thought good to insert heere immediatly the contrary conclusions to all the poynts and Articles wherof this other late Oath doth consist wherby it may appeare what vnreasonable and rebellious poynts he would dryue his Ma. ties Subiects vnto by refusing the whole body of that Oath as it is conceaued For he that shall refuse to take this Oath must of necessity hold these propositions following First that our Soueraignâ— Lord King Iames is not the lawfull King of this Kingdome and of all other his Ma. ties Dominions Secondly that the Pope by his owne authority may depose c. But who doth not see what a simple fallacy this is which the Logicians do call A composito ad diuisa from denying of a compound to inferre the denyall of all the parcels therin conteyned As if some would say that Plato was a man borne in Greece of an excellent wit skilfull in the Greeke language most excellent of all other Philosophers and would require this to be confirmed by an Oath some Platonist perhaps would be coÌ„teÌ„t to sweare it but if some Stoicke or Peripateticke or Professour of some other Sect in Philosophy should refuse the said Oath in respect of the last clause might a man inferre against him in all the other clauses also Ergò he denyeth Plato to be a Man He denyeth him to be borne in Greece he denyeth him to be of an excelleÌ„t wit he denyeth him to be skilfull in the Greeke tongue c. Were not this a bad kynd of arguing X. So in like manner if an Arrian or Pelagian Prince should exact an Oath at his Subiects hands concerning diuers articles of Religion that were belieued by them both and in the end or middle therof should insert some clauses sounding to the fauour of their owne sect for which the Subiect should refuse the whole body of that Oath as it was conceyued could the other in iustice accuse him for denying all the seuerall articles of his owne Religion also which therin are mencyoned Who seeth not the iniustice of this manner of dealing And yet this is that which our Apologer vseth heere with Catholicks affirming in good earnest that he which refuseth the whole body of this Oath as it is conceyued in respect of some clauses therof that stand against his Conscience about matters of Religion refuseth consequently euery poynt and parcell therof and must of necessity hold in the first place that our Soueraigne Lord King Iames is not the lawfull King of this Kingdome and of all other his Ma. ties Dominions The contrary wherof all Catholicks do both confesse and professe consequently it is a meere calumniation that they deny this But let vs see how he goeth forward in prouing this whole Oath to be lawfull to a Catholicke mans Conscience XI And that the world saith he may yet further see his Ma. ties and whole States setting downe of this Oath did not proceed from any new inuention of theirs but as it is warranted by the word of God So doth it take the example from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand yeares agone which a famons Councell then togeather with diuers other Councels were so farre from condemning as the Pope now hath done this Oath as I haue thought good to set downe their owne wordes heere in that purpose wherby it may appeare that his Ma. tie craueth nothing now of his Subiects in this Oath which was not expresly and carefully commanded them by the Councels to be obeyed without exception of persons Nay not in the very particuler poynt of Equiuocation which his Ma. tie in this Oath is so carefull to haue eschewed but yow shall heere see the said Councels in their Decrees as carefull to prouide for the eschewing of the same so as almost euery poynt of that Action and this if ours shall be found to haue relation and agreeance one with the other saue only in this that those old Councels were carefull and straite in commanding the taking of the same wheras by the contrary he that now vaunteth himselfe to be Head of all Councells is as carefull and strait in the prohibition of all men from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance So he XII And I haue alledged his discourse at large to the end yow may better see his fraudulent manner of proceeding He saith That the example of this Oath is taken from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand yeares agone in the Councels of Toledo but especially the fourth which prouided also for the particuler poynt of Equiuocation But let any man read those Councels which are 13. in number and if he fynd eyther any forme of an Oath prescribed or any mention of Equiuocation but only of flat lying and perfidious dealing let him discredit all the rest that I do write And if he fynd none at all as most certainly he shall not then let him consider of the bad cause of this Apologer that dryueth him to such manner of dealing as to auouch Euery point of that Action to haue agreeance with the offering of this Oath XIII True it is that those Councels of Toledo vpon certayne occasions which presently we shall declare do recommend much to the subiects of Spayne both Gothes and Spaniards that they do obserue their Oath of fidelity made vnto their Kings especially vnto Sisenandus for whose cause principally this matter was first treated in the fourth Councel of Toledo but no speciall forme is prescribed by the said Councell nor is Equiuocation so much as named therin but only as hath bene said Iurare mendaciter to sweare falsely as the wordes of the Councel are Which how far it is from the true nature of Equiuocation hath bene lately and largly demonstrated as yow know XIV The cause of the treatie of this matter in the 4. Councell of Toledo was for that one Sisenandus a Noble man of the bloud of the Gothes and a great Captaine taking opportunitie of the euill life of his King Sâ—intila whome he had serued did by some violence as most of the Spanish Historiographers write though confirmed afterward by the Common-wealth and proued a very good King and as Paulus Aemilius in his French Historie recordeth by helpe of Dagobert King of France put out the said Suintila and fearing lest the same people that had made defection to him might by the same meanes fall from him againe he procured in the third yeare of his raigne this fourth Councell of Toledo to be celebrated of 70. Prelates as some say and as others of 68. hoping by their meanes that his safety in the Crowne should be confirmed Wherupon it is set downe in the Preface of the said Councell that comming into the same accompanyed with many noble and honorable persons of his trayne Coram sacerdotivus Dei humi prostratus cum lachrymis gemitibus pro se interueniedum postulauit He prostrate on the ground before the Priests of God with
from some other T. M. of like condition though in respect of his office somewhat neerer to his maiesty to whome perhaps he might shew the same â—s the other dedicated his and therupon might presume to set it forth Authoritate Regiâ as in the first front of the Booke is set downe somwhat different from other bookes and cause it to be printed by Barker his Ma. ties Printer and adorned in the second page with the Kings Armes and other like deuises wherin our English Ministers do grow now to be very bold do hope to haue in tyme the hand which Scotâ—ish Ministers once had But I most certaynly do perswade my selfe that his Ma. tie neuer read aduisedly all that in this Booke is conteyned For that I take him to be of such iudgement and honour as he would neuer haue let passe sundry things that heere are published contrary to them both III. As for example his Highnes great iudgement would presently haue discouered that the State of the Question is twice or thrice changed in this Apologie and that thing proued by allegations of Scriptures Fathers and Councels which the aduerse part denyeth not as after in due place I shall shew And againe he would neuer haue let passe so manifest an ouersight as is the charging of Card. all Bellarmine with eleuen seuerall places of contradiction to himselfe in his workes whereas in the true nature of a contradiction or contrariety no one of them can be proued or mainteyned as euery man that vnderstandeth the Latyn tongue and will but looke vpon Bellarmine himselfe will presently fynd IV. Nay some of them are so palpable as euery man of common sense euen without Latyn or learning will espy the same as namely the very first where