should become Homager to Henry the eighth as to his Soveraign But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassadour refused that assurance of duty and gave a just suspicion that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself which the Emperour never meant to the King of England left by such footing in France he might grow so great as to give Law to his neighbours And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable howsoever the bonds of Alliance were Thus did Henry the eighth as often change his hand of help as either Princes of Spain and France got ground of the other And the Spaniard now to keep the States in Italy disunited compoundeth differences at his pleasure or taketh part with the weaker not suffering any though his own dependant to grow too strong which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy Non tantum interest Aetolorum opes minui it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetâ—lians yet they were enemies quantum non supra modum Philippum crescere as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent who was their friend The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger The one with our Confederates the other with the Subjects of this Crown For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince as France where we have the fairest pretences for with any other we are like to have no question then is all Contract of mutual aide left to the election of our Confederate who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts although they were by Oath For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks as that between Edward 3. and John King of France and that between John of Gaunt and the King of Castile they ever out of such suspect inserted this Clause That neither side should procure dispensationem c. either per Ecclesiam Romanam vel per aliquam aliquam a Dispensation either by the Church of Rome or any other way to do contra formam Tractatus contrary to the form of Agreement How much more must their jealousie be to us And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the eighths time whether with best security we should Confederate with France or Spain it was resolved that either of them may slip of their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome if there be no better hold in their Honesties than in their Bonds For it will be held not only worthy dispensation but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church by the Doctrine of that See which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia and Charles the Emperour before the Council of Constance declaring all Confederations Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae illicitae ipso jure nullae etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae to be by the Law of God invalid void and in Law null although confirmed by the plighting of faith nay though strengthned by confirmation Apostolical if the parties were separati ab Unitate sanctae Ecclesiae separate from the Unity of Holy Church when the league was made or si postea sint effecti if they become so after What assurance can there then be either with France who is received by his Rebenediction into the Bosome of the Church and his son made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae an adopted Son of the Church or against him with Spain who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick submitteth himself as he hath ever done to the Popes pleasure and design and must not only forsake but aide against us in any war we should there undertake Besides it is considerable howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutual aide whether they will so in a forraign Invasion especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against John King of England and Lewis the twelfth a side of their own Subjects as it did after in the same Kingdom against Henry the third though all three conformable in points of Religion to that See how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Jesuits to raise Faction and divert people from duty the Recusants many and Malecontents not few all which with war will discover themselves but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance lock up their riches in security and their hearts in silence And therefore by any enterprize it is not with the rule of Seneca safe concutere felicem statum For by provoking of some adversary in respect of Papal protection they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion and then the sancta expeditio the holy expedition against Lewis will be made Bellum Sacrum a holy War against us But admitting no less than in former times an easiness to attempt it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in general of the dangers and impossibilities to retain For first we must more than transgress Limites quos posuerunt Patres the Bounds which our Fathers owned and relinquish that defence of Nature wherewith she hath incircled divided and secured us from the whole world Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni Parte orbis tutaut semper ab hoste fores From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee With Seas and set thee safe from Enemy and commit our Frontiers had we never so much upon the next Continent to the protection of an Army which besides the continual Charge if we give Ambitious and able Commanders as unable for our Interest we will not how ready shall it be in such a Leader and so backt if he please to give Law to his own Countrey For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles Alii sicuti Jura populi defenderent Pars quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret bonum publicum simulantes some declaring to maintain the rights of the People others to uphold the authority of the Senate all pretending to act for the publick good Hence was it that Augustus refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire which with great facility he might have
never would be drawn to â—he hazard of war for improbe Neptunum acâ—usat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack â—he second time until the French King conâ—ra juramentum formam pacis contrary to â—is oath and the form of peace had vexillis exâ—licatis with banners displayed invaded his doâ—inions in France and with a Fleet intended â—o attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subâ—ertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his Kingdom â—ntred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune â—nd after many years of war and much loss had â—n the end an expectation of peace which opened â—o his Commons and Council in Parliament their longing affection was so much inclined hereto that they advised the King though it were â—n doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he â—hould not let slip that opportunity Until Charles of France had received that â—angerous Rebel Owen Glendowr by the name â—f Metuendissimi Principis Walliae the most â—read Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy â—gainst his Master whom he vouchsafed