at the same time ston'd to death by the Women of Apamea Upon Antiochus's return home he dispos'd his Army into Winter-Quarters and sent to expostulate with Achoeus about his invading the Crown and presuming to call himself King Afterwards he let him understand that the League he had made with Ptolomy was come to his knowledge and charg'd him with many other Acts contrary to Justice and in violation of his Duty It seems that at what time the War was undertaken against Artabazanes Achoeus imagining the King might miscarry in that Expedition and tho' that should not happen yet the King being thereby drawn so far out of the way would give him a safe opportunity to fall on Syria and seize on that Kingdom for himself aided therein by the Cyrrhestoe who at that time had withdrawn their Obedience from the King Wherefore with this Determination he march'd his Army out of Lydia Furthermore he caus'd himself to be Crown'd at Laodicea of Phrygia receiving and giving Audience to Ambassadors and in his Letters to the Cities he assum'd the Regal Title flatter'd principally into this Attempt by the Instigations of a certain Exile call'd Syniris But after some days march and that they now approach'd Lycaonia there happen'd a Mutiny in his Army the Soldiers refusing it seems to be led against him whom Nature had destin'd for their King Whereupon Achoeus perceiving the Army to have chang'd their Mind chang'd also his Purpose and to persuade them that he never design'd to invade Syria he took another way and march'd and plunder'd Pisidia After which Expedition having inrich'd the Soldiers with Booty and confirm'd their Affection he return'd home The King then who was well inform'd of all these Passages had as was noted let Achoeus know so much by menacing Messages and in the mean while prepar'd for the War against Ptolomy To which purpose early in the Spring he assembled his Troops at Apamea and call'd a Council to deliberate on the best way to make his entrance for the invading of Syria on which subject were long Debates of the Nature of the Country Situation of Places of the Provision to make and of what Benefit a Fleet would be towards the furtherance of the Enterprize But the Advice of Apollophanes the Seleucian the Physician we have already had occasion to name prevail'd above the rest who maintain'd that the Design on Caelo-Syria was vain and it would be an unprofitable Expedition to make War there while they left Ptolomy in quiet possession of Seleucia a Royal City and in effect the Metropolis of the Kingdom That not to mention the Dishonour to have that City in the hands of an Aegyptian King the recovery thereof would redound greatly to the Service of the King's Affairs in many Points That in the interim while it remain'd in the Enemies hands it would be a mighty Impediment to the progress of the King's Success in the Enterprize he was upon For which way soever he had a mind to carry the War he would find it necessary over and above all other Preparations to strengthen all his Towns with extraordinary Garrisons meerly on the account of the Danger that would threaten from Seleucia But that if Antiochus made the recovery of that Place his first Business it would not only serve as a Bulwark and Frontier against all the other Towns of the Kingdom but would mainly enable him to prosecute his Enterprize both by Sea and Land The Opinion of Apollophanes then was by common Consent approv'd and it was resolv'd to open the Campaign with the Seige of Seleucia The Kings of Aegypt had held constant Garrison in this Town ever since Ptolomy call'd Euergetes offended with Seleucus for the Death of Berenice became Master thereof who on that Provocation had invaded Syria When it was resolv'd then that Apollophanes's Counsel should be follow'd Antiochus order'd Diognetus his Admiral to Sail with the Fleet to Seleucia while himself march'd with the Army from Apamea and came and Encamp'd near Circus Theodotus was likewise sent with a sufficient Body of Troops into the Lower Syria with Orders to take Possession of the Streights and to have an Eye to all Motions in those Parts As to the Situation of Seleucia and the Country about it take it a little more or less as follows Seleucia stands on the Sea-Coast on the Frontiers of Cilicia and Phoenicia in the Neighbourhood of a very high Mountain call'd Coryphoeus one side of which Mountain towards the West is wash'd by the Sea between Cyprus and Phoenicia the other towards the East regards the Territory of Seleucia and Antioch Seleucia stands on the South-side of this Mountain between which and the City is a deep Vale waste and full of broken Ground which extends to the Sea inclos'd almost on all sides with Rocks and Precipices On that side of the City towards the Sea the Ground is low and watery where there is a Suburb Fortify'd with a good Wall like that of the City it self Seleucia surpasses all the Cities of Syria in the Magnificence of her Temples and other Buildings It hath but one Communication with the Sea which is a Passage wrought out of the Rock in manner of Stairs Not far off is seen the Mouth of the River Orontes whose Head is in the Country about Libanus and Anti-Libanus taking its Course through the Plain of Amycoe and running to Antioch divides that City as it were into two which it cleanses of all their Filth and Rubbish and at length discharges it self not far from Seleucia into the Sea we mention'd Now before Antiochus would proceed with Hostility against Seleucia he first sent Offers of Rewards to the Principal Men of the City and Promises of further future Advantages to win them to yield it up without strife or resistance But finding he labour'd that way in vain he corrupted several of their Military Officers who had Posts distinct and Commanded in sundry Quarters of the City and in confidence of their Compliance drew out and order'd his Troops as for an Attack To the Seaward the Marine Forces were appointed towards the Land those of the Camp were order'd to make the Assault So making three Divisions of his Army and animating the Soldiers according to Custom and Proclaiming by a Herauld Promise of extraordinary Recompences as Crowns and such like Rewards to the Officers and Soldiers who should best behave themselves He gave to Xeuxes and those under him the Attack of the Gate that leads to Antioch to Hermogenes that of those parts that are nearest the Temple of Castor and Pollux and to Ardys and Diognetus the Ars'nal and Suburbs for it was agreed with the Conspirators that as soon as the Suburbs should be won the Town should be Surrendred And now the Signal being given the Attack began in all places at once and was press'd with great forwardness and bravery But Ardys and Diognetus signaliz'd themselves above the rest both in Resolution and Address Tho' indeed
of some and conducted and principally advis'd in the performance of others They were those Commotions I mention'd that obliged the Romans to make War on the Vaccoeans and Celtiberians which mov'd the Carthaginians in Africk to take Arms against Massanissa and Attalus and Prusias to declare War with each other in Asia At the same time Ariarathes King of Cappadocia who had been expell'd his Kingdom by Orofernes was by the assistance of Demetrius and his sole Forces restor'd to his Government and then it was that Seleucus Son of Demetrius having reign'd twelve Years in Syria lost his Kingdom and his Life by a Conspiracy of the neighbouring Princes The Greeks who stood accus'd of having been Authors of the Persian War were about the same time absolv'd of that Blemish with liberty granted them by the Romans to return from Banishment to their Country Shortly after these Adventures the Romans attempted to compel the Carthaginians first to remove and change their Habitations and afterwards totally to ruine and exterminate them But we shall report in its proper place the motives of that Enterprize About the same time likewise the Macedonians departing from their Confederacy with the Romans and the Lacedaemonians from theirs with the Achaians will present us in one prospect with the beginning and end of the common Calamities of Greece where will occurr ample matter for the Historian's Skill to describe and it behoves us to implore the favour of Fortune to lend us life to conduct us through so difficult and important a Task Nevertheless tho' Death should chance to prevent us we should not however depart without some assurance that our Design will survive us and that there will not want some excellent Hand who charm'd with the Beauty of so incomparable a Subject will successfully finish what we have begun And now that we have prefac'd the most remarkable things which we thought necessary towards the improvement of the Reader 's Understanding of our History both in the parts and the whole it is high time we proceed to our Discourse Whereas those Authors for the most part who have writ the Acts of Hannibal have undertaken to give us an account of the Causes which begat the War that broke out between the Romans and Carthaginians whereof mention hath been already made and have render'd the Siege of Saguntum to have been the first occasion and the second to be the Carthaginians passing the River Eber contrary to the Articles of Agreement For my own part I do frankly agree with them That these were the beginnings of the War but can never accord with those who reckon them for the Causes no more than it can be conceiv'd that Alexander's transporting his Army into Asia was the cause of the Persian War or that the Voyage of Antiochus to Demetrias with his Army was likewise cause of the War with that Prince For who can be drawn easily to conceive that that was Alexander's motive for the mighty Preparations he made and of those things which Philip in his Life-time put in execution before him in order to the Persian War Furthermore who will take the beginning of the War which the Aetolians made upon the Romans before the arrival of Antiochus to have been the cause Those who reason at this rate seem not to distinguish of the difference between the Beginnings the Causes and the Pretexts The Causes always precede the Beginnings which are ever subsequent and as it were a Consequence I hold therefore the Beginnings to be the first efforts or effects of Deliberation namely of what hath been with mature Reason debated and decreed to be put in execution but this will be more evident by what I am about to say whereby it will plainly appear what the Causes were which produc'd the Persian War and where it took beginning The principal Cause was the retreat the Greeks made by the Conduct of Xenophon through so many divers Nations of the Vpper Asia where none of all those barbarous People who were all Enemies had the Courage to oppose his passage in his march through so vast a Continent Another cause was the Voyage of Agesilaus King of the Lacedaemonians into Asia where he found no Enemy so hardy as to withstand his Enterprizes from whence he was recall'd by reason of some Commotions that happen'd in his absence among the Greeks Hence Philip took his measures of the Persian weakness and being not ignorant that both himself and his People were Masters in the Art of War was incited by the glory and magnificence of the Reward to ingage in that Enterprize so that after he had acquir'd the general Good-will and Concurrence of the Greeks he proceeded to form his Design for the Invasion of Persia publishing his Motives to be no other than to revenge the Injuries done to the Greeks by those of that Nation and accordingly proceeded to make provision of all things necessary to sustain and carry on that vast Undertaking So that we are thus to reckon that the Causes of the Persian-War were no others than those we first mention'd the Pretexts what we have recited and the Beginning to be Alexander's transporting his Troops into Asia It is likewise past dispute that the distaste the Aetolians had conceiv'd against the Romans was the cause of the War that broke out betwixt Antiochus and Them For the Aetolians towards the end of the War with Philip beginning to perceive themselves slighted by the Romans did not only invite over Antiochus as we have noted but determin'd to do and suffer any thing to compass their Revenge The Pretext for that War was the Liberty of Greece to the defence whereof the Aetolians drew the Greeks from all parts to joyn with Antiochus and the arrival of that Prince at the head of an Army to Demetrias was the beginning of the War I have rested the longer on this subject of showing the difference between these three Points not only to detect the Errors of some Historians but to the end the studious may be instructed and set right in case they should be mislead by their false Lights For to what end is the Physician call'd to the sick Patient if he should be ignorant of the Causes of our Diseases In like manner it would be in vain to call such to the administration of Publick Affairs who want Judgment to distinguish of the Causes and Reasons and Events of things And there can be no dispute but both the Physician and Minister of State will miscarry while the one is to seek for the Causes of our Infirmities and the other not duly instructed in those necessary Points we have noted There is nothing then that calls for more of our care and study to acquire than a right knowledge of the Springs and Causes of Events for very often it fortunes that the greatest things are bred out of slight beginnings and Remedies may be found with case for Evils in their infancy and first approaches Fabius the Historian
