Heads now that we thy humble servants are entering into those mournful Mansions where Death doth reside comfort us we beseech thee with thy dear sight that so we may with less grief quit these bodies full of anguish for to present our selves before that Almighty just Iudg of whom we will for ever implore his justice for a perpetual vengeance of the wrong that is done us Then Nhay Canatoo beholding them with a countenance more dead then alive answered them with a feeble voyce that could scarce be heard Go not away so soon my Sisters but help me to sustain these little children That said she leaned down again on the bosom of that Lady without speaking a word more whereupon the Ministers of the Arm of Vengeance so they term the Hangmen layd hold on those poor women and hanged them up all by the feet with their heads downwards upon twenty Gibbets namely seven on each one now so painful a death as this was made them give strange and fearful groanes and sobs until at length the blood stifled them all in less then an hour In the mean time Nhay Canatoo was conducted
by the four women upon whom she leaned directly to the Gallows whereon she and her four children were to be hanged and there the Rolim of Mounay who was held amongst them for a holy man used some speeches unto her for to encourage her the better to suffer death whereupon she desired them to give her a little water which being brought unto her she filled he mouth with it and so spurted it upon her four children whom she held in her arms then having kissed them many times she said unto them weeping O my Children my Children whom I have conceived anew within the interior of my Soul how happy would I think my self if I might redeem your lives with the loss of mine own a thousand times over if it were possible for in regard of the fear and anguish wherein I see you at this present and wherein every one sees me also I should receive Death with as good an heart from the hand of this cruel Enemy as I willingly desire to see my self in the presence of the Soveraign Lord of all things within the repose of his celestial Habitation Then turning her to the Hangman who was going to bind her two little boys Good Friend said she be not I pray thee so voyd of pity as to make me see my children dye for in so doing thou wouldst commit a great sin wherefore put me first to death and refuse me not this boon which I crave of thee for Gods sake After she had thus spoken she took her children again in her arms and kissing them over and over in giving them her last farewell she yielded up the ghost in the Ladies lap upon whom she leaned not so much as once stirring ever after which the Hangman perceiving ran presently unto her and hanged her as he had done the rest together with her four little children two of each side of her and she in the middle At this cruel and pitiful spectacle there arose from amongst all this people so great and hideous a cry that the Earth seemed to tremble under the feet of them that stood upon it and withall there followed such a Mutiny throughout the whole Camp as the King was constrained to fortifie himself in his quarter with six thousand Bramaa Horse and thirty thousand Foot and yet for all that be thought not himself secure enough from it had not the night come which onely was able to calm the furious motions of these men of war For of seven hundred thousand which were in the Camp six hundred thousand were by Nation Pegu's whose King was the Father of this Queen that was thus put to death but this Tyrant of Bramaa had so disarmed and subjected them as they durst not so much as quich upon any occasion Behold in what an infamous manner Nhay Canatoo finished her days a Princess every way accomplished wife to the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano and the daughter of the King of Pegu Emperor of nine Kingdoms whose yearly Revenue amounted unto three millions of Gold As for the infortunate King her Husband he was the same night cast into the River with a great stone tyed about his neck together with fifty or threescore of his chiefest Lords who were either the Fathers Husbands or Brothers of those hundred and forty Ladies that were most unjustly put to such an ignominious death amongst the which there were three whom this King of Bramaa had demanded in marriage at such time as he was but a simple Earl but not one of their Fathers would condescend unto it whereby one may see how great the revolutions of time and fortune are After the Tyrant of Bramaa had caused this rigorous Justice to be done he stayed there nine whole days during the which many of the Inhabitants of the City were also execued At last he departed for to go to Pegu leaving behind him Bainhaa Chaque Lord Steward of his House to take order for all things that might conduce to the pacifying of that Kingdom and to provide for the repairing of what the fire had consumed to which purpose he placed a good Garison there and carryed with him the rest of his Army Ioano Cayeyro followed him also with seven hundred Portugals not above three or four remaining behind in the ruines of Martabano and those too not very considerable except it were one named Gonçalo Falcan a Gentleman well born and whom these Gentiles commonly called Crisna Pacan that is to say Flower of Flowers a very honorable Title amongst them which the King of Bramaa had given him in recompence of his services Now for as much as at my departure from Malaca Pedro de Faria had given me a Letter directed unto him whereby he desired him to assist me with his favor in case I had need of it in the affair for which he sent me thither as well for the service of the King as for his own particular as soon as I arrived at Martabano where I found him resident I delivered him this Letter and withall gave him an account of the occasion that brought me thither which was to confirm the ancient league of Peace that the Chaubainhaa had made by his Embassadors with them of Malaca at such time as Pedro de Faria was first Governor of it and whereof he could not chuse but have some knowledg adding moreover how to that effect I had brought the Chaubainhaa Letters full of great protestations of amity and a Present of certain very rich Pieces of China Hereupon this Gonçalo Falcan imagining that by means hereof he might insinuate himself much more into the good grace of the King of Bramaa to whose side he turned at the siege of Martabano quitting that of the Chaubainhaa whom formerly he served he went three days after the Kings departure to his said Governor and told him that I was come thither as Embassador from the Captain of Malaca to treat with the Chaubainhaa unto whom the Captain sent an offer of great Forces against the King of Bramaa in so much that they of the Country were upon the point of fortifying themselves in Martabano and chasing away the Bramaas out of the Kingdom whereunto he added so many other such like matters that the Governor sent presently to apprehend me and after he had put me into safe custody he went directly to the Junck in which I came from Malaca and seized upon all the goods that were in her which were worth above an hundred thousand duckets committing the Necoda Captain and Master of the Junck to prison as also all the rest that were in her to the number of an hundred threescore and four persons wherein comprized forty rich Merchants Malayes Menancabo's Mahumetans and Gentiles Natives of Malaca All these were incontinently condemned to a confiscation of their goods and to remain the Kings prisoners as well as I for being complices in the Treason which the Captain of Malaca had plotted in secret with the Chaubainhaa against the King of Bramaa Having
what he had to do The Rolim went herewith back to the City where he gave the Queen an account of all things saying That this Tyrant was a man without faith and replete with damnable intentions for proof whereof he represented unto her the Siege of Martabano the usage of the Chaubainhaa after he rendred himself unto him upon his word and how he had put him his wife his children and the chiefest Nobility of his Kingdom to a most shamefull death These things considered it was instantly concluded as well by the Queen as by all those of her Councel that she should defend the City till such time as succour came from her Father which would be within fifteen days at the furthest This resolution taken she being of a great courage without further delay took order for all things that were thought necessary for the defence of the City animating to that end her people with great prudence and a man-like Spirit though she was but a woman Moreover as she liberally imparted to them of her Treasure so she promised every one throughly to acknowledg their services with all manner of recompences and honours whereby they were mightily encouraged to fight In the mean space the King of Bramaa seeing that the Rolim returned him no answer within the time prefixt began the next day to fortifie all the Quarters of his Camp with double rows of Cannon for to batter the City on every side and for assaulting of the walls he caused a great number of Ladders to be made publishing withall throughout his whole Army that all Souldiers upon pain of death should be ready within three days to go to the Assault The time then being come which was the third of May 1545. About an hour before day the King went out of his Quarter where he was at anchor upon the river with two thousand vessels of choice men and giving the Signal to the Commanders which were on Land to prepare themselves they altogether in one Body assailed the walls with so great a cry as if Heaven and earth would have come together so that both sides falling to encounter pell-mell with one another there was such a conflict betwixt them as within a little while the air was seen all on fire and the earth all bloody whereunto being added the clashing of weapons and noise of guns it was a spectacle so dreadful that we few Portugals who beheld these things remained astonished and almost besides our selves This fight indured full five hours at the end whereof the Tyrant of Bramaa seeing those within defend themselves so valiantly and the most part of his Forces to grow faint he went to land with ten or eleven thousand of his best men and with all diligence re-inforcing the Companies that were fighting the Bickering renewing in such sort as one would have said it did but then begin so great was the fury of it The second trial continued till night yet would not thâ— Kâ—ng desist from the fight what counsel soever was given him to retire but contrarily he swore not to give over the Enterprise begun and that he would lie that night within the inclosure of the City walls or cut off the heads of all those Commanders that were not wounded at their coming off In the mean time this obstinacy was very pejudicial to him for continuing the Assault till the Moon was gone down which was two hours past midnight he was then forced to sound a Retreat after he had lost in this Assault as was the next day found upon a Muster fourscore thousand of his men besides those which were hurt which were thirty thousand at the least whereof many died for want of dressing whence issued such a plague in the Camp as well through the corruption of the air as the water of the river that was all tainted with blood and dead bodies that thereby about fourscore thousand more perished amongst whom were five hundred Portugals having no other buriall then the bellies of Vultures Crows and such like birds of prey which devoured them all along the Coast where they lay The King of Bramaa having considered that this first Assault having cost him so dear would no more hazaâ—d his men in that manner but he caused a great Terrace to be made with Bavins and above ten thousand Date-trees which he commanded to be cut down and on that he raised up a platform so high as it over-topped the walls of the City two fathom and more where he placed fourscore pieces of Ordnance and with them continually battering the City for the space of nine dayes together it was for the most part demolished with the death of fourteen thousand persons which quite abated the poor Queens courage especially when she came to understand that she had but six thousand fighting men left all the rest which consisted of women chidren old men being unfit and unable to bear Arms. The miserable besieged seeing themselves reduced to such extreamity assembled together in Councel and there by the advice of the chiefest of them it was concluded That all in general should anoint themselves with the Oile of the Lamps of the Chappel of Quiay Nivandel God of Battail of the field Vitan and so offering themselves up in sacrifice to him set upon the platform with a determination either to dye or to vanquish in vowing themselves all for the defence of their young King to whom they had so lately done homage and sworn to be true and faithful Subjects This resolution taken which the Queen and all her Nobility approved of for the best and most assured in a time wherein all things were wanting to them for the longer defending themselves they promised to accomplish it in the manner aforesaid by a solemn Oâ—th which they all took Now there being no further question but to see how they should carry themselves in this affair they first of all made an Uncle of the Queens the Captains of this resolute Band who assembling these six thousand together the same night about the first quarter of the watch made a sally out of the two gates that were neerest to the Terrace and platform and so taking courage from their despair and resolution to dye they fought so valiantly that in less then half an hour the whole Camp was put in disorder the Terrace gained the fourscore pieces of Cannon taken the King himself hurt the Pallisado burnt the Trenches broken and the Xenimbrum General of the Army slain with above fifteen thousand â—en more amongst the which were five hundred Turks there weâ—e moreover forty Elephants taken besides those that were killed and eight hundred Bramaas made prisoners so that these six thousand resolute men did that which an hundred thousand though valiant enough could hardly have effected After this they retreated an hour before day and upon a review they found that of six thousand which they were there was but seven hundred slain This bad success so grieved and incensed the
that other succors came to joyn with them as indeed the report went that fourscore thousand all Mons by Nation and led by the King of Avaa were on their way thither With this resolution the Tyrant of Bramaa set forth towards Meleytay with an Army of three hundred thousand men namely two hundred thousand by Land alongst the Rivers side whereof the Chaumigrem his Foster-brother was Commander in chief and the other hundred thousand under his own conduct being all choyce men and imbarqued in two thousand Seroos Being come within sight of Meleytay the Avaas desiring to shew that the resolution wherewith they were come thither was of far more power with them then any fear they could have and that also their Enemies might not receive any benefit by their Fleet which lay on the River and do them an affront besides by taking of it they set all theâ—â— Vessels on fire and burnt them every one Then without any dread of that which the flesh doth naturally most fear they got all into the field and ranged themselves into four Battalions in three of which whereof each one made ten thousand men were the thirty thousand Mons and in the the other that were somewhat bigger were all the Mariners of the four hundred Vessels they had burnt These same they placed in the Vaunt-guard with an intention that they should weary the Enemies with whom they made a cruel fight which lasted about half an hour wherein all these Mariners were cut in pieces presently after them the thirty thousand Mons close compacted together in three Battalions presented themselves and with wonderful violence set upon their Enemies between whom and them followed so extraordinary and cruel a battel as not longer to insist upon it nor to recount in particular how things past which also I cannot well do it shall suffice me to say that of the thirty thousand Mons eight hundred only escaped out of it who being routed made their retreat into the Fortress of Meleytay but that which was most memorable herein was that of the King of Bramaas two hundred thousand men an hundred and fifteen thousand lay dead in field and all the rest for the most part were wounded In the mean time the Tyrant which came along on the River in the two thousand Seroos arrived at the place of Battel where beholding the strange massacre which the Mons had made of his people he became so enraged at it that dis-imbarquing his Forces he instantly layd siege unto the Fortress with a purpose as he said to take all those eight hundred that were in it alive This siege continued seven whole days together during the which those without gave five assaults to it and the besieged defended themselves always very valiantly howbeit seeing that the last hour of their life was come and that they could no longer hold that place for their King as they had hoped they might by reason of the fresh Forces which the King of Bramaa had landed like couragious men as they were they resolved to dye in the field as their companions had done and valiantly revenge their deaths with that of their Enemies whereunto they were the more willingly carryed because they perceived well that if they continued still in the place they should never make use of their valor as they desired to do for that the Tyrants Ordnance would by little and little consume them This resolution taken they under the favor of a very dark and rainy night sallyed forth and first of all fell upon the two first Courts of guard that were on the Lands side cutting all in pieces that they met withall Then following their design they passed on like desperate men and whether they did it either to shew that they regarded not death which threatened them or for the desire they had to gain honor so it was that they behaved themselves so couragiously and pressed the Tyrant so neer as they forced him to leap into the River and swim for his life in so much that all the Camp was in disorder and broken through in I know not how many places with the death of above twelve thousand men amongst whom were fifteen hundred Bramaas two thousand strangers of divers Nations and all the rest Pegu's This â—ight last not above half an hour in which time the eight hundred Mons were all slain there being not so much as one of them that would yield upon any composition whatsoever Hereupon the Tyrant of Bramaa seeing the fight ended and all things quiet went and reassembled his Forces together and so entered into the Fortress of Meleytay where he presently commanded the Xemims head to be cut off saying that he was the sole cause of that disaster and that he who had been a Traytor to his King could not be faithful unto him behold the recompence which this Tyrant made him for delivering up the City of Prom unto him howsoever it justly belonged unto him for a punishment of his perfidiousness that carryed him to betray his King and his own Country into the power of his Enemies After this they fell to dressing of the hurt men which were in very great number We pâ—st all this night with much apprehension always keeping good watch and the next morning as soon as it was day the first thing that we did was to rid away the dead bodies which were in so great number all over the Camp that the ground was quite covered with them After this we took a view of those that were killed as well on the one as the other party and we found that on the Bramaas side there were an hundred and fourscore thousand and on the Prince of Avaas forty and two thousand wherein were comprized the thirty thousand Mons. That done after the Tyrant had fortified the City of Prom as also the Fort of Meleytay and made two other Forts upon the bank of the River in such places as he judged to be most important for the safety of that Kingdom he went up the River of Queitor in a thousand rowing Serâ—os wherein were imbarqued seventy thousand men In this Voyage his intention was to go in his own person for to observe the Kingdom of Avaa and to see the City himself the better to consider the strength of it and thereby judg what Forces he should bring for to take it So he proceeded still on for the space of eight and twenty days and during that time passed by many goodly places which within the Kingdom of Chaleu and Iacuçalaon were upon the bank of the River At length he arrived at the City of Avaa the thirteenth of October the same year a thousand five hundred forty and five Being come to the Port he remained there thirteen days and that while burned between two and three thousand Vessels that he found there Moreover he set fire on many Villages thereabout which cost him not so little but that he lost in all these degasts eight thousand of