no â—ther title than Henricus de Lancastria by â—ontract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by â—he Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul â—ntred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this Land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again until Burgundy that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meanâ— with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The Uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransom those taken at Agin-Court battel so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamuâ— ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered many large and liberal conditions but received in exchange nothing but scoffs he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Council by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the loss of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury a petition of 9 Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men propace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right nor jealousie of increasing power could draw Henry 8. unto the quarrel of France until the Church complained against Lewis 12. who neither esteeming â—f God good fame nor conscience detained â—he revenues of the Clergy supported the Cardiâ—al William to aspire to the Papacy aided in the â—ege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara and the Benivagli both Traytors to the Papal See where â—e intended to lay the foundation of his Empire â—o usurp all Italy and besought him for the pitty â—f our Saviour and by the virtue of his famous Ancestors for I use the words of the Popes Brief that never forsook the Church of God in diâ—ress and by his filial obedience the strongest â—ond to enter into that holy League they having â—lected him against Lewis Coput foeder is Italici Head of the Italian League Edward the sixth until urged with the touch of his honour being by his neighbours neglected â—n the marriage of their Mistress never attempted â—ny war against them The quarrels of France in the time of his sucâ—eeding sister after the marriage with Spain were â—either properly ours nor begun by us although â—n the end we only went away with the loss Her Sister of holy memory to effect the peace with France forbore the demand of Callis for â—ight years and neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown And the labours she â—pent to confirm amity with Spain by many â—riendly offices of mediation are apparent to the whole world though in the end of her desires she â—ailed whether happily in prevention of the Spaâ—ish Monarchy eternizing her memory or that â—his work of peace was by divine providence reâ—erved for him that could and hath best effected â—t I know not Only I conclude that as the first Monarch in Rome so the first in Britain might justly write Pace Populo Britanno terrâ— marique parta Janum clausi having setled Britaiâ— in peace by Land and sea I have shut up the doorâ— of Janus Temple Forraign arms the ground of trouble at home by the Enemy who to divert will attempt Subjects wearied with Toyl Taxation Feared with the effect of tyranny Inured to wars can never sute after to a quiet life It is evident by our own examples that for the moâ—â— part the Civil or Forraign Armies that have oppressed this State have been either bred out of our first attempting of others or out of the grievance of the Nobility and people either wearied with the toil and charge or feared with the effect of Tyranny which might corrupt the good fortune of their King or else aâ— plague no less of war that the better sort inured to command abroad have forgotten to obey at home and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in making an adversary as that of Edward the third Out of many examples I will select some few beginning with the tenth of his reign at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France but diverted by Philip who mustring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae in the parts of â—ritany to invade the Kingdom of England a â—uissant Army enforced Edward the third to fall â—rom his first purpose and insist upon his own â—uard for which cause to the infinite charge â—f himself and people he levied 80000. men â—ut of the Shires of this Kingdom To withdraw â—is forces from France in the thirteenth of his â—eign they invaded the Realm and burned the â—owns of Plymouth and Southampton places â—hat suffered from the same motive the like caâ—amity In the first of Richard the second after the â—attel of Cressy when they feared our too much â—ooting and we too much believed our own forâ—une for she cito reposcit quod dedit quickly â—alls for back what she gave us the Duke of Normandy to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes and forty â—housand
foot sharing by idle contracts before-â—and with his Confederates not the spoils only â—ut the Kingdom it self the Honour and some â—ther portion of benefits he reserved as his own â—eed the possessions of many English Subjects â—n pure alms he voweth to the Church of Normandy and to the French King an yearly tribuâ—ary Fee of twenty thousand pound In these â—erms this Realm stood almost all the time of Edward the third The Coast-dwellers were so frighted from their habitation as in the thirteenth year the King commanded the Earl of Richmond and other Peers to reside at their border houses and was inforced in the two and twentieth to injoyn by Ordinance that none should remove that dwelt within sex leucas à mari six leagues of thâ— Sea It was no whit altered under his successour Richard the second for in his entrance the Frencâ— burnt the Town of Rye and in the third year after Gravesend And in the tenth year of his reign to change his intended journey for France in person the French King prepareth an Army to invade this Land This quarrel led us almost into an eternal charge at Sea and in the Northern limits they and our Neighbours there being tyed of old in strict assurance of mutual aid by whose desperate and perpetual incursion for nescit Plebs jejuna timere an half-starved rabble fears nothing the fattest parts of our borders were left waste the men and cattle of England as 16. of Edw. 2. impetus Scotorum fugientes being fled for safety to the Forrests and desart places The like I find in the first of Edward the third they ever thus interrupting us in our expeditions into France as in 20 Ed. 3. and in the first and second of Richard the second in the fifth of Henry the fifth and in the fourth of Henry the eighth when he undertook his holy voyage against Lewis the twelfth And either being no less ready to nourish the least spark of Rebellion in this State as that of the French King to counterpoize King John or work out Henry the third from his Dutchy of Normandy as France did or moving underhand by the Duke of Britain the Earl of Hartford to reach the Crown of Richard the second and when he had got the Garland suborning Owen Glendowr with whom he contracted as Prince of Wales to busie the same King at home that he might