none approach'd the Throne with so much Respect or spoke to His Majesty with so much Submission as he did And therefore the wisest and most skilful follow'd him in those Occasions to study his way of making his court to the King The Report of his Retirement and of his eminent Qualifications drew abundance of the People out of all the Provinces of France and from the most distant Countries out of curiosity to see the Wonders that were publish'd about it and they always found more than had been told them The favourable reception he made them his obliging Behaviour towards them his Application in giving orders â—o divert them without sparing any Cost what they saw him do whatever they heard him say all charm'd them and they declaâ—â—d afterwards every where that they had found him no less admirable at Chantilly than in Sieges and Combats And therefore whatever care was taken to shew Strangers of consideration the greatest Curiosities in France they were uneasieâ— until they could pay their Respects to the Prince of Conde and have some Conversation with him and when they return'd into their own Country they never fail'd to say We have seen the Prince of Conde But of all the Visits the Prince of Conde receiv'd at Chantilly the most glorious without doubt was that which the King honour'd him with for which his Highness express'd all the Gratitude imaginable He receiv'd his Majesty with all the Respects all the Joy and all the Cheerfulness that could be express'd and shew'd on that occasion an extraordinary Magnificence and Liberality spending Fifty thousand Crowns to treat the King and Court splendidly This great Prince having pass'd near Twenty years in his Retirement of Chantilly in the manner I have related the Thread of his noble Life was cut by an Accident which shew'd to what degree the King's Life was dear to him and how little he valu'd his own compar'd to his Being inform'd that the Dutchess of Bourbon his Grand-Daughter natural Daughter to the King was seiz'd with the Small Pox at Fontainsbleau he left Chantilly notwithstanding his Indisposition on the II. of Nov. 1686. to go to see that Princess He met the Duke of Bourbon and Mademoiselle upon the Road coming back from Fontainsbleau by the King 's express Command upon the first Report of the Small Pox This young Princeâ— and that young Princess endeavour'd to perswade the Prince of Conde to turn back and to expect the News of what should happen at Fountainebleau at Paris They omitted no Tenderness Prayers or Tears to perswade him but they could not prevail the Prince continued his Journey and at his first arrival us'd all the means and precautions imaginable to avoid an Accident like unto that which the Small Pox had caus'd in his Family in 1685. by the Death of the Prince of Conti. And whereas the King was coming into the Dutchess of Bourbon's Room the Prince stop'd him at the Door and by a resistance equally strong and respectful he hinderd his Majesty from coming into a place where the illness of the Air might prove fatal to him after which he fell into a Swoon within four foot of the place As ill as he was he caused himself to be carried several times in a day into her Chamber But finally the ill Air joyn'd to the Fatigue of that last Journey threw him into a condition which soon put a period to his life The Prince of Conde's condition being spread at Court and at Paris a world of Couriers were dispatch'd to him from all the considerable persons of the Kingdom The King who was at Versailles at that time sent two or three whom his Highness received with great Respect and Gratitude The Prince of Conde being detained at Fontainebleau by an illness which made every body so fearful of his Life and the Prince of Conty being confind at Chantilly that Prince who was out of favour at Court wrote a Letter wherein he declar'd That his Disquiets for his Highness's Illness were so great that he could no longer forbear going to enquire about it himself that he had suffer'd an exceeding great Violence for three weeks together by conforming himself exactly to his Highness's Pleasure who had commanded him not to go more out of Chantilly That the Air of the Small Pox did not flighten him and that his Majesty would not disapprove his quitting his ordinary Abode in that occasion to acquit himself of part of his Duty The person to whom this Letter was written having given the Prince of Conde an account of it Make answer said his Highness to the Prince of Conty that I am very much oblig'd to him for the kindness he expresses towards me but if he loves me let him remain where he is I shall be at Paris within these two days and shall see him there A Courier arriv'd at the same time from the Duke of Enguien who had an account given him three or four times a day about the Prince his Father's Health according to the Orders he had left every time he had been at Fontainebleau since the Court had left it The Duke begg'd of hiâ— Father by the said Courier to give him leave to repair to him The Prince had already sent him back twice or thrice from Fontainebleau to Versailles to remain near the King on whom a great operation had been made and to observe all the favourable moments in which he might serve the Prince of Conty He had obey'd but could no longer endure to be absent from his Father The Prince being earnestly sollicited to give his Son leave to come to see him he answerd That he did not question but his Son had a great desire to be near him that he should be very joyful to see him also but that both of them ought to sacrifice their own Satisfaction to their Duty that he desir'd him to remain at Court that as soon as there should be any necessity for his being near him he would send for him and that perhaps it should be sooner than either of them should desire it He sigh'd next and squeez'd the person he was speaking to by the hand whereby it was suspected that he found himself worse and that he would not be able to go to Paris within two days as he had resolv'd From that time his Distemper encreas'd and soon discover'd that he had not long to live And whereas Mons. Morin his Physician declar'd freely in feeling his Pulse that he found it very uneven But is there no danger said his Highness do not dissemble it Mons. Morin reply'd that since he commanded hâ—m to speak his Opinion he thought it was proper to think on the Sacraments of the Church This is speaking reply'd his Highness Whereupon that Prince order'd a Courier to be dispatch'd instantly to Father Dechamps a Jesuit who was his Confessor to desire him earnestly to come to him as soon as he coâ—ld to confess him and to dispose