accommodated with Idols of silver upon one of these Altars we saw the Statue of a woman as big as a Giant being eighteen spans high and with her arms all abroad looking up to Heaven This Idol was of silver and her hair of gold which was very long and spread over her shoulders There also we saw a great Throne incompassed round about with thirty Giants of brass who had guilded Clubs upon their shoulders and faces as deformed as those they paint for the Divel From this room we past into a manner of a Gallery adorned from the top to the bottom with a number of little Tables of Ebony inlayed with Ivory and full of mens heads under every one of the which the name of him to whom it belonged was written in letters of gold At the end of this Gallery there were a dozen of iron Rods guilt whereon hung a great many silver Candlesticks of great value and a number of persuming Pans from whence breathed forth a most excellent odour of Amber and Calambuco or Lignum Aloes but such as we have none in Christendom There on an Altar invironed all about with three rows of Ballisters of silver we saw thirteen Kings vissages of the same mettal with golden Mitars upon their heads and under each of them a dead mans head and below many Candlesticks of silver with great white wax lights in them which were stuffed ever and anon by little boys who accorded their voyces to those of the Grepos that sung in form of a Letany answering one another The Grepos told us that those thirteen dead mens heads which were under the vissages were the skulls of thirteen Calaminhams which in times past gained this Empire from certain strangers called Roparons who by Arms had usurped the same upon them of the Country As for the other dead mens heads which we saw there they were the skâ—ls of such Commanders as by their Heroick deeds had honourably ended their dayes in helping to recover this Empire in regard whereof it was most reasonable that though death had deprived them of the recompence which they had merited by their action yet their memory should not be abolished out of the world When we were gone out of this Gallery we proceeded on upon a great Bridg that was in the form of a Street rayled on either side with Ballisters of Lattin and beautified with a many of Arches curiously wrought upon which were Scutchions of Arms charged with several devices in gold and the Crâ—â—ts over them were silver Globes five spans in circumferences all very stately and majestical to behold At the end of this bridge was another building the doors whereof we found shut whereupon we knocked four times they within not deigning to answer us which is a ceremony observed by them in such occasions At the length after we had rung a bell four times more as it were in haste out comes a woman of about fifty years of age accompanied with six little girls richly attired and Scymitars upon their shoulders garnished with â—lowers wrought in gold This anciâ—nt woman having demanded of the Monvagaruu why he had rung the bell and what he would have he answered her with a great deal of respect That he had there an Ambassadour from the King of Bramaa the Lord of Tanguu who was come thither to treat at the feet of the Calaminham about certain matters much importing his service By reason of the great authority which this woman was in she seemed little to regard this answer whereat we wondred much because he that spake to her was one of the chiefest Lords of the Kingdom and Uncle to the Calaminham as it was said Nevertheless one of the six girls that accompanied her spake thus in her behalf to the Monvagaruu My Lord may it please your Greatness to have a little patience till we may know whether the time be fit for the kissing of the foot of the Throne of this Lord of the World and advertising him of the coming of this stranger and so according to the grace which our Lord will shew him therein his heart may rejoyce and we with him That said the door was shut again for the space of three or four Credoes and then the six Girls came and opened it but the anciant woman that at first came along with them we saw no more howbeit in stead of her there came a Boy of about nine years of age richly apparelled and having on his head an hurfangua of Gold which is a kind of Myter but that it is somewhat more closed all about and without any overture he had also a Mace of Gold much like a Scepter which he carryed upon his shoulder this same without making much reckoning of the Monvagaruu or of any of the other Lords there present took the Embassador by the hand and said unto him The news of thy arrival is come unto the feet of Binaigaa the Calaminhan and Scepter of the Kings that govern the Earth and is so agreeable to his ears that with a smiling look he now sends for thee to give thee audience concerning that which is desired of him by thy King whom he newly receives into the number of his brethren with a love of the son of his entrals that so he may remain powerful and victorious over his Enemies Thereupon he caused him together with the Kings Uncle and the other Governors that accompanyed him to come in lâ—aving all the rest without the Embassador then seeing none of his Train follow him looked three or four times back seeming by his countenance to be somewhat discontented which the Monvagaruu perceiving spake to the Queitor who was a little behind that he should cause the strangers to be let in and none else the doors being then opened again we Portugals began to go in with the Bramaas but such a number of others came thrusting in amongst us as the Gentlemen Ushers who were above twenty had much ado to keep the doors striking many with Battouns which they had in their hands and of those some that were persons of quality and yet could they not therewith neither with their cries nor menaces stop them all from entering Thus being come in we past along through the midst of a great garden made with such art and where appeared so many goodly things so divers and so pleasing to the eye as words are not able to express them For there were there many Alleys environed with Ballisters of Silver and many Arbors of extraordinary scent which we were told had so much sympathy with the Moons of the year that in all seasons whatsoever they bare flowers and fruits withall there was such abundance and variety of Roses and other flowers as almost passeth belief In the midst of this Garden we saw a great many young women very fair and well clad whereof some past away their time in dancing and others in playing on sundry sorts of Instruments much after our manner which they performed with
the Country whose Fathers and Brothers were there present There were also three or four Comedies more like this acted by other young Ladies of great quality and set forth with so much pomp and magnificence as more could not be desired About evening the Calaminhan retired into another room accompanyed with women onely for all the rest they went along with the Monvagaruu who took the Embassador by the hand and led him back to the outermost room of all where with many complements after their manner he took his leave of him and so committed him to the Queitor who straightway caâ—ryed him to his House where he lodged all the while that he was there being two and thirty days during which time he was feasted by the principal Lords of the Court in a splendid and sumptuous manner and continually entertained with several sports of fishing hunting hawking and other such like recreations As for us Portugals we took a singular content in observing over all the City and about it the excellent structure of very sumptuous and magnificent edifices of statâ—ly Pagodes or Temples and of houses adorned with goodly workmanship and of inestimable value Now amongst all these Buildings there was not in the whâ—le City a more majestical one then that which was dedicated to Quiay Pimpocau who is The God of the Sick In it serve continually a number of Priests apparelled in grey Gowns who being of greater knowledg then all the rest of the four and twenty Sects of this Empire do distinguish themselves from the others by certain yellow strings which serve them for girdles they are also by the vulgar people in a soveraign degree of honor called ordinarily Perfect men The Embassador himself went five times to their Temple as well to see very marvelous things as to hear the doctrine of those that preached there of which and of all that concerns the extravagancies of their Religion he brought a great volume to the King of Bramaa which was so pleasing to him as he afterward commanded the said Doctrine to be preached in all the Temples of that Kingdom which is to this day exactly observed in all his states Of this Book I brought a Translation into the Kingdom of Portugal which a Florentine borrowed of me and when I asked him for it again he told me that it was lost but I found afterward that he had carryed it to Florence and presented it to the Duke of Tuscany who commanded it to be printed under this Title The new Belief of the Pagans of the other end of the World Upon a day as the Embassador was talking in this Pagode with one of the Grepos who professed much kindness unto him for indeed they are all of a good nature easie of access and communicating themselves to strangers freely enough he demanded of him how long it was since the Creation of the World or whether those things had a beginning which God doth shew so clearly to our eyes such as the Night the Day the Sun the Moon the Stars and other Creatures that have neither Father nor Mother and of whom no reason can be rendered in Nature how they began The Grepâ— relying more on his own knowledg then on the others that were about him made this answer to his Question Nature said he had no other Creation but that which proceeded from the Will of the Creator who in a certain time determined in his divine Counsel manifested it to the Inhabitants of Heaven created before by his soveraign power and according to that which is written thereof it was fourscore and two thousand Moons since the Earth was discovered from under the Waters when as God created therein a very fair Garden where he placed the first man whom he named Adaa together with his wife Bazagon them he expresly commanded for to reduce thâ—m under the yoke of obedience that they should not touch a certain fruit of a tree called Hilâ—forâ—n for that he reserved the same for himself and in case they came to eat thereof they should for a chastisement of their fault prove the rigor of his Iustice whereof they and their descendants should feel the dire effects This being known to the great Lupantoo who is the gluttonous Serpent of the profound House of Smoke and perceiving how by this commandment God would for mans obedience on Earth give him Heaven for a reward he went to Adaas wife and bid her eat of that fruit and that she should also make her Husband eat thereof for he assured her that in so doing they should both of them be more excellent in knowledg then all other creatures and free from that heavy nature wherâ—â—f he had composed them so that in a moment their bodies should mount to Heaven Then Bazagon hearing what Lupantoo had said unto her was so taken with a desire of enjoying that excellent prerogative of knowledg which he promised her 〈◊〉 to attain thereunto she eat of the fruit and made her Husband likewise to eat of it whence it insued that they were both of them by that unhappy morsel subjected to the pains of death of sorrow and of poverty For God seeing the disobedience of these two first creatures made them feel the â—igor of his Iustice by chasing them out of the Garden where he had placed them and confirming the punishments upon them wherewith he had threatened them before Wherefore Adaâ— fearing lest the divine Iustice should proceed further against him gave himself up for a long time to continual tears whereupon God sent him word that if he continued in his repentance he would forgive him his sin Whilest the Grepo was speaking thus the Embassador wondering at his discourse which was a great novelty to him Certainly said he unto him I am well assured that the King my Master hath never heard the like of this from the Priests of our Temples for they in recompence of our works propound no other thing unto us but the possession of riches in this life for as they say there is no guerdon after death and that we must finish our lives aâ— all the beasts of the field do except the Cows which for a reward of the milk they have given us are converted into other Sea-cows of the apples of whose eyes are pearls ingendred At these words the Grepo puffed up with vanity for that which he had said to the Embassador Think not answered he unto him that there is any one in all this Country can let thee understand so much as I have done unless it be one Grepo who is as learned as my self With this â—ume of presumption he chanced to cast his eye on us Portugalâ— that were behind the Embassador and as the Minister of the Devil believing that we esteemed him as much as he did himself Verily said he unto us I should be glad that you who as strangers have no knowledg of this truth would come more often to hear me for to understand how God hath created all
through all the town accompanied with a great multitude of people that followed him at the sound of trumpets drums and other such instruments the Captain himself as also the Ambassador and the rest of us together with all the Bramaas marching on foot after him with boughs in our hands and two men before him on horseback that rode crying O all ye people praise with gladness the beams which proceed from the midst of the Sun who is the God that makes our rice to grow for that you have lived to see a man so holy that knowing how to drink better then all the men of the world hath laid on the ground twenty of the principall drinkers of our troop to the end his renown may be daily more and more augmented Whereunto all the crowd of people that accompanied him answered with such cries and acclamations as the very noyse thereof frighted all that heard it In this equipage they lead the Portugal to the Ambassadors house where they set him down with a great deal of respect and many complements then on their knees they rendred him to the Ambassador desiring him to have a care of him as of an holy man or the son of some great King for said they it cannot be otherwise seeing God hath bestowed so great a gift on him as to know how to drink so well Whereupon having made a gathering for him they got together above two hundred lingots of silver which they gave him and untill the time that we departed he was continually visited by the inhabitants whereof many presented him with rich pieces of silk and other gifts as if they had made an offering to some Saint upon a solemn day of his invocation After these we saw other men that were very white named Pavilens great archers and good horsemen apparrelled in caslocks of silk like those of Iapon and that carried their meat to their mouths with little sticks after the manner of the Chineses these same told us that their Coyntry was called Binagorem and that it was distant from thence about two hundred leagues up the river their merchandize was store of gold in powder like to that of Menancabâ— of the Island of Suâ—atra as also lacre aloes musk tin copper silk and wax which they exchanged for pepper ginger salt wine and rice the wives of these men which we saw there are very white of better conversation then all the rest of those countryes well natured and exceeding charitable demanding of them what was their Law and what was the divinity that they adored they answered us That their Gods were the Sun the heaven and the stars for that from them they received by an holy communication all the good that they enjoyed upon earth and furthermore that the soul of man was but a breath which ended in the death of the body and that afterwards tumbling up and down in the ayr she mingled her self with the clouds untill such time as coming to be dissolved into water she died again upon the earth as the body had done before I omit an infinite many of such extravagances which were told us and that gave us good cause to wonder at the blindness and confusion of these wretches and doth also oblige us to render thanks continually unto God for delivering us from these errors and this false belief Now from the diversity of these unknown Nations which we saw in these parts it is easie to infer that in this Monarchy of the world there are many countries yet undivided and unknown to us CHAP. LX. Our arrivall at Pegu with the death of the Roolim of Mounay COntinuing our course from this town of Pavel we came the next day to a village called Luncor invironed about the space of three leagues with a great number of trees of Benjamin which from this place is transported into the Kingdoms of Pegu and Siam From thence we sailed for nine daies together down that great river all alongst the which we saw many goodly towns and then we arrived at another river called Ventrau thorough the which we continued our voyage to Penauchin the first Borough of the Kingdome of Iangumaa where the Ambassador registred his vessells and all that were within them because such was the custom of the country Being departed from thence we went and lay that night at the Rauditens which are two strong places belonging to the Prince of Poncanor Five days after we came to a great town called Magdaleu which is the country from whence lacre is brought to Martabano the Prince thereof during the time that we stayed there shewed the Ambassador a generall muster of all the men of war that he had levied against the King of the Lauâ—os with whom he was at difference because he had repudiated a daughter of his which he had married three years before intending to espouse a gentlewoman by whom he had had a son that he had legitimated and made choice of for heir of his Kingdom thereby frustrating his Nephew by his daughter of his right Passing on then thorough the streight of Madur wherein we sailed five days we arrived at a village called Mouchell the first place of the Kingdom of Pegu there one Chalagâ—niâ— a famous Pyrat that went up and down robbing in this place with thirty Ceroos well equipped and full of warlike men assailed us one night and fighting with us till it was almost day he handled us in such sort as it was the great grace of God that we escaped out of his hands nevertheless it was not without the loss of five of the twelve vessells that we had together with an hundred and fourscore of our men whereof two were Portugals The Ambassador himself had a cut on one of his arms and two wounds besides with arrow shot which had almost cost him his life all of us likewise were cruelly hurt and the Present which the Calaminham sent to the King of Bramaa being worth above an hundred thousand duckats was taken by the Pyrat together with a great deal of rich merchandize that was in the five vessells whereof he had made himself master In this sad equipage we arrived three days after at the City of Martabano from whence the Ambassador wrote the King a letter wherein he rendred him an accompt of all that had happened to him in his voyage as also in his disaster Whereupon the King sent presently away a Fleet of sixscore Ceroos with a number of choice men amongst which were an hundred Portugals in quest of this Pyrat This Fleet having by good fortune discovered him found that he had put on shore his thirty Ceroos wherewith he had assailed us and was with all his forces retired into a fortress which was full of divers prizes that he had taken in severall parts thereabout our men immediately attacqued the place and carried it easily at the very first assault only with the loss of some few Bramaas and one Portugal howbeit many were hurt with
rigorous justice of the Lord above This said they withdrew as if they would shew that by this action they had left the body of the deceased exempt from the power of the divell which besieged it before In the place of these same came in six and twenty of their principall Talagrepos being fourscore years old and upwards apparrelled in robes of violet coloured damask and carrying silver censors in their hands before whom for the greater gracing of them marched twelve gentlemen Ushers with Maces of the same metall as soon as these Priests had censed the hearse four severall times with many ceremonies they all prostrated themselves with their faces on the ground and then one of them began to say as if he had spoken to the dead man If the clouds of heaven were able to tell our grief unto the beasts of the fielâ— they would forsake their pasture for to help us to wail thy death and the great extremity whereunto we are reduced or els they would beseech thee Lord to imbarque us with thee into this deadly house where thou seest not us because we are not worthy of so great a favour but that all this people may be comforted in thee before the tomb shall hide thy body from us shew us Lord by figures of earth the peaceable joy and sweet contentment of thy repose that we may be all awaked out of the heavy sleep wherein the obscurities of the flesh doth wrap us and that we miserable wretches may be incited to imitate thee and follow thy steps for to behold thee in the joyfull house of the Sun at the last gasp of our lives To these words the people having made a very dreadfull cry answered incontinently The Lord grant us this grace Then the twelve gentlemen Ushers that carried the Maces going on afore to make way thorough the press though with much ado because the people would not withdraw there came forth of an house on the right side of the Scaffold four and twenty little boys richly apparelled with chains of gold and pretious stones about their necks who playing after their manner on divers instruments of musick and falling down on their knees in two ranks before the hearse they continued playing on their instruments to the tune whereof there were only two of them that sung whereunto five others answered from time to time in such a dolefull manner as made all the assistants shed abundance of tears yea some of them were so sensible of it as they could not forbear plucking of their hair and knocking their heads against the steps of the Throne where the hearse stood During this and many other ceremonies there performed six young gentlemen Grepos sacrificed themselves by drinking out of a golden cup a certain yellow liquor so venemous that before they had made an end of their draught they fell down stark dead on the ground this action of theirs brought these Martyrs of the divell into the number of their Saints so as they were envied by every one for it and presently their bodies were carried with a solemn procession to be burnt in a great fire that was made of Sanders Aloes and Benjamin where they were quickly reduced unto ashes The next morning the Scaffold was disgarnished of all the richest pieces about it and the hearse but the cloths of estate the hangings and banners as also many other moveables of great worth were not stirred and so with divers ceremonies fearfull cries and lamentations and a strange noyse of severall sorts of instruments they set fire on the Scaffold and all that was upon it anoynting it often with odoriferous liquors and confections of great price Thus was the body consumed to ashes in a very short time but whilst it was burning the King and all the Grandees of his Court which were then present cast in by way of alms many pieces of gold preâ—ious stones jewels and chains of pearl of exceeding great value all which so ill imployed were instantly consumed by the fire together with the body and bones of that wretched dead man so as we were certainly informed afterward that this funerall pomp cost above an hundred thousand duckets besides the garments which the King and the Grandees of the country gave to thirty thousand Priests that vvere assisting at it wherein was imployed an incredible quantity of stuffes of severall sorts witnesse the Portugals who mightily profited by so lucky an occasion because they sold at what price they would such as they brought from Bâ—ngala for which they were paid in lingots of gold and silver CHAP. LXI The election of the new Roolim of Mounay the grand Talagrepo of these Gentiles of the Kingdome of Pegu. THe next day between seven and eight in the morning which was the time when the ashes of the deceased began to be cold the King and all the great Lords of the Court came unto the place where the body had been burnt marching all in order after the manner of a stately procession and assisted by all the Grepos amongst whom there were an hundred and thirty with silver censors and fourteen with miters of gold on their heads they were apparrelled in long robes of yellow sattin as for all the rest to the number of ten thousand they were cloathed with taffeta of the same colour and with a kind of surpliss of fine linnen which was not done without a very great charge by reason of the number of them Being arrived at the place where the Roolim had been burnt after some ceremonies performed as is usuall with them according to the time and sence that every one had of it a Talagrepo of the Bramaa Nation and Uncle to the King as Brother to his Father whom the people held for the ablest of them all having been chosen to preach that day went up into the Pulpit for that effect The beginning of his Sermon was an Elegy touching the defunct whose life he commended with many speeches that made for his purpose wherein he grew so earnest and hot as turning himself to the King with tears in his eys and lifting up his voice somewhat louder to the end he might hear him the better he said unto him If the Kings in these times wherein we live do consider how little a time they have to live and with what rigour of justice they shall be chastised by the Almighty hand of the most high God for the crimes of their tyrannicall lives possibly it would be better for them to feed in the open fields like bruit beasts then to be so absolute in their will and to use it with so little reason even as to be cruel to the good and slack in punishing the wicked whom by their soveraign power they have put into greatnesse and authority and truly they are much to be lamented whose good fortune hath raised them up to an estate so dangerous as is that of Kings at this day by reason of the insolence and liberty wherein they continually