divert his intended purpose from France or Scotland WHen Henry the third had devoured in his mind the Kingdom of Sicily the Nobility finding the expence of Treasure and fearing the exposing of their own persons grew so unwilling that by the bent and course of the record it appeareth not the least ground of that rebellion which after drew the King and his Son to so foul conditions A judgement there must be between powers and undertakings that though affections may carry a man to great things they make him not attempt â—mpossible for where great minds are not accompanied with great judgements they overthrow â—hemselves As in this Prince who by the Popes â—ncitement simplicitatem Regis circumveniens circumventing the King in his honest meaning they are the words of the Author intendâ—ng to rifle the fortunes of others was in the end â—nforced to play at dice for his own stake The Earls of Hartford Bohun and Bigot made â—he grounds of their commotions the distaste they â—ook at Edward the first for exacting their Service in the quarrel of Gascoign a forraign Countrey And they might seem to have some colour to refuse but in a more mannerly fashion either attendance â—or charge in recovery or defence of Provinces in France since so many consents in Parliament as the twentieth of Rich. the second the sixth and ninth of Henry the fourth the first and seventh of Henry the fifth affirm the Commons not to be bound pour supporter ses Guerres en la terre de France ou Normandie to support his wars either in France or Normandy declaring no less by publick protestation than they did by undutiful denial For the burden of Charge it was no less distasteful than the former of Service this Kingdom being as it is said of the Roman Provinces occasioned by war made desert and the people desperate by Exactions In the Conquerours time the Bishop of Durham was killed by the tumultuous people opposing an imposition levyed by him There was murmuratio imprecatio Praelatorum in Regem Joannem mutterings and curses from the Prelates against King John for demanding in the eighth of his reign a relief of them and the Laiety for his wars In the sixteenth year Cives Londinenses Joannem odio habuerunt pro injustis Exactionibus quibus Regnum fatigaverat the Londoners detested King John for his tiring out the Kingdom with unjust taxations The sink of his expence in war was so bottomless that as the story saith he was constrained desaevire quotidie cum incremento to grow every day more unreasonable in his carriage towards the Church and Commonwealth eas bonis suis variis modis spoliando by despoiling them several wayes of their goods Hinc secutum est Bellum inter Regem Barones quod cum morte Joannis solum finem habuit This was it which kindled that war betwixt the King and his Barons which nothing could quench but the death of John himself In the twenty sixth of Henry the third ob exactionum frequentiam est Regi cum Baronibus contentio by reason of the continual exactions there arose a contention betwixt the King and his Barons At the Parlee of peace with them being demanded a reason of that their action they answer that since he came to the Crown being not twelve years multoties ei auxilium dederunt they had many times supplyed him and expressing the particulars besides in the same place he had received â—ot Escaetas so many Escheats by the vacancy of rich Bishopricks death of so many Barons and others that held of him that those alone would have made him rich if they had been well imployed That the Itinerant Justices had by amercing the defaults gleaned them so near that per illa amerciamenta alia Auxilia prius data omnes de Regno it a gravarentur depauperarentur ut parum aut nihil habeant in Bonis by those Amercements and the Subsidies they had formerly given him all the Kingdom was so crushed and impoverished that they had little or nothing left them And that was the ground of their resistance Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis alii Praelati resistunt Regi the Archbishop of Canterbury and other Prelates resist the King when in his fifteenth year he demanded Scutagâ— And although he laid open to the Parliament his great debt causa bellicae expeditionis in partibus transmarinis occasioned by his forraign expeditions was answered by Ranulph Earl of Chester the mouth of the Laiety That in the former Aides
Pecuniam suam effuderunt quod inde pauperes omnes recesserunt unde Regi de jure auxilium non debebant they had poured out their money so liberally as that being all impoverished by it they were not obliged to assist him any farther And thus dissolved the Parliament The Clergy of the Realm in the twenty fourth of Edward the first denyed the demand of Contribution in expeditionem Regis contra Gallos ad reprimendos Scotos towards the Kings expedition against the French and the repressing of the Scots And ob has crebras exactiones magnus fit tumultus inter Regem Barones by reason of these frequent extorsions there arose a great difference betwixt the King and the Barons One of the Articles of treason objected against Mortimer in Parliament in the fourth of Edward the third was the offence he bred in the Commonwealth by causing a Subsidie to be exacted This humour of the people did somewhat suit with that of the Inhabitants of Trevers who stoned to death Proclerus for perswading Theodoret the Goth to crave a Subsidy The Clergy in the twelfth of Edward the third deny such a grant of their Wools as the Laiety had yielded to for supplying the King in his affairs of France The like answer they make the forty fourth of the same King when he demanded in Parliament a Subsidy of them and the Commons of 100000l And the same King grown doubtful of his people prest down with Impositions requireth the Archbishop Quod cum Populus Regni sui variis Oneribus Tallagiis Impositionibus praegravetur ut idem Archiepisc Indulgentiarum muneribus piis Exhortationibus aliis modis eundum Populum placare studeat ipsum Regem excuset that since the Subjects of his Kingdom were over-charged with many Burthens Tallages and other Impositions the said Archbishop would by grant of Indulgences seasonable Exhortations and other ways endeavour to pacifie the people and excuse the King By reason of the Census per Capita Pol-money imposed by Parliament in the third of Richard the second to defray the wars in France there were dirae imprecationes in Regem magnae â—…ost perturbationes in Regno ex Plebis insurreâ—…ione heavy and bitter imprecations against â—…he King which were followed with great trouâ—…les in the Nation by the insurrection of the Commons And as well in the reign of this King as some other of his Predecessours and Sucâ—…essours the Parliament was so tender in grant of Subsidy and other Taxes that they added into their Act quod non trahatur in consequentiam that 〈◊〉 should be no example for the future appointing â—…eculiar Treasurers of their own to give account â—…pon Oath the next Parliament and such Grants which they professed to proceed ex libera â—…pontanea voluntate Dominorum Comitatuum â—…rom the free