Tritaea perceiv'd they were to expect no Relief from Aratus they resolv'd in their Assemblies to contribute no further to the Confederate Stock but to raise Forces of their own for their proper Desence so they listed three hundred Foot and fifty Horse which they sent to the Frontiers In this Determination it was agreed by every one that they had done very wisely for themselves but very ill for the Confederacy and Common Cause of the Achaians But a great part of this Failure may justly be imputed to the Praetor whose custom it had been to amuse and deceive them by his Coldness and Procrastinations tho' their Affairs were never so pressing But 't is in short incident to People in Danger that while there is hope of Aid from their Confederates and Friends their greatest Reliance and expectation of Support is from them but those Hopes once lost and streightned by Adversity they become driven to apply Remedies of their own and convert all their Strength to their single and particular Safety Wherefore there seems to be no blame due to the Pharaeans and the rest for having made Levies for their own defence while the Achaian Praetor fail'd them But they are not without imputation of having done amiss in refusing to contribute however to the Common Stock of the Confederacy And as there is no doubt but their care for themselves in particular was just so while they were able they were indispensibly bound to contribute to the General Concernment of the League especially considering that by the Articles of the Treaty of Alliance they were to be repaid whatsoever they should contribute and what was of further weight they themselves were the Authors of the Confederacy of the Achaians While matters were thus transacted in Peloponnesus King Philip having march'd through Thessaly came to Epirus where after he had incorporated the Epirot Supplies who were to join him with his own Troops together with three hundred Slingers that had been sent him from Achaia and three hundred Cretans who were supply'd by the Polyrrhenaeans he continu'd his march and having cross'd the Kingdom of Epirus he came to the Frontiers of Ambracia And in case he had made no delay but had led his Army directly into Aetolia and sallen by surprize with so strong a hand on that People he had in all likelihood given a period to the War But the Epirots being instant with him to set first down before Ambracia he by that means gave the Enemy time to fortifie and provide for themselves Thus the Epirots preferring little private Gain to the general Benefit of the Confederacy their passion to get Ambracia into their hands incited them to labour that Philip might make the Siege of that Place his first Enterprize coveting nothing more than to win Ambracia from the Aetolians which nevertheless they saw not how it could be effected without first becoming Masters of Ambracium a Fortress of good strength having a strong Wall about it and standing in the midst of a Morass that surrounded it on all sides to which there is but one strait access or passage being a Causey made of Earth brought thither for that purpose In short this Place stands very commodiously for infesting the Country of the Ambracians and the City it self Wherefore Philip by persuasion of the Epirots sat down before it and dispos'd things for the Siege Scopas in the mean while at the head of all the Aetolian Forces takes his march thro' Thessaly and falls into Macedon where passing the Plains of Pieria he ravag'd the Country without opposition And after having taken much Plunder he march'd toward Dlum which Place being deserted by the Inhabitants he dismantled burning the Portico's belonging to the Temple and destroying all the Ornaments and whatever was of use to the People when they assembled to celebrate their Festivals He likewise spoil'd and threw down all the Statues of the Kings of Macedon And he who from the beginning of these Troubles and in his first Expedition made War not on Men only but against the Gods was on his return home not only not censur'd as an impious or sacrilegious Person but honour'd as a Man of Merit and a good Servant of the Commonwealth and by the promise of further success he made them much animated the Aetolians who now concluded none would dare to approach their Country in a hostile manner while they themselves pillag'd with impunity not only Peloponnesus but Thessaly and Macedon it self King Philip soon receiv'd advice of this Invasion of his own Kingdom and tho' he endur'd with pain the Obstinacy and Ambition of the Epirots nevertheless he resolv'd to continue the Siege of Ambracium And when he had perform'd all that could be expected in the like cases and had terrify'd the Inhabitants by his Works and Approaches at length took it on composition after a Siege of forty Days So turning out the Aetolian Garrison consisting of about five hundred Men who by Articles were to suffer no ill treatment he gave Ambracium to the Epirots and thus gratify'd their Ambition This done he leads his Army along the River Charadra with purpose speedily to pass the Gulf of Ambracia where it is narrowest near the Temple of the Acarnanians call'd Actium This Gulf comes out of the Sicilian Sea and parts the Kingdom of Epirus and Acarnaria the Mouth is but narrow being little more than half a Mile broad but it soon widens and is in some places twelve Miles over stretching in length about forty Miles in from the Sicilian Sea running between the above-nam'd Countries Epirus is on the North-side and Acarnania on the South After he had pass'd this Gulf with his Army he took his march through Acarnania and drew towards Phaerea an Aetolian Town and recruiting his Army with two thousand Acarnanian Foot and about two hundred Horse he invested that Place and after many vigorous Attacks for two Days together the third it capitulated the Aetolian Garrison marching out with their Baggage as it was articled The following Night there arriv'd five hundred Aetolians who came to the relief of the Place thinking it had been still their own But the King receiving an account of their march possess'd himself of certain advantageous Posts in their way and falling on them cut of the greatest part of them taking the rest Pris'ners a very few only escaping Then after he had distributed thirty Days Corn to the Army the Granaries of this Town being very well replenish'd he march'd towards Strategica and coming within little more than a Mile of the Place he encamp'd by the River Achelous From thence continuing his march he ravag'd the Country round about no Enemy appearing to withstand him About this time the Achaians beginning to feel the ill effects of the War hearing the King was at hand sent their Ambassadors to wait on him and demand Succours These found him near Stratus who when they had done their Commission represented how profitable an Enterprize it would be
most difficult Enterprizes by Words and Discourse but few there are who rightly weigh the Difficulty of the execution The one is common and familiar the other rare and next to impossible and whosoever he may be that hath compass'd it it must have been at the cost of mighty Pains and the product of many Years of Life Thus much I have thought fit to say in reproof of such as over boastingly magnifie their Works and vain-gloriously exâ—â— their own Merit But now let us proceed to our Business Ptolomy King of Egypt surnam'd Philopater took on him the Government of that Kingdom on the death of his Father and the murder of Megas his Brother and his Adherents by which means and some other Acts of Caution he reckon'd himself secure against any Attempts from those of his own House and concluded Fortune Herself had cover'd him from all Dangers abroad Furthermore Antigonus and Seleucus being now dead and Antiochus and Philip succeeding them who were yet but young and hardly out of their Childhood Ptolomy I say for these Reasons beholding himself shelter'd on all sides from Danger govern'd his Kingdom as if his Pleasure and Ease had been now his only Business and resign'd up to a voluptuous Life forgot the Duties of his Dignity and grew to neglect every body and every thing all access to him became difficult as well to those of his own Court as others who had charge of Publick Affairs both within and without the Kingdom albeit the Kings his Predecessors had been no less solicitous for the one than the other and as jealous of their Authority abroad as at home For the Lieutenants of their Provinces in Caelo-Syria and Cyprus were wont to wage War with the neighbouring Princes of Syria by Land and Sea and those who had the Government of their principal Towns on the Sea-coast from Pamphylia to the Hellespont and who had the Command of the Country bordering on Lysimachia kept a watchful Eye on the Actions of the Princes of Asia and of the Islands while those that rul'd in Aenus Maronea and the Towns beyond them were as careful to observe the Macedonians and the Occurrences of Thrace Insomuch that the Aegyptian Kings embracing so wide a Dominion were cover'd as one may say with a Buckler against all those Princes and never took thought for Egypt it self while the Avenues were so carefully kept But forasmuch as the King we are speaking of now left all things at random while himself dissolv'd in Love and Wine took care for nothing it was not strange that he should soon find Enemies who would conspire against both his Life and Kingdom The first of these was Cleomenes of Sparta who attempted nothing during the Life of Ptolomy Euergetes with whom he was in great Friendship and by whose Favour and Assistance he had hopes of recovering his Kingdom But after his Death and his own Affairs inviting him to try his Fortune Antigonus being also now dead and the Achaians diverted by War and what Cleomenes had ever ardently labour'd to effect being come to pass namely that the Aetolians confederating with the Lacedaemonians who equally hated the Achaians and Macedonians should jointly enter into a War against these two States These things I say falling out were a motive to press by all means possible his departure from Alexandria And first he mov'd the King therein demanding Succours both of Men and Stores of War Afterwards perceiving him to lend no very willing Ear to his suit he besought him at least for permission for himself and Followers to depart for that be could not hope for a more favourable Conjuncture than that which now offer'd for the recovery of his Kingdom But Ptolomy amus'd neither with future nor present things giving himself up to his Pleasures and Debauches came to no Resolution touching the Request of Cleomenes Furthermore Sosibius who at that time was first Minister of State and govern'd the Affairs of Egypt coming to consult with his Friends thereupon it was concluded among them that it was not safe not only to supply Cleomenes with what he demanded but even to let him depart the Kingdom For after the death of Antigonus they came to neglect their Frontier Provinces taking for granted that the expence of those Affairs was now needless They furthermore consider'd that Cleomenes having now no Rival in Greece that could withstand him became jealous lest coming to recover the Dominion of that Country he might not become a formidable Enemy to them knowing as he so well did the Frailties of their King and the general State of the Egyptian Affairs and that their Provinces were remote and disjointed which he might greatly improve to their damage For at Samos they had a numerous Fleet and at Ephesus a great Body of Troops Wherefore I say they resolv'd that it would not be Wisdom to permit not only that Cleomenes should go with an Army but not safe to permit him to quit the Country at all considering the Greatness of his Character and how he had been disoblig'd which he would consequently study to revenge It remain'd then that they must determine to detain him by force and yet they wanted Resolution to conclude thereon looking on it as a dangerous Attempt to imprison a Lion among a Flock of Sheep and Sosibius himself became of that mind for the Reasons we shall now deliver At what time they were deliberating about putting Magas and Berenice to death fearing lest their Design might miscarry through the great Power and Resolution of Berenice The Conspirators therefore were oblig'd to flatter and treat with better usage than ordinary some Persons about the Court and to give them Assurances of great Advantages in case their Design succeeded Wherefore Sosibius well knowing of what importance it was to Cleomenes to acquire the Good-will of the King whose Assistance he needed and that he was an able and well experienc'd Person came to reveal the Conspiracy to him adding many fair Promises and Assurances of his good Offices in his Service whereupon Cleomenes taking hotice of the Disturbance he was under and that they very much apprehended Danger from their Mercenaries told him he might be ought of pain in that particular for that those People should give them no molestation but on the contrary if need were should lend them their assistance This was a surprizing Saying to Sosibius while Cleomenes proceeded adding that there were few less than three thousand Peloponnesians in the Army of Mercenaries and at least a thousand Candiots who upon his least beck would be at his Command and from the Troops of Syria and Caria there was no danger to be fear'd In short this Discourse at that time greatly pleas'd Sosibius and animated him to the murder of Berenice But afterwards as often as he ruminated on the Folly and Weakness of the King and the hardy and enterprizing Qualities of Cleomenes and the Affection the mercenary Soldiers bore him he could not contain his