it is said That Card. all Bellarmine writeth in his fifth Booke of Iustification That for the vncertainty of our owne proper righteousnesse and for auoyding of vayne glory it is most sure and safe to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodnes of God Which proposition sayth the Apologie is directly contrary to the whole discourse and currant of all his fyue bookes De Iustificatione But euery mâ—n out of common reason will 〈◊〉 that the opposition betweene one place and fiue bookes is very genâ—â—â— and vncertayne to the Reader He should haue câ—ted some one or two or more places out of those fyue bookes which in true sense and wordes had byn contrary to the former place to the end that iudgement might haue byn made therof and this in credit he ought to haue done to conuince so great a man of contradiction to himselfe V. Agayne it is alleadged for a manifest contradiction in Bellarmine for that in one place he saith That the end of the world can not be knowne and in an other That within 25. dayes after Antichrists death the world shall haue an end But what man is so simple or silâ—y that will not presently demaund how we shall know the certaynty when Antichrist is to come For therupon dependeth the whole controuersy VI. In like manner wheras his Ma. tie is knowne to be a Prince of most honorable respects in treaty and vsage of others especially men of honour and dignity it is to be thought that he would neuer haue consented if he had but seene the Booke with any attention that those phrases of contempt not only against the Pope at least as a temporall Prince but neyther against the Cardinall calling him by the name of M. Bellarmine should haue passed For so much as both the Emperour and greatest Kings of Christendome do name that dignity with honour And it seemeth no lesse dissonant to call a Cardinall Maister then if a man should call the chiefest dignityes of our Crowne by that name as M. Chauncelour M. Treasurer M. Duke M. Earle M. Archbishop M. Bancroft which I assure my selfe his Ma. tie would in law of honour condemne if any externall Subiect or Prince should vse to men of that State in our Countrey though he were of different Religion Wherfore I rest most assured that this proceeded eyther out of the Ministers lacke of modestie or charity and that if his Ma. tie had had the perusall of the Booke before it came forth he would presently haue gyuen a dash of his pen ouer it with effectuall order to remedy such ouersightes of inciuility VII Furthermore that generall assertiue note gyuen against Card. all Bellarmine that VVhensoeuer he is pressed with any difficult argument of his Aduersary he careth not to contradict himselfe so he may declyne therby the present storme I can hardly belieue that his Ma. tie would haue passed ouer with approbation For so much as it is so generall as I said and would require an induction of many particuler examples to inferre the same wherof no one is heere alledged that can be stood vnto and proued to be a true contradiction in deed That other iniurious and stinging conclusion also that There is no greater difference betweene God and Belial light and darknes heauen and hell then there is betweene the doctrine of the Scriptures and Card. all Bellarmines workes concerrning the dignity of temporall Princes I can not imagine that the equity and grauity of his Ma. tie would euer allow of it being apparantly a passionate exaggeration and refuted euery where by Bellarmine himselfe where he teacheth that temporall Princes haue their Authority from God are Gods substitutes and Vicars in all temporall affayres of their States and Kingdomes are for such to be obeyed not only out of feare to auoyd punishment but of conscience vnder paynes of damnation so as wherin this great and absolute opposition of Scriptures to Bellarmins works about the Authority and dignity of temporall Princes doth consist I see not And if his bookes had byn so derogatory to Princely Authority as heere is said it is very like that so many other Monarches Princes and great States would neuer haue permitted them to haue bene printed in their Dominions as they haue done and do dayly Wherfore neyther this also do I suppose that the great wisedome of his Ma. tie would haue allowed VIII This then remayneth most firme in my persuasion that his Ma. tie had nothing to do with the Booke but only perhaps the allowance therof in generall termes before it was published and this yow will easely see by the substance therof which consisteth such as it is of three principall poynts or partes The first conteynng as it were a preamble to the Breues concerning the nature of the Oath exacted and circumstances therof The second touching the contents of the said Breues the Popes manner of proceeding therin The third the examination of Card. all Bellarmines letter to M. Blackwell the Arch-priest of all which I do promise yow but a small tast as I said for I haue very little tyme and I should offer iniury to others to whome it belongeth to make a
worldlings vsed in the Psalme to proue their felicity that their cellars are full their sheepe fertile theyr kyne fatt they suffer no losse and then Beatum dixerunt populum cui haec sunt Happy did they call the people that had these things But the Holy Ghost scorneth them and so may all men do our Orator that vseth and vrgeth so base an argument in so high a matter VII And as for his definition of Miserie by Copia and Inopia store and want it is a miserable one indeed and neuer heard of before I thinke to come from any mans mouth but his owne it being ridiculous in Philosophy and fitt to be applyed to any thing that hath either store or want As a wise man in this sort may be defined to be him that hath store of witt and want of folly and a foole to be him that hath store of follie and want of witt and so a rich man is he that hath store of riches and want of beggary and a poore man is he that hath store of beggary and penury of riches And are not these goodly definitions thinke you for so great and graue a man to produce VIII But to returne to the matter it selfe of Q. Elizabeth her store of consolations and penury of desolations in this life VVho saith this our Orator was so myraculously protected by God so strengthened and fortified as she did beate her most potent enemy did sett vp a King in his kingdome deâ—ended nations harboured distressed people and the like Supposing all this were true that she had such temporall felicity in this lyfe and were so miraculously protected strengthened and fortifyed by God as heere is said yea and that it were euident that God had chosen her for his elected seruant which yet doth not appeare and gyuen her that tytle and power to afflict the Catholicks yet had that byn no more then we read in the Scriptures to haue byn gyuen to dyuers Pagan Princes and namely to Nabuchodonosor of whom Ieremy the prophet testifyeth in sundry places of his Prophesy That God chose him called him his seruant and gaue him speciall power fauour protection to afflict his people Ego dedi omnes terras istas in manu Nabuchodonosor Regis Babylonis serui mei saith God I haue gyuen all these Countryes into the hands of Nabuchodonosor King of Babylon my seruant and all nations shall serue him yield obedience to him and to his Sonne and Sonnes some And what soeuer nation shall not serue him bow his necke vnder his yoke I will visite that nation with the sword with famyne and with plague till I haue consumed them by his hand And agayne in an other place I will choose vnto me my seruaÌ„t Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon will bring him vpon this Land and vpon all the inhabitants therof and vpon all nations round about c. And yet further God said vnto Ieremy Thus saith the Lord of Hostes I shall take vnto me my seruant Nabuchodonosor and shall place his throne vpon these stones c. IX By all which is euident that Syr Edward Cookes argument is worth nothing that for so much as God so miraculously protected Q. Elizabeth if it were myraculous so strengthened and fortifyed her as she did beate her most potent enemy did set vp an other King in his Kingdome 〈◊〉 any such thing were yet this did not make her happie As neyther it did Nabuchodonosor of whome God said in the same place that when he had serued his turne of him and wrought his will