make little or no Resistance His Passion caus'd him to approve these Reasons for strong and undeniable so that he undertook to be Captain of the Enterprize under the Orders of the Duke of Orleans But the Duke at first oppos'd the Design till the Importunities and the Persuasions of the Abbot de la Râ—vâ—â—re over-rul'd his Judgment and got the upper hand of his Calmer Sentiments Immediatly the Prince and Marshal de la Milleray propos'd the seizing of St. Louis's Island St. Antony's Gate the Arsenal and the Bastille and to lodge their Majesties in the Bastille But whether this Proposal were not sufficiently supported or whether they were afraid of exposing the person of the King the Court resolv'd to quit Paris and really to besiege the City So that in the Evening before Twelf-day the King retir'd from Marshal Grammont's House to the Cardinal's Palace and the next Morning about Three of the Clock â—e departed without any noise or bustle for St. Germans 〈◊〉 â—â—ye The same day the King sent a Letter seal'd with his Privy Signet to the Provost of Merchants and the Sheriffs of Paris wherein his Majesty declar'd that he was forc'd to leave the City to the â—nd â—e might not be expos'd to the pernicious Designs of some Officers of Parliament who held secret Intelligence with the Enemies of the State Adding withal That he hop'd the Citizens would continue faithful â—o his Service and prove stedfast in their Duâ—â—â—â— and that in a few days they should farther understand his pleasure Howâ—verâ— The Citizens no sooner understood that the King was gone but the Tumult began to wax very great in Paris They exclaim'd after a most dreadful manner against the Cardinal against the Prince against the Queen and against all that carry'd away the King For the Parisâ—ans took his going away for a Force that had been put upon him But they were so enrag'd when they heard that the same day the King was carry'd to St. Germains that it had been resolv'd in Council to block up Paris that far from being consternated they shew'd an extraordinary Resolution and declar'd themselves prepar'd for all manner of Events But the Parliament who more readily foresaw the dismal Consequences of a Civil War were not so resolute as the People And therefore the first time they met which was upon the 7th of Ianuary they sent the King 's immediate Servants with their Submissionsâ— and very Advantageous Offers But those Commissioners were sent back without being heard which extreamly exasperated their Minds So that the Parliament meeting again upon the 18 th declar'd Mazâ—â—iâ— an Enemy to the State and order'd him to depart the Kingdom in Eight days with full liberty after that for all the King's Subjects to fall upon him where-ever they met him And at the same time they deliver'd out Commissions for the raising of Soldiersâ— and took all the Precautions needful upon such Occasions In the mean time the Prince with about six or seven thousand men which were the Remains of the Army last Summer block'd up Paris seizing upon Lagni Corbect St. Cloud St. Denis and Charenton On the other side the Duke d' Elbocut his Three Sons the Duke of Brissack â— and the Marquis de la Boulays went and offer'd their Services to the Parliament and after thatâ— the Prince of Conâ—i the Duke of Longueville the Prince of Marsellac and Monsieur de Noimouster did the same The Parliament nominated the Prince of Conâ—i for Generalissimo and the Duke d' Elbocut for General and afterwards join'd the Duke of Bouillon and Marshal de la Mothe in equal Commission with ' em As for the Duke of Longueville he would not accept of any Employment because he could have none that was conformable to his Rank or none but such as equall'd him with his Inferiorsâ— so that he was only present at the Prince of Conâ—i's Councils to give his Advice When the Prince understood that Conti and Longueville had privately left St. Germans in the night and were got into Paris he went from Charenton to the Court where he thunder'd most terribly against ' em But that was no impediment but that the Parisian Party bâ—gaâ— to grow numerous having now got among 'em a Prince of the Blood and another Prince almost absolute in his Government of Normandy De la Mothe also was become considerable in the Armies but the Duke of Bouillon much more For besides that he was deeply known in the Affairs of the World that he was stout and understood the Art of War to perfection he was endow'd with an easie fluent natural and insinuating Eloquence he had a neat Wit fertile in Expedients and proper to maintain the most difficult Affairs a clâ—â—r Sâ—nse and a discerning Judgment And besidesâ—â—e was engag'd in a strict Tye with Marshal Tâ—â—eâ—ne his Brother who at that time commanded the Army in Germany Thereupon the Prince who look'd upon these two Brothers to be his Friends and Persons of great weight wrote to the Duke of 〈◊〉 â— that he was afraid he took it for granted thâ—t the Prince believ'd he had a hand in Conti and Longâ—evill's with drawing from the Court for which reason he was desirous to disabuse him and then conjâ—r'd him to return to St. Germains