Abode for some time But on the Death of Seleucus his Brother who was Treacherously slain in his Expedition over Mount Taurus as we have elsewhere Noted Antiochus Succeeded him who made Achoeus Governour of all that part of Asia on this side Mount Taurus and gave to Molon and his Brother the Government of the Upper Provinces namely to Molon the Satrapie so call'd of Media and to Alexander that of Persia But these two Brothers contemning the Youth of the King and being in hopes Achoeus would join with them in the like Design and apprehending above all things the Cruelty and perverse Mind and Calumnies of Hermias who at that time Rul'd Affairs at Court wherefore they came to a Resolution of casting off their Obedience and of endeavouring to withdraw the other Satrapa's from their Duty to the King Hermias was a Carian by Birth and receiv'd his Authority and the Administration of the Government at the Hands of Seleucus who at his Departure towards Mount Taurus had committed the Affairs of the Kingdom during his Absence to his Care who beholding himself thus Exalted grew to Envy and Suspect all who had any Trust or Share in the King's Esteem In a Word being naturally a Tyrant he would ordinarily punish the slightest Faults with Rigour making them greater by his Exaggerations and often appear'd a Cruel and Inexorable Judge towards others who had no Faults but of his finding But above all things he was bent on the Ruine of Epigenes who had the Charge of leading back the Troops that were Assembled out of Affection to Seleucus For he well knew him to be a Man both Eloquent and Able for Execution and who had great Authority in the Army This he could not brook wherefore he watch'd him with a Malicious Eye and study'd by all ways possible to render him Obnoxious In short it chanc'd that while they were deliberating in Council about the Rebellion of Molon and on the King's Command that every one should deliver his Judgment freely touching the Means of Suppressing the Rebels Epigenes speaking first gave it as his Opinion That it was an Affair that would not endure delay and that the Remedies ought speedily to be applied to the Disease That he Conceiv'd the King's Presence was absolutely necessary whose Authority on the place would weigh much That in such case neither Molon nor his Partizans would have the assurance to persist in their Errour beholding the King himself at the Head of his Army Or should they chance to continue obstinate the very Soldiers would Mutiny and deliver them up to the King Hardly had Epigenes finish'd his Discourse when Hermias in passionate manner reply'd That this was not the first Traiterous Counsel he had given That he had long harbour'd Evil Purposes towards the King That it now pleas'd him however to behold him openly declaring his Wickedness in the pernicious Advice he had offer'd wherein he plainly shew'd his Design of giving up the King into the Hands of the Rebels He added nothing further at that time on that Subject seeming content to have thus sown the Seeds of Suspicion and Calumny against him expressing rather his Indignation than Hatred In a Word his Ignorance in Military Affairs it may be gave him greater Apprehension of the Danger than needed Wherefore his Advice was That no Army should be sent against Molon but that they should March against Ptolomy who being a Vicious and Careless Prince he concluded that War would be Manag'd with less danger Howbeit after he had thus astonish'd the Assembly he yielded that Molon should be Prosecuted by War and that the Chief Command in that Expedition should be given to Xeno and Theodotus Counselling the King to pursue the Recovery of the Lower Syria to the end that Young Prince being Engag'd and Surrounded with Troubles from all Quarters and keeping him in perpetual Action he might as he conceiv'd render himself the more necessary and cover with more safety the Crimes of which he was Conscious and better secure his Credit with his Master Pursuant to which Design he Forges Letters from Achoeus and brought them to the King which Letters contain'd King Ptolomy's Solicitations to him to take on him the Royalty promising him his Assistance both of Money Ships and all things he should stand in need of provided he would Assume the Crown and the other Marks of Regality whereof he was in effect already Possess'd tho' he shun'd the Title and neglected the Tender of a Diadem which Fortune her self made him This Letter found so much Credit with the King that he thereupon determin'd forthwith earnestly to pursue the War in Caelo-Syria While these Matters were under agitation Antiochus being at Seleucia Diognetus his General at Sea arriv'd bringing with him Laodice the Daughter of Mithridates who was Espous'd to Antiochus This Mithridates boasted of his being Descended from one of the Seven Persians who slew the Magi holding Possession of that Dominion which Darius had heretofore given to his Ancestors extending as far as the Coast of the Euxine Sea Antiochus went in great Pomp to receive this Princess whom he presently Marry'd the Nuptials being Solemniz'd with all possible Magnificence As soon as the Ceremony was over he carry'd her to Antioch where he caus'd her to be receiv'd as Queen and then turn'd his Thoughts to prepare for the War In the mean time Molon had prepar'd the People of his Government for every thing he might be dispos'd to attempt as well by the hopes of Reward as through the fear wherewith he had possess'd the Principal Officers by angry and menacing Letters counterfeited from the King Furthermore his Brother was in a readiness to join him and he had well provided against all danger that might threaten from the Neighbour-Provinces having been at great Expence to Purchase the Good Will of those who had any Authority among them and in a Word March'd with his Army to Incounter the King's Forces While Xeno and Theodotus were so terrify'd at his approach that they retir'd and secur'd themselves in the Neighbouring Towns Whereupon Molon making himself Master of the Territory of Apollonia became supply'd with all sorts of Provisions of War in great abundance and was already grown formidable in appearance and in effect For first the King's breed of Horses was intirely in possession of the Medes which Country moreover abounds in Corn and all sorts of Cattel As to its Strength all that can be said would not amount to half what the Subject will bear Media is Situate in the heart of Asia and if comparison be made between that and the other parts it will be found to surpass all the Provinces thereof both in extent of Territory and height of the Mountains that surround it They have many powerful Nations that are their Borderers On the East are the Desarts which lie between Persia and Parasia The Caspian Pass call'd the Gates is in their keeping where they touch on the Mountains Tapyroe which
exactly and to do worthily in every thing under such Straights and Tryals belongs only to those whose Minds and Manners are imbu'd with this Soveraign Vertue of good Discipline But that we may not Spin this Thread too fine let us contract our Speculation by saying in short That Discipline is the Soul of Military Action 't is the Founder and Preserver of Kingdoms she leads Fortune her self in Triumph and by her under Providence Princes Reign and their Thrones are Establish'd Vnder her Banners did the Romans subdue the World and vanquish in Battel more than double their number of Enemies equal if not superiour to them in Strength and natural Courage and the Glory of that great State ebb'd and slow'd with their Discipline which as it is the Parent of Success so is it the Child of mighty Vertue and Industry Vice and Luxury which are her mortal Foes have no Footing where she Governs they are so incompatible that the Depression of the one is ever the Advancement of the other no State but by Miracle can sink under her Conduct or be safe where she is not cherish'd What has made our Neighbouring Prince so Formidable but their excellent Form and exact Observance of the Precepts of good Discipline where Obedience like the Key-stone in the Arch binds and sustains the whole Fabrick And if discerning Eyes would look near and penetrate the ground and necessity of this Duty in our Case they would discover Reasons that are not visible to vulgar Eyes Wherefore I will take leave of the Gentlemen of the Long-Robe to allow this kind of Obedience the preference to all kinds of Submission or Resignation whatsoever The Ancients have painted Occasion only bald behind but here we may add Wings too For what is more sleeting and fugitive when she 's often hardly seen but she 's past Crowns Religion Laws and Liberties and every thing Sacred and Valuable among Men do in our Case often hang on a single Thread of a Moment which by one bare Act of Disattention or Disobedience to Orders may be lost And History is thick set with Instances which I may here be excus'd from exemplifying where what I say is abundantly prov'd The Schools may amuse and intangle us with their Cobweb-learning their Terms and Subtilties but let them show me in sound Wisdom and safe Morals any Transgression of Obedience to whatsoever Humane Precept that can bring a heavier Judgment on Mankind where no Sacrifice or Penance can Attone or Power Absolve We shall not then I trust be thought in the wrong in thus dignifying this Vertue of Obedience in Military Conduct I was almost ingag'd unawares to extend my Contemplation on this noble Theme which by applying it to Ourselves with respect especially to Our Naval Discipline might perhaps have prov'd no Disservice to my Country But as we never visit Persons of Quality by the bye but obtain an Hour to perform our Respects with Decency So I have concluded I ought to treat that Subject which as it wou'd swell beyond the due Bounds of a Preface so it deserves to be handl'd with more Regard than cou'd be observ'd towards it in this Place H. S. POLYBIUS's General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD VOL. I. BOOK I. IF other Authors who have gone before us had omitted to speak in the Praise of History it might perhaps have left an Engagement on us to recommend principally that sort of Study to the World in as much as there is no Means or Method more short or less difficult whereby to cultivate the Mind than the knowledge of Times past But in regard it hath been the Business of many Writers to shew that the Fruit we gather from History is the most mature and instructive and yields the properest Materials to form the Understanding for Publick Uses and best arms and prepares us against the shocks of adverse Fortune by the knowlege and reflection on other Mens Crosses and Calamities our silence therefore on that Subject will be the more pardonable while the best we should be able say would be no other than what so many excellent Wits have said before us and when we have done all our Subject needs it not For in short the Account of those surprizing Events which we have undertaken to Publish will suffice for its own Recommendation and bespeak the Attention of Mankind to what shall be related For who is so stupid and incurious that would not be glad to learn by what wonderful means and force of Conduct the People of Rome could within the space of three and fifty Years be able to compass the Conquest and Dominion of the greatest Part of the known World A Felicity which never yet happen'd to any People at least it hath not any parallet in History And indeed what Spectacle how magnificent and entertaining soever to the most Curious or what Speculation tho' never so profitable to the most Studious hath at any time been the Subject of our Contemplation that ought not to give place and yield the Preference both in Pleasure and Instruction to the Knowledge of this Transcendent Story Nor will it be difficult to Exemplifie the Grandure and Singularity of the Work we have undertaken by drawing Parallels between the Roman Empire and the most Flourishing States that have been recorded in Story And those which in my Judgment are most worthy to be consider'd are namely these that follow First the Persian Empire which was once Great and Formidable yet so it happen'd that they never attempted to extend their Conquests beyond the bounds of Asia but they not only endanger'd the loss of their Armies but hazarded the State it self The Lacedaemonians strove long for the Dominion of Greece and at length obtain'd it but scarce held it Twelve Years in peaceable Possession The Macedonians acquir'd a good share of Territory in Europe extending from the Adriatick Sea to the Danube but who will not confess that this was but a small Tract compar'd with that vast Continent Afterwards indeed their Conquests and Dominion spread into Asia and the Persian Monarchy compos'd a part of their Empire But what People is there how powerful and enterprizing soever of whom it may not with Truth be said That a very great part of this our World hath escap'd their Power and Ambition In a word the Macedonians never dream'd of attempting either Sicily or Sardinia or of carrying their Arms into Africk nor had they the least notice of many fierce and mighty Nations inhabiting the Western Parts of Europe While of the Romans it will with Justice be granted that they have not vanquish'd by parcels here and there a Kingdom but subdu'd and extended their Empire over almost the known World and have exalted and establish'd the Glory of their Dominion to that degree of Power and Perfection that if the present Age can but wisely support the Excess of their Prosperity no future Times shall be able to produce the like The Sequel of this