by his hand and people for the purging or his owne elect he would visit vpon him also and his Countrey and that in a â—arre more grieuous sort Ponam iâ—am in solitudines sempiternas reddam eis secundum opera eorum secundum facta manuum suarum I shall make that Countrey all euer aâ—â—ng wâ—â—deâ—nes and shall resâ—ore to them that afflicted my peopâ—e according to their workes and to the deeds of their owne handes against my people This then was his â—eâ—icity to be a scourge to others and fynally also to himselfe most of all X. And the like I doubt not may be said of Q. Elizabeths â—licity againsâ— Catholicks it we knew all that in the last day or iudgment will appeare and wherof her lameÌ„table end may gyue great presage to them that are wise For that for a woman of so long and large a lyfe as hors was to passe hence to eternity with so small sense or 〈◊〉 of God as neuer so much as to name him nor to suffer others to bring in any speach therof as they attempted to do is so pittiâ—ull an end as can lightly said to a Christian soule The story or which vpshot oâ—hers I haue read written by a person of much credit that was present at all her last sicknes combats and death and relateth all that passed as an eye witnesse which I passe ouer for breuity and modestyes sake but it will remayne to posterity as a dreadfull patterne of a miserable end after a lyfe of so much ioylitie XI And thus much for spirituall infelicityes reaching to the next world and lyfe or death to come But if we would rest our selues only vpon vayne brickle felicityes of this world they were not alas so great in Queene Elizabeth but that they were mingled and interlaced with many and great infelicityes in like manner and these such as did euen in the eyes of worldly men ouerpoise the other especially with them that repute honour and dishonour among humane felicityes infelicityes For what more dishonorable infelicity can there be then that which standeth in Capito Libri of Q. Elizabeths lyfe To witt the publike solemne Statute and Act of Parliament made within few dayes after she was borne vpon the 28. yeare of King Henryes raigne and yet extant in Print wherin it is declared not only by the iudgment of the King and of aâ—l that Parliament but by the iudiciall sentence also of Archbishop Cranmer she was pronounced to be vnlawfully borne and that her mother was neuer King Henryes lawfull wyfe wherupoÌ„ the said statute vseth these wordes That it was against all honour equity and good conscience that the said Elizabeth should succeed in the Imperiall Crowne of England And could there be any greater worldly infelicity theÌ„this XII I let passe many other infelicities which happened by her occasion to sundry as well vnder the raigne of King Edward as the ruyne of the Seymers vpon the Admiralls falling in loue with her and making away his former wife Queene Catherine Parre to enioy her as also vnder Queene Marie when so many rebellions of VViat Courtney Carewes Stafford others were made for her But her owne raigne had most infelicities for her if they were well considered and I could touch many but modestie forbiddeth And least I should seeme to speak out of reuenge let this one
teares and sobbes besought them to make intercession vnto God for him And after that religiously exhorted the Synod to be myndfull of the Fathers Decrees for confirmation of Ecclesiasticall rytes c. Wherupon after seauenty and three Decrees made about Ecclesiasticall matters which whosoeuer will read shall fynd them wholy against the Protestants as setting downe describing the whole vse of the Catholicke Church then in Spayne which concurred with our first Primitiue Church of England conforme to that which now also is seene there they in the last Canon which was the 74. turned themselues to treat in like manner of matters of the Common wealth appoynting the order how their Kings for the tyme to come should be established Defuncto in pace Principe Primates Gen. is cum Sacerdotibus successorem Regni consilio communi constituant The Prince being dead in peace let the Nobility of the Nation togeather with the Priests by common counsell appoynt a successour in the kingdome c. XV. And then next to this they do excommunicate all those that shall attempt the destruction of the present King or shall breake their Oath of Fidelity made vnto him Aut si quis praesumptione Tyrannica Regni â—asâ—i ium vsurpauerit or if any shall by Tyrann cal presumption vsurpe the dignity of the Crowne aut Sacramentum fidei suae quod pro Patriae Gentisque Gothorum staâ—u vel conseruatione Regiae salutis pollicitus est violauerit aut Regem neci attrectauerit If any man shall violate the Oath of his fidelitie which he hath promised for the state or conseruation of his Countrey and Gothish Nation and of the Kings safety or shall attempt the Kings death c. Lett him be accursed say they in the sight of God the Father and of his Angels and cast out from the Catholicke Church which by his periury he hath profaned and let him be separated from all Society of Christians togeather with all his associates in such atteÌ„ptes And this curse they do renew and repeat diuers tymes in that Canon Vt haec tremenda toties iterata sententia nullum ex nobis praesenti atque aeterno condemnet iudicio that this dreadfull and often iterated sentence of excommunication do not condemne any of vs with iudgement present and euerlasting also if we incurre the same XVI This then was the great care which those ancient Fathers wherof the holy and learned man S. Isidorus Archbishop of Siuill was the first that subscribed had of the dutifull obedience fidelity of subiects towards their Princes vnto whome they had once sworne the same But as for any particuler forme of Oath there prescribed wherby this new Oath now required of AllegiaÌ„ce may be framed that hath so many clauses therin of scruple of coÌ„science to the receauer I fynd none at all And no doubt but if this King Sisenandus should haue exacted of any of these Bishops or other his subiects such an Oath of Allegiance as should haue beene mixed with any clauses preiudiciall to any of those points of Ecclesiasticall affaires which are handled and decreed by them in the said 73. precedent Canons of this CouÌ„cell or others contrary to their Conscience or iudgment in Religion they would haue beene so farre of from yielding therunto as they would rather haue giuen their liues then their consents to such an Oath XVII But to go forward and speake a word or two more of this Councell of Toledo After those 70. Fathers had taken this order for the temporall safetie of their Prince and Gothish Nation for that was a principall point that none should be admitted to the Crowne but of that race they turne their speach to the present King Sisenandus and to his successours making this exhortation vnto him Te quoquè praesentem Regem ac â—uturos aetatum sequentium Principes humilitate qua debemus deposcimus vt moderati mites erga subiecâ—os existentes c. We with due humility do require at your haÌ„ds also that are our present King and at the hands of those that shall ensue in future tymes that yow be moderate and myld towards your subiects and do rule your people committed vnto yow by God in iustice and piety and do yield to Christ the giuer of all your power good correspondence by raigning ouer them in humility of harte and indeauour of good workes c. And we do promulgate here against all Kings to come this sentence Vt si quis ex eis contra reuerentiam legum superba dominatione fastu Regio in flagitiis crudelissimam potestatem in populis exercuerit Anathematis sententia à Christo Domino condemnetur c. That if any of them shall against the reuerence of the lawes by proud domination and Kingly haughtines exercise wickednes and cruell power vpon the people committed to their charge let him be condemned of Christ by the sentence of curse and let him haue his separation and iudgment from God himselfe XVIII After this for better establishment of the said present King Sisenandus they do confirme the deposition and expulsion from the Crowne of the foresaid King Suintila which by error of the print is called in the Booke of Councells Semithilana pronouncing both him his wife and their brother to be iustly expulsed for their wickednes though the foresaid S. Isidorus then liuing and writing