and voluntary grant of the Lords and â—…espective Counties to be void if Conditions on â—…he Kings part were not performed And this unâ—…ortunate King had cast upon him as an argument of his unworthiness to govern the exacting of so great Subsidies and extorting so much money from â—…he Shires that submitted their Fortunes unto his â—…mercy And when Henry the sixth in anno 20. would â—…ave had a Relief from his Subjects de aliqua â—…umma notabili of some considerable summ he â—…ad in answer Propter inopiam c. populi ilâ—…ud non posse obtineri that in regard of the poverâ—…y c. of the people it could not be granted The â—…ike in the twenty fourth of the same King Great men have been disposed sometimes to humour the waste of Treasure in their Princes either to subject Power by Need to their devotion and â—…we for Princes dare most offend them whom they have least cause to use or to force Necessity to extend Prerogative so far untill by putting all into Combustion some may attain unto the end of their Ambition others the redress of supposed Injuries Thus did the Faction of Henry the fourth in the one and the Nobility under Henry the third in the other who hereby quitted the State oppressed as they thought with the Kings Half-brothers the Poictovins and other Strangers Subjects fear to have the enemies of their Soveraigns too much weakned lest themselves become Tyrants And it is in the farthest respect in the Baronage under John Henry his son and Edward the second to fear as much the absolute Greatness of their Soveraign as they did the Diminution of their own estates And therefore when they found their King to grow too fast upon any neighbour Adversary then would they lend their best aid to diminish his power or fortune left by inlarging himself upon the other that poized his greatness he might forget and become a Tyrant as one saith of Henry the first Assumpserat cornua audaciâ— tam contra Ecclesiam quam Regni universalitatem Roberto fratre aliis inimicis edomitis having once overcome his brother Robert and other enemies with audacious and presumptuous horns he goared as well the Church as the rest of the Kingdom breaking his Seal his Charter and his Oath The memory of this caused the Nobility to call in the French Kings Son when John their Soveraign began to know his own authority as they thought too much And the French Subjects aided on the other side Henry the third against their Master when he was almost cooped up in his Britain journey This as the Stories report being a practice usual in those days THe last mischief is the disposition that Military education leaveth in the minds of many For it is not born with them that they so much distaste peace but proceeds from that custome that hath made in them another nature It is rarely found that ever Civil troubles of this State were dangerously undertaken but where the plot and pursuit was made by a spirit so infused King John had been after sine Regno without a Kingdom as he was at first sans terre without land if his rebenediction had not wrought more upon the disloyal designs of Fitzwalter and Marshal whom his own elective love had made great in opinion by the Norman Services than either his rebated Sword or blasted Sceptre could If Simon Montfort had not been too much improved in Experience and his own Opinion by the many services he underwent in the Government of Gascoign he had never so much dared against Duty as to come over at the first call to make head against his Master and pursue him with that fury of Ambition until he had forced him to redeem the liberty of his person by the blasting of so many flowers of his Imperial Crown and to set himself so far below the seat of Majesty as to capitulate with them upon even conditions which not performed I use his own words Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insurgere it
set oâ—… Revenge stood to stay at pleasure for armâ—… tenenti Omnia dat qui justa neg at Deny thâ—… Souldiers due You give him all you have it wâ—… urged to him in Parliament in the seventh of hâ—… reign as an errour in his Government whereto 〈◊〉 answered that they ought not to lay the cause upâ—… on him for that together with the Crown thâ—… Wars descended unto him And the Chancellour 〈◊〉 the fourth of Henry the fourth declared publicklâ—… in the Higher House that by the mischance of Wâ—… and want of reasonable Peace for I use the wordâ—… of the Roll occasioned by dissensions and privaâ—… desire the flower of Chivalry and Rock of Nobleâ—… within the Realm was in a manner consumed Nobilit as cum Plebe perit lateque vagatur Ensis à multo revocatum est pectore ferrum The Peer and Peasant falls and hating rest Bloody the Sword returns from many a breast And the whole State by war had been thus subverted had not God as a mean raised that King But since the end of mans creation is not for thâ—… Slaughter nor education of Armes to make meâ—… Cast-aways the course most answerable either to Charity or Example for Rome did by Coloniâ—… inlarge and confirm her Empire is to transplaâ—… that we may best spare In Ireland we may increase the King many Subjects and in the Indiâ—… God many servants a world from our Forefathers â—…ockt up by divine Providence as only best to glorifie and purifie these Times And as in war conquirendus potius miles quam dimittendus Souldiers are rather to be listed than disbanded so post â—ellum vires refovendae magis quam spargendae after war forces are rather to be cherished than wasted And thus much in answer of Necessity Answer to the Arguments of Profit THe profits gained by Forraign Expeditions cannot be any wayes so truly esteemed as by setting down the expence of Money Men and Munition by which we have made purchase of them I will therefore deliver as they fall in sequence all the Impositions Taxes and Lones whether by general Grant or Prerogative power leâ—ied of the People summing after up as I go along the times of our Princes the number of Men Ships and vast provisions of Victuals raised to supply the necessity and expence of War WIlliam the Conquerour in the entrance of his Government took of every Hide-land twelve pence a due of the Subjects to the Soveraign both before and since the Conquest to defray such charge as either the defence of the Land from spoil or the Sea from Piracy should expose the Prince to It is called Dane-geld Gelda Regis or Hidage and was sessed by the Hide or Plough-land like to that Jugatio per jugera taxation by the acre in Rome yet by no rate definite with this as with another Exaction taken as the Monk of S. Albans saith sive per fas sive per nefas by fair means or by foul He passeâ— over into Francs into the list of charge he rankeâ— the Bishops and Abbots sessing upon them and aâ—… their charge a proportion of Souldiers for his serâ—…vice exiling many worthy men that opposed thâ—â— thraldom William Rufus anno 7. set upon the heads of sâ—… many as he mustered up for the French wars teâ— shillings a man and so discharged them In an 9. he to the same end spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy vessels