Injuries and to render Marks of their Gratitude to those who so readily succour'd them but so it happen'd that they did neither But dispatch'd forthwith their Ambassadours to Queen Teuta and enter'd into Confederacy with the Illyrians and Acarnanians insomuch that they never after quitted their League with them and continu'd in perpetual Enmity with the Achaians and Aetolians by which Act they gave at once manifest Evidence of their Ingratitude and Imprudence Whosoever fall into Misfortunes which Human Reason or Foresight could not obviate no Man can justly charge them with the Evil that they suffer but attribute it meerly to Fortune and those who are the cause On the other hand when Calamities befal us through our own Imprudence we must be content to bear the blame Therefore 't is that when we behold a miserable Man made so purely by the Malignity of Fortune we cannot with-hold our Compassion and are so far from condemning him that we minister to his Relief But when our Miseries are the Fruit of our Folly and Obstinacy we become justly the Reproach and Contempt of every wise Man Now who that had ever heard of the Inconstancy and notorious Perfidy of the Gauls would have deposited so important a Place in their keeping where so many occasions were likely to occur to tempt their Fidelity Furthermore who would not especially have held that People in Suspicion that were known to have been expell'd their Country for their Breach of Faith towards their own Nation Who after being taken into the Service of the Carthaginians where on a Rumour that their Mercenaries were likely to Mutiny for want to Pay three Thousand of them that were in Garrison at Agrigentum revolted and plunder'd the City and afterwards being put into Erix while the Romans laid Siege to that Place attempted to betray it to the Enemy and on discovery of their Treachery deserted the Service and went over to the Romans and soon after rifl'd the Temple of Venus Ericina So that at length what for their Impiety what for their Treachery the Romans thought they could not do a more meritorious Act than totally to expel them Italy and in a word the Peace was no sooner concluded betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians when disarming them they caus'd them to be embark'd and banish'd them entirely out of their Dominions After what hath been observ'd then who can forbear blaming the Epyrots for giving up their Country their Laws and so rich happy and plentiful a City to the Custody of such a perfidious Nation What Apology can be offer'd in their Defence and who will not be oblig'd to confess they were themselves the Authors of their own Calamities This Reflection we thought was not amiss to make touching the Imprudence of the Epyrots to the end we may be instructed in the Danger of committing the safety of a Town to Strangers whose strength is superiour to that of the Natives within it The Illyrians during their abode at Phoenice continu'd their Custom of Piracy insulting over and pillaging all such as traded from the Coast of Italy where they plunder'd certain Italian Merchants kill'd some and carried others away Prisoners Whereupon the Romans who had hit herto neglected the Complaints that had been made of these Outrages being now alarm'd with new Clamours coming from sundry Places at once to the Senate dispatch'd their Ambassadours to Illyria Cajus and Lucius Coruncanus to be rightly inform'd touching the Truth of these Reports In the mean time Queen Teuta beholding her Vessels on their return from Epyrus loaden with so much rich Booty for Phoenice surpass'd all the Cities in that Kingdom in Wealth and Beauty became greatly exalted and incourag'd by this extraordinary Success and thereby the more strongly incited to enter into a War with the Greeks Nevertheless it was respited for the present in regard of some Troubles at that time in her own Kingdom which were no sooner compos'd when she laid Siege to the City of Issa which alone had refus'd to yield her Obedience About which time it was that the Roman Ambassadours arriv'd who being admitted to their Audience set forth the Injuries that had been done During their Discourse Teuta treating them with great Pride and Disdain in short told them She would take Care for the future that no publick Injuries should be done to the People of Rome by the Illyrians but that it was not the Custom of Princes to forbid their Subjects to make their particular Profits of what they met with in open Sea The younger of the Ambassadours stomaching this Answer of the Queen's with an Assurance truly worthy of a Roman but at that time perhaps not so seasonable thus reply'd It is likewise Madam the Custom of the People of Rome to make themselves publick Reparations for Injuries done in particular and to yield Succour to those that receive them We shall therefore apply ourselves to Redress our own Wrongs wherein we shall proceed in such a manner that you will be soon oblig'd to change that Princely Custom Teuta being a Woman of a fierce Spirit heard these Words with so much Indignation that without regard to the Right of Nations as soon as they departed she order'd the Ambassadour who had us'd this Liberty of Speech to be murther'd The News of which Violation acted by this haughty Woman was no sooner come to Rome when they immediately prepar'd for War and fell to raising of Troops and fitting out a Fleet. Teuta early the following Spring dispatch'd another Fleet against the Greeks more numerous than the former one Squadron whereof sail'd towards Corfu another towards Dyrrhachium under colour of supplying themselves with Victual and Water but with design to surprise the Town The Inhabitants on their arrival suspecting nothing imprudently admitted some of them into the Town under pretence of fetching Water These having Arms conceal'd in their Water-vessels were no sooner entred when killing the Guards they became Masters of the Gate In the mean time as it had been concerted between them those who remain'd in the Ships came to assist them so that by this Reinforcement they were quickly Masters of the greatest part of their Works And now albeit the Inhabitants were but ill provided for such a Rencounter and greatly astonish'd at so surprising an Attempt nevertheless recovering Courage and standing on their Defence they manfully attack'd the Illyrians who after a long Dispute were compell'd to retire So the People of Dyrrhachium who were on the point of losing their Town thro' their Negligence preserv'd it by their Resolution and the Danger into which they were like to fall became a Warning to them for the time to come The Illyrians hereupon put to Sea and joyning with the other Squadron that was gone before stood towards Corfu where they landed and sat down before the Town filling all the Country with Terrour and Astonishment Those of Corfu being thus surpris'd and driven almost to the point of Despair dispatch'd with all expedition Ambassadours
constrain'd to level and open his Retrenchments before his Camp and to order all his Troops to march out in Front And the Trumpets sounding to the Charge on both sides he order'd his light arm'd Soldiers to retire and now the Phalanxes on either side mov'd to the Encounter with their Pikes charg'd and one while the Macedonians seem'd inferiour in Courage to the Lacedemoniaus and appear'd dispos'd to fly then again the Lacedemonians seem'd too weak to sustain the Shock of the Macedonian Phalanx and were giving Ground In conclusion Antigonus now advancing against them with an Impetuosity peculiar to the double Phalanx forc'd the Lacedemonians at length off their Ground the rest of the Army either fell in Battel or sav'd themselves by Flight and Cleomines with a small Party of Horse escap'd unhurt to Sparta from whence he departed the Night following to Gythia where he imbark'd on certain Vessels prepar'd for such an Incident and sail'd to Alexindria accompany'd with some few only of his intimate Friends Afterwards Antigonus made his Entry into Sparta without resistance where he treated the Lacedemonians with all possible Humanity and as soon as he had Re-establish'd their Ancient Form of Government he march'd away with his Army having receiv'd Intelligence That the Illyrians had Invaded Macedonia and made great Spoils upon the Country Thus it is true that Fortune is pleas'd sometimes to permit Actions of highest Consequence to move and determine on the slendrest Accidents and Occasions least expected For if Cleomenes had respited coming to a Battel but a few Days only or when he had retir'd to the City after the Fight had he but stood upon his Guard and temporis'd never so little he most certainly had preserv'd his Dominion In short Antigonus took his way by Tegea and after he had restor'd that Republick he came two Days after to Argos at the time of the Namoean Games where he obtain'd by an Ordinance of the Achaians and by the Suffrage of every City all those Honours that are done to Great Men to render their Fame immortal From thence he proceeded by long Journies to Macedon where encountering with the Illyrians who were wasting the Country he gave them Battel and wan a Victory but in that occasion straining his Voice to Animate his People he broke some Vein in his Lungs whereby voiding Blood at his Mouth he fell into a Languor and evil Habit of Health which soon after took him out of the World This Prince had maâ—velously gain'd on the Good-will of the People of Greece not only by his perfect Skill in Millitary Matters but more particularly for his Probity and the exact Discipline he always observ'd His Death left Philip Son of Demetrius to enjoy his Right to the Kingdom of Macedon And now if it be ask'd why we have remain'd thus long on the History of the Cleomenic War I answer Because it occur'd in a Period of Time that confines on the Beginning of the Affairs and Adventures that are to be the Subject of our History and we conceiv'd it was not useful only but necessary to set down the then State of Macedonia and the Greek Affairs especially since we have resolv'd to perform punctually what we have promis'd About the same time died Ptolomy to whom succeeded that other Ptolomy Surnam'd Philopater Seleucus who was Surnam'd Pogon Son to Seleucus and Grand-son to Calinychus died likewise near that Time whose Successour in the Government of Syria was his Brother Antiochus thus died those who succeeded Alexander namely Seleucus Ptolomy and Lysimachus all within the Hundred and twenty fourth Olympiad as did the others in the Hundred and thirty ninth Having now laid the Foundation of our Work and made it visible in what Times and in what Manner and by what Means the Romans took Assurance to extend their Empire beyond the Bounds of Italy after they had compleated their Conquests in that Country and had made their first Essay with the Carthaginians for the Dominion of the Sea After having likewise spoken of the Affairs of the Greeks the Macedonians and the Carthaginians and given a Summary of the State of these Governments in those Times we are arriv'd I think at a proper Place to put an End to this our Second Book which we Conclude with the Wars we have treated and with the Death of the Actors and according as we have laid our Design we are come at length to that Period of Time wherein the Greeks deliberated about the War of the Confederates the Romans touching the Second Punick War and the Kings of Asia about that which was wag'd for the Dominion of Syria The End of the Second Book POLYBIUS'S General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD VOL. I. BOOK III. VVE promis'd in our First Book to begin our History at the Second Punick War the War of the Confederates and that which was wag'd for the Dominion of Syria We have likewise deliver'd our Reasons why in our two preceeding Books we deduc'd and brought down our Story from so remote Times Now we are come to treat of the Wars themselves and the Causes that begat and prolong'd them and that render'd them so terrible But first it will be necessary that we preface something farther touching our purpose for since what we have determin'd to deliver is propos'd to center in one and the same End being to be but one entire Work and as one may say one Spectacle or Representation where will be seen how when and by what means all the known Parts of the World became reduc'd under the Dominion of the Romans we have therefore concluded it not impertinent to our Method to give a previous Draught as it were in little of what occurr'd of Importance during so many and great Wars conceiving the Reader will be thereby more enlighten'd and better instructed in our main Design For as the knowledge of the whole cannot but yield some conception of the Parts and that to be rightly inform'd of the parts must necessarily enable us to judge better of the whole we shall therefore pursue this course which we have judg'd the most proper for Instruction in opening what might else seem obscure and shall produce a Table as it were or Index of our whole History where will be review'd what we have related We have indeed already given a kind of Summary of our intire Work and have prescrib'd its bounds but for the particular Occurrences as the Wars whereof we have already made recital will be the beginning so we shall prescribe its Period with the desolation and extinction of the Royal House of Macedon In brief it will be the Adventures only of Three and fifty Years in which space will be sound Occurrences so numerous and extraordinary that no Age within the same compass of Time hath shown the like Our beginning shall be at the hundred and fortieth Olympiad and the Order we purpose to observe will be as followeth When we have opened the Reasons that