live without so much as the least appreheâ—sion of any fear or shame But you must know O ye blinded of the world that God hath made you Kings to use clemency towards men to give them audience to content to chastise them but not to kill them tyrannically Neverthelesse O ye bad Kings in the condition whereunto you are raised you oppose your selves to the nature which God hath indued you with and take upon you many other different forms in apparrelling your selves every hour with some such livery as â—â—â—ms best unto you to the end you may be to the one very bloud-suckers that incessantly suck from them their goods and their lives never leaving them so long as they have one drop of bloud in their veins and to others you are dreadfull roaring Lions who to give a â—aâ—k and a colour to your ambition and avarice cause supreme Laws of death to be published for the least faults and all for to confiscate other mens goods which is the main end of your pretensions Contrarily if there be any that you love and unto whom you or the world or I know not what have given the name of Grandees you are so negligent in chastising their proud humors and so prodigall in inriching them with the spoils and undoing of the poor whom you have left naked and even flayed to the very quick as you cannot doubt but that they will one day accuse you before God for all these things when you will have no excuse to make so that there will be nothing left you but a dreadfull confusion to trouble you and to put you into an horrible disorder To these he added so many other remonstrances in favour of the poor subjects cried out so mainly and shed so many tears in their behalf as the King remained almost besides himself and was touched â—o neerly therewith that he instantly called Brazagaran the Governor of Pegu unto him and commanded him without all delay to dismisse all the Deputies of the Provinces of the Kingdome whom he had caused to be assembled in the Town of Cosmin for to demand of them a great sum of money that he might set upon the Kingdom of Savady on which he had newly resolved to make war Withall he sware publikely on the ashes of the defunct that during his raign he would never charge his subjects with imposts nor would make them to serve by force as he had formerly done yea and that for the future he would have a most speciall care to hear the poor and to do them justice against the misdemeanours of the great ones conformable to the merit of every one together with many other things very just and good which might well serve for a lesson to us that are Christians This Sermon being finished the ashes of the defunct which had been gathered up was distributed as a relique into fourteen golden basons whereof the King himself took up one on his head and the Grepos of chiefest quality carried the rest so the Procession going from thence in the same order as it came thither those ashes were conveyed into a very rich Temple which might be some flight shot from that place and named Quiay Dâ—cco that is the god of the afflicted of the earth there they were put into a shallow grave without other pomp or vanity for so had Aixequendoo the late Roolim commanded This grave then was invironed about with three iron grates and with two of silver and one of latten and upon three iron rods that crossed the whole bredth of the chappell hung seventy and two lamps of silver namely four and twenty on each of them all of great value and fastened together with great silver chains Furthermore there were placed about the steps whereby one descended into the grave thirty and six little perfuming pots with Benjamin Aloes and other confections wherein was great store of Ambergreece all which was not finished till it was almost night by reason of the many ceremonies used in this funerall all that day long they freed an infinite number of birds which had been brought thither in above an hundred cages these Gentiles being of the opinion that they were so many souls of deceased persons which before times had passed out of this life and that were deposited as it were in the bodies of those birds till the day of their deliverance should come at which time they were in all liberty to accompany the soul of the defunct The like they did with a great many of little fishes which had been transported thither also in certain vessells full of water so that to set them at liberty they cast them into the river with another new ceremony to the end they might serve the soul of him whose ashes were then buried There was also brought thither all kind of venison and foul which was distributed as an alms to all the poore that were present there whereof the number was almost infinite These ceremonies and other such like which were performed in this action being finished the King in regard it was neer night retired into his quarter where he had caused tents to be pitched for to lodge in and that in sign of mourning the like did all the great ones so that all the Assembly by little and little withdrew The next morning as soon as it was day the King made it to be proclaimed that all persons of what condition soever they were should upon pain of death dislodge speedily out of the Island and that they which were Priests should return to the attendance of their cures with this penalty in care of contravention to be degraded from their dignity Whereupon all the Priests went preâ—ently out of the Island ninety of them excepted who were deputed for the election of him that was to succeed in the place of the defunct These same then assembled in the house of Gangsparo to acquit themselves of their charge and for that in the two first daies which was the term limited to make this election it could not succeed by reason of the diversity of opinions and great contrariety that was found amongst them which were to give their votes the King thought fit that out of those deputed ninety there should nine be chosen who alone should make the election This resolution being taken these nine continued five daies and as many nights together in continuall prayer in the mean time a world of offerings were made and alms given a great number of poor people were also cloathed and tables prepared where all men that would might eat of free cost and all this was accompanied with processions in every quarter At last these nine being agreed in conformity of votes elected for Roolim one Manichae Mouchan who at that time was a Capizondo or Prelate in the town of Digum of a Pagode called Quiay Figrau that is to say god of the atomes of the Sun of whom I have oftentimes spoken he was a man of about threescore and eight years of
age accounted amongst them for an holy personage very knowing in the customes and lawes of those Sects of the Gentiles and above all exceeding charitable to the poor With this election the King and all the great ones of the Court remained very well satisfied The King then speedily dispatched away the Chaumigrem his foster-brother to whom he gave thereupon the title of Coutalanhaa which signifies the Kings brother to the end he might be the more honorably qualified with an hundred Lauleas wherein was the Flower of all the Bramaâ— Nobility together with the nine Electors for to go and fetch him which had been newly chosen to the dignity of Roolim And having brought him nine dayes after with a great deal of respect and honor to a place called Tagalaa some five leagues from the Isle of Mounay the King met him with all the great men of the Court besides a world of other people and above two thousand vessells with oars When he was come in this equipage where the new Roolim vvas he prostrated himself before him and kissing the ground three times O thou holy pearl said he unto him which art in the midst of the Sun breath forth upon me by an agreeable inspiration of the Lord of uncreated power that I may not dread upon earth the insupportable yoke of mine enemies At these vvords the nevv Roolim putting forth his hand to raise him from the ground spake thus unto him Labour my Son that thy works may be pleasing to God and I will pray for thee without ceasing Hereupon the King rising up the Roolim made him sit dovvn by him and stroked him three times vvith his hand on the head vvhich the King took for the greatest honor he could do him then having said something unto him vvhiâ—h vve could not hear for that vve vvere a little too far off he blovved three times on the Kings head vvhilest he vvas on his knees again before him and all the people laid flat on the earth This done he parted from that place amidst the applauses that vvere given him from all parts and the sound of bells and instruments of musick and imbarqued himself in the Kings Laulea where he was seated in a rich chair of gold set with precious stones and the King at his feet which was also taken for a great honor done him by the Roolim round about and a little distant from him were twelve little boys attired in yellow sattin with scarfes of silver Tinsell golden Maces and Scepters in their hands All along the sides of the vessell instead of Mariners stood the Lords of the Kingdom with guilt oars by them and as well in the Poop as the Prow were two Quires of young striplings apparrelled in carnation sattin and having divers sorts of instruments in their hands to the tune whereof they sung the praises of God Some of our company observed that one of their songs said thus Children of a pure heart praise this admirable and divine Lord for as â—or me being a sinner I am not worthy to do it and if that too be not permitted unto you let your eys weep before his feet that so you may render your selves agreeable unto him In the same manner they sung many other songs to the tune of their instruments and with so much ardor and zeal as if they had been Christians it would have been able to have stirred up the devotion of them that heard them After that the Rooliâ— was in this sumptuous â—ort arrived at the City of Martabano he did not go to Land as it had been resolved because it was night for it was not lawfull for him at any hand to touch the ground with his feet in regard of the great dignity of his person but stayed till the next morning at which time the King disimbarqued him first of all upon his own shoulders and so too did the Princes and great Lordsof the Kingdom carry him alternatively to the Pagodâ— of Quiay Ponuedea as being the greatest and most sumptuous of the whole City in the midst whereof was a Theater richly set forth of yellow sattin which is the livery of that soveraign dignity There out of a new ceremony being laid all along upon a â—ittle bed of gold he made as though he were dead and then at the sound of a bell which gave three toles the Bonzes prostrated themselves all with their faces on the ground for the space of half an hour during which time all the assistants for a sign of sadnesse held their hands before their eys in saying aloud Lord recall this thy servant to a new life to the end we may have one to pray for us Instantly thereupon they took him from thence and put him into a Tomb adorned with the same livery then chanting out certain I know not what very sorrowfull words with tears in their eys they left him after they had surrounded the Temple thrice in a grave made expresly for that purpose covered over with a cloth of black velvet and inviâ—oned about with dead mens heads This done they said certain prayers after their manner weeping which very much moved the King and then all the throng of people that made a strange noyse being commanded to silence they gave three toles with a great bell for a sign to all the rest of the bells in the City to answer them as they did with so horrible and dreadfull a din that the earth even trembled therewith After the ceasing of this noyse two Talagrepos men of great reputation amongst them and very well versed in their Laws went up into two Pulpits prepared expresly for them and that were hung with rich Turky Carpets where they entertained their Auditors with the subject of this ceremony and gave them the explication of every thing making an ample relation unto them of the life and death of the deceased Roolim and of the election of this same together with the excellent qualities with which he was indued for to be raised to so high a charge whereunto he was called by a particular grace of God to this they added many other things wherewith the people were exceedingly satisfied and contented then the same bell having tolled three times more the two Priests descended from their Pulpits which together with all their furniture were presently burned with another new kind of ceremony whereof I will forbear here making a relation because it seems unnecessary to me to lose time in these superfluities having said but too much already thereof After all things were peaceable and quiet and that for the space of five or six Credoes nothing had been spoken there appeared coming from the next Temple which was about a flight shot off a very rich and sumptuous Procession of little children attired all in white taffets for a mark of their innocency and purenesse they had about their necks a number of jewells chains of gold upon their legs in form of bracelets white wax lights in their hands and
upon their heads bonnets imbroydered with silk and gold and set with Pearls Rubies and Saphirs in the middle of this Procession was a rich Canopy of cloth of gold which twelve of those little children carried invironed round about with perfuming pans and censors of silver from whence breathed forth excellent odors most pleasing to the sent These little children played on divers instruments of musick and went on singing praises to God and praying him to resuscitate this defunct to a new life When they were arrived at the place where the Roolim lay they drew to the shrine and taking away the cloth wherewith it was covered there came out of it a little child which could not be above three or four years old and although he was naked yet was not his nakednesse seen because he was all covered over with gold and pretious stones and appeared in the same fashion as we are accustomed to paint Angells he had also golden wings and a very rich Crown upon his head Whenas he was come from out the shrine the Assistants being prostrated on the ground fell to saying aloud with a voice that made those to tremble which heard them Thou Angel of God sent from heaven for our salvation pray for us when thou returnest thither again The King went instantly to this child and having taken him in his arms with a great deal of respect and a strange ceremony as if he would shew that he was not worthy to touch him in regard he was an Angell sent from heaven he set him on the brink of the grave where after the child had taken away the cloth of black Velvet that covered him whilest all were on their knees with their hands and eys lift up to heaven he said aloud as if he had spoken to him Thou which hast been conceived in sin amidst the misery and filthiness of the flesh God commands thee by me who am the least of his servants that thou do resuscitate to a new life which may be agreeable unto him alwayes dreading the chastisement of his mighty hand to the end that as the last gasp of thy life thou mayest not stumble like the children of the world and that from this place where thou art extended stark dead thou do rise up presently because it hath been so decreed by the greatest of the greatest in the Temple of the earth and come after me and come after me and come after me The King thereupon took this child again in his arms and then the Roolim rising up in the grave where he was as it were amazed with this vision fell on his knees before the child whom the King held and said I accept of this new grace from the hand of thâ— Lord conformably to that which thou hast told me from him obliging my self to be even till death an example of humility and the least of all his to the end the toads of the earth may not lose themselves in the abundance of the world This said the child rid himself again out of the Kings arms and going directly to the grave he lent the Roolim his hand to help him out of it Now he was scarce come forth whenas they gave five toles with a Bell which was a sign for all the people to prostrate themselves on the ground the second time saying Blessed be thou O Lord for so great a grace whereupon all the bells in the City began to ring and all the Ordnance that were on the land to shoot of as also those of above two thousand vessells that rode at Anchor in the Port from whence proceeded so strange a noyse as was most insupportable to the ears of them that heard it CHAP. LXII In what manner the Roolim was conducted to the Isle of Mounay and put into possession of his dignity THe new Roolim was conducted from that place in a chair of gold exceeding rich and set with Pretious Stones which the principall Lords of the Kingdome carried upon their shoulders the King in the mean time marched on foot before him bearing a rich Sâ—ymitar upright in his hand In this equipage he accompanied him to his Palace which was gorgeously furnished and where he was lodged three dayes during which time the preparations necessary for his entry was made in the Isle of Mounay Now whilest he abode in the City of Martabano there were many sorts of inventions of great charge made by the Princes Lordâ— and Inhabitants In two of those feasts the King himself was present in person with a most sumptuous entertainment which I shall not describe because to say the truth I do not know how it did passe The day being arrived wherein the new Roolim who is as I have already declared their Soveraign High Priest was to make his entry into the Isle of Mounay the whole Fleet of Seroos Iangoas Lauleas and such other vessells of divers sorts which were upon the river to the number of two thousand and better were ranked in two files some a league and half in length being the space between the City the Island so that of all those vessels joyned together was formed a street the fairest that possibly could be seen for every vessell was covered with boughs full of several dainty fruits together with all kind of flowers Tangets Standards and banners of silk each one striving in emulation of another to gain their pretended Jubilee and a plenary indulgence and absolution of all the robberies they had formerly committed without being subject to the restitution of any thing whatsoever This they did also to be absolved from an infinite of other abuses of their abhominable lives which I passe by in silence as a matter unfit for devout ears but conformable to their diabolicall Sects and the damnable intentions of those which have instituted them for their whole manner of living is nothing but dissolution and excesse in the lasciviousnesse of the flesh as in like manner are all other infidells and arch-heretiques In the Roolims company there were not above thirty Lauleas who were replenished with a great number of the Nobility as for him he was in a rich Seroo seated in a Throne of silver under a cloth of State of cloth of gold and the King at his feet as not being worthy to sit in a more eminent place round about him were thirty children on their knees attired in Crimson Sattin with silver Maces on their shoulders and twelve standing on their feet cloathed with white Damask having censors in their hands from whence breathed forth most delicate perfumes In the rest of the shipping followed two hundred of the most honorable Talagrepos such as Archbishops and other Prelates may be amongst us in the number of whom were also six or seven young Princes all the Sons of Kings comprehended Now because these Vessells were so full of people as one could not row they had fifteen Lauleas or little Skiffes wherein the Supreme religious men of those nine Sects did row to
bring them the sooner to land In this equipage and in this order the new Roolim parted from the City of Martabano two hours before day and continued his course amidst these Vessellâ— which made as I have delivered a kind of street and forasmuch as it was not yet day there were a great number of Lanterns of different fashions placed amongst the boughs As soon as he began to set forth a Canon was shot off three times at which sign there was such a noyse of Bells and great Ordnance as also of divers sorts of very strange Instruments intermingled with the cries and acclamations of the people as one would have thought that heaven and earth would have come together When he was arrived at the Kay where he was to land he was received with a solemn Procession by certain religious men that live in solitary places and are called Menigrâ—pos which are like to the Capucins in France whom these Gentiles infinitely respect by reason of their manner of living for according to the rule which they observe they use more abstinence by far then all the rest These same being some six or seven thousand in number were all bare foot and cloathed with black Mat to shew their contempt of the world upon their heads they wore the sculls and bones of dead men and great cords about their necks having all their faces dawbed over with dirt and a writing hanging upon them which contained these words Mire mire do not cast thine eye on thy basenesse but on the recompenses which God hath promised to those that vilifie themselves to serve him When as they were very neer to the Roolim who received them very affably they prostrated themselves with their faces down to the ground and after they had continued so some time the chiefest amongst them looking on the Roolim May it please him said he from whose hand thou hast newly received so great a blessing as to be the Head of all on the earth to rendâ—r thee so good and so holy a man that all thy works may be as pleasing unto him as the innocency of children which hold their peace when their mother gives them the dug Whereunto all the rest answered with a great noyse of confused voices Permit O Lord Almighty that it may be so Passing on then accompanied with this Procession which the King for the greater honor governed himself together with some of the principall personages whom he called unto him for that purpose he went directly to the place where the dead Roolim lay buried and being arrived at his Tomb he fell down flat with his face upon it then having shed a great many tears he said with a sad and dolefull voice as if he had spoken to the deceased May it please him who raigns in the beauty of the Stars to make me deserve the honor to be thy Slave to the end that in the house of the Sun where now thou recreatest thy self I may serve as a broom to thy feet for so shall I be made a Diamond of so high a price as the world and all the riches thereof together shall not be able to equall the value of it whereunto the Grepos answered God grant it Thereupon taking a pair of Beads which had belonged to the deceased and that was upon the Tomb he put it about his neck as a relique of great worth giving as an Almes six Lamps of silver two Censors and six or seven pieces of violet coloured Damask This done he retired unto his Palace accompanied still with the King the Princes and great Lords of the Kingdome as also with the Priests that were there assistant from whom he presently rid himself and then from out of the window he threw down upon the Assembly handfulls of Rice as amongst the Papists they use to cast Holy Water which all the people received upon their knees with their hands lifted up This Ceremony ended which lasted very neer three hours they gave three toles with a Bell upon which Signal the Roolim retired for altogether and so did the Vessells and they that came in them wherein all that day was wholly bestowed About evening the King took his leave of the Roolim and returned to the City making directly the next morning towards Pegu which was some eighteen leagues from thence where he arrived the day following two hours within night without making any entry or shew to testifie the extreme griefe he was in for the death of the late Roolim whom it was said he greatly affected CHAP. LXIII That which the King of Bramaa did after his arrivall at the City of Pegu together with his besieging of Savady TWo and twenty daies after the King of Bramaa arrived at the City of Pegu he perceived by the Letter which his Ambassador brought him from the Calaminham that he had concluded the League with him against the Siamon yet in regard the season was not fit for him either to commence that war or to assail the Kingdome of Avaa as he desired he resolved to send his Foster-brother unto whom as I have already declared he had given the title of lawfull Brother to the siege of Savady which was some hundred and thirty Leagues from thence to the North-East Having assembled an Army then of an hundred and fifty thousand men amongst whom were thirty thousand strangers of divers Nations and five thousand fighting Elephants besides three thousand others that carried the baggage and the victualls the Chaumigrem departed from Pegu with a Fleet of thirteen hundred rowing Vessells the fifteenth of the moneth of March Fourteen daies after he arrived in the sight of Savady and having cast Anchor neer to a great Plain called Gâ—mpalaor he remained there six daies in attending the five thousand Elephants which were to come to him by land who were no sooner arrived but he began to besiege the Town so that having begirt it round he assaulted it three times in the open day and retreated still with very great losse as well in regard of the notable resistance which they within made against him as of the extreme trouble his people were at in planting their ladders against the walls by reason of their bad scituation which was all of Slate whereupon consulting with his Commanders about what he should do they were all of opinion to have it battered with the Canon on the weakest side untill that by the overthrow of some part of the wall a breach might be made whereby they might enter with more ease and lesse danger This resolution was as soon executed as taken so that the Ingineers fell to making of two manner of bull-works on the outside upon a great Platform composed of great beams and bavins which in five daies they raised up to such an height as it surpassed the wall two fathom at the least This done they planted on each bulwark twenty great pieces of Ordnance wherewith they began to batter the Town so violently that in a little time they beat