where he would procure him all manner of satisfaction touching his particular Interests But the Duke of Bouillon caus'd the Letter to be read in Parliament So that the Court finding they could not depend upon him and being moreover inform'd of Turenne's disaffection to theiâ— Cause the King and the Prince who was in great Reputation among the German Troops wrote to the several Collonels not to acknowledge him any longâ—r for General but to quit him which they did The Duke of Beaufort also who had been wandring about in the Provinâ—es upon the Loire ever since his Esâ—ape from Vincennes got to Paris in the time of the Troubles and offer'd his Service to the Parliament whâ—â—lear'd him of the Accusation of having conspir'd against Mazarin's Life receiv'd him as a Peer of France and made him one of their Generals In the mean time the King's Forces possess'd all â—he Posts round about Paris and though the Parliament's â—â—my was more numerous their Generals â—â—ver stirr'd to open any Passage so that Provisions could noâ— get into the City but with great difficulty from 〈◊〉 in regard that the Prince could not put a Garison in Bâ—â—ys Conte-Robert for fear of dividing his Forcesâ— and for that he had quitted Charenton which Câ—nâ—â— had made himself master of â—ut the Prince consâ—â—eâ—ing the Importance of thâ—â— Post which securâ—d the Pâ—â—isia◠〈…〉 and â—or that he long'd to begin wiâ—â— some Action â—hat might render his Forces formidableâ— He resolâ—'d to attack itâ— though the Parisiâ—n had put tâ—ree thousand Men into it Advancing thereâ—ore with the Duke of Oâ—leâ—nâ— and all the Princes and Lords of thâ— Courtâ— upon the 18th of February he committed
were come to join ' em The Prince during his Imprisonment at Vincennes had written a long and elegant Discourse to justifie his Innocency to all France and to all the world and to display the Malice of his Grand Enemy The beginning of this Discourse was put into the hands of a considerable person by a Soldier who being won by 〈◊〉 â— was wont to bring News how the Duke did and â—hen the Princes were carri'd to Marcoussy anothâ—r Soldier that escap'd in the hurry brought the Remiâ—der The Piece is nervously and eloquently compil'd and justifies that the Illustrious Author knew more then how to manage his Sword Had it not beeâ— so long as it is we would have inserted it in this History but it would almost compose a Tome of iâ— self 'T is enough to let you know That the Prince all along keeps within the Bounds of Respect to their Majesties and that without murmuring at theâ—â— Orders he discovers the Malice of those who had rais'd so great a Persecution against him and gives admirable and home Answers to all their false Accusations But thaâ— you may the better see both the Accusations â—â—d the principal Answers we shall here insert the King's Letter to the Parliament of Pâ—ris concerning the Prince's Imprisonment and another from a private person to the Parliament which answers the King's Letter very home without omitting any thing essential And this last Letter which appear'd some time before their Removal induc'd the Paâ—liâ—ment to seek all the most proper ways to releasâ— the Princes from such an Unjust Captivity The King's Letter to the Parliament of Paris touching the Imprisonment of the Princes THE Resolution which we have been forc'd to take by the Advice of the Queen Regent our mâ—sâ— Honour'd Lady and Mother to secâ—re our Persoâ—s from our Cousins the Princes of Conde and Conti and the Duke of Longueville is of that Importance for the Welfare of our Service that altho we owe to God alonâ— the Account of our Actions and oâ— the Administration of our Kingdom we thought however that we could not let both you and the Publick know too soon the Motives that induc'd 〈◊〉 to it to the end that all our Subjects being informâ—â— of the absolute Necessity which through the ill Conduct of those Princes and the Duke constrain'd us to proceed with so much Rigor to prevent the irreparable Mischiefs that threaten'd this Monarchy may all redouble their Affection and concur so far as lies in their power with us in that aim which we propose to our selves to establish a firm Tranquility within our Kingdom as having understood by experience to bring our Enemies to reason whose opposition to Peace proceeds from no other cause but only in hopes that the Divisions which have for some time vex'd this Kingdom will at length turn all things Topsie-turvie which by the Assistance of God we hope to prevent We promise our selves that the Remembrance which all Christendom will resume of the Moderation and Mildness of our Counsels which we have follow'd since our coming to the Crown which has been such that often what has proceeded from our natural Indulgence or Prudence for other stronger Reasons has been imputed to the weakness of our Government will convince every body That we had not had recourse to this last Remedy till after we had found all others were of no force And in truth when we were to deliberate upon the Arresting a Prince of our Blood whom we have always tenderly lov'd and who is otherwise highly to be valu'd for his many Noble Qualities a Prince so often victorious over his Enemies against whom he has so frequently signaliz'd his Courage Certain it is that tho he soon made an ill use of that Honour which we gave him the opportunity to purchase and that his proceedings in divers Enterprizes have given us just occasion from time to time to 〈◊〉 his Deâ—igns we could not without extreme 〈◊〉 determine his Imprisonment and we â—â—uld have wink'd at all the Imprudences of his evil Câ—â—â—â—ct but only the imminent danger that the Kiâ—gdom was in to be torn in piecesâ— and unless we 〈◊〉 palpably discern'd that considering the way which the said Prince took and wherein he made large steps every day one of these two mischiefs was inevitable Either