the History of Spayne dedicated to this King Sisenandus doth speake much good of the former parte of the other King his life and raigne And fynally some fyue yeares after this agayne in the sixt Councell of Toledo being gathered togeather in the same Church of S. Leocadia the said Bishops togeather with the Nobility did make this law and prescribed this forme of Oath to all Kings of that nation Vt quisquis succedentium temporum Regni sortitus suerit apicem non anteà conscendat Regiam Sedem quà m inter reliquas conditiones Sacramento pollicitus fuerit hanc se Catholicam non permissurum eos violare fidem That whatsoeuer future King shall obtayne the height of this Kingdome he shall not be permitted to ascend to the Royall seate therof vntill he haue sworne among other conditions that he will neuer suffer his subiects to violate this Catholicke faith Marke that he saith this which was the Catholicke faith then held in Spayne and explicated in those Councels of Toledo the particulers wherof do easely shew that they were as opposite to the Protestant faith as we are now XIX So as all this is against the Apologer for that in these Councells no particuler forme of any Oath was set downe or exhibited at all to Subiects that we can read of but only in generall it is commanded That all do keepe their Oath of Allegiance sworne to their Princes at their first entrance or afterward Which thing no Pope did euer forbid and all English Catholicks at this day do offer willingly to performe the same to
none of these two wayes God doth concurre to the committing of a synne XLII But there is a third way of concurring tearmed Occasionalicer occasionally or by giuing occasion which improperly also may be called Morall and this is When God seeing an euill man euill-disposed to doe this or that synne though he doe not concurre therunto by any of the foresaid two wayes of assisting or commaunding the action to be done yet doth he by his diuine prouidence and goodnes make occasions so to fall our as this synne and not that is committed and consequently it may be said That almighty God without any fault of his or concurrence in any o◠the forsaid two wayes hath bene the Occasionall cause of this synne As for example we read in Genesis That when the brethren of Ioseph were obstinately bent to kill him God by the pulling by of certayne I smaelites Merchants of Galaad gaue occasion of his selling into Egypt so as he was herby some Occasionall or Morall cause of this lesser synne for eschewing the greater but not in the former sense of Morall concurrence which includeth also commandement XLIII This Occasionall concurrence then though in some large sense it may be called also Morall yet is it much different from the former and consequently the one may be affirmed and the other denyed without any contradiction at all And so this second obseruation against Cardinall Bellarmyne is wholy impertinent for that Contradictio must be in eodem respectu eiusdem which heere is not verifyed For that when the Cardinall saith in the first place That God doth not cōcurre Morally to synne he meaneth by cōmaūding or counselling the same whē in the later place he graūteth That God doth cōcurre somtymes Morally he meaneth by giuing occasiō only for this synne to be cōmitted rather then that which is a plaine different thing XLIIII And of the same quality is the third Contradiction set downe by the Apologer in these wordes All the Fathers teach constantly saith Bellarmyne that Bishops doe succeed the Apostles and Priests the seauenty disciples And then in another part of his workes he affirmeth the contrary That Bishops doe not properly succeed the Apostles But whosoeuer shall looke vpon the places here quoted shall fynde this to be spoken in diuers senses to witt that they succeed them in power of Episcopall Order and not in power of Iurisdiction and other extraordinary priuiledges so as both those doe well stand togeather And the like I say of the 4. contradiction obiected which is That Iudas did not belieue yet in an other place That Iudas was iust and certaynly good which is no contradiction at all if we respect the two seuerall tymes wherof Cardinall Bellarmyne doth speake prouing first out of S. Iohns Ghospell by the interpretation of S. Hierome that Iudas at the beginning was good and did belieue and then by other words of Christ in the same Euangelist vttered a good while after the Apostles vocation That he was a dyuell and belieued not And who but our Apologer would found a cōtradictiō against so learned a man as Bellarmyne is vpon a manifest Equiuocation of tymes wherby he may no lesse argue with Bellarmyne for calling S. Paul an Apostle and persecutour and Nicolaus an elect of the holy Ghost and yet an Heretick for that the one was a Persecutour first and then an Apostle and the other first a chosen Deacon by the holy Ghost and afterward an Hereticke possessed by the diuell as most do hould XLV But I should doe iniury as before I said both vnto Cardinall Bellarmyne and my self if I should goe about to answere these supposed contradictions at length To the Cardinall in preuenting him that will doe it much better Vnto my self in spending tyme in a needles labour for so much as euery one of meane iudgemēt that will but looke vpon the bookes and places themselues heere cyted will discouer the weaknes of these obiections and that they haue more will then ability to disgrace Cardinall Bellarmyne XLVI After the obiecting then of these deuised contradictions our Apologer returneth againe to exagitate yet further the foresaid saying of Bellarmyne That neither his Maiesty nor other King hath need to feare any daunger to his Royall Person by acknowledging the Popes spirituall authority in his Kingdome more then other Christians and Monarches haue done heretofore or doe now in other Kingdomes round about him who admitt the same Authority and haue done euen from the beginning of their Christianity without any such dangers of murther incurred therby Wherupon this Apologer maketh a large new excursion numbering vp a great Catalogue of contentions that haue fallen out betweene some Popes and Emperours the said Emperours receaued hurtes domages and dangers therby and consequently had cause to feare contrary to that which Bellarmyne writeth XLVII And in this enumeration the Apologer bringeth in the example of the Emperour Henry the 4. brought to doe pennance at the Castle of Canusium by Pope Gregory the seauenth as also of the Emperour Fredericke the first forced by Pope Alexander the third to lie agroofe as his word is on his belly and suffer the other to tread on his necke Of the Emperour Philip that is said to haue bene slaine by Otho at the Popes motion and that in respect therof the said Otho going to Rome was made Emperour though afterward the Pope deposed him also Of the Emperour Fredericke the second excommunicated and depriued by Pope Innocentius the fourth who in Apulia corrupted one to giue him poyson and this not taking effect hyred one Manfredus to poyson him wherof he dyed That Pope Alexander the third wrote to the Soldane to murther the Emperour sent him his picture to that effect That Pope Alexander the sixth caused the brother of Baiazetes the Turkish Emperour named Gemen to be poysoned at his brothers request and had two hundred thowsand crownes for the same That our King Henry the second besides his going barefooted in pilgrimage was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-howse like a schoole-boy and glad to escape so too That the Father of the moderne King of France was depriued by the Pope of the Kingdome of Nauarre and himself I meane this King of France forced to begge so submissiuely the relaxation of his excommunication as he was content to suffer his Embassadour to be whipped at Rome for pennance XLVIII All these examples are heaped togeather to make a muster of witnesses for proofe of the dangers wherin Princes persons are or may be by acknowledging the Popes Supreme Authority But first in perusing of these I fynde such a heape indeed of exaggerations additions wrestings and other vnsyncere dealings as would require a particuler Booke to refute them at large And the very last here mētioned of the present King of France may shew what credit is to be giuen to all the rest to witt That he suffered his Embassadour