the apprehension and visions of this last end troubled us more then death it self wherewith we imagined our selves to be already ensnared At the end of seventeen daies that this painfull and sad voyage had lasted God shewed us so much grace that during the obscurity of a very rainy night we discovered a certain light little more then a Faulcon shot before us the fear we were in at the first that we were neer some Town made us to stand still for a good space without knowing what to resolve upon untill we observed that this light seemed to move whereby we conjectured that it was some Vessell which went from one port to another as indeed half an hour after we perceived one wherein there were nine persons who approaching to the bank of the river neer to the place where we were landed all in a Creek that was there in the form of an Haven and presently making a fire they began to prepare their supper which was no sooner ready but they fell to eating with great demonstrations of mirth wherein they bestowed a pretty good time At length when they were well replenished with meat and drink it happened that all nine of them amongst whom there were three women fell fast asleep whereupon seeing that we could not find a more favourable occasion to make our benefit of this adventure we went all eight of us very softly into the barque that stuck half in the Ouze and was tyed fast to a great stake which pushing forth with our shoulders we set aflote and then imbarquing our selves in it with all speed we began to row down the river with as little noyse as possibly we could make Now in regard the current of the water and the wind were both very favourable unto us we found our selves the next morning above ten leagues from the place vvhence vve parted namely neer to a Pagode called Quiay Hinarel that is to say the God of Rice vvhere vve met but only vvith one man and seven and thirty vvomen the most of them old and Religionaries of this Temple vvho received us vvith a great deal of charity although in my opinion they did it rather out of fear of us then any vvill that they had to do â—s good Having questioned them about many things vvhich served for our purpose they could give us no pertinent ansvver thereunto alledging still that they vvere but poor vvomen vvho upon a solemn vovv had renounced all things in the vvorld and confined themselves into this inclosure vvhere they bestovved all their time in continuall prayer to Quiay Ponuedea vvhich moves the clouds of heaven that he vvould be pleased to give them rain vvhereby their grounds might be made fruitfull to produce them abandance of Rice In this place vve spent all the day in caulking our barque and furnishing our selves at these religious vvomens cost vvith Rice Sugar French Beans Onyons and some smoak-dried flesh vvherevvith they vvere sufficiently provided Being parted from hence about an hour vvithin night vve continued our course vvith our Oars and Sails for seven vvhole days together vvithout so much as once daring to touch the Land so much vvere vve in fear of some disaster that might easily arrive to us from those places vvhich vve savv all alongst the river But as it is impossible to avoid that here belovv vvhich is determined there above just at the instant as vve vvere continuing on our course all confused as vve vvere and in a perpetuall alarm by reason of the danger that vvas alvvays present before our eys as vvell for that vvhich vve savv as for that vve vvere in doubt of our ill hap vvould have it that an hour before day as vve past thorough the mouth of a Channell three Paraos of Pyrats assaulted us vvith such violence and vvith so many different sorts of Dâ—rts vvhich they showred upon us that within less then two Credoes they had killed three of our companions as for us five that remained vve cast our selves into the Sea all bloudy as we vvere vvith the vvounds vvhich vve had received vvhereof tvvo others died a little after When as vve vvere got ashore vve hid our selves in the vvoods vvhere vve past all that day in lamenting our present mishap after so many fortunes as vve had run thorough before time Thus vvounded as vve vvere parting from thence in more hope of death then life vve proceeded on our vvay by Land vvith so much pain and irresolution concerning vvhat vve vvere to do as vve fell many times a vveeping vvithout being able to comfort one another in regard of the small likelyhood there vvas of saving our lives by any humane means As vve vvere reduced to this deplorable estate vvith tvvo of our companions ready to die it pleased our Lord vvhose succour doth ordinarily supply our defects that in a place vvhere vve found our selves upon the bank of the vvater there chanced to pass by a Vessell vvherein there vvas a Christian vvoman named Violenta vvho vvas married to a Pagan to vvhom this Vessell appertained vvhich he had laden vvith Cotton Wooll to sell off at Cosmin this vvoman no sooner perceived us but moved vvith pity at the sight of us Iesus cried she these are Christians which I behold that said she caused the Vessell vvherein she vvas to come to the shore and leaping on Land together vvith her husband they fell both of them to imbracing us vvith tears in their eys and then made us to be imbarqued vvith them presently whereupon this vertuous Dame took a care to have our vvounds drest and provided us of cloaths the best that she could rendring us many other good offices of a true and charitable Christian Then setting aside all fear vve parted from this place vvith all speed five days after thorough Gods grace vve arrived safely at the Tovvn of Cosmin vvhich is a part of the Sea in the Kingdome of Pâ—gu vvhere in the house of this good Christian vvoman vve vvere as vvel looked unto that in a short time vve found our selves thoroughly cured of all our hurts Now vvhereas there is never any vvant in the grace which God doth to his creatures it pleased him that at that very time vve met in this Port vvith a ship vvhereof Luis de Montorrayo vvas Master vvho vvas upon the point of setting sail for Bengala so that after we had taken our leave of our Hostess to whom we rendred many thanks for all the benefits vvhich we had received of her we imbarqued our selves with the said Luis de Montarroyo who likewise intreated us exceeding well and furnished us abundantly with all that was necessary for us At our arrivall at the Port of Chaâ—igan in the Kingdome of Bengala where there was at that time many Portugals I instantly imbarqued my self in the foist of a certain Merchant called Fâ—rnando Caldeyra who was bound for Goa where it pleased God I arrived in good health There I found Pedro de Faria who had been
receive him who brought along with him an hundred and threescore Calaluzes and ninety Lanchares full of Luffons from the Isle of Borneo With all this company he arrived where the King of Zunda was who entertained him very courteously and with a great deal of honor Fourteen daies after our coming to this Town of Iapara the King of Demaa went and imbarqued himself for the Kingdome of Passarâ—an in a Fleet of two thousand and seven hundred sails amongst the which were a thousand high-built Juncks and all the rest were Vessells with oars The eleventh of February he arrived at the river of Hicandurea which is at the entrance of the bar and because the King of Panaruca Admirall of the Fleet perceived that the great Vessells could not passe unto the Port which was two leagues off by reason of certaine shelves of sand that were in divers parts of the river he caused all those that were in them to be disimbarqued and the other Vâ—ssells with oars to go and anchor in the road before the Town with an intention to burn the Ships that were in the Port which indeed was accordingly executed In this Army was the Emperor Panguâ—yran in person accompanied with all the grandeâ—s of the Kingdome the King of Zunda his brother-in-law who was Generall of the Army went by land with a great part of the forces and being all arrived at the place where they meant to pitch their Camp they took care in the first place for the fortifying thereof and for placing the Canon in the most commodious places to batter the Town in which labour they bestowed the most part of the day As for the night ensuing it was spent in rejoycings and keeping good watch untill such time as it was day whenas each Captain applied himself to that whereunto his duty obliged him all in generall imploying themselves according to the ingineers directions so that by the second day the whole Town was invironed with high Pallisadoes and their Platformes fortified with great beames whereupon they planted divers great pieces of Ordnance amongst the which were Eagles and Lions of metall that the Acheâ—s and Turks had cast by the invention of a certain Renegado born in the Kingdome of Algarâ—es appertaining to the Crown of Portugal and by reason this wicked wretch had changed his belief he called himself Coia Geinal for as for the name which he had before when he was a Christian I am contented to passe it over in silence for the honor of his Family being indeed of no mean extraction In the mean time the besieged having taken notice how ill-advised they had been in suffering the enemies to labour two whole daies together peaceably in fortifying of their Camp without any impeachment of theirs and taking the same for a great affront they desired their King to permit them to fal upon them the night following alledging how it was probable that men vvearied vvith labour could not make any great use of their arms nor be able to resist this first impetuosity The King who at that time commanded the Kingdom of Passaruan was young indued with many excellent qualities vvhich made him to be exeeedingly beloved of all his subjects for as it was reported of him he was very liberal no manner of Tyrant exceedingly affable to the common people a friend to the poor and so charitable towards Widovvs that if they acquainted him vvith their necessities he relieved them instantly and did them more good then they asked of him Besides these perfections that vvere so recommendable he possessed some others so conforâ—able to mens desires as there vvas not any one that vvould not have exposed his life a thousand times for his service if need â—ad been Furthermore he had none but choice men vvith him even the flovver of all his Kingdome besides many strangers upon vvhom he conferred much vvealth honor and many graces which he accompanied vvith good vvords that being indeed the means vvhereby the minds both of great and small are so strongly gained that they make them Lions of sheep vvhereas carrying ones self other vvayes of generous Lions they are made fearfull hares This King then examining the request vvhâ—ch his people made unto him and referring himself to the advice of the antientest and most prudent Councellors of his State vvhich vvere vvith him there vvas a great contention about the successe that the affairs might have but in the end by the counsell of all in generall it vvas concluded That in case â—ortune should be altogether adverse unto them in this sally which they mâ—ant to make against their enemies yet would it be a much lesse evill and lesse considerâ—ble affront then to see the King so besieged by vile people who against all reason would reduce them by force to quit their beliefe wâ—erein they had been bred by their Fathers to imbrace another new one by the suscitation of the Farazes who place their salvation in washing their parts behind in not eating of swines flesh and marâ—ying of seven wives whereby the best advised may easily judge that God was so much their enemy as he would not assist them in any thing seeing that with so great offence they would under pretext of Religion and with reasons so full of contradiction compell their King to become a Mahometan and render himself tributary to them To these reasons they added many others which the King and they that were with him found to be so good as they all with one common consent agreed thereunto which is en evident mark that it is a thing no lesse naturall for a good Subject to expose his life for his King then for a vertuous wife to conserve her chastity for the husband which God hath given her This being so said they a matter of so great importance was no longer to be deferred but we all in generall and each one in particular are by this sally to make demonstration of the extreme affection which we bear to our good King who we are assured will never be unmindfull of them that shall fight best for his defence which is all the inheritance we desire to leave to our children Whereupon it was resolved that the night following they should make a sally upon their enemies Whereas the joy which this designed sally brought to all the inhabitants of the Town was generall they never stayed till they were called but two hours after midnight and before the time which the King had appointed they assembled all in a great place which was not far from the Royall Palace and where they of the country had accustomed to keep their Fairs and to solemnize their most remarkable feasts on those principall dayes which were destined to the invocation of their Pagodâ—s The King in the mean time wonderfully content to see such heat of courage in them of seventy thousand inhabitants which were in the Town drew out twelve thousand only for this enterprise and divided them into four companies each
were hurt whereof the most part died afterwards Novv forasmuch as we were so great a number upon a very little raft where we floated at the mercy of the waves of the Sea the water came up to our middles and in this fashion we escaped from that dangerous and infortunate rock one Saturday being Christmas day one thousand five hundred forty and seven with one only piece of an old counter-point which served us for a â—ail having neither needle noâ— compasse to guide us True it is that vve supplied this defect vvith the great hope which we had in our Lord whom we invoked incessantly with groans and sighs that were accompanied with abundance of tears In this pitifull equipage we navigated four vvhole dayes without eating any thing so that upon the fifth day necessity constrained us to feed on a Capâ—aâ— which died amongst us with vvhose body vve sustained our selves five dayes longer vvhich made up the nineth of our voyage so that during other four vvherein vve continued in this case vve had nothing els to eat but the foam and slâ—me of the Sea for vve resolved to die vvith hunger rather then feed on any of those four Portugals vvhich lay dead by us After vve had vvandred thus at the mercy of the Sea it pleased our Lord out of his infinite goodness to let us discover land on the tvvelfth day vvhich vvas so agreeable a sight to us as the joy of it proved mortall to some of ours for of fifteen of us that vvere still alive four died suddainly vvhereof three vvere Portugals so that of eight and thirty persons vvhich had been imbarqued on the raft there vvas but eleven that escaped namely seven Portugals and fâ—ur of our boyes In the end having got to land vve found our selves in a shallovv rode fashioned much like to an Haven vvhere vve began to render infinite thanks to God for having thus delivered us from the perills of the Sea promising our selves also that through his infinite mercy he vvould dravv us out of those of the land Having then made provision of certain shell-fish as oysters and sea-crabs to nourish our selves vvithall because vve had observed hovv all this country vvas very desert and full of Elephants and Tygers we got up into certain trees to the end we might avoid the fury of these beasts and some others which we saw there then when as we thought that we might proceed on our way with less danger we gathered us together went on thorough a vvood where to secure our lives we had recourse to loud cries and hollowings In the mean time as it is the property of the divine mercy never to forsake the poore sufferers that are upon the earth it permitted us to see coming along in a channell of fresh water that ran ingulphing it selfe into the Sea a little barque laden with timber and other wood wherein were nine Negroes Iaoas and Papuaâ— As soon as these men savv us imagining that vve vvere some devills as they confessed to us aftervvards they leapt into the vvater and quite left the Vessell not so much as one of them abiding in her But vvhen they perceived vvhat vve vvere they abandoned the fear they vvere in before and coming unto us they questioned us about many particulars vvhereunto vve ansvvered according to the truth and vvithall desired them for Gods sake to lead us vvhithersoever they vvould and there to sell us as slâ—ves to some that would carry us to Malaca adding that we were Merchants and that in acknowledgement of so good an office they should get a great deal of money for us or as much in commodities as they would require Now whereas these Iaoas are naturally inclined to avarice when they heard us talk of their interest they began to be more tractable and gave us better words with hope of doing that which we desired of them but these courtesies lasted no longer but till such time as they could get again into their barque which they had quitted for as soon as they saw themselves aboard her they put off from the land and making as though they would part without taking us in they told us that to be assured of what we had said to them they would have us before they proceeded any further to yeeld up our armes to them whereas otherwise they would never take us in no not though they saw us eaten up with Lions Seeing our selves thus constrained by necessity and by a certain dispair of finding any other remedy to our present extremity we were inforced to do all that these men required of us so that having brought their barque a little neerer they bid us swim to them because they had never a boat to fetch us from the shore which we presently resolved to do Whereupon two boys and one Portugal leapt into the Sea to take hold of a rope which they had thrown out to us from of the poup of the barque but before they could reach it they were devoured by three great Lizards nothing of the bodies of all these three appearing to us but only the bloud wherewith the Sea was all died Whilest this passed so we the other eight that remained on the shore were so seized with fear and terror as we were not our selves a long time after wherewith those dogs which were in the barque were not awhit moved but contraâ—â—lâ—â—lâ—pping their hands together in sign of joy they said in a way of jeering O how happy are these three for that they have ended their daies without pain Then whenas they saw that we were half sunk up into the Ouze without so much strength as to get our selves out of it five of them leaped ashore and tying us by the middle drew us into their barque with a thousand injuries and affronts After this setting sail they carried us to a village called Cheâ—bom which was some dozen leagues from thence where they sold all eight of us namely six Portugals one Chinese boy and a Caphar for the sum of thirteen Pardains which are in value three hundred realls of our money He that bought us was a Pagan Merchant of the Isle of Zelâ—bres in whose power we continued five or six and twenty daies and without lying we had no lack with him either of cloaths or meat The same Merchant sold us afterwards for twelve Pistolls to the King of Calapa who used so great a magnificence towards us as he sent us freely to the Port of Zunda where there were three Portugal Vessells whereof Ieronimo Gomez Sarmento was Generall who gave us a very good reception and furnished us abundantly with all that was necessary for us untill such time as he put to Sea from the Port to sail to China CHAP. XLVII My passing from Zunda to Siam where in the company of the Portugals I went to the War of Chiammay and that which the King of Siam did untill he returned into his Kingdome where his Queen poysoned him AFter we had been very