from among his own Subjects and plac'd them in Garrison in Pharus In the mean time the Roman Consul led his Legions into Illyria where receiving intimation of the confidence the Enemy was in of the Safety and Strength of Dimalus and being further advis'd that the Place had the Reputation of having never yet been taken he therefore resolv'd to begin his Campagne there the better to terrifie and discourage the Enemy After therefore he had exhorted his Army to behave themselves as they ought and caus'd his Engines and Machines to approach in several places he began the Siege and in seven Days space took the Town This Celerity of the Romans possess'd the Enemy with so much Fear that they lost their Courage and Deputies were immediately dispatch'd from all the Towns round about with Tenders of Submission to the Romans which the Consul receiv'd respectively under certain Stipulations and then made sail toward Pharus where Demetrius then was But being inform'd that the Place was strongly fortify'd and that there was a numerous Garrison of able Men within it and the Town plentifully furnish'd with all things needful he therefore judging the Siege was likely to be a difficult and tedious Work bethought himself of this Stratagem Arriving with his Army by Night on the Coast he landed most of his Troops with direction to conceal themselves in Woods and Places proper to hide them from the view of the Enemy and in the Morning makes sail towards the next Port with twenty Gallies only in sight of the Town Demetrius thereupon observing and contemning their number marches out of the Town with part of the Garrison to oppose their landing so the Battel began which was prosecuted with great obstinacy Supplies of Men being constantly sent from the Town to sustain their Fellows insomuch that at length by degrees the whole Garrison march'd out in the mean while the Romans who had landed in the Night advanc'd covering themselves all they could in their march and possess'd themselves of an Eminence so situate that it defended it self between the Town and the Port whereby they cut off the Enemies retreat to the Town This being observ'd by Demetrius he soon disingag'd himself from those who attempted to land and after he had rally'd and animated his Men marches to attack the others who had posted themselves on the Mountain The Romans therefore seeing the Illyrians advancing toward them met and charg'd them with unspeakable Resolution while those that were landed attack'd them in the Rear Insomuch as finding themselves thus hard press'd on all sides the Army of Demetrius no longer able to sustain the shock of the Romans was put to flight some of them escap'd to the Town but the greatest part dispers'd themselves about the Island covering themselves among the Rocks and inaccessible Places Demetrius himself got aboard certain Vessels which he had plac'd in a neighbouring Creek to serve him in such an exigent and departing by Night retir'd to the Court of King Philip when every Body gave him for lost in whose Service he ended his days A hardy Man he was but without Judgment which appear'd by the manner of his Death for endeavouring pursuant to the King's Orders to put himself into Messena hazarding too far in that Attempt he perish'd as shall be shown in its proper place As to the Consul he forthwith got possession of Pharus which Town he presently demolished In short after he had reduc'd the whole Kingdom of Illyria to Obedience and perform'd all things in that Expedition to his own Mind he return'd toward the end of the Summer to Rome where he obtain'd a magnificent Triumph and acquir'd the Reputation of a wise and gallant Leader The Romans now receiving News of the loss of Saguntum deliberated no longer about entering into the War as some Authors have said who pretend to have recorded the Opinions of both Parties and have most absurdly reason'd thereupon for what likelihood was there that the Romans should now be undetermin'd about the War when but the Year before they had stipulated to declare Hostility whensoever the Carthaginians should attempt any Violence against the Saguntines whose City they had now destroy'd And can there be any thing more like Untruth than to tell us That the Senate was in great Consternation adding that twelve Youths not exceeding the Age of twelve Years being introduc'd into the Senate by their Fathers and being privy to what had been there resolv'd discover'd not the least tittle of what was decreed to be kept secret This too certainly hath a great appearance of Falshood unless it can be made appear that over and above their many other Advantages Fortune had endu'd the Childhood of the Romans with the Sagacity of Counsellors But we have remark'd enough of these sort of Writings namely such as have been publish'd by Chaereas and Sosilus who according to the Judgment I am able to make have deliver'd nothing that merits the name of History but ought to be held as Fables and Tales such as are vulgarly told to entertain the People The Romans then receiving Intelligence of what had been done at Saguntum in violation of the Treaty made choice of Ambassadors for that Service and dispatch'd them to Carthage with Instructions to propose two Conditions whereof the one menac'd the Carthaginians with loss and dishonour the other with a dangerous and doubtful War For they demanded either that Hannibal and his Abettors should be deliver'd up to the discretion of the Romans or in case of refusal a War to be forthwith declar'd When the Ambassadors were come to Carthage and had audience of the Senate they deliver'd their Message which was but coldly receiv'd by the Carthaginians Nevertheless one of their Senators who was best qualify'd was commanded to set forth the equity and unblameableness of their Proceedings but he therein mentions nothing of the Treaty of Asdrubal no more than if such a Treaty had never been at least he told them That if such an Agreement had been made it was of no validity as being transacted without the privity or consent of the People and Senate of Carthage And an Example was produc'd of the like practice of the Romans touching the Peace made by the Consul Lutatius during the Sicilian War which in a word Lutatius had ratify'd when notwithstanding it was rejected by the People of Rome as not having been done by their allowance They insisted warmly on the Conditions of that Treaty of Peace and referr'd particularly to that which was made at the end of the Sicilian War wherein they maintain'd That no mention was made of Spain but reservation only of the Allies of either Party which were the precise Conditions of that Treaty They further proceeded to show that Saguntum was not at that time in alliance with the Romans which the better to prove they caus'd the Articles of that Treaty to be publickly read As to the Romans they reply'd That the Argument was not a
Watch or the Art of making Love being Rules for Courtship for every Hour in the Day The Ladies Lookinglass to dress themselves by or the whole Art of charming Mankind The lucky Mistake Memoirs of the Court of the King of Bantam The Nun or the perjured Beauty The Adventures of the Black Lady These three never before published with the Life and Memoirs of Mrs. Bohn written by one of the fair Sex with Love-letters written between her and Myn heir Van Brain a Dutch Merchant Next Week will be published the second and last Volume of Mrs. Brâ—â—'s Histories and Novels which make her Works Compleat The whole Works of that excellent practical Physitian Dr. Tho. Sydenham wherein not only the History and Cures of acute Diseases are treated of after a new and safest way of curing most chronical Diseases the second Edition corrected from the Original Latin By John Pechey of the Colledge of Physitians Reflections on antient and modern Learning by William Wotton Chaplain to the Right Honourable the Earl of Nottingham the second Edition enlarged to which is added A Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris Themistocles Socrates c. By Dr. Bentley Printed for Richard Wellington at the Lute in St. Paul's Church-yard where you may be furnished with most Plays THE HISTORY OF POLYBIUS The MEGALOPOLITAN CONTAINING A General Account OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD And Principally of the ROMAN PEOPLE During the First and Second Punick Wars c. Translated by Sir H. S. VOL. II. III. The Second Edition LONDON Printed for Samuel Briscoe at the Corner of Charles-Street in Covent-Garden MDCXCVIII The Mapp of Antient GREECE Expressing especially the Places mentioned in Polybious by Sr H. S. Vol II. POLYBIUS'S General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD VOL. II. BOOK IV. IN our foregoing Book we have related the Causes of the Second War that fell out between the Romans and Carthaginians We have deliver'd the Particulars of Hannibal's March and Invasion of Italy and have recounted the Adventures of the two Armies to the time of the Battel that was sought on the Banks of the River Anfidus near Cannae Now the Occurrences of Greece during the same Period of time shall be the Subject of our Pains But we have thought it necessary to remind the Reader briefly First Of what hath been already observ'd of the Greeks in our Second Book and principally of the Achaians Inasmuch as it hath so come to pass that in the short space of ours and our Fathers Days that Republick hath grown to a marvellous Greatness For being founded by Tisamenes one of the Sons of Orestes we have observ'd that the Achaians were first govern'd by Kings who sprang from him in a continu'd Line of Succession to the Reign of Ogyges From whose time the Supreme Power being translated to the People became establish'd in an excellent form of Government Which was afterward first broken and dissolv'd by the Kings of Macedon when the Cities and Towns thereof became independent each governing according to their own Rules without any common Subjection to a Supreme General Tribunal to which they might have recourse After this Revolution we shew'd how they came to Unite and Incorporate into one Body at what time it was that they came to this Resolution and who they were that gave the Occasion In short we have related by what Means and Counsels the Towns being drawn to Unite the whole People of Peloponnesus grew to have one common Appellation and to be under one and the same Form of Common-wealth After having treated in general of that Enterprize and said something in particular touching the Actions of the Achaians we pursu'd the Story down to the time that Cleomenes King of the Lacedaemonians was despoil'd of his Government Then we gave a brief Recapitulation of general Occurrences to the Death of Antigonus Seleucus and Ptolemy who all dy'd about the same time having promis'd to begin our History at that Period which gave an end to those Matters we have now last recited In conclusion I determin'd that I could not any where better begin than from thence First In regard that there Aratus finisheth his Commentaries so that by continuing the Thread of his Discourse we shall thereby make the relation of the Greek Affairs as far as we propose to touch them all of a piece and then it will come to pass that the time succeeding and that which shall compose our History will be so united to the foregoing Period that in part what shall be related of our own and the Transactions of our Fathers Days will be compriz'd in one Body For as I have been a Witness to a good part of what shall be deliver'd and compos'd the rest from the Relations of such as could yield me the like certain Testimony so I have shun'd the delivering of remoter Occurrences through the doubts to which they are subjected And have thought nothing worthy of an Historian's Pen beyond that Period Nor indeed can Truth farther fairly be shewn nor Men consequently safely judge of any thing they hear otherwise deliver'd A farther particular Motive we had for taking our beginning from thence was that Fortune seem'd at that time to have made an universal Revolution and given a new Face to the Affairs of the World Tho' Philip Son of Demetrius were yet a Child nevertheless he soon came to sway the Scepter of Macedon Achaeus who govern'd the Countries of Asia on this side Mount Taurus did not only bear the Port of a Prince but was in effect vested with Sovereign Authority Antiochus sirnam'd the Great a little before succeeded his Brother in the Kingdom of Syria being then but very young And Ariarathes took possession at the same time of the Kingdom of Cappadocia which was deliver'd into his hands About the same time Ptolemy Philopater reduc'd Egypt to his Obedience And a little after Lycurgus became establish'd King of the Lacedaemonians The Carthaginians on that side had newly made Hannibal their General in order to those Attempts we have already recounted So that the Government as one may say of the World being put into new hands it could not by the Law of Nature but beget new Counsels and produce new Things The Romans then enter'd upon the War we have related Antiochus and Ptolemy were soon in Hostility one against the other for the Dominion of the Lower Syria And the Achaians and Philip joyn'd in a War against the Lacedaemonians and those of Aetolia The reasons of which War we shall now deliver The Aetolians had been long weary of Peace which oblig'd them to live Honestly at their own Expence who had been us'd heretofore to subsist on Spoil and Rapine And whosoever hath lead that sort of Life without prospect of other Profit than what ariseth by the Damage of another after the manner of Savage Beasts are without any sence of Friendship or Alliance reckon all their Enemies they can prey on and believe they have a right