to be whipped at Rome the latin Interpreter turneth it Vt Legatum suum Romae virgis caesum passus sit as though he had bene scourged with rodds vpon the bare flesh or whipped vp and downe Rome wheras so many hundreds being yet aliue that saw that Ceremony which was no more but the laying on or touching of the said Embassadours shoulder with a long white wand vpon his apparell in token of submitting himself to Ecclesiasticall discipline it maketh them both to wonder and laugh at such monstrous assertions comming out in print and with the same estimation of punctuall fidelity doe they measure other things here auouched IXL. As for exāple that our King Henry the second was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-house glad that he could escape so too for which he cyteth Houeden and this he insinuateth to be by order of the Pope in respect wherof he saith the King had iust cause to be afraid But the Author doth plainly shew the contrary first setting downe the Charter of the Kings absolution where no such pennāce is appointed secondly after that againe in relating the voluntary pennances which the King did at the Sepulcher of S. Thomas for being some occasiō of his death doth refute therby this narration as fraudulent and vnsyncere that the King was whipped like a school-boy by order of the Pope as though it had not come frō his owne free choice and deuotion L. That other instance of the Emperour that lay agroofe on his belly which I suppose he meaneth of Fredericke the first and suffered Pope Alexander the third to tread on his necke is a great exaggeratiō and refuted as fabulous by many reasons and authorityes of Baronius to whome I remit me The other in like māner of Celestinus the Pope that should with his foote beate of the Crown from the head of Henry the sixt Emperour being only mentioned first of all others by Houeden an English Authour and from him taken by Ranulph of Chester no other writer of other nations eyther present at his Coronation as Godesridus Viterbiensis his Secretary or others afterward as Platina Nauclerus Sabellicus Blondus Sigonius Crantzius so much as mentioning the same though yet they write of his Coronation maketh it improbable and no lesse incredible then the former LI. That also of the Emperour Philip affirmed to be slaine by Otho his opposite Emperour at the incitation of Pope Innocentius the third is a meere slaūder For that according to all histories not Otho the Emperour but an other Otho named of VVitilispack a priuate man one of his owne Court vpon a priuate grudge did slay him And albeit Vrspergensis that followed the faction of the Emperours against the Popes doe write that he had heard related by some the speech here sett downe that Innocentius should lay That he would take the Crowne from Philip or Philip should take the Myter from him yet he saith expresly Quod non erat credendum that it was not to be belieued And yet is it cyted here by our Apologer as an vndoubted truth vpon the onely authority of Vrspergensis in the margent LII The like may be said of the tale of Frederick the second attempted to haue bene poysoned first in Apulia by Pope Innocentius the 4. and afterward effectuated by one Mansredus as hyred by the Pope which is a very tale in deede and a malicious tale For that he which shall read all the Authors that write of his life or death as Platina whome the Protestants hold for free in speaking euill of diuers Popes Blondus Sabellicus Nauclerus Crantzius Sigonius others shall fynd that as they write very wicked thinges committed by him in his life so talking of his first danger in Apulia by greuous sicknes they make for the most part no mention of poyson at all and much lesse as procured by the Pope Innocentius praysed for a very holy man and to haue proceded iustly against Fredericke And secondly for his death they agree all that it was not by poyson but by stopping his breath and stifelyng him in his bed with a pillow by Mansredus his owne bastard Sonne to whome he had giuen the Princedome of Tarentum for feare least he should take it from him againe and bestow it vpon Conradus his other soone But that the Pope was priuy to this or hyred him to doe the fact as our Apologer affirmeth there is no one word or sillable in these Authors therof LIII But you will say that he cyteth one Petrus de Vineis in his margent and Cuspinian in the life of Fredericke both which are but one Authour for that Cuspinian professeth to take what he saith out of Petrus de Vineis which Petrus was a seruant to Fredericke and a professed enemy to the Pope and wrote so partially of this contention as Pope Innocentius himself wrote Libros Apologeticos as Blondus recordeth Apologeticall Bookes to coniute the lyes of this Petrus de Vineis in his life tyme And yet yow must note that he auoucheth not all that our Apologer doth nor with so much stomacke or affirmatiue assertion For thus relateth Cuspinian the matter out of Petrus de Vineis Non potuit cauere c. The Emperour could not auoyd but when he returned into Apulia he perished with poyson the 37. yeare of his raigne and 57. of his age on the very same day that he was made Emperour For wheras at the towne of Florenzola in Apulia hauing receaued poyson he was dangerously sicke and at length by diligence of Phisitions had ouercome the same he was stifeled by Mansredus his bastard sonne begotten of a noble woman his Concubine with a pillow thrust into his mouth whether it were that Mansredus did it as corrupted by his enemyes or by the Pope or for that he did aspire to the Kingdome of Sicilia So he LIV. And albeit as yow see he saith more herin against the Pope then any of the other Authours before mentioned for that he desired to cast some suspitions vpon him yet doth he it not with that bold asseueration that our Apologer doth saying That both his first sicknes was by poyson of the Popes procurement and his murthering afterward by hyring of Manfredus to poyson him againe whereas the other ascribeth not the first poysoning to the Pope if he were poysoned neyther doth so much as mention the second poyson but onely the stifeling and finally leaueth it doubtfull whether the same proceeded from the Emperours enemyes or from the Pope or from his Sonnes owne ambition and emulation against his brother LV. To the other obiection or rather calumniation out of Paulus Iouius that Alexander the third did write to the Soldane That if he would liue quietly he should procure the murther of the Emperour sending him his picture to that end It is answered that no such
Ecclesiasticall Gouernment by Bishops was ordayned immediatly by Christ himselfe for which cause Bellarmine saith in the second place heere alledged That Kingdomes are not immediatly instituted from God but mediatly only by meanes of the people which people therfore may change their formes of gouernment as in many Countryes we see that they haue but yet when any forme of Gouernment is established and Gouernours placed therin their authority and power is from God and to be obeyed out of Conscience vnder payne of damnation as before I haue shewed out of Bellarmyne And he that will read but from his third Chapter de Laicis vnto the 13. shall fynd store of assertions proofes to that effect to omitt many other places throughout his workes So as the former proposition That Kings haue not their Authority nor office from God nor his law is very fraudulently sett downe For if he vnderstand that their forme of Principality and Office therin is not immediatly from Gods institution but by meanes of humane lawes of succession election or the like it is true But if he meane that their Authority is not from God eyther mediate or immediate or induceth not obligation of Conscience in obeying them as it seemeth he would haue his Reader to thinke it is most false And the Apologer ought not to haue walked in these obscurityes if he had meant vprightly LXXXII I am weary to wade any further in these obiections and yet will I not let passe to note three more though most briefly and almost in three words leauing the rest to be examined by the Reader himselfe The first is That Church-men are as farre aboue Kings as the soule is aboue the body The other That Obedience due to the Pope is for Conscience sake The third That Obedience due to Kings is only for certayne respects