his left a custome vvhich they alvvays observe in such a like ceremony Then Oya Passilico who was the highest in dignity in the Kingdome falling on his knees before this new King said unto him with tears in his eyes and so loud that every one might hear him Blessed child that in so tender an age doest hold from the good influence of thy Star the happinesse to be chosen by heaven there above for Governour of this Eâ—pire of Sornau see how God puts it into thy hand by me who am thy vassall to the end thou mayest take thy first oath whereby thou doest protest to hold it with obedience from his divine will as also to observe justice equally to all the people without having any regard to persons whether it be in chastising or recompencing the great or small the mighty or the humble that so in time to come thou mayest not be reproached for not having accomplished that which thou hast sworn in this solemn action For if it shall happen that humane considerations shall make thee swarve from that which for thy justification thou art obliged to do before so just a Lord thou shalt be greatly punished for it in the profound pit of the house of smoke the burning lake of insupportable stench where the wicked and damned howl continually with a sadnesse of obscure night in their entrails And to the end thou mayest oblige thy selfe to the charge which thou takest upon thee say now Xamxaimpom which is as much as to say amongst us Amen The Passilico having finished his speech the young Prince said weeping Xamxaimpom which so mightily moved all the Assembly of the people as there was nothing heard for a good while together but sighing and wailing At length after that this noyse was appeased the Passilico proceeding on with his discourse in looking on the young King This Sword said he unto him which thou holdest naked in thy hand is given thee as a Scepter of Soveraign power upon earth for the subduing of the rebellious which is also to say that thou art truly obliged to be the support of the feeble and poor to the end that they which grow lofty with their power may not overthrow them with the puffe of their pride which the Lord doth as much abhor as he doth the mouth of him that blasphemeth against a little infant which hath never sinned And that thou mayest in all things satisfie the fair enaâ—elling of the stars of heaven which is the perfect just and good God whose power is admirable over all things of the world say once again Xamxaimpom whereunto the Prince answered twice weeping Maxinau Maxinau that is to say I promise so to do After this the Passilico having instructed him in divers other such like things the young Prince answered seven times Xamxaimpom and so the ceremony of his Coronation was finished onely there came first a Talagrepo of a soveraign dignity above all the other Priests named Quiay Ponuedea who it was said was above an hundred years old This same prostrating himself at the feet of the Prince gave him an oath upon a golden bason full of rice and that done they put him into it after they had created him thus anew for time would not permit them to hold him there longer in regard the King his Father was at the point of death besides there was so universall a mourning amongst the people that in every place there was nothing heard but lamentations and wailing CHAP. XLVIII The lamentable death of the King of Siam with certain illustrious and memorable things done by him during his life 〈◊〉 many other accidents that arrived in this Kingdome WHenas the day and the night following had been spent in the manner that I have related the next morning about eight of the clock the infortunate King yeelded up the Ghost in the presence of the most part of the Lords of his Kingdome for the which all the people made so great demonstrations of mourning as every where there was nothing but wailing and weeping Now forasmuch as this Prince had lived in the reputation of being charitable to the poor liberall in his benefits and recompences pitifull and gentle toward every one and above all incorrupt in doing of justice and chastising the wicked his subjects spake so amply thereof in their lamentations as if all that they said of it was true we are to believe that there was never a better King then he either amongst these Pagans or in all the countries of the world Howbeit whereas I cannot assure that those things which they affirmed in their complaints were true because I did not see them I will only insist upon those which past concerning him in the time whilest I was trading in this Kingdome whereof I will report three or four amongst many others which I have seen him do from the year 1540. untill 1545. The first was that in the year 1540. Pedro de Faria being Governour of Malaca King Ioanâ— the Iohn the third of glorious memory wrote him a letter whereby above all things he recommended unto him his using all possible means for the redeeming of a certain Domingos de Seixas who for the space of three and twenty years had been a slave in the Kingdome of Siam adding that the doing thereof would be very important for Gods service and his in regard he was informed that from him rather then from any other he might be certified of the great things which were recounted to him of this Kingdome and in case he could redeem this Christian that he should send him incontinently to Don Garcia the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes to whom he had also written that he should imbarque him in the ship which was to part that year for to returne into Portugal Pedro de Faria had no sooner received this letter but seeing with how much care the King his Master recommended this affair unto him he sent us his Ambassador to Siam one Francisco de Crasto a noble and very rich man to the end he should treat about the ransome of this Domingos de Seixas and other sixteen Portugals which were also slaves there as well as he According to this Commission Francisco de Castro came to the City of Odiaa whilest I was there where he delivered his letter to the King of Siam who gave him a very good reception and after he had read it and questioned him concerning many new and curious things he answered him presently which was a thing he did not usually do to any Ambassador his answer contained this much As for Domingos de Seixas whom the Captain of Malaca sends to me for advertising me that I shall do the King of Portugal a great pleasure in releasing him I do most willingly grant to do it as also to deliver all the rest that are with him Whereupon Francisco de Crasto having had this dispatch from the King gave him most humble thanks for it and prostrated himself three severall times
before him with his head bowed down to the ground as the custome was to do unto this King in regard he was more absolute then others Whenas then the season permitted Francisco de Castro to return to Malaca the King sent to fetch Domingos de Seixas from the Town of Goutaleu where he was at that time Generall of the Frontire having under his charge thirty thousand foot five thousand horse and eighteen thousand duckats pension by the year With him also he caused to be brought the other sixteen Portugals and consigned them all into the hands of Francisco de Castro who gave him thanks again for the grace which he did him A little after whenas Domingos de Seixas and his companions went to take their leave of this King he caused a thousand turmes of silver to be given to them which are in value twelve thousand duckats of our money and desired them to pardon him for giving them so little Another time which was in the year a thousand five hundred forty and five Simano de Melo being Captain of the same fortresse of Malaca one Luys de Montarroyo coming from China to go to Patana it happened that the ship wherein he was being beaten with a furious tempest was cast away in the Port of Charir some five leagues from Lugor where all his goodâ— were seized upon by the Xabandar of the country after that the Sea had cast him ashore and withall he himself was made a prisoner together with all the rest which were saved to the number of four and twenty Portugal and fifty boys which made in all seventy and four persons the goods too that were saved out of this Shipwrack amounted at least to fifteen thousand duckats Now the reason which the Xabandar alledged for this same was that by the antient custom of the Kingdome all these goods belonged unto him whereof Luis de Montarrayo having advertised certain Portugals which were at that instant in the City they concluded amongst themselves to make an Odiaa or present of some rich pieces to the value of a thousand duckaâ—s and therâ—with to go unto the King upon the day which was named of the white Elephant that vvas ten daies after and on the which in regard it was a very solemn feast this Prince was accustomed to do many graces to such as vvere suitors to him for them So on the solemnity of this day vvhich they call Oâ—idaypileu that is to say the rejoycing of goodmen all the Portugals who were threescore and odd placed themselves in a certain passage of one of the three principall streets thorough which the King vvas to passe vvith a great deal of pomp and Majesty and vvhenas they savv the King come by they prostrated themselves all upon the ground as the inhabitants of Siam use to do and one of them being deputed thereunto recounted unto the King the vvhole businesse of Luis de Montarrayo and his companions just as it had past beseeching him he vvould do them so much grace as to command the releasement of those poor prisoners vvithout speaking of the goods vvhich the Xabandar had seized upon because it seemed not reasonable unto them But the King who presently understood their demand vvas so moved vvith the tears vvhich he savv some of them shed as he caused the vvhite Elephant vvhereon he vvas mounted to stay then casting his eye on the Portugals and the Present that some of them held out in their hands vvhich he knevv they intended to offer unto him My friends said he unto him I take that for received which you would present me with and do thank you for it for in so solemn a day as this is I do not use to take any thing of any body but to give and oblige every one with benefits wherefore I desire you for the love of your God whose servant I am and ever will be to bestow this Present upon such of your company as are in most need of it for you shall do far better in gaining thereby therecompence of this Almes which you shall give for his sake then you could get by all that which I should confer on you in acknowledgement of this Present it being most certain that before him I am but a poor worm of the earth As for the prisoners which you demand of me it is my pleasure to bestow them as an Alms upon you that so in all liberty they may return unto Malaca and further I command that all the goods which they say have been â—aken from them be restored to them again for things which are done for Gods sake ought to be accomplished with much more liberality then the need of the poor requires especially when they crave it with tears in their eys Hereupon the Portugals prostrated themselves all before him and the next day the King by his Lâ—tters Patents ordained That within the term of ten daies the prisoners should be brought to the City together with all that which had been taken from them which incontinently was executed very exactly for there were restored unto them all the goods which had been saved out of the ship amounting as I have already said to fifteen thousand duckats which the King freely gave them Two or three moneths after in the same year one thousand five hundred forty and five it greatly importing this King of Siam to go in person and repulse the King of Tâ—parahos who on Passilicaâ—s side had invaded his country and sacked some of the weakest places with an intent to besiege the fortresse of Xinan and Lautâ—â— whereon depended the whole safety of this state he resolved to go against him in person Wherefore he sent certain Colonells over all the Kingdome to levy men with an expresse Commission to return within twenty daies with their men of war to the City of Odiaa for it was his intention to set forth from thence about that time Withall he enjoyned his Commanders upon pain of a rigorous chastisement not to dispense with a man that could fight from this war except it were such as were any way impotent and above threescore years of age whereupon each of these Colonells was assigned the Province wherein he should make his levies It happened then that one Quiay Raudiuaa a man of quality and one that the King made oftentimes use of had for his lot the frontier of Blanâ—haa where the most part of the inhabitants being very rich as well in money as other wayes gave themselves to the delights of the flesh and spent the most part of their time in feasts in sports and other such like pleasures of this life so that when they saw that Quiay Raudiuaa would compell them to go to this war as he was enjoyned to do they took it for too heavy a yoke and too insupportable a burthen and that did not well agree with the manner of life which they were wont to lead and therefore the richest of the country assembled together and resolved to get a
dispensation from this voyage by the means of a great sum of money which they made up amongst themselves and carried to the Colonel Now whereas there is no place where money is not powerfull enough to overthrow all things and from which a man can hardly defend himself the Colonel Raudiuaa suffered himself to be overcome with such a masse of coyn as these men presented him with and consented that they should not budge from their homes In this sort he was constrained to take up in their steads most of the poor impotent and old men of the country without any regard had to the Kings expresse Injunction to the contrary Being arrived with this goodly company of souldiers at the City of Odiaa he was commanded to make a shew of them before the King as all the Colonels did of theirs as soon as this Prince cast his eye from a window where he was upon men so wretched old and poorly clad he caused one file of them to come before him then having asked of them how old they were and why they presented themselves before him in so bad an equipage one amongst them speaking for the rest recounted unto him the whole businesse as it had past which put the King into such choler that having presently commanded Quiay Raudiuaa to be brought before him and reviled him publikely for his villany and basenesse he caused him to be bound hand and foot and having given order for the melting of five Turmes of silver he made it to be powred into his mouth in his presence whereof he died instantly Whereupon beholding him lie dead before him If it be so said he unto him that there needed but five Turmes of silver to kill thee how could'st thou imagine that the threescore thousand duckats which thou tookest of the cowards of Banchaa for to dispense with them from the war should not be capable of sending thâ—â— into the other world God forgive thee thy avarice and â—e the little punishment I have inflicted on thee for the same After this he sent presently to search his house where the five thousand Turmes he had taken were found which were immediately brought to the King who caused this money to be distributed in his presence to those old and impotent poor wretches which Raudiuaa had brought thither being in number above three thousand that done he sent them home to their houses willing them to pray unto God for him As for those effeminate men who to be exempted from going to the war had given the five thousand Turmes to the Colonell he commanded them to be attired like women and so banished them into an Island called Pulho Caton wherewith yet not contented he confiscated all their estates which he ordered should be bestowed on such as behaved themselves best in the war And not long after observing that one of the hundred and threescore Portugals which went along with him in this expedition hung back in a certain attempt which the rest of his fellows went upon where they carried themselves so valiantly and with such courage as they regained the principall Fort which the enemy had taken in the Town of Lautor he commanded him to return to Siam seeing he was not like his other companions and that as long as he continued there he should neither offer to go out of the house where he was nor take upon him the name of a Portugal on paine of having his beard shaven off and used like those of Banchaa since he was as cowardly as they whereas contrarily to all the rest of the Portugals he sent treble pay and exempted them from all duties that were to be paid for their Merchandize as also gave them power to build Churches in any part of his Kingdome for the adoring of the name of the God of the Portugals By these and many other examples which I could produce here it is manifest how great and commendable the inclinations of this Prince were who notwithstanding that he was a Gentile was of a wonderfull good nature and exceedingly addicted to vertuous actions It is not to be believed with what infinite sorrow both all the great Lords and generally all the subjects of this Kingdome bewailed the death of their good King but at length an Assembly was made of all the Priests of this City who as it was said were twenty thousand in number by whose direction the principall persons of the Kingdom concluded upon the funerall pomp and ceremonies which were to be used thereabout according to the custome of the country whereupon a mighty great pile was forthwith erected â—â—â—ade of Sandal Aloes Calembaa and Benjamin on the which the body of the deceased King being laid fire was put to it with a strange ceremony during all the time that the body was a burning the people did nothing but wail and lament beyond all expression but in the end it being consumed to ashes they put them into a silver shrine which they imbarqued in a Laulea very richly equipped that was accompanied with forty Seroos full of Talagrepos which are the highest dignity of their Gentile Priests and a great number of other Vessells wherein there was a world of people after them followed an hundred small barques laden with divers figures of Idolls under the formes of Adders Lizards Tygers Lions Toads Serpents Bats Geese Bucks Dogs Elephants Cats Vultures Kites Crows and other such like creatures whose figures were so well represented to the life as they seemed to be living In another very great ship was the King of all these Idolls which they called The gluttonous Serpent of the profound pit of the house of smoke This Idoll had the figure of a monstrous Adder was as big about as an hogshead and vvrithed into nine circles so that whenas it was extended it was above â—n hundred spans long it had the neck standing upright and out of the eyes throat and breast issued flames of artificiall fire which rendred this monster so dreadfull and furious as all that beheld it trembled for fear Now upon a Theater three fathom high and richly guilt was a very beautiful little boy about four or five years old covered all over with pearls and chains and bracelets of precious stones having wings and a bush of hair of fine gold much after the manner as we use to paint Angells This child held a rich Curtelas in his hand by which invention these Pagans would give to understand That it was an Angell of heaven sent from God to imprison all those many devills to the end they should not steal away the Kings soul before it should arrive at the place of rest which was prepared for it there above in glory for a recompence of the good works which he had done below in the world In this order all these Vessells got to land at a Pagode called Quiay Poutâ—r where after that the silver shrine in which the Kings ashes were was placed and the little boy taken from thence
down by a pane of the wall descended thorough a bullwork into a place which was below with an intent to open a gate and give an entrance unto the King to the end they might rightly boast that they all alone had delivered to him the Capitall City of the Kingdome of Siam and so might gain the recompence vvhich they might well expect for so brave an action for the King had before promised to give unto whomsoever should deliver up the City unto him a thousand bisses of gold which in value are five hundred thousand duckats of our money These Turks being gotten down as I have said laboured to break open a gate with two rammes which they had brought with them for that purpose but as they were occupied about it upon a confidence that they alone should gain the thousand bisses of gold which the King had promised to whomsoever should open him the gates they saw themselves suddainly charged by three thousand Iaâ—s all resoâ—ute souldiers who fell upon them with such fury as little more then a quarter of an hour there was not so much as one Turk left alive in the place wherewith not contented they mounted up immediately to the top of the wall with a wonderfull courage and so flesht as they were and covered over with the bloud of the Turks whom they had newly cut in pieces they set upon the Bramaaes men which they found there and fought with them so valiantly that they durst not make head against them so that most of them were there slain and the rest tumbled down over the vvall The King of Bramaa redoubling his courage more then before would not for all that give over this assault but contrarily resolved to undertake it anew so as imagining that those Elephants alone would be able to give him an entry into the City he caused them once again to approach unto the wall At the noyse hereof Oyaa Passilico Captain Generall of the City ran in all hast to this part of the wall accompanied with fifteen thousand men whereof the most part were Luzons Bâ—rnâ—â—s and Champaaâ—s with some Menancabos among and caused the gate to be presently opened â—horough which the Bramaa pretended to enter and then sent him word that whereas he was given to understand how his Highnesse had promised to give a thousand bissâ—s of gold to whomsoever should open him the gates â—hat so he might thereby enter into the City he had now performed it so that hâ— might enter if he would provided that like a great King as he was he would maâ—â— good his word and send him the thousand bisses of gold which he stayed there to recâ—â—ve The King of Bramaa having received this jeer would not vouchsafe to return an answer thereby to shew his contempt of Oyaâ— Passilico but instantly he commanded the City to be assaulted which was presently executed with a great deal of fury for the fight became so terrible as it was a dreadfull thing to behold the rather for that the violence of it lasted above three whole hours during the which time the gate vvas tvvice forced open and twice the Assailants got an entrance into the City which the King of Siam no sooner perceived and that all vvas in danger to be lost but he ran speedily to oppose them vvith his follovvers vvhich vvere about thirty thousand in number and the best souldiers that were in all the City whereupon the conflict grew much better then before and continued half an hour and better during the which I do not know what past nor can say any other thing save that we savv streams of bloud running every vvhere and the ayr all of a light fire there vvas also on either part such a tumult and noyse as one would have said the earth had been tottering for it was a most dreadfull thing to hear the discord and jarring of those barbarous instruments as bells drums and trumpets intermingled with the noyse of the great Ordnance and smaller shot and the dreadfull yelling of six thousand Elephants whence ensued so great a terror that it took from them that heard it both courage and sense withall that place at the City gate whereof the Bramaa had been Master was all covered over with bodies drowned in bloud a spectacle so horrible that the very sight of it put us almost besides our selves Diego Suarez then seeing their forces qâ—ite repulsed out of the City the most part of the Elephants hurt and the rest so scared with the noyse of the great Ordnance as it was impossible to make them return unto the vvall as also that the best men of those that had fought at the gate were slain and that the Sun was almost down came to the King and counselled him to sound a retreat whereunto the King yeelded though much against his will because he observed that both he and the most part of the Portugals were wounded but it was with a purpose to returne to the same enterprise againe the next morning The King being retired to his quarter found himself wounded with the shot of an arrow which he received in that daies conflict and which he felt not untill then by reason of the heat of the fight This accident hindered the executing of the resolution he had taken to give another assault to the City the next day for he was constrained to keep his bed twelve daies together but at seventeen days end when he was fully cured of his hurt he undertook again the prosecution of his design and to effect that which he had so resolved upon namely not to raise his siege from before the City untill he had made himself Master of it though it cost him both his life and his whole State He gave then a second assault unto the City which proved like unto the former for he lost a vvorld of men in it so that he was forced to retreat but his wilfullnesse was such as nothing daunted with the great slaughter of his men he gave five assaults more to it in the open day wherein he made use of many warlike stratagems which a Greek Ingineer daily invented for him but whatsoever he could do he was always fain to retire with losse whereat he was greatly troubled In the mean time whereas the siege of this City had already indured four moneths and an half he commanded a generall muster of his souldiers to be made and he found that an hundred and forty thousand of them were wanting Whereupon seeing to what estate he was reduced for the putting of an end to the business he resolved to assault the City again with another nevv invention and this assault was the eighth he had already given to it during the siege which he enterprised by the Councell of war and that under the favour of the night for they alledged unto him that darknesse would make the assault less dangerous and the scaling of the walls more facile This resolution taken he instantly commanded