the utter destruction or the Diâ—â—olution of this Monarchy by the ruin of our Authority upon the preservation of which principally dâ—pends the Tranquility and Happiness of the people which God has submitted to our Obedience It is so nâ—tural to all men to love their own works and to desire as much as in 'em lies the kind acceptation and merit of 'em that there is no body witâ—out doubt but will presume in regard we have afforâ—â—d opportunities to our Cousin by means of those Military Employments wherewith we have entrusted him to acâ—uire a high Reputation and for that we have â—eap'd upon his Family and his own Person Favours of all sorts no body we dare say will believe that unlâ—ss Necessity had compell'd us we would hâ—â—e been willing to have lost the fruits of all our Favoursâ— and to have depriv'd our selves of the Services which our Cousin might have done us both by his Counsels and Performances in times of difficulty such as are those of a long Minority had he not deâ—iated so far as he has done from the Path of his Dutyâ— or if he could have satisfy'd his Ambition with living the Richest Subject this day in Christendom And câ—â—tâ—inly upon due consideration of the vast Settlements that belong to his Family either in Employments or Governments of Provinces or great Towns in Lands or Ready-Money or Church Reâ—â—nues it must be acknowledg'd that so many Favourâ— nor so considerable as we have conferr'd upon our said Coâ—sin were never in so short a time bestow'd upon any one Family not to reck'n in ouâ—â—rants to his Relations and Friends at his Requesâ— and out of the Respect we had for him He cannot deny but that he holds at this day from our Bounty solely all that he enjoys of Places or Governments in regard all became vacant upon the Death of our Dear Cousin his Father and that it was in our full Power to have dispos'd of 'em to such other persons as we should have thought sit to have preferr'd before him But to go a little higher every body may call to mind how that so soon as the Queen Regent our most Honour'd Lady and Mother foresaw the Misfortune wherewith Heaven was about to afflict France by the loss of the Deceased King our most Honour'd Lord and Father and that there was no longer any hopes of recovering a Health so precious to the Kingdom she apply'd her self to obtain the good will of our said Cousins giving order so soon as she was design'd Regent in the King 's â—houghts to those in whom that Great Prince put greatest Confidence to make it their business to perswade him to confer
Bourdeaux being tir'd with the length and danger of the Siege likewise wish'd for a Peace the Court Cabals and the Duke dâ— Espernon us'd their utmost Endeavours to dispose the rest of the City to desire it also To this end the Parliament sent Deputies to Bourg where the Duke of Orleance's Deputies were arriv'd before to make Propositions of Peace He desir'd the Princess of Conde and the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault likewise to send theirs But whereas those Dukes design'd nothing but the Liberty of the Princes and could not consent to a Peace without that Condition they barely contented themselves with not opposing a thing which it was not in their Power to hinder and so refus'd to send any body in their Name They only desir'd the Deputies to be mindful of their Security and the Liberty of the Princess and the Duke d' Enguien as well as of all the others who had been engag'd in the Interest of the Princes together with the re-establishment of every one The Deputies went to Bourg and concluded a Peace without communicating the Articles of it either to the Princess or to the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault The Conditions of the Treaty were 1. That the King should be receiv'd in Bourdeaux in the same manner as he us'd to be receiv'd in the other Cities of his Kingdom 2 ly That the Forces which had defended the Town should march out of it and might safely go to joyn Monsieur de Turenne's Army 3 ly That all the Priviledges belonging to the City and Parliament should be maintain'd 4 ly That Chateau Trompette should remain demolish'd The Princess of Conde and the Duke d' Enguien were allow'd to go to Montrond where the King wouâ—d keep a small Garrison for their Safety which Garrison the Princess should chuse her self The Duke de Bouillon retir'd to Turenne and the Duke de la Rochefoucault to his Government of Poitou The Princess the Duke d' Enguien together with the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rochefoucâ—ult departed at the same time from Bourdeaux for Contras The Marshal de la Meilleraye who was going to Bourdeaux met the Princess upon the Water and propos'd to her to see the King and Queen putting her in hopes that perhaps the King would grant to the Prayers and Tears of a Woman what he had thought himself oblig'd to refuse when demanded by Force of Arms. In fine notwithstanding this Princess's repugnancy to go to Court the Dukes of Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault prevail'd with her to follow the Duke de la Meillerays's Advice to the end that no body might Reproach her with having omitted any thing for the Liberty of her Husband The Dukes themselves in the sequel us'd their Endeavours to the same end They had great Conferences with Cardinal Mazarin in order to perswade him to put the Princes at Liberty They told him that the Princes would be so much the more oblig'd to him for it in that they were sensible that he could not be constrain'd to it by War That it would be very Glorious for him to make all Europe sensible that it had been in his Power to Ruine and to Re-establish the Prince of Conde at pleasure That the proceeding of the Frondeurs evidently shew'd that they intended to make themselves Masters of the Princes in order to ruin them to the end that they might afterwards ruin