of order and policy The first and last being meere calumniations and the other not denyed by vs. For as for the first though the words heere mentioned be not in Bellarmyne yet the comparison it self of Ecclesiasticall and Temporall powers in the Church vnto the soule and body is the comparison of S. Gregorie Nazianzen related only by Bellarmyne and consequently it must needs follow as the same Father also inferreth that so much more eminent as the soule is aboue the body so much more excellent is the power Ecclesiasticall aboue Temporall which S. Chrisostome in like manner proueth at large in his books de Sacerdotio So as this is not Bellarmynes comparison but of the said two auncient Fathers and consequently Bellarmyne is not here reprehended but they LXXXIII The other two places if they be two and not one but made two for multiplying of odious matter against vs haue byn so fully answered by vs before as we shall need to say no more heere therof For as ObedieÌ„ce is due out of Conscience vnto the Pope other Bishops Spirituall Gouernours in spirituall Gouernments by the Apostles precept Obediâ—e Praepositis vestris c. Obey your Prelates be subiect vnto them for they watch as being to render accompt for your soules So the same Apostle hath commanded also due Obedience to Temporall Magistrates in temporall affayres by the same obligation of Conscience as Cardinall Bellarmyne doth shew at large in the places by me alledged And I maruaile with what Conscience the Apologer heere can deny it cyting a place for the same in his margent which hath no such matter as he would inferre That not for Conscience but only for certayne respects c. For that treating of the obligation of Obedience to temporall lawes in temporall affayres his second proposition is Non sunt exempti Clerici ab obedientia legum Ciuilium Clergie-men are not exempted from the obedience of temporall lawes And in another place before cyted Lex Ciuilis non minùs obligat in conscientia quà m lex diuina The Temporall law byndeth no lesse in conscience then the Diuine So as all those odious matters are but frandulently layd togeather to make Catholicks their cause hatefull especially vnto him whom vnto they desyre most of all men vnder God to yield most satisfaction for their temporall dutyes and would hope also to effectuate it if these make-bate Ministers did not by their continuall incitations clamours and false suggestions disturbe the same and renew daylie iealosyes and distrustes in his Ma. ties mynd against vs. The Conclusion WHERFORE to draw to an end of this distastfull argument it cannot but grieue afflict much the hartes of all that loue eyther Prince or Countrey looke into the naturall sequels of like proceedings to see matters runne dayly vnto such extremityes as they do that by such instigators as are both both lesse carefull to foresee the hurts both priuate publick that may ensue lesse able to remedy theÌ„ when they fall out The principall of whom being the first chiefe motors besydes the generall hatred wherin they are with both extremes of opposite in Religion are so interessed in like maÌ„ner by the spoyles rapines which their rauenous Purseuants daylie bring home out of their continuall searches and ransacks of innocent mens houses goodes and persons as litle moderation may be expected from them LXXXV Would God it might please his dyuine Ma. tie so to inlighten and illustrate that excellent vnderstanding of our Prince and Soueraigne as he may see the many great inconuenieÌ„ces that do must follow vpon so violeÌ„t courses as these men for their owne vtilitie do suggest prosecute Nothing can be more pittifull then to see a Noble House diuided in itselfe the one to beate hunt pursue the other this to be their continuall exercise especially of Children vnder the sight of their owne Father louing them all and desyring to be beloued Ah! what sollicitude must there needs be in that Fathers hart And were it not a great synne to increase the same by casting in oyle to augmeÌ„t the flame LXXXVI Would God his Ma. ties eares and those of his wise Counsell could reach into these partes beyond the seas and to all forrayne nations of Christendome besydes to heare what is said what is writteÌ„ what is discoursed by men of best iudgment in this behalfe not only in regard of iustice and piety but in reason also of State and Policie no man being of so simple vnderstanding but that he must see that so notorious differeÌ„ces of Subiects for ReligioÌ„ pursued with such hostility among theÌ„selues must weaken greatly their forces and make them lesse esteemed both of friends and aduersaryes So as besydes internall dangers which are euer consequent vpon such inward diuisions if forrayne occasions should be offred vs agayne as in former tymes they haue beene by forrayne warres we should not know how to trust the one the other LXXXVII The cryes coÌ„playntes of these afflictions running throughout Christendome do giue strange admiration vnto men and do worke
this Apologer passeth on to bestow some of his adulation and oleum peccatoris vpon his Ma. tie in like manner that now raigneth telling vs That his kyndnes and benefits bestowed vpon that sort of people haue bene farre greater then those of Q. Elizabeth which may easily be as by that which hath bene touched may appeare Yet do we verily perswade our selues that if his Highnes had byn left to himselfe and to his owne Royall nature and noble disposition in this poynt as Q. Elizabeth was wont to say of her disposition in religion we had tasted indeed much of this his great humanity and so we began for some tyme but being preuented and diuerted by the subtile workings of this and other such Ministers as desyred to draw bloud and to incite his Maiestie against vs we hauing no place to speake for our selues no admittance to be heard no effectuall intercessour to interpose his mediation for vs no maruaile though wee were cast of and do indure the smart XVIII And I do name this Minister T. M. the yonger in the first place among the rest for that it is commonly said that his whole exercise is Sycophancy and calumniation against men of our profession be they strangers or domesticall and that among other deuises he hath this That euery tyme his Ma. tie is to take his repast he is ready eyther with some tale iest scoffe or other bitter lance to wound vs absent and that he hath euer lightly some booke and page therof ready to read to his Highnes somewhat framed by his art to incense or auert his Ma. tie more eyther in iudgement or affection or both and therby to draw from him some hard speaches which being published afterward by himselfe and others do serue to no other end but to gaâ—l and alienate myndes and to afflict them that are not suffered to giue reason for themselues And that is the seruice he doth his Ma. tie in this exercise XIX And as for the places themselues which he vseth to bring forth with his wet finger as is said we are to imagine that they are no better nor more fitly applyed then such as he hath sett forth against vs in this booke perhaps somewhat worse for that he might probably thinke that this booke would be examined comming forth with so great pretence of authority as it doth And therfore if heere yow fynd him to vse calumniation most impertinent citation of Authours and Authorityes eyther wholy making against himselfe or nothing for his purpose or against vs then may yow thinke what liberty he will take to himselfe there in speach where no man is like to contradict him but all applause is expected from the standers by XX. Let vs heare if yow please one exaggeration of his concerning his Ma. ties myldnes vnto vs and our ingratitude in abusing the same to pryde His Ma. ties gouernment saith he ouer them hath so far exceeded that of Q. Elizabeth in mercy and clemency as the Papists themselues grew to that height of pryde in confidence to his myldnes as they did directly expect and assuredly promise to themselues liberty of Conscience and equality with vs in all things that are his best and faithfull Subiects c. Do you see what a height of pride this was And what an abuse of his Maiesties mercie and clemencie to expect libertie of Conscience Why had he not obiected in like manner that they expected the libertie of breathing and vsing the common ayre as well as Protestants For that neither breathing nor the vse of coÌ„mon ayre is more due vnto them or common to all then ought to be libertie of Conscience to Christian men wherby ech one liueth to God and to himselfe and without which he strugleth with the torment of a continuall lingring death XXI And surely I cannot but wonder that this Minister was not ashamed to call this the height of pride which is generally found in all Protestants neuer so humble yea the more humble and vnderlings they are the more earnest are they both in bookes speaches and preachings to proue that liberty of Conscience is most conforme to Gods law and that wresting or forcing of Consciences is the highest Tyranny that can be exercised vpon man And this we may see first in all M. Fox his History especially during the time of the three King Henries 4. 