Sea whence it comes to pass that the Byzantines are in perpetual Hostility with that People And by how much these Barbarians are a very numerous Nation and govern'd by many Princes by so much is the Task more difficult to reduce them nor have the Byzantines any prospect of being able with all the Provision they can make ever to deliver themselves from the Molestations of that War For when at any time they chance to obtain any signal Victory over any one of these Princes they are sure to have three or four combine with much greater Power to revenge and ingage in the Quarrel And in case they should be dispos'd for Peace sake to yield to pay the least Acknowledgment to any one of these their Neighbours they were to expect by gaining one Friend to purchase five Enemies Whence it falls out that in this Warfare there can be no end and there is nothing more irksome than the Neighbourhood of so brutal a Race of Men or more terrible than Hostility with a barbarous Enemy Furthermore over and above all these Evils to which they stand expos'd to the Landward they are condemn'd to one kind of suffering not unlike that to which the Poets have sentenc'd Tantalus For possessing a rich and fruitful Territory which they take care to Cultivate their Harvest is no sooner ripe when these Thieves visit them and rob them for the most part of the Fruit of their Labour which misfortune they lament in vain Thus then the Byzantines become familiar with the Calamities they suffer and by the force of Custom endure the Hardships of incessant Hostilities persisting to preserve their ancient Alliances with the Greeks inviolate But after the Gauls to fill the Measure of their Adversity came to be their Neighbours under the leading of Comontorius their Condition became then most deplorable These Gauls were a part of those who swarm'd out of their Country with Brennus who after the execution done on them at Delphos did not presently pass into Asia on their arrival at the Hellespont but invited by the Fertility of the Country about Byzantium resolv'd there to six their Abode Afterwards subduing the Thracians they establish'd a Regal Seat in Tula and grew quickly to be Formidable to the Byzantines whom they drove to great Streights being oblig'd on Comontorius his invading and spoiling their Frontiers to buy off that Burden by an Annual Present sometimes of three Thousand Aurei sometimes of five Thousand and some Years it amounted to no less than ten Thousand whereby to redeem their Country from the Rapine of these Barbarians Till at length they became driven to be plain Tributaries to the yearly summ of fourscore Talents which lasted to the Reign of Clyarus In whom the Gallic Dominion expired the whole Nation being utterly exterminated by the Thracians It was at this time that the Byzantines sinking under the weight of their Adversity sent their Ambassadors to sollicit Succours from the Greeks and seek Relief from the many Hardships they endur'd And in a word press'd by their Wants they came at length to a Resolution of exacting a Toll from all who navigated into the Pontic Sea for but few of the Greeks it seems laid their Sufferings to Heart But they no sooner began to levy this Duty when the Innovation was resented on all Hands and the Rhodians above the rest were censur'd who being at that time Masters of the Sea submitted to so undue an Imposition And this in a word produc'd the War which we are about to relate The Rhodians then provok'd as well by their own seeling of this new Tax as through the Instigation of others dispatch'd their Ambassadors jointly with those of their Allies to the Byzantines to persuade them to abolish it But the Byzantines could not be brought to accord to the Proposition in confidence of the Equity of the Motives they had for what they did and they were the more confirm'd in their refusal by the Authority of Hecatoâ—dorus and Olympiodorus who being at thaâ— time first in the Magistracy of the City oppos'd it with all their Power Whereupon the Ambassadors return'd home with a Negative Reply from the Byzantines and the Rhodianâ— thereupon declar'd War against them and 〈◊〉 the same time sent to sollicit King Prusias to joyn and take part with them being well assur'd that Prince did not abound in good Will towards that People The Byzantines by the Example of the Rhodians dispatch'd likewise their Ambassadors to Attalus and Achaeus to sollicit Aid from them They found Attalus dispos'd to assist them but he was not in a present Condition to yield them any great effects of his Friendship inasmuch as he had been lately compell'd by the Power of Achoeus to retire and confine himself to the ancient Limits of his Father's Kingdom As to Achaeus who now held the Dominion of the whole Territory in Asia on this side Mount Taurus and had lately assum'd the Title of King he fairly promis'd the Byzantines and frankly embracing their part put them in mighty hopes and thereby gave matter of apprehension both to Prusias and the Rhodians Achoeus was of Kin to Antiochus who succeeded to the Kingdom of Syria and became possess'd of the Power he held by the means we shall now relate After the Death of Seleucus Father of Antiochus and that Seleucus his Eldest Son had taken possession of the Kingdom Achaeus accompany'd him in his March and Passage over Mount Taurus about two Years before those Matters were transacted whereof we shall by and by make relation Seleucus had no sooner taken possession of the Kingdom when he receiv'd Intelligence that Attalus had already seiz'd and brought under his Dominion all that part of Asia lying on this side Mount Taurus whereupon he forthwith fell prudently to deliberate about the Affairs of his Government But he had no sooner pass'd Mount Taurus at the Head of a powerful Army when by the treasonable Practices of Nicanor and Villainy of one Apaturius a Gaul he was Murder'd But Achoeus soon compass'd a just Revenge on the Traytors for the Death of the King his Kinsman and taking upon him the Conduct of the Army and the Government manag'd all things with great Prudence and manifested in all his Deportments a singular sufficiency and vivacity of Mind And albeit the Soveraign Authority became now left to his Election and the People freely courted him with Tenders of the Diadem he nevertheless rejected the Offer and determining to reserve the Succession to Antiochus Brother of the dead King led the Army from place to place and manag'd the War so prosperously that he soon recover'd all that had been lost on this side the Mountains But vanquish'd at length by the Temptations of his Felicity and after having beaten and confin'd Attalus to his own City of Pergamus and reduc'd all those places that had been forceably possess'd he renounc'd all those noble and generous Purposes he had taken and invading the Dominion
Circuit of the Peninsula towards the Sea accordingly they barricado'd all the Avenues with a good Palisado and the same fear advis'd them to furnish every proper place with Arms and a sufficient Garrison where it was thought needful In short the extent of the Ground is not great and may be defended by a small strength While these things were thus agitating at Sinope King Philip march'd out of Macedon at the Head of an Army for there we broke off our Discourse when we were relating the Transactions of the Consederate War which he lead through Thessaly and the Kingdom of Epirus purposing by that way to fall on the Aetolians But in the interim Alexander and Dorimachus having found Men wicked enough for their Design plotted to surprize the Town of Aegira by Treachery for which service they assembled twelve Hundred Aetolians drawing them together at Oenantia a Town situate on the other side the Water over-against the place we mention'd where they made provision of Vessels and all things necessary for their Design and there waited the occasion to put it in execution For this Service certain Aetolian Fugitives were found who had made their Residence some time in that place and had taken notice that the Soldiers who had charge of the Aegian Gate kept but a careless Guard minding nothing but Drinking and their Pleasure they had therefore frequently given Dorimachus intimation of what they had observ'd and knowing him to be fit for such Projects invited him to ingage in the Attempt Aegira is situate in that part of Peloponnesus that is wash'd by the Waters of the Corinthian Gulf between Aegium and Sicyon standing on high Ground and by Nature strong and hard of Access The Town looks towards Parnassus and the Towns adjacent and not a Mile distant from the Sea In a word Dorimachus when Matters were ripe for execution â—mbarks his Troops and arriving by Night came to Anchor near the River that runs by the foot of the Hill whereon on the Town stands Alexander and Donmachus together with Archidamus Son oâ— Pantaleon at the Head of a good Body 〈◊〉 Aetolians attack'd the Town on that sidâ—â— which regards Aegium while one of the Fâ—â—gitives well acquainted with all the Avenues at the Head of a small Party of their braves and most knowing Men took his way oveâ— the Rocks and Precipices and getting Passagâ— into the Town by a certain Aquaeduct surpriz'd the Guard that had charge of the Gate yet asleep which having put to the Sword and forcibly broken down the Barrier they open'd the Gates to the Aetolians which they heedlesly enter'd without any precaution taking for granted they were now Masters of the Place But this precipitation oâ— theirs turn'd to their destruction and gave the Inhabitants the opportunity of rescuing their Town In a word the Aetolians believing themselves now sure of Success stood but a small space under their Arms in the Market-place but pursuing their natural love of Plunder began by degrees to Disband and fell to pillaging the neighbouring Houses it being now broad Day The People of the Town were so terrify'd at this Surprize that all who were in their Houses which the Enemy plunder'd betook themselves to flight and got out of the Town giving all for lost to the Aetolians But those whose Houses had not been yet rifled having more leisure to bethink themselves and coming out to make Head against the Enemy hasten'd to the Cittadel where their Number increasing every moment their Resolution augment proportionably While on the contrary the Aetolians grew weaker and weaker through the Avarice of those who incessantly leâ—t their Ranks to hunt after Booty by which means their Numbers and their Courage became greatly diminish'd When Dorimachus began to perceive the Danger that threaten'd his Party he endeavour'd to rally and recall his scatter'd Troops and march'd to Attack the Cittadel making account that the boldness of the Attempt would so terrify the Multitude that were drawn together for the Defence of that Fortress that they would incontinently fly before him But the Aegirates otherwise minded animating one another oppos'd themselves bravely against the Enemy and advancing to the Charge came manfully to the Sword 's point with the Aetolians For the place being without any considerable Works about it the Contest was for the most part at hand and a Combat as it were of Man to Man And in short the Dispute we may imagine was such as when on the one part Men fight for the Liberty of their Country and their Families and on the other for their Lives and Safety But the Aetolians at length began to retire and the Aegirates as warmly to pursue them when they once perceiv'd them to give Ground The greatest part of the Aetolians then fell on the place or were crowded to Death in the Gate In conclusion those of them who were not kill'd on the Spot perish'd among the Rocks and Precipices by which way they endeavour'd to escape Some that gain'd their Vessels having basely quitted their Arms wondring at the fortune of their Escape immediately Embark'd and made Sail away Thus those of Aegira having lost their Town through their Negligence had the Fortune to recover it by their Resolution At the same time likewise Euripides whom the Aetolians had sent to the Aelaeans for their General having plunder'd the Territory of Dyma Pharae and Tritaea return'd to Elis with much Booty As to Micas of Dyma who was at that time the Achaian Praetor's Lieutenant he assembled all the Forces of Dyma Pharae and Tritaea and advanc'd after the Enemy who was now retreating But pursuing with more Precipitation than Prudence he fell into an Ambush where he suffer'd someloss about forty of his Men being slain and two handred taken Prisoners Euripides exalted by this Success soon after took the Field again gaining a Fortress belonging to the Dymaeans call'd Tychos standing very commodiously This Place as Fables say was built by Hercules at what time he wag'd War with the Eleans and was his retreat when he made Inroads on the Enemy Those of Dyma Pharae and Tritaea who had met with so ill Success in their pursuit of the Enemy beginning to be in pain for the â—uture after the taking the Fortress of Tychos dispatch'd Advice to the Praetor of the Achaians imparting to him what had befallen them and demanded speedy Succours each of them apart sending afterwards their Ambassadors with Instances to the same effect But it so happen'd that Aratus could make no Levies of Strangers inasmuch as in the Cleâ—menic War they had withheld part of the Pay that was due to those who had serv'd in their Army And Aratus himself was in a word but a very slow Mover in all Military Deliberations and Enterprizes And that was it that gave Lycurgus opportunity to surprize Athenaeum of the Megalopolitans and afterward as we have noted to Euripidas to get possession of Gorgona of Telphussa When those of Dyma Pharae and