him the more easily or else to put them at Liberty thereby to engage them to joyn with them for the Queen's and his Ruin That the War was at an end in Guienne but that the desire of renewing it in the whole Kingdom would never end without the Princes being put at Liberty That he ought to credit them the more by reason that they made no scruple to tell him so while they were in his Power and had no Security but his Word That the Cabals were renewing on all parts in the Parliament of Paris and in all the other Parliaments of the Kingdom to procure the Liberty of the Princes and to 〈◊〉 them out of his hands That they declar'd to himâ— that they would favour whatever Designs tended to get them out of Prison and that all they could do for him was to wish they might be oblig'd to him fo it preferrably to any others This Discourse shook the Cardinal and rais'd some Jealousie in the Duke of Orleance and the Frondeurs when they heard of it the which enclin'd them to unite themselves again with the Princes Friends and to seek new means to ruin the Cardinal In the mean time the King and Court departed for Paris and the Cardinal passing through Blois began to express a great deal of discontent in relation to Madame de Chevreuse who seem'd to be so â—ar engag'd in the Coadjutor's Interest that she had desir'd him to procure a Cardinal's Cap for that Prelate After the Court was arriv'd at Fontainbleau Madame de Chevreuse notwithstanding this persisted in representing Viva Voce to his Eminency what she had propos'd to him in Writing concerning the Coadjutor but she could not avoid a Refusal However the Cardinal having afterwards reflected upon all the Reasons that had been propos'd to him by this Dutchess and moreover dreading her Active Spirit her Credit Cunning and Revenge he judg'd it best to dissemble for some time and to give her some kind of hopes until he had caus'd the Princes to be remov'd in a secure and strong Place being at his disposal where neither the Coadjutor nor even the Duke of Orleance himself might be able to procure their Liberty He therefore caus'd some body to tell Madame de Chevreuse who was gone to Paris by the Queen's Order that indeed he foresaw great Inconveniencies in granting her Request but yet that he was resolv'd to satisfie her and that he would content her as soon as he camâ— to Paris in case she advis'd him once more to pâ—â—â—uâ—e a Cardinal's Cap for the Coadjutor lest he â—â—ould change Sides and joyn with those who desired the Liberty of the Princes In the mean time he dispos'd all things for their immediate removal to Havre in order to be soon in a condition to declare himself publickly and openly to refuse what was exacted from him To that end the Queen told the Duke of Orleance that the Princes were not in a safe place and propos'd to him to take them into his Custody and to put them in some Place of his own until the King's Minority Monsieur rejected the Proposition and resisting the Queen's Intreaties with all his might she added that since he refus'd to take them in charge himself she desir'd him at least to consent that the Princes might be remov'd in some place that were strong of it self in order to avoid the extraordinary Expences that were necessary to Guard them in so weak a place The Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and
the Government of Stenay which was vacant by the Death of la Moussaie So that this Action of Marsin may bear two very different Construâ—tions Those who will consider him abandoning â— Province the King had entrusted him with will find him very disloyal and those who will look upon him running after most pressing and almost indispensible Obligations will believe him a very worthy Gentleman Few Persons of sense will dare to say that he is Guilty or declare him Innocent In fine both those that are against him and those that favour him will agree in pitying of him the one for a Fault he was necessitated to commit the others for having acquitted himself of what he ow'd by a fault The Court was at that time at Poitiers as I have said and Monsieur de Chateauneuf possess'd in appearance the first Place in Affairs altho' the Cardinal still possess'd it in Effect Nevertheless this Old Man's firm decisive familiar way of proceeding directly opposite to the Cardinal 's began to give a relish to his Ministry and even began to please the Queen The Cardinal was too well inform'd thereof to suffer him to gain any more ground and it is very probable that he judg'd his return absolutely necessary to remedy the Evil he dreaded in his own particular since otherwise he little consulted the Interest of the State in so much that thereby he afforded the Duke of Orleance and the Parliament of Paris a Pretence to declare against the Court. The Marshal d' Hoquincourt was order'd to receive Cardinal Mazarin upon the Frontiers Luxemburg with 2000 Horse and to attend 〈◊〉 where the King should be He cross'd the Kinâ—â—dom without the least molestation and arriv'd Poitiers as much Master of the Court as he had 〈◊〉 been They affected to give Monsieur de Chaâ—eaâ—neuf little share in this Return but still withoâ—â— altering any thing in the rest as to the exâ—eâ—iouâ— oâ— giving him the least mark of disfavour Thâ— Cardinal himself made some advances to him buâ— he being unwilling to expose himself and conâ—â—â—dering that it was neither safe nor honourable foâ— a Man of his Age and Experience to continue 〈◊〉 the management of Affairs under his Enemy anâ— that he should undoubtedly continually be expos'â— to whatever Mortifications he should be pleas'd tâ— impose upon him he took this Pretence to retire that whereas by his Advice it had been resolv'â— that the King should remove to Angouléme thaâ— Design was alter'd without having communicated it to him and at the same time the Siege of Anâ—gers resolv'd upon contrary to his Sentiments