and levied four Hidages of every Plough-land Tribâ—… Angliam non modo abradens sed excorians nâ—â— only shaving but even flaying England wiâ—… his impositions so that wearied with war and expence ne respirare potuit Anglia sub ipso suffocata England was quite stifled by him anâ— could not so much as breath Quid jam non Regibus ausum Aut quid jam Regno resta Scelus What durst not Kings then do What mischief could the Nation suffer more in this Kings time Henry the first anno 5. magnam à Regno exegit Pecuniam exacted a great â—umm of his Kingdom with which he passed into France and by this means gravabatur terra Angliae oppressâ—nibus multis England was born down with many oppressions He took in the tenth year siâ— shillings Danegeld And in the seventeenth Quod inter eum Regem Francorum magnum fuit dissidium Anglia fuit variis depressa Exactionibus Bonis sine peccato spoliata by means of the great differenoe betwixt him and the King of France England was oppressed with divers exactions and men spoiled of their goods for no offence at all Of King Stephen there need no more than the words of the Monk of Gisborn Post annum sextum Pax nulla omnes partes terrebat violenta Pradatio after the sixth year of his reign there was no quiet but all parts of the Land became a prey and spoil to violent men Henry the second alluding not unlike to the â—eada given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire as Salaries by which they stood bound to defend the Frontiers against the Incursions of the Barbarous Nations continued the Policy of his Progenitors who allotted the Land into such and so many equal portions as might seem competent for supportation of a Knight or man at Arms from whom as occasion required they received either service or contribution This Tenure now esteemed a Thraldom began upon a voluntary and desired submission for who from his gift would not of the Prince accept Land upon the like conditions so it toucheth not the Soveraign as a wrong to the Subject but as in right his own And therefore respecting their first immediate dependency upon the Crown which is a great part of the Kings Honour their duties and Escheats a great benefit and their attendance by Tenure in war at their own charge to the number of 602 16. at the least for the Knights Fees in England are no less a great ease strength and security to his State for they are totidem Hostagia so many Hostages as Bracton saith it were a thing perillous now to alter after such a current of time and custome This King to understand the better his own strength publico praecepit edicto quod quilibet Praelatus Baro quot Milites de eo tenerent in Capite publicis suis instrument is significarent he caused it to be proclaimed that every Prelate and Baron should notifie by publick deed how many Knightships they held of him in capite By this rule of Scutage constant in the number he levied alwayes his Subsidies and relief though divers in the rate Of the first which was near the beginning of his Reign there is no record The second Scutage which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia librarum argenti thousand pounds of silver which reduced to the standard of our money five shillings the ounce whereas that was not five groats will amount to
most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed From the eighteenth of Edward the third until the one and twentieth in which space it was taken the charge amounted to 337400 l. 9 shill 4 d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more than a year 17847 l. 5 shillings In anno 29. 30581 l. 18 d. for two years compleat In the thirtieth received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasurer of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847 l. And in the year following 26355 l. 15 shill In the second of Richard the second de receptis forinscecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000 l. for three years compleat Anno 5. 19783 l. For three years ending anno 10. 77375 l. For the like term until an 13. 48609 l. 8 shill And for the four succeeding years 90297 l. 19 shill And for the last three years of his Reign 85643 l. From the end of Richard the second until the fourth of Henry the fourth for three years 62655 l. 17 shillings And for one succeeding 19783 l. The Charge in Victual and Provision for two years five months in this Kings Reign 46519 l. 15. shillings In the first four and peaceable years of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England 86938 l. 10 shill for this place And from anno 8. until the 9. 65363 l. It cost Henry the sixth above all Revenue 9054 l. 5 shill in an 11. The Subsidies in England were an 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the one and thirtieth of this King there was a Fifteen and 2 shill of every Sack of Wool imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed the fourth of Edward the fourth that the Souldiers there should receive Victuals and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one year being 12771 l. And in the sixteenth of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool and Sandwich 12488 l. paid to the Treasury of Callis And in an 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290 l. 18 shill And in 22. 11102 l. And the year following 10788 l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24 Hen. 8. 8834 l. And about the thirtieth when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117 l. And from the thirtieth of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428 l. 18 shill From the first purchase of it by Edw. 3. until the loss thereof by Queen Mary it was ever a perpetual issue of the Treasure of this Land which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us than any Fort of Security For from the waste of money which is Nervus Reipublicae the Sinew of a Common-wealth as Ulpian saith we may conclude with Tacitus Dissolutionem Imperii docet si fructus quibus Respub sustinetur diminuantur it foreshews the ruine of an Empire if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth And therefore it was not the worst opinion at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited Henry the eighth to put off that Kingdom although in the close major pars vicit meliorem the greater party out-voted the better that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable than profitable and the keeping more than the enjoying The issue was in Tournay Bullen and this Town manifest Besides the jealousie that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easie descent into and convenient place to trouble the Countrey a Fetter to intangle them they neither had assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniency in the detention of Callis after the eight years expired of Redelivery used by the Chancellour of France That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town than by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pique and Quarrel between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation natural betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amiss to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened until conformity of Affections and designs of Councils shall further effect a Remedy The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20 Edward 3. was 3129 l. for three years In the end of Richard 2. and entrance of Henry 4. 