all preparations necessary for this design to be made so that in seventeen days they built up six and twenty Castles of strong pieces of timber whereof each one was set upon six and twenty wheels of iron which facilitated the motion of so great a frame Every Castle was fifty foot broad threescore and five long and five and twenty high and all of them were reinforced with double beams covered over with sheets of lead Moreover each of them was full of wood and had fastned to them before great iron chains and that were very long in regard of the fire Things thus prepared one Friday about midnight being very dark and rainy the King of Bramaa caused three times one after another all the great Ordnance of the Camp to be discharged which as I remember I have already said consisted of an hundred and threescore great pieces vvhereof the most part shot iron bullets besides a many of Falconets bases and muskets to the number of fifteen hundred so that from all these guns shot off together three times one after another proceeded so horrible and dreadfull a noyse as I cannot think that any vvhere but in hell the like could be for on whatsoever the imagination can be fixt it cannot meet with any thing that may be rightly compared thereunto At this time it was not only the great pieces of Ordnance whereof I have spoken before and the small ones too which were shot off but the like was done by all the guns which were both within the City and without in the Camp of what bigness soever they vvere being at least an hundred thousand in all for whereas there were as I have already said threescore thousand Harquebuziers in the King of Bramaaes Army there vvere thirty thousand also in the City besides seven or eight thousand Falconets and Bases so that to hear all these shot off continually for the space of three hours together and intermingled with thunder lightning and the tempest of the night was to say the truth a thing which was never seen read of or imagined and such indeed as put every one almost besides himself for some fell flat on the ground some crept behind walls and others got into walls During the greatest violence of this horrible and furious tempest they set fire on the six and twenty Castles which they had before brought close to the walls so that by the force of the wind which vvas at that time very great and by the means of barrels of pitch that had been put into them they fel a flaming in such a strange manner as there was anew to be seen so dreadfull a picture of hell for it is the only name that can be given it because there is nothing upon earth that may rightly he resembled unto it that if even those which were without trembled at it I leave you to think vvith hovv much more reason vvere they to fear it vvhom necessity constrained to abide the violence of it Hereupon began a most bloudy conflict on either part they without falling to scale the walls and the besieged who took no less care for all things then they valiantly to defend themselves so that no advantage was to be found on either side but rather both of them were in a condition to be utterly destroyed for whereas the one and other reinforced themselves continually with fresh supplies and that the King of Bramaaes obstinacy vvas such as he went himself in person amongst his souldiers incouraging them with his speeches and the great promises that he made them the fight proceeded so far and increased so mightily as being unable to deliver the least part of that which passed therein â— leave it to the understanding of every one to imagine what it might be Four hours after midnight the six and tvventy Castles being quite burned to the ground with so terrible a blaze as no man durst come within a stones cast of it the King of Bramaa caused a retreat to be sounded at the request of the Captains of the strangers for there vvere so many hurt men amongst them as all the day and most part of the night following was imployed in dressing of them CHAP. LXX The King of Bramaaes raising his siege from before the City of Odiaâ— with a description of the Kingdome of Siam and the fertility thereof THe King of Bramaa seeing that neither the great Ordnance vvherewith he had battered the City nor the assaults vvhich he had given unto it nor his inventions of Castles accompanied vvith so many artifices of fire whereon he had so much relied had served him to any purpose for the execution of that which he had so mightily desired and being resolved not to desist from the enterprise vvhich he had begun he called a Councell of War vvherein all the Princes Dukes Lords and Commanders that vvere in the Army were present Having then propounded his desire and intention unto them he required them to give him their advice thereupon immediately the affair being put into deliberation and thoroughly debated on either part they concluded in â—he end that the King vvas by no means to raise this siege in regard this enterprise was the most glorious and most profiâ—able of all that ever might be offered unto him they represented moreover unto him the vvorld of treasure that he had imployed therein and that if he continued battering the City without desisting from his assaults at length the enemies would be spent because it vvas apparent as they vvere informed that they vvere no longer able to vvithstand the least attempt that should be made against them The King being exceedingly contented for that their opinions proved to be conformable to his desire testified the great satisfaction that he received thereby so that he gave them many recompences in money and vovved to them that if they could take the City he vvould confer upon them the greatest commands of the Kingdome vvith very honorable titles and revenues This resolution being taken there was no further question but of considering in vvhat manner the businesse should be carried whereupon by the counsell of Diego Suarez and of the Ingineer it was concluded that vvith bavinâ— and green turfe a kind of Platform should be erected higher then the vvalls and that there on should be mounted good store of great Ordnance wherewith the principall fortifications of the City should be battered since that in them alone consisted all the enemies defence Order then vvas presently given for all that vvas judged necessary thereunto and the threescore thousand Pioners vvhich vvere in the Camp vvere imployed about it vvho in tvvelve days brought the Fort or Platform into the estate vvhich the King desired There vvere already planted on it then forty pieces of Canon for the battering of the City the day ensuing vvhenas a Post arrived vvith Letters to the King vvhereby he vvas advertised That the Zemindoo being risen up in the Kingdome of Pegu had cut fifteen thousand
Bramaaes there in pieces and had withall seizâ—d on the principall places of the country At these news the King was so troubled that without further delay he raised the siege and imbarqued himself on a river called Pacaâ—au where he stayed but that night and the day following which he imployed in retiring his great Ordnance and ammunition Then having set fire on all the Pallisadoes and lodgings of the Camp he parted away one Tuesday the fifteenth day of October in the year a thousand five hundred forty and eight for to go to the Town of Marâ—abano Having used all possible speed in his voyage at seventeen days end he came thither and there was amply informed by the Chalagonim his Captain of all the Zemindoos proceedings in making himself King and seizing on his treasure by killing fifteen thousand Bramaaes and that in divers places he had lodged five hundred thousand men with an intention to stop his passage into the Kingdome This news very much perplexed the King of Bramaa so that he fell to thinking with himself what course he should take for the remedying of so great a mischief as he was threatned with In the end he resolved to tarry a while at Martabano to attend some of his forces that were still behind and then to go and fight a battell with his enemy but it was his ill luck that in the space of fourteen days only which he abode there of four hundred thousand men which he had fifty thousand quitted him For whereas they were all Pegâ—es and consequently desirous to shake off the Bramaaes yoke they thought it best to side with the new King the Zemindoo who was a Pegu as well as they and they were the rather induced thereunto by understanding that this Prince was of an eminent condition liberall and so affable to every one that he thereby won most men to be of his party In the mean time the King of Bramaa fearing lest the defection of his souldiers should daily more and more increase was advised by his Councell to stay no longer there in regard the longer he should tarry the more his forces would diminish for that a great part of his Army was Pegues which were not likely to be very faithful unto him This counsell was approved of by the King who presently marched away towards Pegu neer unto which he was no sooner arrived but he was certified that the Zemindoo being advertised of his coming was attending ready to receive him So these two Kings being in the view of one another incamped in a great â—laine some two leagues from the City of Pegu the Zemindoo with six hundred thousand men and the Bramaa with three hundred and fifty thousand The next day these two Armies being put into battell array came to joyn together one Friday the sixteenth of November the same year a thousand five hundred forty and eight It was about six of the clock in the morning when first they began their incounter vvhich vvas performed vvith so much violence as a generall defeat ensued thereupon yet fought they with an invincible courage on either part but the Zemindoo had the worse for in lesse then three hours his whole Army was routed with the slaughter of three hundred thousand of his men so that in this extremity he vvas forced to save himself only with six horse in a fortress called Battelor where he stayed but one hour during the vvhich he furnished himself with a little Vessell wherein he fled the night ensuing up the river to Câ—daa Let us leave him now flying untill we shall come to him again whenas time shall serve and return to the King of Bramaa who exceedingly contented vvith the victory vvhich he had gotten marched the next morning against the City of Pegu where as soon as he arrived the inhabitants rendred themselves unto him on condition to have their lives and goods saved Whereupon he took order for the dressing of them that were hurt as for those that he lost in this battell they were found to be threescore thousand in number amongst the which were two hundred and fourscore Portugals all the rest of them being grievously wounded Having already intreated of the successe which the King of Bramaas voyage had in the kingdom of Siam and of the rebellion of the Kingdom of Pegu me thinks it will not be amisse for me to speak here succinctly of the scituation extent abundance riches and fertility which I saw in this kingdom of Siam and in this Empire of Sornaâ— to shew that the conquest thereof would have been far more utile unto us then all the estates which now we have in the India's and that we might obtain it with a great deal lesse charge This kingdom as may be seen in the Map is seven hundred leagues in length and a hundred and threescore in bredth the most part of it consists in great plaines where are a world of corn grounds and rivers of fresh water by reason whereof the Country is exceeding fertile and abundantly stored with cattell and victualls In the most eminent parts of it are thick Forests of Angelin wood whereof thousands of ships might be made there are also many mines of Silver Iron Steel Lead Tin Saltpetre and Brimstone likewise great abundance of Silk Aloes Benjamin Lacre Indico Cotton wooll Rubies Saphires Ivory and gold There is moreover in the woods marvailous store of Brasill and Ebony wherewith an hundred Juncks are every year laden to be transported to China Hainan the Lequios Camboya and Campâ—aa besides Wax Honey and Sugar which divers places there do yeeld very plentifully The Kings yearly revenue is ordinarily twelve millions of gold over and above the presents which the great Lords make him that comes to a great matter In the jurisdiction of his territories there are six and twenty hundred populations which they call Prodou as cities and towns amongst us besides villages and small hamlets whereof I have no reckoning The most part of those populations have no other fortifications or walls then palisadoes of wood so that it would be easie for any that should attaque them to make themselves masters thereof the rather for that the inhabitants of those places are naturally effeminate and destitute of arms offensive and defensive This coast of this kingdom joyns upon the two North and South Seas on that of the Indiaes by Iunçalo and Tanauçarius and on that of China by Monpolocata Cuy Lugor Chintabu and Berdio The capitall City of all this Empire is Odiaa whereof I have spoken heretofore it is fortified with walls of brick and mortar and contains according to some foure hundred thousand fires whereof an hundred thousand are strangers of divers countries of the world for whereas the country is very rich of it self and of great traffick there passes not a yeare whereunto from the Provinces and Islands of Iaoa Bale Madoura Augenio Bâ—rneo and Solor there sailes at the least a thousand Iuncks besides other smaller vessells
wherewith all the rivers and all the harbors are full The King naturally is no way given to tyranny The customs of all the Kingdome are charitably destinated for the maintenance of certain Pagodes where the duties that are paid are very easie for whereas the religious men are forbidden to trade with money they take no more of Merchants then what they will give them out of almes There are in this Country twelve Sects of Gentiles as in the Kingdome of Pegu and the King for a soveraigne title causeth himself to be called Prechau Saliu which in our tongue signifies A holy member of God He shewes not himself to the people save only twice in the year but then with so much riches and majesty as he hath power and greatnesse and yet for all this that I say he less not to acknowledge himself the vassall and tributarie to the King of China to the end that by means thereof his subjects Juncks may be admitted into the port of Combay where ordinarily they exercise their commerce There is also in this Kingdome a great quantity of Pepper Ginger Cinamon Camphire Allume Cassia Tamarinds and Cardamon so as one may truly affirm that which I have often heard say in those parts namely that this Kingdom is one of the best countries in the world and easier to be subdued then any other Province how little soever I could here report likewise many more particularities of things which I have seen only in the city of Odiaa but I am not minded to make mention of them that I may not beget in them that shall read this the same grief which I have for the losse which we made of it through our sins and the gain we might make in conquering this Kingdom CHAP. LXXI A continuation of that which happened in the Kingdome of Pegu as well during the life as after the death of the King of Bramaa TO return now unto the history which heretofore I have left you must know that after the King of Bramaa had obtained that memorable victory neer to Pegu as I have declared heretofore by means whereof he remained peaceable possessor of the whole Kingdom the first thing he imployed himself in was to punish the offendors which had formerly rebelled for which effect he cut off the heads of a great many of the Nobility and Commanders all whose estates were confiscated to the Crown which according to report amounted unto ten millions of gold besides plate and jewells whereby that common Proverb which was common in the mouths of all was verified namely That one mans offence cost many men very deare Whilest the King continued more and more in his cruelties and injustice which he executed against divers persons during the space of two moneths and a half certain newes came to him that the city of Martabano was revolted with the death of two thousand Bramaas and that the Chalogomin Governour of the same city had declared himself for the Xemindoo But that the cause of this revolt may be the better understood by such as are curious I will before I proceed any further succinctly relate how this Xemindoo had been of a religious order in Pegu a man of noble extraction and as some affirmed neer of kin to the precedent King whom this Bramaa had put to death twelve years before as I have already declared This Xemindoo had formerly to name Xoripam Xay a man of about forty five years of age of a great understanding and held by every one for a Saint he was withall very wel verst in the Laws of their Sects false Religion and had many excellent parts which rendered him so agreeable unto all that heard him preach as he was no sooner in the Pulpit but all the assistants prostrated themselves on the ground saying at every word that he uttered Assuredly God speaks in thee This Xemindoo seeing himself then in such great credit with the people spurred on by the generosity of his nature and the occasion which was then so favourable unto him resolved to try his fortune and see to what degree it might arrive To this end at such time as the King of Bramaa was fallen upon the kingdom of Siam and had laid siege to the city of Odiaa the Xemindoo preaching in the temple of Conquiay at Pegu which is as it were the Cathedrall of all the rest where there was a very great assembly of people he discoursed at large of the losse of this Kingdom of the death of their lawfull King as also of the great extortions cruell punishments and many other mischiefs which the Bramaas had done to their Nation with so many insolencies and with so many offences against God as even the very houses which had been founded by the charity of good people to serve for Temples wherein the Divine Word might be preached were all desolated and demolished or if any were found still standing they were made use of either for stables lay-stalls or other such places accustomed to lay filth or dung in These and many other such like things which the Xâ—mindoo delivered accompanied with many sighs and tears made so great an impression in the minds of the people as from thenceforward they acknowledged him for their lawfull King and swore allegeance unto him so that instead of calling him as they did before Xoripam Xay they named him Xemindoo as a soveraigne title which they gave him above all others Seeing himself raised then to the dignity of King the first thing during the heat and fury of this people was to go to the King of Bramaas palace where having found five thousand Bramaas he cut them all in pieces not sparing the life of one of them the like did he afterwards to all the rest of them that were abiding in the most important places of the State and withall he seized on the Kings treasure which was not small In this manner he slew all the Bramaas that were in the Kingdom which were fifteen thousand besides the women of that Nation of what age soever and seized on the places where they resided which were instantly demolished so that in the space of three and twenty dayes onely he became absolute possessor of the Kingdom and prepared a great Army to fight with the King of Bramaa if he should chance to return upon the bruit of this rebellion as indeed he fought with him to his great damage being defeated by him as I have heretofore declared And thus having methinks said enough for the intelligence of that which I am to recount I will come again to my first discourse This King of Braâ—aa being advertised of the revolt of the Town of Martabano and of the death of those two thousand Bramaaes gave order immediately to all the Lords of the Kingdome for their repair unto him with as many men as they could levy and that within the teâ—m of fifteen daies at the furthest in regard the present necessity would not indure a longer
delay This done he parted the day following with a small train from the City of Pegu to give example to others to do the like and wept and lodged at a Town called Mouchan with an intention to tarry there those fifteen days he had limited the Lords to come unto him Now whenas six or seven of them were already past he was advertised that Xemin de Satan Governor of a Town so named had secretly sent a great sum of gold to the Zemindoo and had withall done him homage for the same Town where he commanded This news somewhat troubled the King of Bramaa who devising with himself of the means which he might use to meet with the mischief that threatned him he sent for Xemin de Satan who was then in the said Town of his Government with a purpose to cut off his head but he betaking himself to his bed and making shew of being sick answered that he would wait upon the King as soon as he was able to rise Now in regard he found himself to be guilty and misdoubting the cause wherefore he was sent for he communicated this affair to a dozen of his kinsmen that were there present with him who all of them concluded together how since there was no better way to save himself then in killing the King that without further delay it was to be put in execution so that all of them offering secretly to assist him in this enterprise they speedily assembled all their Confidents without declaring unto them at first the occasion wherefore they did it and withall drawing others unto them with many fair promises they made up of all being joyned together a company of six hundred men Whereupon being informed that the King was lodged in a certain Pagode they fell upon it with great violence and fortune was so favourable unto them that finding him almost alone in his chamber they slew him without incurring any danger That done they retired into an outward Court where the Kings Guard having had some notice of this treason set upon them and the conflict was so hot between them that in half an hours space or thereabout eight hundred men lay dead in the place whereof the most part were Bramaaes After this Xemin de Satan making away with four hundred of his followers went to a place of a large extent called Poutel whither all those of the country round about resorted unto him who being advertised of the death of the King of Bramaa whom they mortally hated made up a body of five thousand men and went to seek out the three thousand Bramaaes which the King had brought thither vvith him And forasmuch as these same vvere dispersed in severall places they vvere all of them easily slain not scarce so much as one escaping With them also vvere killed fourscore of three hundred Portugals that Diego Suarez had with him vvho together vvith all the rest vvhich remained vvith their lives saved rendred themselves upon composition and vvere received to mercy upon condition that for the future they should faithfully serve Xemin de Satan as their proper King vvhich they easily promised to do Nine days after this mutiny the Rebell seeing himself favoured by fortune and such a multitude of people at his devotion which were come to him out of this Province to the number of thirty thousand men caused himself to be declared King of Pegu promising great recompences to such as should follow and accompany him untill he had wholly gained the Kingdome and driven the Bramaaes out of the country With this design he retired to a fortresse called Tagalaa and resolved to fortifie himself there out of the feare he was in of the forces vvhich vvere to come to the succour of the deceased King thinking to find him alive having been advertised that many vvere already set forth from the City of Pegu for that purpose Now of those Bramaaes which Xemin de Satan had slain one by chance escaped and cast himself all woundeâ— as he vvas into the river and swimming over never left travelling all that night and the day follovving for fear of the Pegues untill he arrived at a place called Coutasarem where he incountred with the Chaumigrem the deceased Kings Foster-brother vvho vvas incamped there vvith an army of an hundred and â—ourscore thousand men vvhereof there vvere but only thirty thousand Bramaaes all the rest Pegues finding him then upon the point of parting from thence in regard of the heat that vvould be vvithin tvvo hours after he acquainted him vvith the death of the King and all that had past besides Now though this news greatly troubled the Chaumigrem yet he dissembled it for the present with so much courage and prudence as not one of his followers perceived any alteration in him But contrarily putting on a rich habit of Carnation Sattin imbroidered with gold and a chain of precious stones about his neck he caused all the Lords and Commanders of his Army to assemble before him and then speaking to them with the semblance of a joyfull man Gentlemen said he this fellow which you saw come to me but now in such hast hath brought me this Letter which I have here in my hand from the King my Lord and yours and although by the contents thereof he seemeth to blame us for our carelessâ—ness in lingering thus yet I hope e're long to render him such an accompt of it as his Highnesse shall give us all thanks for the service we have done him By this letter too he certifies me that he hath very certaine intelligence how the Zemindoo hath raised an army with an intent to fall upon the Towns of Cosmin and Dalâ—â— and to gain all along the rivers of Digon and Meâ—doo the whole Province of Danaplâ—â— even to Ansedaa wherefore he hath expresly enjoyned me that as soon as possibly I may I put into those places as the most important such forces as shall be able to resist the enemy and that I take heed nothing be lost through my nâ—gligence because in that case â—e will admit of no excuse This being so it seems to me very importanâ— and necessary for his service that you my Lord Xemiâ—brum go instantly without all delay and put your self with your forces into the Town of Dâ—laa and your brother-in-law Baâ—â—haa Quem into that of Digon with his fifteen thousand men as for Colonel Gipray and Monpocasser they shall go with their thirty thousand souldiers into Ansedaa and Danapluu and Ciguamcan with twenty thousand men shall march along to Xaraa and so to Mâ—lacou moreoâ—er Quiay Brazagaran with his brethren and kinsmen shall go for Generall of the Frontier with an Army of fifty thousand men to the end that assisted with those forces he may in person give order wheresoever need shall be Behold what the King hath written to me whereof I pray you let us make an agreement and all sign it together for it is no reason that my head should answer for your