5. and 6. and afterward when those that were called Lollards and VVickcliffians who as M. Fox saith were indeed good Protestants being pressed somewhat about their Religion did continually beate vpon this argumeÌ„t of libertie of Conscience and when they obteyned it not they set vp publicke schedles vpon the Church dores of London and made those famous conspiracyes of killing K. Henry the 5. and all his family which are recounted by VValsingham Stow Fox and other English Historiographers XXII In this our age also the first oppositioÌ„ of Protestant Princes in Germanie against their Emperour Charles the 5. both at Smalcald Austburgh and other meetings as afterwards also the fierce and perillous warrs by the Duke of Saxony Marques of Brandeburge and other Protestant Princes and their people against the same Emperour begunne in the very same yeare that our K. Henry dyed Were they not all for lyberty of Conscience so pretended so printed so published so diuulged to the world The first Supplications Memorialls and declarations in like manner which the Protestants of France set forth in print as also they of Holland Zeland in tyme of the gouernments as well of the Duchesse of Parma Duke of Alua Commendador Mayor and other Gouernours did they not all expresly professe that their principall griefes were about liberty of Conscience restrayned And did not they cyte many places of Scriptures to proue the equity necessity therof And do not all Protestants the like at this day in all places where they are both in Polonia Austria Hungaria Bohemia Styria and els where And how theÌ„ is Iordanis conuersus retrorsum with this Minister How is his voyce contrary to the voyce sense of all the rest How with what reason may he call it the height of pryde in English Catholicks to haue but hope therof which is so ordinary a doctrine practice of all his brethren in forraine nations to witt for vs to expect liberty of Conscience at the first entrance of our new King of so noble and royall a mynd before that tyme as he was neuer knowne to be giuen to cruelty or persecutioÌ„ in his former raigne The Sonne of such a Mother as held her selfe much beholden to English Catholicks And himselfe in his litle Golden Booke to his Sonne the Prince had confessed that he had euer found the Catholicke party most trusty vnto him and therupon had done sundry fauours to diuers of them and gyuen no small hope of greater vnto others XXIII From this King I say whom they so much loued
and honoured receyued so gladly and with vniuersall ioy meant to serue faithfully trusted that as he had vnited the two Kingdomes in one Obedience by his Succession so would he by his liberality vnite and conioyne the harts of all his Subiects in bearing a sweete and equall hand towards them all From such a King I saâ— or vs to expect liberty of ConscieÌ„ce and equality with other Subiects in this poynt at least of freedome of soule what height of pryde may it be called May it not rather seeme height of pryde in this Minister his â—ellowes that hauing bynâ— oâ—d enemyes and alwayes borne a hard hate uâ—â—hand and tongue against his Ma. tie both in their Sermons Bookes Speaches all the tyme of the late Queenes raigne now vpon the suddayne sine vllis meri is praecedeâ—â—ious will needs be so priuiledged assume vnto themselues such a confident presumption of his Ma. ties speciall fauour as to suffer no man to stand by them but to hold it for height of pryde in vs to hope â—or any freedome and liberty oâ— our Conscience at alâ— What is height of pryde and soâ—lâ— iâ— this be not XXIV But his Ma. tie is wise will as we hope according to his prudence in tyme looke into this sort oâ—men and manner of proceeding And to returne to the Apologer he reckoneth vp therby to exaggerate the more our ingratitude the particuler fauours his Ma. tie did vnto vs at his first entrance as That he did honour diuers Catholicks with Knighthood being open Recusants That he gaue audiece indifferently to both sydes bestowed equally fauours and honours vpon both professions gaue free conâ—inuall accesse to all rankes and degrees of Papists in his Court and company freeing Recusantes from their ordinarie payments gaue order to his Iudges with his owne mouth to spare execution of all Priests though they were conuicted gaue libertie by his gracious Proclamation to all Priests not taken to go out of the Countrey by such a day and all Priestes that were taken were sent ouer and sett at liberty and many other gracious fauours benefittes VVhich saith he tyme and paper would fayle me if I would make enumeration of them all in recounting wherof euery scrape of my pen so vse his words would serue but for a blott of the Popes ingratitude and iniustice in meating his Ma. tie with so hard a measure for the same So as I thinke quoth he I haue sufficiently wiped of the teares from the Popes eyes for complayning vpon such persecution c. XXV Thus writeth this man who in naming the Popes ingratitude must much more include ours that are Catholicks for that these benefitts such as they were appertayned nothing to the Pope but only in Christian charity as a common spirituall Father and Pastour he being otherwise a stranger vnto vs in bloud and for other worldly respects And as for Catholicks they accept gratefully whatsoeuer least fauour hath byn or is done vnto them and do not doubt but that if his Ma. tie had not bene preuented by sinister information persuasion of others they had tasted of much greater as due vnto them in that they are naturall borne Subiects of the Realme most loyall in hart affection neuer meaning otherwise but to liue in most orderly and dutifull Subiection and Obedience to his Highnes as to their liege Lord and Soueraigne XXVI And wheras this man for proofe of the contrary nameth the powder-treason of a few therby to discredite the whole though this calumniation haue beene answered before yet now I ad further as one said Distingue tempora scripturam concordabis If there had bene no persecution before that treason this might haue beene assigned for some probable cause of the subsequent tribulations but all England knoweth that this is not so but that his Ma. ties sweete myld aspect towards Catholicks at his first entrance was soone by art of their enemyes auerted long before the conspiracy fell out For that not only all the most cruell Statutes and penall Lawes made by Q. Elizabeth were renewed and confirmed before this with addition of others tending to no lesse rigour acerbitie but also the exaction of the same was put in practice with great seueritie namely the paymeÌ„t of the twenty poundes a moneth or two partes of their goods and landes for Recusants once remitted by his Ma. tie as heere is confessed were not only recalled againe but the arrearages therof in like manner exacted and for leuying wherof throughout sundry shyres of the Realme especially in the North there was such ransacking of mens houses such dryuing away of their Cattell froÌ„ their groundes such strayning of their Rents such vexing of their tennants not knowne perhaps to his Ma. tie as if the whole Countrey had byn gyuen ouer to spoyle desolation XXVII Nor were mens goods and persons only afflicted but the lyues also of sundry taken away for cause of their Religion before this powder-treason fell out which desperate treason to ascribe as an effect and fruite of too much clemency in his Ma. tie as this Minister doth is a strange assertion no doubt for so much as such effects do not proceed but of exasperated myndes