part in that state Wherein â—methinks they manifest a very stupid neglect of their own proper Benefit and the Advantage of Posterity For since Peace is a Blessing which Mankind in general ask of the Gods and for the sake whereof there is hardly any thing we are not ready to do or suffer and since among all those things that bear the name of Goods of Human Life that alone remains undisputed does it not seem a mighty Error then and blindness of Mind that while this Blessing may be honestly obtain'd and perpetually enjoy'd to despise such a Treasure and not esteem it a Felicity preferable to all others But let it be Objected That such a sort of Government would expose them to the Insolence and Injuries of those who should have a mind to make War on them and violate their Faith But this can but very rarely come to pass and the general sense of such Violences and the ready Succours of the whole Greek Nation would soon remedy such an Evil. And after all Riches being the certain Product of long Peace they would never want Mercenaries for their Money whereby to strengthen themselves and Garrison their Places of Defence while now in these our Days out of a vain fear of what is very unlikely ever to happen their Jealousies one of another beget nothing but War and Violence and the mutual Destruction of each other We have thus lightly touch'd this subject in our way to give a hint only to the Eleans of their proper Interest and the rather inasmuch as they can never hope to see a more favourable conjuncture whereby to regain their lost Rights and Privileges In a word if the Eleans chance at this Day to retain any kind of preference to their ancient manner of Country Employments it seems to be no other than some faint remains of their old Customs which are not yet quite extinguish'd Hence then it came to pass that when Philip fell in upon them so many Prisoners were taken and yet that so many notwithstanding made their escape into their Towns To the Fortress of Thalamé especially many resorted where they secur'd much Cattel and great quantities of their Moveables that Place being strongly situate and the Avenues difficult and standing remote from all Commerce and almost every way inaccessible But when the King became inform'd that many of the Enemy had retir'd thither he thought himself oblig'd to attempt at least his best to dislodge them Wherefore having first gain'd all the difficult Passes whereby his Army might march with security he left his Baggage in the Camp guarded with a good part of his Army and taking with him only his Buckler-men and light-arm'd Troops march'd through the Defiles which lead towards Thalamé Those who were within the place terrify'd at his approach having been but little conversant in War and wanting every thing for their defence and there being great numbers of the baser sort of People mix'd with them soon submitted albeit they had a strength with them of two hundred Mercenary Soldiers that had been brought thither by Amphidamas an Officer of the Eleans As soon as Philip was Master of Thalamé and the Booty they had there lodg'd together with five Hundred Men who were made Prisoners and much Cattel of all sorts he return'd back to his Camp And now his Army being over-charg'd with Booty whereby they became greatly hinder'd in their march and all Military Expeditions he found it necessary to retire further and re-encamp at Olympia Among the Tutors and Governors left by Antigonus to King Philip who came a Child to the Crown Apelles was one who had preserv'd a powerful influence over the young Prince This Person then having conceiv'd a project of reducing the Achaians to the state wherein the Thessalians then were began his Design by means malicious enough For tho' it seem'd to him that the Thessalians were a free People and liv'd in the enjoyment of all their Rights and Liberties and their Condition quite otherwise than that of the Macedonians nevertheless he was therein deceiv'd for there was little or no difference between them the Thessalians living liable to the same usage with the Macedonians being oblig'd to do and submit to every thing the great Men of the Kingdom thought fit Now forasmuch as Apelles bent all his Thoughts towards the compassing his Design his first essay was on the Patience of the Achaian Soldiers who serv'd at that time in the Army he therefore caus'd the Macedonians frequently to dislodge them and possess their Quarters when they found them at any time better provided than themselves and often to deprive them of their Plunder In a word he caus'd them to be severely treated by the common Executioners on every slight occasion And if at any time they complain'd or the Soldiers appear'd to rescue their Friends from such hard Treatment he caus'd them to be taken into Custody conceiving that by this sort of usage he should be able by degrees and unobserv'd to bring the Achaians to bear by Custom any burthen the King should think fit to lay upon them Thus Apelles was not without hopes of compassing his purpose from his having observ'd that heretofore in the time of Antigonus the Achaians cheerfully underwent many Hardships to purchase their exemption from the Authority of Cleomenes But so it chanc'd that certain Achaian Soldiers provok'd by this Usage assembled themselves and went and imparted the Project and Practice of Apelles to Aratus Who thereupon apply'd himself to the King to obtain a Remedy for this Evil ere it got a head Philip now inform'd of what had been done call'd these Soldiers to him and gave them assurance that care should be taken for the future that no such Injury should be offer'd them bidding them rely on his Word and accordingly he order'd Apelles to determine nothing at any time about the Achaian Soldiers without first communicating with their Praetor or Chief Officer Thus Philip acquir'd a mighty Reputation not only among his own Subjects but throughout all Peloponnesus as well by his manner of Treatment of the Allies in the Camp as by his personal Courage Vigilance and Abilities in War And in truth it would have been hard to find a Prince to whom Nature had been more bountiful in those Gifts and Qualities that are found necessary to the acquisition of Power and Empire His Understanding was clear his Memory excellent and his Person and Fashion bore the Majesty he held but his brightest Vertues were his Resolution and Military Abilities But in regard it would be too long a digression to recount here how it came to pass that he lost this excellent Character and from a great King became a Tyrant we will therefore referr that Story to a more proper place King Philip then decamping from Olympia march'd towards Pharae and soon after came to Telphussa and from thence to Heraea where he caus'd all the Booty to be sold Here he order'd a Bridge to be
of Affairs should be committed and aiming by all means possible so to settle the Kingdom as to leave no motive of Dissention or Discord among the Ministers and others whom they should employ Wherefore he nominated Apelles for one of the young King's Tutors who at that time was jointly trusted with him in other Matters To Leontius he gave the Command of the Buckler-men Megalea was made Secretary Taurion was appointed Governour of Peloponnesus and Alexander had the Command of the King's Guards But in conclusion Megalea and Leontius being Creatures of Apelles he dispos'd them as he pleas'd and therefore set all his Arts at work to remove Alexander and Taurion from Authority that himself might have the Power or execute it by instruments of his own all which Designs he had in great likelihood brought to pass had he not engag'd in that secret War with Aratus Wherefore he came at length to feel the smart of his Folly and reap'd the Wages of his Ambition it being his Lot to suffer those Evils he was preparing for others But we will not prosecute his Story here but leave to another place the recital of the manner and reasons of all that befel him it being now time to put an end to this Book In conclusion then after these things were brought to pass which we have been relating King Philip return'd to Argos where he spent the Winter among his Friends sending in the mean time his Army into Macedon Finis Lib. IV. POLYBIUS'S General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD VOL. II. BOOK V. THE Year of the younger Aratus's Praetorship expir'd about the time of the * The beginning of April rising of the Pleiades for so the Achaians computed who was succeeded by Eperatus Dorimachus holding then that Trust in Aetolia About the same time Hannibal having openly declar'd War against the Romans departed from New-Carthage and passing the River Eber enter'd on the execution of his Design and began his march towards Italy While at Rome Tiberius Sempronius was dispatch'd towards Africk and Pub. Cornelius Scipio towards Spain at the Head of their Armies Furthermore Antiochus and Ptolomy coming to despair by Conferences and Embassies to compose the Differences that were grown between them about the Lower Syria had likewise enter'd into Hostility one with another As to King Philip he coming to want Money and Provisions for his Army had convocated by their Magistrates the Assembly of the Achainas which according to custom was held at Aegium Where perceiving Aratus ill satisfy'd with the Practices of Apelles had willingly resign'd his Authority and finding Eperatus unqualify'd for business and in no esteem with the People he came at length to discern the foul play of Apelles and Leontius which renew'd his esteem for Aratus whom he now consider'd more than ever Not long after having prevail'd with the Magistrates that their next Convention should be at Sicyon he there had private Conference with the two Aratus's and imputing all that had pass'd to the Artifices of Apelles pray'd them to forget their Wrongs and continue him in the same degree of Affection as heretofore Whereupon coming to a new Accord the King went to the Assembly where without difficulty he obtain'd by their procurement all he defir'd towards the furtherance of his Affairs The Achaians then decreed That as soon as the Army should begin to march fifty Talents should be advanc'd to the King being three Months pay to the Army together with Ten Thousand Measures of Corn. And it was also further resolv'd That while the King made War in Person in Peloponnesus he should receive seventeen Talents Monthly After these Acts of the Assembly they separated and retir'd to their respective Cities And now when the Army began to move from their Winter-Quarters it was resolv'd by the King in Council to prosecute the War likewise by Sea concluding it to be the only means whereby to surprize and attack the Enemy from all Quarters by making descents and invading them where their Towns were distant and remote from Succour whereby every one would be oblig'd to consult their own single Safety through the uncertainty of their Motions and it would be in their power to carry their Arms with more case whithersoever they should judge it most expedient for they had to do at once with the Aetolians Lacedaemonians and Eleans After this had been resolv'd the King order'd the Fleet both his own and the Achaian Ships to Rendezvous at the Port of Lechoeum where he commanded the Soldiers of the Macedonian Phalanx to be exerciz'd and instructed in the use of the Oar for the Macedonians apply themselves cheerfully to every thing and learn with facility whatsoever they go about And in short are no less brave and active by Sea than by Land No People indure Hardship better or are more patient of Labour whether it be in their Fortifications and Encampments or any other painful or hardy Employments incident to the Life of a Soldier In conclusion Hesiod seems to give us their Picture in his Character of the Aeacidoe To whom soft Ease and Lust less Pleasure yield Than Martial Toils and Perils of the Field While King Philip and the Macedonians remain'd at Corinth employ'd about their Naval Preparations Apelles who could not brook the diminution of his Credit nor work any change in the Mind of his Master enter'd into Compact with Leontius and Megaleas with whom it was agreed that they on their part who were to act in the Army about the King should labour with their best Arts secretly to thwart and obstruct him in all his Designs while he making his abode at Chalcis would take care so to shorten and retard his Supplies of every thing from all Parts that he should be so streighten'd on that side that the want of Necessaries to the advancing his Expeditions should be a great impediment to his Progress After Matters had been thus concerted between them this crafty old Courtier soon found reasons whereby to dispose the King to approve of his Voyage to Chalcis whither he went and where he perform'd Articles so punctually with the other two that he brought the King under such streights that he became constrain'd to pawn his Plate to supply his Wants As soon as the Naval Army was drawn together and it was thought the Macedonians were now sufficiently exercis'd and instructed in the management of the Oar the King causing Bread and Pay to be distributed to the Soldiers embark'd with Six Thousand Macedonians and Twelve Hundred Mercenaries and steer'd his Course towards Patroe where he arriv'd the next Day after his departure from Corinth About the same time Dorimachus the Aetolian Praetor dispatch'd Agelaus and Scopas with Five Hundred new rais'd Candiots to the Aid of the Eleans For these being under some apprehension that the King had some design on Cyllene had taken Foreign Troops into their Pay and levied others of their own Subjects and took care to Fortify and