added many others by way of complement yea and made him many offers if he would make use of him wherewith the old father of the bride finding himself so exceedingly honored as not knowing how to acknowledge it in regard the person who did him so much honor was no lesse then the King himself in greatnesse and dignity the desire which he had to satisfie this obligation in part if he could not wholly do it made him go and take his daughter by the hand accompanied with many Ladies of quality and so leading her to the street door where Diego Suarez was he prostrated himself on the ground with a great deal of respect and with many complements after his manner thanked him for the favour and honor that he had done him Thereupon the new married bride having taken from off her finger a rich ring presented it on her knees by her fathers expresse commandement to Diego Suarez but he that naturally was sensuall and lascivious instead of using civility whereunto the Laws of generosity and friendship obliged him having taken the ring which the maid presented unto him he reached out his hand and plucked her to him by force saying God forbid that so fair a maid as you should fall into any other hands but mine whereupon the poor old man seeing Diego Suarez hale his daughter so rudely lifting up both his hands to heaven with his knees on the ground and tears in his eys My Lord said he unto him I humbly beseech thee for the love and respect of the great God whom thou adorest and which was conceived without any spot of sin in the Virgins womb as I confesse and believe according to that which I have heard thereof that thou wilt not forcibly take away my daughter for if thou doest so I shall assuredly die with griefe and displeasure at it but if thou desire of me that I should give thee her dowry together with all that is in my house and that I deliver up my self unto thee for thy slave I will instantly do it provided thou wilt permit that her husband may possesse her for I have no other good in the world but â—â—e nor will I have any other as long as I live Whereupon offering to lay hold on his daughter Diego Suarez making no answer to him turned himself about to the Captain of his guard who was a Turk by Nation and said unto him kill this dog The Turk presently drew out his Scymitar to kill the poor old man but he suddainly fled away leaving his daughter with her hair all about her ears in Diego Suarez his hands In the mean time the Bridegroom came running to this tumult with his cheeks all bedeawed with tears but he was scarcely arrived there whenas these Barbarians slew him and his Father too with six or seven other of his kinsmen Whilest this past so the women made such fearfull cries in the house as terrified all those that heard them so that even the earth and the ayr seemed to tremble at it or to say better they demanded vengeance of God for the little respect which was had to his divine justice and for so great a violence as this was and truly if I do not more amply report the particularities of so black and so abhominable an action I desire to be excused in regard I passe them by for the honor of the Portugal Nation Wherefore it shall suffice me to say that this poor Maid seeing her self upon the point to be forced strangled her self with a string that she wore about her middle for a girdle which she chose rather to do then suffer this sensuall and bruitish man to carry her away with him by force but he was therewith so displeased as he was heard to say that he repented him more for that he had not enjoyed her then for using her in that sort as he did Now from the day of this abhorred act till four years after the good old man the Father of the Bride was never seen to go out of his house but at length to give a greater demonstration of his sorrow and to shew his extreme resentment of the matter he covered himself with an old tattered mat and in that sad equipage went up and downe begging an alms of his very slaves never eating any thing but lying all along naked and his face fixed on the ground Thus continued he in so sad a manner of life untill in the end he saw that the season invited him to have recourse unto justice which he demanded in this sort perceiving that in the Kingdome there was another King other Governors and other Jurisdiction alterations which time ordinarily produceth in every country and in all kind of affairs he went out of his house in the wretched fashion he had so long used having a big cord about his neck and a white beard reaching almost down to his girdle and got him into the midst of a great place where stood a Temple called Quiay Fantareâ— that is to say the God of the afflicted there he took the idoll from off the Altar and holding it in his armes he returned out of the Temple to the said great place where having cried out aloud three times to draw the people together as accordingly they came flocking in unto him he said with teares in his eys O ye people ye people who with a cleane and peaceable heart make profession of the truth of this God of the afflicted which you see here in my armes come forth like lightning in a dark and rainy night and joyn with me in crying so loud that our cryes may pierce the heavens to the end the pitifull ear of the Lord may be drawn to hear our heavy lamentations and by them he may know the reason we have to demand justice against this accursed stranger as the most wicked man that ever was born into the world for this abhominable wretch hath not been contented with spoiling us of our goods but hath also dishonored our families wherefore whosoever shall not with me accompany the God which I hold in my hands and water with my tears in detesting so horrible a crime let the gluttonous Serpent of the profound pit of smoke abridge his dayes miserably and tear his body in pieces at midnight This old mans words so mightily terrified the Assistants and made so deep an impression in their minds that in a short time fifty thousand persons assembled in that place with so much fury and desire of revenge as was wonderfull to behold Thus the number of the people still more and more increasing they ran thronging strait to the Kings Palace with so horrible a noyse as struck terror into all that heard them In this disorder being arrived at the outward Court of the Palace they cried out six or seven times with a dreadfull tone O King come out of the place wherein thou art shut up to hearken to the voice of thy God who demands justice of thee
foaming with poyson make horrible cries and be delivered into the burning jawes of the dragon of discord whom the true Lord of all the Gods hath cursed for ever whereas contrarily to those that shall be so happy as to obey this Proclamation as his holy brethren and allies shall be granted in this life a perpetuall peace accompanied with a great deale of wealth and riches and after their death their souls shall be no lesse pure and agreeable to God then those of the Saints which goe dancing amidst the beams of the Sun in the celestiall repose of the Lord Almighty This publication made the musick began to play again with a great noise as before which made such an impression in the hearts of them that heard it as in seven nights that it continâ—ed above threescore thousand persons went and rendred themselves to the Xemindoo for most of them which heard those words gave as much credit thereunto as if an Angell from heaven had spoken them In the meane time the besieged Tyrant seeing that these secret Proclamations of the enemy were so prejudiciall unto him as they could not chuse but turn to his utter ruine brake the truce at twelve dayes end and deliberated with his Councell what he should do who advised him by no means to suffer h mself to remaine any longer besieged for feare left the inhabitants should mutinie and fall from him to the enemy and that the best and surest way was to fight with the Xemindoo in the open field before he grew to any further strength This resolution being approved of by Zenim de Satan he prepared himself for the execution of it to which effect he two dayes after before it was day sallied out at five gates of the city with fourscore thousand men which then he had and charged the enemies with strange fury They then in the meane time who alwayes stood upon their guard received them with a great deale of courage whereupon insued so cruell a conflict between them that in lesse then halfe an houre for so long lasted the heat of the fight there fell on both sides above forty thousand men but at the end of that time the new King Zenim was born from his Elephant by an harquebuze shot discharged at him by a Portugall named Gonçalo Nâ—to which caused all the rest to render themselves and the city likewise upon condition that the inhabitants should have their goods and lives saved By this means the Xemindoo entred peaceably into it and the very same day which was a Saturday the three and twentieth of February a thousand five hundred fifty and one he caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu in the greatest Temple of the city As for Gonçalo Nâ—to he gave him in recompence for killing the Tyrant twenty Bisses of gold which are ten thousand Duckats and to the other Portugalls being eighty in number he gave five thousand Duckats besides the honors and prsviledges which they had in the country he also exempted them for three years from paying any custome for their merchandize which was afterwards very exactly observed CHAP. LXXIII That which the Xemindoo did after he was Crowned King of Pegu with the Chaumigrems the King of Bramaaes Foster-Brothers coming against him with a great Army and divers other memorable things THe Xemindoo seeing himself Crowned King of Pegu and peaceable Lord of all the kingdome began to have thoughts far different from those which Xemin de Satan had had being raised to the same dignity of King for the first and principal thing wherein he imployed himself with all his endeavour was to maintain his Kingdome in peace and to cause Justice to flourish as indeed he established it with so much integritie as no man how great so ever he was durst wrong a lesser then himself withall in that which concerned the government of the Kingdome he proceeded with so much vertue and equity as it filled the strangers that were there with admiration so that one could not without marvel consider the peace the quiet and union of the wills of the people during the happy and peaceable estate of this Kingdome which continued the space of a year and better at the end whereof the Chaumigrem foster-brother to the same King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan had slaine as I have before declared having received advertisement that by reason of the rebellions and warres which since his departure from thence had happened in the Kingdome of Pegu the principall men of the State there had lost their lives and the Xemindoo who then raigned was unprovided of all things necessary for his defence he resolved once again to adventure upon the same enterprise which had formerly been undertaken by his late King With this design he entertained into his pay a mighty Army of strangers unto whom he gave a Tincall of gold by the month which is five dackets of our mony when as he had prepared all things in a readinesse he departed from Tanguu the place of his birth On the ninth day of March a thousand five hundred fifty and two with an Army of three hundred thousand men whereof only fifty thousand were Bramaas and all the rest Mons Chaleus Calaminhams Sauâ—nis Pamâ—rus and Auaas In the mean time the Xemindoo the new King of Pegu having certain intelligence of these great forces which were coming to fall upon him made preparation to go and meet them with a design to give them battle for which effect he assembled in the same City where he was a huge Army of nine hundred thousand men which were all Pegues by nation and consequently of a weake constitution and lesse warlick then all the others whereof I have spoken and on Tueseday the fourth of April about noone having received advice that the enemies Army was incamped all along the river of Meleytay some twelve leagues from thence he used such expedition as the same day and the next night all his Souldiers were put into battle array for whereas they had prepared every thing long before and had also been trayned by their Capt. there needed no great ado to bring them into order The day ensueing all these men of warre begun about nine of the clock in the morning to march at the sound of an infinite company of warlick instruments and went and lodged that night some two leagues from thence neer to the river Potarâ—u The next day an hour before Sun-set the Bramaa Chaumigrem appeared with so great a body of men as it took up the extent of a league and an half of ground his Army being composed of seaventy thousand horse of two hundred and thirty thousand foot and six thousand fighting elephants besides as many more which carried the baggage and victuals and in regard it was almost night he thought fit to lodge himself all along by the mountain that he might be in the greater safety Thus the night past with a good guard and a strange noise that was made on
either part The day following which was a Saturday the seventh of Aprill in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and three about five of the clock in the morning these two Armies began to move but with different intentions for the designe of the Bramaa was to passe the foard and recover an advantageous peece of ground which lay neer to another river and the Xemindoo had a desire to keep him from it and to stop his passage upon this contention some skirmishes ensued which continued most part of the day and wherein about five hundred men on the one side and the other were slain howbeit the advantage remained with the Chaumigrem because he gained the place whereunto he pretented and passed all the night there in banquetting and making great bonfires for this good successe The next day betimes in the morning the Xemindoo King of Pegu presented the battail to his enemyes who did not refuse it so that they incountred one another with all the fury that a cruel hatred is accustomed to kindle in such like cases the two vantgards then vvho vvere the best Soldiers amongst them fell so lustily unto it that in lesse then half an hour all the Field was covered with dead bodies and the Pegues began to lack courage Wherupon the Xemindoo seeing his men give ground came to succor them with a body of three thousand elephants wherewith he set upon the seventy thousand horse so couragiously and to the purpose as the Bramaaes lost all that they had gained which perceived by the Chaumigrem who was better experienced in matters of Warre knowing full well what he was to doe to recover all again made shew of retyring as if he had been vanquished the Xemindoo thereupon who understood not this stratagem and that thought of nothing but the victory pursued his enemie about a quarter of a league but incontinently the Bramaa facing about with all his forces fell upon his enemy with such violence and horrible cryes as not only men but even the very earth and all the other elements seemed to tremble at it By this meanes the conflict renewed in such sort as in a little time the ayre was seen all on fire and the ground watered all over with bloud for the Pegu Lords and Commanders beholding their King so farre ingaged in the battle and likely to lose the day ran instantly to his succor the like did the Panonsaray the Bramaaes brother on his side with fourty thousand men and two thousand elephants so that there ensued betwixt them so bloudy and dreadfull a fight as words are not able to expresse the truth of it wherefore I shall say no more but that half an hour or there about before Sun-set the Army of nine hundred thousand Pegues was utterly discomfited and as it was said four hundred thousand of them were left dead on the place and all the rest or the most part of them grievously wounded which the Xemindoo seeing fled out of the field and so escaped Thus did the victory remain unto the Chaumigrem who thereupon caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu with the same royal Ensignes magnificence and triumph as the other King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan slew had formerly been And in regard it was already night they bestowed the time in no other thing but in dressing the hurt men and keeping good watch in the Camp The next day as soon as it was light all the victorious souldiers as wel wounded as unwounded â—an to the spoil of the dead bodies wherewith divers amongst them were mightily enriched for they found there great store of Gold and Jewels by reason the custome of those Gentiles is as I think I have heretofore delivered to carry all their wealth about them to the War The souldiers being well satisfied in this particular the new King of this miserable Kingdome parted forthwith from the place where he had gotten the Victory and marched towards the Citie of Pegu distant soâ—â— three leagues from thence Now forasmuch as hee would not that day enter into it for certain considerations which I will relate hereafter hee set himself down in the view of it about half a league off in a Plain called Sunday Patir and after he had thus encamped his Army hee gave order for the guard of the four and twenty gates thereof by placing at each of them a Bramaa Commander with five thousand Horse In this manner hee remained there five dayes without being able to resolve to enter into the Citie out of the fear he was in lest the strangers should require of him the pillage of it as indeed he was obliged to grant it to them by the promise which he had made them for it at Tanguu Now the custom of men of War who live but upon their pay being to have regard to nothing but their interests these six Nations seeing the King thus defer his entry into the Citie which they could not brook began to mutinie and this by the instigation of a Portugal named Christonano Surnento a man of a turbulent spirit but otherwise a good and valiant Commander and this mutinie proceeded so far as the King of Bramaa for his own safety was constrained to retire into a Pagode where he fortified himself with his Bramaaes untill that the next morning about nine of the clock hee came to a truce with them and causing them to assemble together from the top of a wall he spake to them in this sort My worthy Friends and valiant Commanders I have caused you to come to this holy resting place of the dead to the end that with a solemn Oath I may discover unto you my intentions whereof with my knees on the ground and my eyes lift up unto heaven I take to witness Quiay Nivandel the God of Battel of the field Vitau beseeching him to be Iudg of this between you and me and to strike me dumb if I do not tell you the truth I very well remember the promise I made you at Tanguu which was to give you the pillage of this tumultuous Citie as well because I believed your valor would be as it were the minister of my revenge as in some sort to satisfie your avarice whereunto I know you are naturally very much inclined Now having given you this promise for a gage of my faith I acknowledg that I am altogether obliged not to break my word with you But when on the other side I come to consider the great inconveniences which may accrue to me thereby and the strict account which I shall one day render for it before the equitable and rigorous justice of the Lord above I must confesse unto you that I am very much affraid of charging my self with so heavie a burthen wherefore Reason advises me to render my self â—aulty towards men rather then to fall into the displeasure of God Besides it is not reasonable that the innocent should pay for the guilty and of whom I am sufficiently