which clemency worketh not eyther in men or beasts Neyther did euer any learned Philosopher that wrote of the good institution of any Common wealth or of the security of any Prince in his Gouernment put such effects for fruits of clemency but rather of the contrary manner of proceeding And if all the disasterous ends of the most vnfortunate Princes that euer haue byn destroyed should be layd togeather and the causes therof exactly inquired it would be found so and consequently that this Minister is no good Counsellour to his Ma. tie in this so great weighty affayre And we hope that Almighty God by the mercy of his dearest Sonne our Sauiour and through the prayers of his Ma. ties good Mother and other holy Princes of his Royall bloud now in heauen will neuer suffer him at the egging of such exasperating people to follow so violent troublesome and dangerous a course and so contrary to theirs whiles they lyued vpon earth and so alienate from his owne sweete nature and Princely disposition XXVIII But to proceed a litle further in the narration of some poyntes of heauy persecutioÌ„ that insued soone after his Ma. ties being in England much before the powder-treason was attempted Who doth not know what afflictions were layd vpon Catholicks euen in the very first yeare of his Ma. ties raigne especially towards the end therof much more throughout all the second yeare before the said powder-treason fell out For then not only in the Shires and Prouinces abroad but euen in London it selâ—e and in the eyes of the Court the violence and insolency of continuall searches grew to be such as was intollerable no night passing commonly but
suspicion of so absurd an opinion and so contrary to all the ancient Fathers Heere then yow see how matters are strayned That which Cardinall Bellarmyne speaketh only of Nicolaus Lyranus vpon so iust occasion as this was is extended by our Apologer to often many and all sortes of Fathers Is this good dealing How can the Apologer defend himself in this place from willfull exaggeration and voluntary mistaking In the other place cyted by him lib. 2. de Christo cap. 2. there is no such matter at all But let vs see some other like examples LXXVI Pag 108. he setteth downe this generall odious proposition-out of Bellarmyne That Kings are rather slaues then Lordes And may a man thinke this to be true or likely that so rude a proposition should come from Bellarmine Looke vpon the place by him cyted lib. 3. de Laicis cap. 7. yow will maruaile extremly at this manner of proceeding For that in this very place yow shall fynd that the Cardinall doth most exalt and confirme by Scriptures Fathers and other arguments the dignity and authority of the cyuill Magistrate among Christians And in the next precedent Chapter before this cyted he hath this begining The fourth reason saith he to proue the lawfulnes and dignity of the Cyuill Magistrate against the Anabaptists is from the efficieÌ„t cause to witt God the Authour therof from whom it is certayne that Cyuill power proceedeth as S. Augustine proueth throughout his whole fourth and fifth bookes De Ciuitate Dei and it is euident by the Scriptures for that God saith By me Kings do raigne c. LXXVII So Bellarmine and then passing to the next Chapter heere cyted which is the seuenth he proueth the same by another argument which is That in the state of Innocency if Adam had not synned wee should haue had Cyuil subiection and gouernment and consequently it caÌ„not be thought to be euill or brought in by sinne or for the punnishment of synne as the Anabaptistes affirmed but must needs be of God from God True it is saith he that seruile or slauish subiection was brought in after the fall of Adam and should not haue byn in the state of Innocency but cyuill subiection should And then he sheweth the differences betweene these two sortes of gouernment and subiections to witt that the one which is the seruile tendeth wholy to the vtility and emolument of him that gouerneth and nothing to them that are gouerned But the other which is cyuill and politick tendeth principally to the profit of them that are gouerned therby So as if there be any seruitude saith Bellarmine but he meaneth not slauish in this Ciuill principality it falleth rather vpon him that gouerneth the people to their owne vtility then vpon the subiectes that receaue the said vtility therby And so are Bishops called the seruantes of their flockes and the Pope himselfe The Seruant of seruants and S. Augustine vpon those wordes of our Sauiour in S. Matthews Ghospell He that will be made first or chiefe among you must be the seruant of all the rest doth proue at large that In Ciuili Principatu magis sâ—ruus est qui praeest quà m qui subest In a Ciuill Principality he is more a seruant that gouerneth to other mens profit then he that obeyeth to his owne LXXVIII This is all that Cardinall Bellarmyne hath about this matter wherin he doth scarce name a King as yow see but Bishops and Popes to be seruants in the gouermeÌ„ts of those whome they gouerne though he include good Kings in like manner putting this difference betwene a good King a Tyrant out of Aristotle That a good king gouerneth to the profit of his Subiects wherin he is their seruant in effect though not their slaue as this man odiously vrgeth and a Tyrant that turneth all to his owne vtility without respect of those whome he gouerneth And is this so absurd doctrine Or doth this iustify the Apologers outragious proposition That Bellarmyne affirmeth Kings to be rather slaues then Lordes Who would not be ashamed of this intemperate accusation LXXIX And now there remayne eleuen places more of like quality alleadged by the Apologer out of Cardinall Bellarmynes workes which being examined by the Authors wordes meaning and sense haue the same want of sincerity which the precedent had The second is That Kings are not only Subiects to Popes to Bishops to Priests but euen to Deacons This is a playne cauill for the fault if any be falleth vpon S. Chrysostome and not vpon the Cardinall whose wordes are these S. Chrysostome in his eyghtie and three Homilie vpon S. Matthewes ghospell doth subiect Kings and Princes in Ecclesiasticall matters not only to Bishops but also to Deacons For thus he speaketh to his Deacon Si Dux quispiam si Consul si is qui Diademate ornatur c. If a Duke if a Consul if one that weareth a Crowne commeth to the SacrameÌ„t vnworthily restrayne him and forbid him for that thou hast greater power then he What fault hath Cardinall Bellarmine heere in alledging the words and iudgement of S. Chrysostome LXXX The third place is That an Emperour must content himself to drinke not only after a Bishop but after a Bishops Chaplin But these wordes are not found in Bellarmine but are odiously framed by the Apologer out of a fact of S. Martyn Bishop of Tewers in France related by auncient Sulpitius in his life that he sitting one day at dynner with the Emperour Maximus and the Emperours officer bringing a cup of wine to his Lord he would not drinke therof first but gaue it to the Bishop to beginne who accepting therof and drinking deliuered the said cup to his Priest to drinke next after him thinking no lay-man to be preferred before a Priest saith Sulpitius But what doth this touch Bellarmine that doth but relate the Story May he in truth be said to â—rouch that an Emperor must be coÌ„teÌ„t to drinke after a Bishops Chaplin Who seeth not this violeÌ„t inforcemeÌ„t LXXXI His fourth place is this That Kinges haue not their Authority nor office from God nor his law but from the law of Nations Good God! what desyre is here descried of calumniation Let any man read the two places here quoted and he will blesse himselfe I thinke to see such dealing For in the first place his wordes are these Principatus saecularis c. Secular Princedome is instituted by maÌ„ is of the law of Nations but Ecclesiasticall Princedome is only from God and by dyuine law which he meaneth expresly of the first institution of those Principalyties or Gouernmentes for that at the beginning God did not immediatly appoynt these particuler and different formes of Temporall gouernment which now the world hath some of Kinges some of Dukes some of Common-wealthes but appoynted only that there should be Gouernment leauing to ech nation to take or choose what they would But the