Iâ— so much that having taken his Leave of the King he retir'd to Tours The Court departed soon after to go to Anger 's where the Duke de la Rochefoucault had made the People rise and that Province had declar'd it self for the Prince at the very time that the Duke of Orleance and the Paâ—liament of Paris joyn'd with him against the Court. All France seem'd in suspence in expectation of the Event of that Siege which might have produc'd great Consequences had the Defence of it prov'd long enough or vigorous enough to stop the King For besides that the Prince thereby might have secur'd the best Places and best Neighbouring Provinces it is most certain that the Example of the Duke of Orleance and of the Parliament of Paris would have been follow'd by the most considerable part of the Kingdom In effect had the Court been forc'd to raise that Siege it would have been reduc'd to great Extreams and the King's Person had been expos'd to great dangersâ— had it happen'd at the time the Duke of Nemours entred France with the Army from Flanders and the Prince's Old Troops without meeting any Resistance This Army pass'd the River Seine at Mâ—nte where the Duke of Beaufort who commanded the Duke of Orleance's Forces joyn'd the said Duke of Nemours and together march'd with an Army of 7000 Foot and 3000 Horse towards the River Loire where they were certain of Blois and Orleance But whether Anger 's were not in a Condition to hold out a Siege by the Division of the Inhabitants or whether the Duke de Rohan was unwilling to venture his Life and Fortune in confiding in People that seem'd wavering and astonish'd he deliver'd up the place to the King without much Resistance and was allow'd to retire to the Duke of Orleance at Paris Things were in this condition when the Prince remov'd from La Bergerie where he had remain'd three Weeks without Count d' Harcourt's who was on the other side of the River at Tonay Charante and Master of the Bridge of Boats having undertaken any thing against him Nevertheless as the Number and Goodness of his Forces was very much inferiour to the King's Army he avoided the occasions of being constrain'd to so unequal a Combat To that end he march'd to la Bernette three Leagues distant from the King's Army in order to have more time to consider in case they should march up to him He remain'd there some time without any considerable Action on either side But finding that far from making any Progress in that Country he was not able to remain there in sight of Count d' Harcourt he turn'd all his thoughts to the preservation of Guienne and to Fortifie the Cities that were in his Party To that end he resolvd to march thither with his Army and believ'd himself capable to maintain Saintonge for some time in leaving on the one side the Count du Doignon in the Garrisons the Spaniards at Talmont and the Prince of Tarente in Saintes and Taillebourg to hasten their Fortifications Having thus given his Orders he caus'd his Infantry and his Baggage to march to Talmont in order to be Transported by Sea to Bourdeaux and after a long march with his Cavalry the first day he stopt the second at St. Andras within four Leagues of Bourdeaux believing himself without the Enemy's reach But Count d' Harcourt who had follow'd him close arriv'd within sight of his Quarter when he least suspected it and would certainly have forc'd it had his foremost Troops entred it without hesitation whereas they plac'd themselves in Battalia over against St. Andras whilst the others attack'd the Quarter of Baltazar who repuls'd them with Vigour and came to joyn the Prince who got on Horse back at the very first noise They remain'd some time in sight but the Night proving very dark there was no Combat and the Prince retir'd without any loss being more oblig'd to the Enemies over-great precaution for his Safety than to his own Count d' Harcourt follow'd him no farther and the Prince persisting in the Design of going to Bergerac in order to Fortifie it pass'd at Libourne of which the Count of Maure was Governour and left Orders with him for the continuation of some Out-works The Marshal de la Force arriv'd at Bergerac just as he did with his Son the Marquess of Castelnau who commanded
abovesaid shall be really and truly return'd to him or to those the said Prince being in France shall Commit and Depute to take in his Name the Possession of the said Estates c. and to serve him in the administration or management of the same As also that Restitution shall be made to him or his said Deputies of all the Titles Instruments and other Writings left by him at the time of his going out 〈…〉 Kiâ—â—dom in the Houses belonging to the said 〈◊〉 and Lordships or elsewhere And that the â—aid 〈◊〉 shall â—e râ—stor'd to the true and real Possession and 〈◊〉 of his said Dutchies Countiâ—s Lands Lordâ—â—â—â— aâ—d Demains with such Rights Authorities 〈◊〉 Presidial Seats Royal Cases Pre 〈…〉 and conferring of Benefices Nominations of 〈◊〉 Favours and Preheminences or Prerogatives â—â—ich â—e and his Predecessors did enjoy as he enjoy'd 〈◊〉 before his going out of the Kingdom But that 〈◊〉 â—â—â—ll leavâ— Bellegarde and Montrond in the same Coâ—dition they are at present For the performing of 〈◊〉 â—ll His Majesty's Letters Patent thereunto necessâ—â—â— shall be granted him in as good a form as he shall râ—â—â—ire or desire without his being lyable to be disturb'd â—â—â—â—â—cuted or troubled in the said Possession and Enâ—â—â—â—ent by the said Lord King his Heirs Successors 〈◊〉 Oâ—ficers directly or indirectly any Donations or Gifts 〈◊〉 or Iâ—corporations that may have been made of the said Dutchies Counties Lands Lordships and Deâ—aiâ—s Estates Honours Dignities and Prerogatives of first Prince of the Blood notwithstanding or whatâ—â—er derogatory Clauses Constitutions or Ordinances coâ—trary thâ—reunto Neither shall the said Prince his Heâ—râ— and