10153 l. And 11 Henry 6. the Custody of the Marches 4766 l. In the 2 Mariae the annual Charge of Barwick was 9413 l. And in an 2 Elizabeth 13430 l. And an 26. 12391 l. The Kingdom of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29 E. 3. 2285 l. An. 30. 2880 l. and an 50. 1808 l. All the time of Richard 2. it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11 Henry 6. 4000 Marks of annual issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwel Lord Treasurer not above 3040 l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000 l. the expence for two years ending 1571. amounted to 116874 l. In an 1584. for less than two years came it to 86983 l. The charge there in two years of Sir John Parrots Government ending 1586. was 116368 l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000 l. the issue was 91072 l. And when in 35 Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdom exceeded not 27118 l. the Disbursement in seven moneths were 171883 l. The Charge 1601. for nine moneths 167987 l. And for the two years following accounted by the allayed money 670403 l. And in the first of the King 84179 l. Whose Government although
it hath blessed both us and that Kingdom with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forraign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forraign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiory the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassalage than which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch in his Kingdom and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperial Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an Oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majesty and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King John did Normandy and Edward the second resigned to his Son the Duchy of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regality but be a dishonour As appeareth in Henry the second who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the seventeenth of Richard the second the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unless the King might not do Homage they held it so basâ— supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territory those subordiante Duchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdom of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14 Ed. 3. and 8 Ed. 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdom of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provincial Government as in 17 H. 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britains are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facility and assurance of Success in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms than ever any of our Ancestors had To which in answer nothing can be more full than laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suit these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equal worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdom we had ever Ports to land at and Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward the third when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Duchy of Britain that so he might have there an easie footing Thus by leave of his Confederates in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any Army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficulty is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevail than Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classâ— Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitassocia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circum spexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestors Advantage personal was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable the aâ—… the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederates Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work on the opportunity of any dissention ministred or by Pension and Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Dukes of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earl of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000 l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyalty Edw. 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldom had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousie of those Princes and Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe
Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutual Aid were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first and third Edwards the fifth and eighth Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestors in the end It is not amiss in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tyed that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first but to assure his own possessions beyond Sea adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aid the Earl of Britain and Theobald Earl of Bloys Henry the second did the like with Robert Earl of Flanders And again cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earl of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earl who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earl of Flanders contracteth under Bond mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutual aid that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King John and the Earl of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutual assistance against the French King The like with the City of Doway and Earl of Holland Hen. 3. anno 11. drew Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earl of Flanders with a Pension annual of five hundred Marks And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homines in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an 8. and 10 Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an 13. by a pretence of intermarriage drew Florence Earl of Holland from the French to his party and the year following by the mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earl of Flanders who in an 20. assisted him in the wars of Gascoign In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earl of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgundy with a yearly donative of 30000 l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Francie against the French King He had Guido Earl of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000 l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an 24 25 and 31. of his Reign retaining the Earl of Gueldres by pay of 1000000 l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000 l. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000 l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300 l. Turonensium in his service the same year And in anno 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earl of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward the second had auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoesibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses And in anno 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders John Protector of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000. other armed men Edward the third had by the Marriage of Philip the Earl of Henault and Holland her Father assured to him and retained John of Henault and his Followers qui venerunt in auxilium ad rogatum Regis who came to assist the King at his call with a Salary of 14000 l. yearly Before he adventured to avow and maintain his Challenge to the Kingdom of France he made up to his party Lodowick the Emperour who the better to countenance his enterprise elected him Vicarium Imperii Vicar of the Empire Reginald Earl of Gueldres Lewis Marquess of Brandenburg Conrade Lord of Hard who served him with fifty men at Arms the Cardinal of Genoa and his Nephew who aided him with Gallies the Magistrates of Colen Bruxells Lorrain and Mechlin and Jaques de Artevile head of the Gantois Faction who having quitted all duty to the banished Earl submitted themselves and most of Flanders to the service and protection of Edward the third who to free them of two Millions of Crowns wherein as a Caution of obedience to the Crown of France they stood bound as well by Oath as Obligation took upon him the Title of King of France and imployed John Duke of Brabant and Lorrain William Marquess of Juliers and the Earl of Henault and Holland his assured Friends Procuratores suos ad vendicandum Regnum Franci◠his Procurators to claim the Crown of France These his Allies not long after meeting him at Tournay with one hundred thousand men as Robert de Artoys did with fifty thousand at S. Omers against the French King And thus he attired and furnished his first enterprise weaving into his Faction and support more and more as often as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave By colour of Marriage he drew in the King of Sicily in the eighteenth year the Duke of Millain and the King of Castile for mutual aid and Simon Butangre Duke of Genoa and his Subjects for hire and reward In the ninteenth year the questionable Title of the Duchy of Britain assured him of John de Montford against whom the French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Duchy In anno 24. he renewed the Contract with the Genoeses and in the thirtieth made a convention of Peace mutui auxili cum Rege Navarre and of mutal aid with the King of Navarre In the thirty seventh with Peter King of Castile and in that and the one and fortieth an alliance of Aid and Amity he entred with the Duke of Britain and anno 45. again with the Genoeses and Lewis Earl of Flanders and Duke of Brabant and an 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugal Richard the second reneweth in anno 1. the confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew as he had done anno 2. with Lewis Earl
of Flanders In the sixth year he combineth with the Flemings contraâ—nimicos communes against the enemies of them both with the Kings of Naples Sicily Navarre and Arragon de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid and with Winceslaus the Emperour Contra Carolum Regem Franciae Robertum Regem Scotiae against Charles King of France and Robert King of Scotland In anno 8. with the Kings of Jerusalem Sicily and Portugal In the tenth with Portugal who at his own charges aided this King with ten Galleys And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid And anno 12. 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of Bavaria And an 20. with the Earl of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae against the King of France And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene anno 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King Henry the fourth entred alliance of mutual aid in two years with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. In the twelfth with Sigismund King of Hungaria And in the thirteenth by siding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans laid the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered strengthened himself anno 4. by a League perpetual with Sigismund the Emperour renewing that of Richard the second with John King of Portugal as his Father had done He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain and with the Queen of Jerusalem and Lewis her Son for the Duchy of Anjou and Mayn and with the King of Portugal and Duke of Bavaria for supply of Men and Munition by them performed And the year before the Battel of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundy and his Retinue for Wages in servitiâ— suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae in his service in the Kingdom of France or the Duchy of Aquitain esteeming the alliance of that house the readiest means to attain his end Henry the sixth i so long as he held the Amity of Britain for which he contracted and the confederacy of Rurgundy his friend of eldest assurance and best advantage which he did to the sixteenth year of his Government there was no great decline of his Fortune in France But when Burgundy brake the bond of our assurance and betook him to the Amity of France and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse first at the Treaty of Bruges 1442. then at Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son than ever it increased in the rising of the Father And Edward the fourth who succeeded sensible of this loss wooed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to win again the house of Burgundy which in anno 7. he did to joyn for the recovery of his right in France And drew in the year following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy In the eleventh year he renewed with Charles of Burgundy the bond of mutual Aid and contracted the next year the like with the King of Portugal And in an 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Usurpantem for the recovery of the Kingdom of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper as the Record is entred a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money though he could not any portion of land Henry the seventh anno 5. 