faith which a King ought to have whom God himself hath annointed that I will take you and all those of your Nation with all others that beleeve in your God into my protection After that this Letter was read to the great astonishment of all us that heard it we could beleeve no other but that by Divine permission it came from Heaven for the assurance of our lives whereof we stood in very great doubt until then Gonçalo Pacheco and Nuno Fernandez with ten other Portugals which were chosen for that purpose instantly prepared a Present of divers rich Pieces to carry to the King unto whom they went that very same night an hour before day in the company of the Bramaa who brought the Letter in regard the haste the King was in would brook no delay Gonçalo Pacheco Nuno Fernandez and the other Portugals arrived at the camp an hour before Sun-rising and the King sent to receive them one of the chiefest Bramaa Commanders that he had and in whom he very much confided who was accompanied with above an hundred horse and six Serjeants at armes that carried maces This same received the Portugals and lead them to the King who did much honour unto Gonçalo Pacheco and Nuno Fernandez and after he had talked with them of divers matters he put them in mind of the importance of the businesse for which he had sent for them and willed them by any means to leane rather to the Commanders then to him assuring them that he should be very well contented therewith and said many things to them to that purpose Then he caused them to be conducted by the same Bramaa Lord to the Tent where the other four Arbitrators were with the high Treasuror and two Registers when as they had commanded silence to all that were without they fell to debating of the businesse for which they were assembled together whereupon there were many opinions which took up the most part of the day but at last all six came to conclude That albeit on the one side the King by the promise which he had made at Tanguu to the forraigne Souldiers for to give them the spoil or pillage of the places which he should take by force was exceedingly obliged to the performance thereof yet seeing that on the other side this promise was of great and notable prejudice to the innocent because it could not be put in execution without greatly offending God these things considered they ordained by their award That the King in regard of the promise which he had made them should pay unto them a thousand bisses of gold out of his own treasure and that upon the Souldiers receiving thereof they should passe over to the other side of the River and retire directly into their countries but that they should first be also paid all that was due to them before this mutiny began and that they should be furnished with victuals sufficient for twenty daies This award being published was received with much content to either party So that the King commanded it to be instantly and punctually executed and for a greater testimony of his liberality after he had paid them all this sum of mony he bestowed upon the Commanders and Officers of each Company many bountifull rewards wherewith they were all of them very well pleased and satisfied In this sort were these three mutinous nations discharged for the King would by no meanes trust or make use of them any longer Howbeit he would not suffer these strangers to go all away together but caused them to be divided into troups each of them consisting of a thousand men to the end that by this means they should give the lesse suspicion in their returne and should be lesse able to plunder the open townes by which they were to passe and thus the next day they departed As for Gonçalo Pacheco and Nuno Fernandez Teixyra the King gave them ten bisses of gold for being his Arbitrators in this affair whereunto he added a passport written with his own hand whereby the Portugals were permitted to retire freely into the Indies without paying any custome or duty for their marchandize whereof we made more account then of all the mony could have been given us because that for three years before the precedent Kings had retayned us in this country with exceeding much vexation and tyranny whereby we were oftentimes in great danger of our lives by reason of the successe of that which I have spoken heretofore This done there were Proclamations made by men on horseback to give notice that the day following the King would enter into the City in a peaceable manner threatning all such as should do the contrary with a cruell death Accordingly the next morning at nine of the clock the King parted from the Pagode whither he had retired himself and about an hour after arrived at the City wherein to entring by the chiefest gate he was received by an assembly in form of a Procession of six thousand Priests of all the twelve Sects which are in this Kingdome by one of whom called Capizundo an oration was made unto him whereof the preface was thus Blessed and praised be that Lord who ought truly to be acknowledged of all men for such in regard of the holy works which he hath made with his Divine hands testified to us by the light of the day the shining of the night and all the other magnificences of his mercy which he hath produced in us Praised be he I say for that by the effects of his infinite power which are agreeable unto him he hath been pleased to establish thee on the earth above all the Kings that govern it and seeing we hold thee for his favorite we humbly beseech thee our Lord that thou wilt never more remember the faults and offences which we have committed against thee to the end that these thy afflicted people may be comforted with the promise thereof which they hope thy Majesty will make them at this present This same request was likewise made unto him by the six thousand Grepos all prostrated on the ground and with their hands lifted up to heaven who with a dreadful tumult of voices said unto him Grant our Lord and King peace and pardon for that is past to all the people of this thy Kingdome of Pegu to the end they may not be troubled with the feare of their offences which they confesse publikely before thee The King answered them that he was contented so to do and swore to them by the head of Quiay Nivandel the God of Battel of the field Vitau for the confirmation thereof Upon this promise all the people prostrated themselves with their faces on the ground and said unto him God make thee to prosper for infinite years in the victory over thy enemies that thou mayest trample their heads under thy feet Hereupon for a token of great gladnesse they fel to playing on divers instruments after their manner though very barbarously
amounting to the number of seven or eight thousand men amongst the which were six and twenty Portugals of forty that were with the King But these ministers of Satan not contented with having committed so horrible a Treason went directly to the Queens lodging where having found her sick in her bed they most mercilesly butchered her with three of hâ—r Daughters and all the women they could meet withall After this with an inraged fury they set fire on the Town in six or seven places which kindling by the violence of the vvinde that was very high at that time it took hold of it in such sort as in lesse then two hours it was almost burnt down to the ground Whereupon vve seven and twenty Portugals that remained retired with much adoe to our Vessel vvhere we saved our selves as it vvere by miracle leaving our anchor in the sea and setting sail with all the speed we could The next morning the mutiners who were about ten thousand having sacked the Town divided themselves into two troops and retired to a hill called Canaphamaâ— there they fortified themselves with an intent to create a new Head that should govern them because the Fucarandono had been slain with the stroak of a lance which he had received in his throat together with all the rest of his kinsmen which had given a beginning to this Mutinie The same day after the end of this disorder advertisement was given thereof to the Prince the Kings Son who was at that time in the fort of Osquy some seven leagues from the town of Fucheo This young Prince extremely afflicted with this newes would presently have gone to the town with some of his favorites which were all the company that he had then with him but the Fingeindono his governor was utterly against it alledging many reasons to perswade him not to budge from that place until he had been more amply informed in what termes this affair stood for it was very credible that they who durst kill his father would not stick to dispatch him out of the way too since it lay in their power so to doe he not being in a condition to defend himself Wherefore he advised him to assemble all the forces he could to the end he might by their means subdue and chastise his enemies The Prince approved of this counsell and having taken order for that which he judged was most necessary according to the estate wherein he as he commanded some that were about him to go and wind the horn a thing observed in Iapan which caused such a hurly burly over all the country as words are not able to expresse it Now the better to understand this same you must know that by an ancient custome of this Kingdome of Iapan all the inhabitants in whatsoever place they lived from the least to the greatest are bound to have in their houses a horn of a great sea-winckles shell which they are forbidden at any time to winde upon pain of great punishment save in one of these four cases namely a tumult a fire a robberie and a treason so that if one winds a horn the cause of it is presently known because if it be a tumult one winds it once if a fire twice if a robberie thrice and if it be a treason four times insomuch that at the first winding of the horne all others are bound upon pain of death to wind theirs and in such sort as the first hath winded his to the end that it may be distinctly known what it is and that there may be no confusion Now because this signal of treason is not so ordinary as the others which arrive very often when it happens to be given all the people are so affrightrd with it as without further delay they run thronging to the place where the horn was first winded so that by this means the bruit passeth from one to another with such speed as within lesse then an hour one is advertised thereof above twenty â—eagues about But to return to that which I said but now as soon as the Prince had given order for that particular he retired into a Monastery of Religious persons which stood in the midst of a wood there he remained shut up three daies during the which he did nothing but bewail his Father Mother and Sisters and that vvith exceeding demonstrations of sorrovv testified by his sighs and tears At the end of that time in regard great numbers of his subjects vvere assembled unto him he went out of that Monastery to provide for that which he judged necessary as well for the safety of his kingdome as for the chastisement of the rebels vvhose goods and estates were immediately confiscated their houses demolished and such terrible Proclamations published against them as could not be heard without trembling Seven daies after this deplorable event the Prince was counselled in regard he had as already I have said great numbers come unto him to go and besiege the ten thousand Mutiners in the place of their retreat Whereupon he parted from the fort of Osquy and marched directly to the town with his Army which it was said consisted of very neer an hundred and thirty thousand men whereof seventeen thousand were horse and the rest foot all lusty and well armed and capable of executing any high enterprise Being arrived at the town he was vvonderfully vvell received by the people vvho â—estified a great deal of resentment for the death of the late King his father He vvould not go at first to the Roiall Palace but went before he past any further to the Pagode where his father was buried there he took care to make him a funerall Pomp with a great deal of cost and honor according to the manner of the country which lasted the two nights following In conclusion he was shewed the same robe all bloudy that his father had on when he was killed upon which he took a solemn oath never to pardon any of them that should be found guilty no not if they were Bonzes and to burn all the Temples whereinto those traitors had fled for sanctuary The fourth day after his entry into the town he was proclaimed King though but with little ceremony and magnificence in regard of the general mourning That done accompanied as he was with an hundred and threescore thousand men he marched directly to the place whither the mutiners were retired Now to the end he might the more easily take them and keep them from flying away he besieged them in the mountain where they were and that for the space of nine daies But whereas they saw that they could hold out no longer for lack of victuals and that they had no hope of succor they thought it was better for them to die like valiant men then to let themselves be besieged like cowards vvith this resolution under the favor of a very dark and rainy night they descended from the mountain by four severall waies and falling
on the Kings Army which was ready to receive them in battel array as having been advertised of their design there ensued so dreadfull and furious a fight betwixt them as it lasted two hours within day but at length the conflict ended with the death of seven and thirty thousand men amongst the which the ten thousand Mutiners were slain not one of them deigning to save himself upon any termes whatsoever In the mean time the death of his men greatly afflicted the King who after this punishment of the rebels retyring to the town the first thing he did was to provide for the curing of the hurt men wherein he spent a good time in regard they were very many and whereof a great number died afterwards CHAP. LXXVI Our passing from the Town of Fucheo to the Port of Hiamangoo and that which befell us there together with my departure from Malaca and arrival at Goa After that this revolt had taken an end by the death of so many men on the one and the other side we few Portugals that remained as soon as time would permit us got to the port of the town where seeing the Country desolated the merchants fled away and the King resolved to leave the town we lost all hope of selling our comodities yea and of being safe in this harbour which made us set sail and go ninety leagues further to another Port called Hiamangoo which is in the bay of Canguexumaa there vve sojourned tvvo months and an half not able to sell any thing at all because the country vvas so full of Chinese comodities as they fell above half in half in the price for there vvas not a Port or Read in all this Iland of Iapan vvhere there were not thirty or forty Iuncks at anchor and in some places above an hundred so that in the same very year at least two thousand merchants ships came from China to Iapan Now most of this merchandise consisted in Silk which was given at so cheap a rate that the peece of Silk which at that time was worth an hundred Taies in China was sold in Iapan for eight and twenty or thirty at the most and that too with much adoe besides the prices of all other commodities were so low as holding our selves utterly undone we knew not what resolution or counsell to take But whereas the Lord doth dispose of things according to his good pleasure by waies which surpasse our understanding he permitted for reasons only known to himself that on the new moon in December being the fifth day of the month there arose so furious a tempest of wind and rain as all those vessels saving a few perished in it so that the losse caused by this storm amounted unto a thousand nine hundred and seventy two Iuncks amongst the which were six and twenty Portugals ships wherein five hundred and two of our nation were drowned besides a thousand Christians of other Countries and eight hundred thousand duckets worth of goods cast away Of Chinese vessels according to report there were a thousand nine hundred thirty and six lost together with above tvvo millions of gold and an hundred and threescore thousand persons Now from so miserable a ship-wrack not above ten or eleven ships escaped of which number was that wherein I was imbarqued and that almost by miracle by reason whereof these same sold their commodities at what price they would As for us after we had uttered 〈◊〉 and prepared our selves for our departure we put to sea on a twelfth day in the morning and although we were well enough contented in regard of the profit we had made yet were we not a little sad to see things fall out so to the cost of so many lives and riches both of those of our nation and of strangers But when we had weighed anchor and hoisted our sailes for the prosecution of our course the ties of our main sail brake by which means the sail yard falling down upon the of the ship brake all to peices so that we were constrained by this accident to recover the port again and to send a shallop on shore to seek for a sail yard and shipwrights to fit it for us To this effect we sent a present to the Captain of the place that he might suddenly give us necessary succor as accordingly he did so that the very same day the ship was put into her former estate and better then before Neverthelesse as we were weighing anchor again the cable of our anchor broke and because we had but one more in the ship we were forced to indeavor all that we might for the recovery thereof by reason of the great need we stood in of it now to do this we sent to land for such as could dive who in consideration of ten duckets that we gave them fell to diving into the sea where they found our anchor in six and tvventy fathome depth so that by the means which we fastned unto it vve hoysted it up though vvith a great deal of labour vvherein vve all of us bestovved our selves and spent the most part of the night As soon as it vvas day vve set saile and parting from this river of Hiamangoo it pleased God that in fourteen daies vvith a good vvind vve arrived at Chincheo vvhich is one of the most renovvned and richest Ports of the Kingdome of China there vve vvere advertised that at the entrance of this river there lay at that time a famous Pirate called Cheopocheca vvith a mighty fleet vvhich put us into such a fear that in all hast vve got avvay to Lamau vvhere vve made some provision of victuals vvhich lasted us untill our arrivall at Malaca Having stayed some time at Malaca for the dispatch of certain affaires that I had there I imbarqued my self for Goa vvith an intent of length to return into Portugal if I could meet vvith shipping ready to depart from thence at that time but some fevv daies after my arrivall there it happened that a Portugal named Antonio Ferreyra brought a present of very rich peeces to the Vice-Roy Don Pedro Mascarenhas which the King of Bungo sent him from Iapan to getherwith a letter whereof the contents were these Illustrious Lord and of great majesty Vice-Roy of the limits of the Indiaes the dreadfull Lion in the flouds of the sea by the force of thy ships and artillerie I Yacatauandono King of Bungo Facata◠Omangucha and the Countries of the two seas Lord of the petty Kings of the Ilands of Tosa Xemenarequa and Miaygimaa do give thee to understand by this my letter that Father Francisco Xavier having been not long since in this Country preaching to them of Omangucha the new law of the Creator of all things I secretly promised to him that at his return into my Kingdome I would receive from his hand the name and water of holy Baptism howsoever the noveltie of so unexpected a thing might put me into bad terms with my subjects Whereupon he also
goods that were in her and many other things wherein we spent four hours at the least after which he dismissed us saying that within six dayes he would be at the Town and that there he would receive the Letter see the Father and make answer to all CHAP. LXXX My reception by the King of Bungo as Ambassador from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes AFter the six daies were past the King parted from Osquy to go to the town of Fucheo accompanied with a great number of Nobilitie and a guard of six hundred foot and two hundred horse which made a goodly shew Being arrived there he was received by the people with great demonstrations of joy with Shewes Interludes and many other inventions after their manner that were very costly after which he went to his Palace an exceeding fair and magnificent structure whither the next day he sent for me and bid me bring him the Vice-Roys Letter as being come for no other end but to receive it and that after he had read it he would speak with Father Belquior touching the matters that were most important Whereupon I presently returned to my lodging and having made ready all that was necessary for me about two of the clock in the afternoon the King sent the Captain of the town and four other of the chiefest men of the Court for me who conducted me to the Palace accompanied with forty Portugals which marched all on foot because it is the custome of the Country so to do All the streets thorow which we past were very handsomly set forth and there was such a world of people as the officers had much adoe to make way for us Three Portugals on horseback carried each of them a peece of the present and a little after them followed two curious Spanish Gennets with rich Saddles and Trappings and with such Armes as are used in Justs Upon our arrival at the first court of the Palace we found the King there on a scaffold which had been erected expresly for him accompanied with all the Lords of the Kingdome amongst whom vvere the Ambassadors of three strange Princes namely the first of the King of the Lequios the second of the King of Chauchim and Isle of Tosa and the third of the Emperor of the Miacoo and round about as far as the court extended there were above a thousand harquebuziers and four hundred men mounted on good horses besides a multitude of people without number After that the forty Portugals and I were come to the Scaffold where the King was we performed all the ceremonies and complements which are used to be done to him in such cases and then approaching a little neerer to him I delivered him the Letter from the vice-Roy which he would not receive but standing Then being set down again in his place he gave it to one about him that was as his Secretary who read it aloud that every one might hear After it was read the King questioned me before the three strange Ambassadors and the great Lords with whom he was accompanied about certain things which he was curious to know touching our Europe whereof one was how many men armed cap-a-pe and mounted on such horses as those were that I saw there the King of Portugal could bring into the field Whereupon fearing least I should blush if I came to tell a lie I must confesse that I was much troubled how to answer which one of my companions who was neer me perceiving speaking for me made answer That he could bring an hundred or sixscore thousand a matter whereat the King was much abashed and I too But the King taking pleasure as it seemed in the marvellous answer which this Portugal gave him bestovved above an hours time in asking him questions In the mean season even the King himself and all they that were present with him being exceedingly amazed to hear such great and strange things delivered he turned to them and said I sware truly unto you that I should desire nothing so much in the world as to see the Monarchy of this great Country whereof I have heard such wonderfull things as well concerning the immence treasures and the infinite number of ships which he hath for could I but once do this I should live very well contented the rest of my daies Thereupon having sent me and those that accompanied me away he said unto me When thou shalt think it a fit time thou maiest bid the Father come unto me for he shall find me ready here to receive him After I was retired to my lodging I gave Father Belquior an accompt of the Kings good reception of me together with all that had past besides and how desirous he was to see him in regard whereof I held it fit since all the Portugals vvere then together and in their best clothes that he should go to him out of hand which he liked very vvell of Having furnished himself then with certain things necessary for the better setting forth of his person he and I went avvay accompanied vvith forty Portugals all very well apparrelled and vvearing chaines of gold Scarfe-wise and four pretty boyes in cassocks and hats of white taffata and silken crosses on their brests together with a converted Iapanois Christened Ioana Fernandez to serve for Interpreter When wee vvere arrived at the first Court of the Kings Palace we found some Lords attending us there who vvith a great deal of courtesie and demonstrations of friendship brought the Father and me up to a chamber where the King stayed for him who having taken him by the hand with a joyfull countenance said unto him Beleeve me Father this day is the only one that I can call mine in regard of the extreme pleasure I take to see thee before mine eyes because me thinks I see Father Xavier to whom I wished as well as to mine own person Then leading him into another inner chamber that was richlyer furnished he set him down by him and made very much of the four little Boyes for that it was a new thing to him and never seen in that Country before The Father rendred him thanks conformable to the great honor he did him and after that manner which they are wont to use amongst themselves and which Ioana Fernandez had taught him After this he entertained him with the principall cause of his coming which was that the Vice-Roy had sent him expresly to serve him and to shew him the assured way of salvation which the King seemed to like of by his action of bowing down of his head The Father going on made an holy speech somewhat like unto a Sermon unto him agreeable to the businesse in hand and which he had directly studied for that purpose Whereunto the King made this answer Good Father I know not how to expresse the great content which I take in seeing thee in this house and in learning all that which my ears have heard thee say which I do not answer for