Fear Wherefore he prevail'd with the King and those about him to consent that Cleomenes might be taken into custody And the better to compass his purpose he made use of an occasion we shall now relate There chanc'd to be at that time in these Parts a certain Messenian call'd Nicagoras who had been an old Friend of the Father of Archidamus King of Sparta and albeit with Archidamus himself he had not had that intimacy nevertheless upon his leaving the City out of fear of Cleomenes and retiring to Messena Nicagoras did not only hospitably receive him into his House and supply him with all things necessary but grew at length to cultivate a Friendship with him equal to that which had been heretofore between him and his Father Wherefore when afterwards it came to pass that Cleomenes had given Archidamus some hopes of his return and that there appear'd some likelihood of an Accord Nicagoras interpos'd his good Offices and acted in the Treaty between them After all things seem'd to be adjusted and that Archidamus on the Faith of Nicagoras's Treaty was returning and on his way to Sparta he was intercepted by Cleomenes and slain but without any Violence offer'd either to Nicagoras who was in his company or any body else of his Train Wherefore Nicagoras tho' he made publick profession of his Obligation to Cleomenes for sparing his Life nevertheless he harbour'd in his Mind Resentments suitable to that Outrage This Nicagoras then coming to Alexandria to dispose of certain Horses he had brought over as he was landing meets with Cleomenes who with Panteus and Hippitas were walking on the Strand As soon as Cleomenes knew him he came and saluted him in friendly manner demanding what business had brought him thither And when he told him he had brought over some Horses to sell Cleomenes reply'd That he would have made a better Voyage if he had brought a Cargo of Buffoons and Beautiful Boys for that the present King like'd that sort of Merchandise much better At which saying Nicagoras smiling reply'd little but a while after coming to have some Discourse with Sosibius about the disposal of his Horses he told him what Cleomenes had said not without design of doing him an ill Office at Court and perceiving Sosibius pleas'd with the Relation he proceeded to reveal to him the Subject of his Hatred and the Aversion he bore to Cleomenes Sosibius coming thus to discover that Nicagoras was an Enemy to Cleomenes prevail'd with him by Gifts and Promises to write a Letter to him containing Accusations against Cleomenes which Letter should be lest with one of his Servants on his departure to be by him brought some Days after as if Nicagoras had dispatch'd him for that purpose Accordingly a Letter was written and the Matter conducted as had been agreed and as soon as Nicagoras was gone the Messenger brought the Letter to Sosibius which together with the Bearer he immediately carried to the King The Contents were that in case Cleomenes were not speedily dispatch'd with a Body of Troops and all things necessary for his Enterprize he would be the occasion of great Troubles in the Kingdom This then was the Engine whereby Sosibius wrought with the King and his Creatures to determine on putting Cleomenes under Confinement and securing him with a good Guard Whereupon he was secur'd having a large House appointed him for his Prison which differ'd from others in nothing but that it was more spacious And now Cleomenes perceiving there was no hope left him resolv'd however to attempt his Inlargement by all the ways he could imagine whereby to compass it not that he saw how it could probably be effected being destitute of all necessary means to put his purpose in Execution at least he resolv'd to die like himself and never yield to stain that Vertue which had render'd him so considerable in the World And I am ready to believe he had his Mind prepossess'd and set before his Eyes what all great Men do in the like Exigencies To urge their Fate with safety to their Fame And to Posterity consign a Name Cleomenes then being inform'd of the King's purpose to make a Progress to Canopus contriv'd to have it bruited among his Guards that he was to be speedily set at liberty and on that pretext he caus'd Provision to be made for a great Entertainment to those of his Family sending to his Guards plenty of Meat and Wine Garlands of Flowers c. insomuch that the Soldiers drinking too plentifully he took that occasion about mid-day to escape out of Prison with all his Domesticks in his Company who with their drawn Swords meeting in the Market-place with the Governour of the Town they threw him out of his Chariot and kill'd him on the place amidst his Guards who stood astonish'd at the boldness of the Action in the mean time crying Liberty Liberty as they pass'd along But when they saw none appoach to join them all People standing amaz'd at the Greatness of the Enterprize they then betook them towards the Castle with design to set all the Prisoners at liberty and to make use of their assistance but those who Commanded in that Fortress suspecting their purpose and strengâ—hened the Guards and secur'd the Gates Whereupon Cleomenes and his Followers seeing now no hopes on that side turn'd their Swords on each other and so generously dy'd and as one may say Laconian-like Thus fell Cleomenes a Personage most agreeable and admirably gifted for Conversation but above all things qualify'd for the Conduct of great Affairs and in conclusion one whom Nature had endow'd with all the advantages requisite to a great Captain and a King Not long after Theodotus an Aetolian Governour of the Lower Syria revolted partly out of Contempt of the King who led so infamous a life and partly out of an apprehension of ill Offices done him by the great ones at Court some time before notwithstanding the good Service he had done the King in many occasions and principally in the War against Antiochus for the Lower Syria Nevertheless he was so far from being consider'd according to his Merit that being commanded to come to Court he there ran great hazard of his Life Wherefore on these Provocations Theodotus resolv'd to apply himself to Antiochus and to put the Towns of that Country into his Hands which Overture was gladly receiv'd by that Prince and the Design soon after put in Execution But that we may Treat of the Family of this Prince in the same Method we have done the last we shall have occasion to go a little back and taking our beginning from the time of Antiochus's coming to the Crown we shall descend to the Subject of the War whereof we purpose to Treat Antiochus the Younger then was the Son of Seleucus who was sirnam'd Callinicus who after the Death of his Father and the Accession of his Elder Brother to the Crown went into the Vpper Asia where he held his
in other places they could not come to the foot of the Wall to erect their Ladders without coming to Blows with the Enemy but at the Ars'nal and Suburbs they approach'd and apply'd their Ladders without Impediment So that while the Marine Soldiers Scal'd the Ars'nal and Ardys the Suburbs and those of the Town not being able to come to their Relief being themselves press'd on all Quarters Ardys after some Dispute became Master of the Suburbs whereupon the Officers who had been gain'd by the King and Commanded in several Posts of the City came to Leontius the Governour pressing their Opinion that there was now no safe way left but to send immediately to the King to Treat before the Town should be taken by Assault Whereupon Leontius who was ignorant of the Treachery being frighted with their seeming Fear dispatch'd a Message to Antiochus with Proposals of Conditions that no Violence should be done to any and that the Inhabitants should be Safe in their Persons The King on sight of the Proposals promis'd that no manner of Injury should be done to any one of free Condition which were to the number of Six Thousand And in a word when the Place was deliver'd up he did not only deal graciously with those but recall'd their Exiles and restor'd the City to its Privileges and the Inhabitants to their Estates and Authority leaving only Garrisons both in the Port and Citadel While the King was busied in these Affairs Letters were brought him from Theodotus by which he was Solicited to march with what Expedition he could into Syria giving him assurance that on his Arrival he would deliver the Kingdom intirely to his Possession This News gave the King some trouble and suspence uncertain what to resolve on the intimation he had receiv'd Theodotus was by Birth an Aetolian who tho' he had done Eminent Service to the Aegyptian Kings nevertheless his Recompences were not only short of his Merits but coming to Court as we have elsewhere noted he there ran great hazard of his life Whereupon when Antiochus was on his Expedition against Molon Theodotus having no very good opinion of the state of Ptolomy's Affairs and jealous of his Interest at Court had himself taken Ptolemais and won Tyre by the help of Panoetolus and had now earnestly invited Antiochus Who therefore respiting for that time his Expedition against Achoeus and all his other Affairs he march'd with his Army taking the same way he had gone before And having pass'd the Valley of Marsyas he Encamp'd near the Streight where the Fortress of Gerra stands along the side of the Lake between the Mountains There he receiv'd notice that Nicolaus one of Ptolomy's Captains had laid Seige to Ptolemais where Theodotus was shut up wherefore leaving his heavy-arm'd Troops behind and giving Orders for the Besieging the Castle of Brochos that commanded the Passage by the Lake he march'd at the Head of his light-arm'd Forces to raise the Seige of Ptolemais Nicolaus receiving Intelligence of the King's approach decamp'd from before the Town and sent Lagoras a Candiot and Dorymenes an Aetolian to possess the Streight near Berytus But Antiochus hasting after them forc'd them to a Battel where they were beaten so the King himself Encamp'd in the Streight In which place assembling the whole Army after he had encourag'd them he prosecuted his March with the intire Body of his Troops full of expectation of great Success whereof there were already so many promising appearances Theodotus and Panoetolus accompany'd by their Friends coming out to meet the King were receiv'd by him with great Courtesie to whom they deliver'd up Tyre and Ptolemais with all the Stores of War that were there lodg'd among other things they found there were forty Gallies whereof twenty were cover'd and equipp'd for the Sea and none were less than Quadriremes the other were Triremes and Vessels of less Rates these were committed to Diognetus the King's Admiral In the mean time Antiochus being inform'd that Ptolomy was gone to Memphis that his Troops were assembling at Pelusium and that they had opened the Canals of the Nile and let loose all their Water-Courses he thereupon chaing'd his purpose of marching to Pelusium and divided his Army resolv'd to attempt the Towns by the way some by fair means some by force Such Places as were not sufficiently Garrison'd for Defence were on his arrival frighted into Submission and putting themselves under his Protection Courted his Favour but such as had Men and Provisions within and thought themselves able to withstand him preserv'd their Obedience to their Prince insomuch that the King spent much time and labour to reduce them At to Ptolomy himself who was manifestly betray'd he took little or no thought for the better posture of his Affairs nor dream'd of approaching the Enemy as he ought to have done such was his stupidity and the aversion he ever had to Military Employments Wherefore Agathocles and Sosibius who were at that time in prime Authority having the intire Administration of the Publick in their Hands fell at length to deliberate with the best Advice they could They resolv'd to make all possible Preparations for Defence and to win Time concluded to send Overtures to Antiochus and to proceed in such manner as to possess him with assurance that he was not at all mistaken in the Mind of Ptolomy namely that he would never resolve to meet him in the Field but endeavour by Conference and Mediation to dissuade his Enterprize on Syria This Counsel being approv'd Agathocles and Sosibius to whom a share of the Management likewise was committed dispatch'd Ambassadors to Antiochus and so wrought that the Rhodians Byzantines Cyzicenians and the Aetolians themselves dispatch'd their Ambassadors to Mediate a Peace In somuch that on their arrival the time that was taken up in Treating and Journeying from one King to another lent space sufficient for Sosibius and Agathocles to prosecute their Preparations for the War Their Residence was at Memphis where they held their Conferences with the Ambassadors according to the Emergency of Affairs and where they receiv'd and treated with the Ministers of Antiochus But while these were well receiv'd and civilly entertain'd and held in hand all the Mercenary Strangers which Ptolomy had in his Towns and Garrisons throughout the Countries of his Dominion were assembled at Alexandria Furthermore they sent every where to levy Troops taking care above all things that due Provision might be made as well to sustain those they had already in Pay as those whom they expected Nor were they less mindful of every other Point that might require their Application to advance their Purpose sometimes the one sometimes the other going to Alexandria to provide that nothing might be wanting towards the Execution of what had been resolv'd To Echecrates the Thessalian and Phoxides the Miletian was committed the Care of providing Arms raising Men and forming their Troops who were assisted by Eurylochus the Magnesian together