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King The like in the eighth with the King of Portugal and in the tenth with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutual Aid Henry the eighth in anno 4. reneweth the Amity of Portugal and the next year combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with four thousand horse and six thousand foot whereupon he winneth Tournay Consilio Auxilio favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris with the advice assistance and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian In anno 7. to weaken the French King he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with Charles of Spain for Amity and mutual Aid into which Maximilian the Emperour and Joan of Spain were received the year following In an 12. with the Emperour Charles and Margaret Regentess of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae non possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of his intendment interdicteth the French Territories calleth in aid Brachii Seculdris of the Secular power those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protector and stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio an holy expedition And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next year confirmed and explained Renewing in the years twenty one thirty five and thirty eight the association and bond of mutual aid with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although Edward the sixth in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetual yet forbore he to aid the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperial Protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that of Marriage Aid and Entercourse with the Emperour Spain and Burgundy and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde about New-haven and with Charles the ninth 1564. and at Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen in ninety six And with the States of the Netherlands in the years eighty five and ninety eight divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterpize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have
been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the Kings of Portugal and Spain and the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so far removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse only IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these several Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffick here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousie of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutral according to Aristhenus counsel to the Aetolians Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side than to be made a prey to the Conquer our Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetual service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficial Trade and no less in Policy to ingage that City than to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summs of money as the Interest of late exceeded twenty five Millions he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party than if it were commanded by a Cittadel so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while States of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent than ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundy was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France who not only claimed Soveraignty over most but a proprietary interest in part and therefore had reason to give Aid and Arms to such a Confederate as did by a diversive War secure and by particular Immunities inrich that State But now growing into Spain they need no such assurance in the one and we almost undone by their draping of our Wooll which is happily called home not able to return them the benefit of the other cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aid as heretofore Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for two respects First for that he is absolute and that we be equally devoid of demand neither having against the other any Titles Next for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocal between us than France and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood To this may be made a two-fold answer from the change of their Dispositions First for that they never assist any now but to make themselves Master of their State Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugal And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French they combined with her Adversary and divided the Kingdom And after upon the River of Gaâ— rillon under their Leader Gonsalves taking an advantage they defeated the whole Army of the French holding ever since that entire Kingdom themselves For Spain will admit neither Equality nor Fellowship since upon Union of so many Kingdoms and famous Discoveries they begun to affect a fifth Monarchy The other that the late hostility between them and us hath drawn so much blood as all forms of antient Amity are quite washt away and as Paterculus saith of Carthage to Rome so may we of Spain to England Adeo odium Certaminibuâ— ortum ultra metam durat ut ne in victis quidem deonitur neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desâ—t The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly that the very conquered party cannot forget it and in such a case the very places must cease to be before the hatred and envy towards it can cease BEsides these local considerations there will two other Dangers now fall out from any Contract of mutual aid The one from diversity â—f Intention and the other of Religion In the one when either the Confederate hath safely attained his own secret End whatsoever he pretendeth in the entrance he leaveth the other to work out his own designs Thus was Henry the third served called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March they in the mean time having made their Peace with France Et expertus jam infidem imo perfidiam Pictavensium turpiter recessit festinans non pepercit Calcaribus insomuch that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins he was forced dishonourably to retreat and for haste to spurr away the peril the poor King was left in being so great He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth who having drawn him into the wars of Apulia against Manfred in the end depauperato Regno Angliae undique bonis suis spoliato his Kingdom of England being impoverished and wholly despoiled of its Goods left him to his own shift The King of Navarr calling in the aide of Edward the third against France and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces revolteth to the French after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace Maximilian the Emperour to induce Henry the eighth not only contracteth to aide him in person to recover the Crown of France pro tyrannico Rege repellendo and to remove the tyrannical King they are the words of the League but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem Imperium Romanum the Imperial Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion and estateth the Duchy of Millain after recovery upon his person suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum modo feodorum Imperialium and his heirs male lawfully begotten to hold in Fee of the Empire yet in the close left the King to his own fortune his turn for Millain and Verona served Charles the fifth when by the incursion of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish as he used himself to say for it supplied his Army with great Levies and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy he then ingaged Henry the eighth in the wars of France and bound himself as Bourbon his Confederate that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdom and the other