Sâ—ccessors by reason of what he may have 〈◊〉 either in France before his going from thence or 〈◊〉 of the Kingdom after his departure from thence 〈◊〉 â—or any Treaties Correspondencies by him made and 〈◊〉 with any Princes or persons of any Condition or Qualiâ—y soever be lyable to be molested troubled or 〈◊〉 But that all Proceedings Decrees even that of the Parliament of Paris bearing date the 27th of March oâ— the Year 1654. Iudgments Sentences and other Acts which are already past against the said Prince eiâ—her in Civil or Criminal Cases unless he has volunâ—arily contested in a Civil Suit shall remain void and of no Effect and shall never be prosecuted as if they had never been And as to what relates to the Demain of Albret which the said Prince enjoyed before his going out of France the which His Majesty has since otherwise disposed of he will in lieu thereof give the said â—rince the Demain of Bourbonnois on the same Conditions the Exchange of the said two Demains had already been adjusted before the said Prince's going out of the Kingdom 9. As to the Relations Friends Creatures Adherents or Domesticks of the said Prince either Ecclesiasticks or Lay-men that have followed his Party they may by Vertue of the Pardons and Indemnities heretofore mentioned in the 7th Article return into France with the said Prince and fix their abode in what place they shall think fit And shall be restored like the other Subjects of the two Kings to the peaceable possession and enjoyment of their Estates Honours and Dignities excepting the Places Offices and Governments they possessed before their going out of the Kingdom the said Estates Honours and Dignities to be by them enjoyedâ— in the same manner they held and did possess them But still without pretending to any Restitution of the Enjoyments thereof for the time past either from those on whom His Majesty shall have bestowed them oâ— in any other manner whatever As also they shall be restored to their Rights Names Dues Actions or Plâ—as Successions Inheritances fallen to them or to the Children or Widows of the deceased during their absence out of the Kingdom and their Goods shall be returned them if still in Being And his Majesty in Consideration of the Peace declares all Proceedings and Decrees Void and of no Effect excepting what relates to their said Places Offices and Governments even â—hat of the Parliament of Paris bearing date the 27 th of March 1654. as well as all Sentences Iudgments Adjudications Donations Incorporations and other Acts that may have been given against them or their Heirs for their having followed the Party of the said Prince 〈◊〉 that as well in Civil as Criminal Cases unless in 〈◊〉 Civil matters as they have voluntarily contested 〈◊〉 that neither they nor their Heirs shall â—ver be 〈◊〉 to be prosecuted disturbed or troubled for the 〈◊〉 For the performance of all which Premisses His 〈◊〉 Christian Majesty will cause all necessary Letters 〈◊〉 to be expedited both for the said Prince his Relaâ—ions Friends Creatures Adherents and Dome 〈…〉 whether Ecclesiasticks or Lay-men containing 〈◊〉 Premises in secure and due form Which Letters 〈◊〉 shall be delivered to them as soon as the said Prince on his part shall have performed the Contents of 〈◊〉 three Articles 2 3 4 of this present Treaty 10. In performance of what is contained in the Sixth Article of this present Treaty by which His Most Chriâ—â—â—â— Majesty is obliged to give unto the said Prince of Conde and to the said Duke of Enguien his Son the Governments and the Place therein specified and his Catholick Majesty promises and obliges himself on his 〈◊〉 upon the Faith and Word of a King to remove 〈◊〉 of the City Citadel or Castle of Juliers the Spaâ—â—sh Garrison which lyes in the said City Citadel or 〈◊〉 and whatever other Forces have lately been put 〈◊〉 them or might again be sent thither in order to Reinforce the Garrison Leaving in the said City and Citadel all the Artillery that is mark'd with the Arms 〈◊〉 the House of Cleves or Juliers or that has belonged 〈◊〉 them And as for the remainder of the said Artillery 〈◊〉 â—unition and Instruments of War his said â—ajesty has in the said City and Castle of Juliers it â—â—â—ll â—e free for him to remove them Leaving the said 〈◊〉 Câ—tadel or Castle of Juliers to the possession of 〈◊〉 said Duke of Newburg or such as shall be appointed by him to receive it in the same Quality as he possesses the State of Juliers The said Duke first deâ—â—â—â—â—ing unto his Catholick Majesty a Writing in due form signed by his own Hand to the Satisfaction of his said Catholick Majesty whereby he obliges himself not to Sell Alienate or Engage the said City Citadel or Castle to any one or any other Princes or private Persons And that he shall neither put or establish any Garrison there but of his own Forces As also to grant his said Catholick Majesty when ever he shall have occasion for it a pâ—ssage for his Forces either through the said City or through the State of Juliers his said Majesty paying at his own Cost and Charges the Expence of the passage of the said Forces which shall be performed by regulated Days and reasonable Marches without being allowed to sojourn or remain in
Duke of Enguien who aspir'd to a higher Alliance shewed at first a Reluctancy to match himself into the Family of that Minister and that he stood upon his Punctilioes like a Person of great Honour and Gallantry But in regard that Cardinal Richlieu to speak properly was then King some there are who say that Lewis XIII gave him to understand that 't was his Pleasure to have the Match concluded unless he had a mind to incur his Anger and that the Cardinal whose will was a Law had layd a Contrivance to have him arrested under some specious pretence if he should hesitate never so little upon the Proposal which was made him nay if he did not make the first steps of Courtship to the Lady However it were the Duke of Enguien went to visit the Cardinal who at that time was at Ruel So that the Match was concluded at that Visit and the 11 th of February the Nuptial Ceremonies were perform'd with Royal Magnificenâ—e War as I have already said being the prevailing Passion that sway'd the Duke of Enguien no sooner the French took the Field in the Year 1641. but he accompani'd Marshal de Meilâ—eray into Elanders and was at the Siege of Aire which was a most remarkable Siege and where he signaliz'd himself with no less Gallentry then in the Trenches of Arras Aire Surrender'd upon Composition but the Spanish Garrison was hardly march'd out of the Town before the Spaniards made themselves Masters of Lilâ—ers and immediately after were resolv'd to fall upon the French in their Lines or to starve 'em in their Entrenchments if they refus'd to fight General Lamboy's Army which the Spaniards had brought into Alsatia puft up with the Victory which they had won at La Marfee near Sedan march'd just before the Van-guard in the very Face of the French Army Of which so soon as Marshal Gassion had Intelligence he Salli'd out of the Camp with a part of his Regiment to observe the March of the Enemy and to Charge 'em in the Rear if they pass'd forward But he was so surpriz'd to see so numerous an Army making towards him that he retreated about a Mile and made a stand upon a Rising Ground at the corner of a little Copse where he stood secure But that which stopt the Marshal de Gassion could not stop the Duke of Enguien who being mounted a Horseback in Company with Marshal de la Meilleray and about three or fourscore Lords and some Volunteers to view the Enemy advanc'd so far that all of a suddain they found themselves environ'd with two great Squadrons of Horse from which they had much ado to free themselves but at length they did get rid of 'em in such a manner as redounded highly to their Honour For after a short but very hot Conflict for the time they regain'd their Linâ—s without much loss and particular Commendations were bestow'd upon the Young Duke for the Bravery and undaunted Courage which he had shew'd upon that Occasion In the Year 1642. Lewis XIII being desirous to make himself Master of Perpignan he order'd the Marshalls de Schombâ—rg and Meilleray to besiege it and that great Monarch was present in Person at the Siege for some time Nor could the D. of Enguien who follow'd the King fail of Employment in an Enterprize of that Nature He commanded the Gentry and Nobility of Languedoc and behav'd himself with so much Honour that the Town being constrain'd to yield aâ—ter a Resistance of four Months believ'd she could not make a more glorious Surrender then by delivering the Keys of her Gates to the Young Prince How many Lives would those Marks of Valour have suffis'd to Honour which the Duke of Enguien gave in his first three Campaignes He shew'd an Ability to Command so extraordinary moâ—e especially at the Siege of the last Place that Lewis XIII who in part had been a Witness of his great Actions thought he could not do France a greater piece of Service then to put him at the Head of his Armies After the taking of Perpignan which was attended with the Surrender of Salces and the total Reduction of the whole Country of Roussillon Cardinal Richlieu dy'd upon the 4 th of December 1642. All People imagin'd that upon the Death of that Minister the Face of Affairs would have strangely alter'd and that Lewis the XIII who had been as it were a Slave for twenty Years together would take that opportunity to break his Chains But through a strange Fatality not easie to be parallel'd that Prince who had boasted upon the News of the Câ—rdinals Death that now he should begin to be a King had not however the Courage to shake off so base and ignominious a Yoke and notwithstanding the aversion he had for the Memory of that Cardinal he saw himself constrain'd through his own Cowardliness not only to dissemble one part of his Sentiments but to authorize the Disposal which that Minister had made by his last Will of the Principal Employments and most important Preferments in the Kingdom In a word the Kindred and Favourites of Cardinal Richlieu enjoy'd all the Advantages which he had procur'd 'em altogether as peaceably after his Death as they did in his life-Life-time And Cardinal Mazarin who was the only Person of all his Creatures in whom he most confided and who was most deeply engag'd in his Interests was made choice of to Succeed him in the Government of Affairs Buâ— according to all probability there was some Prospect of a suddain Change For Lewis XIII had so long labour'd under a decaying and languishing Distemper that there was no hope of any Cure and then all People believ'd that so soon as the Queen or the Duke of Orleance camâ— to the Regency that Richlieu's Party would be utterly discarded but they flaâ—ter'd themselves in vain For Cardinal Mazarin who fore-saw every thing that could happen and who moreover had very powerful Reasons to side with the Queen and preserve his Authority by that means made use of all his Power over the King to infinuate into his mind that it behov'd him of necessity to declare that Princess Regent The King was no way dispo'd to follow the Cardinals Advice For besides the little Kindness which he had for the Queen he was so ill satisfi'd with her Conduct in regard of the Tyes which he believ'd she had with the Spaniard by the Mediation of the Dutchess of Chevreuse who was fled for Sanctuary to Brussels and he was otherwise so preposess'd that out of the design which the Dutchess had to Marry the Duke of Orleans she had had a hand in the Conspiracy of Chalaes Grand Master of his Wardrobe who would have assassinated him that tho' he gave great Credit to the Cardinals Advice yet he would not give him any positive Answer touching that Matter And indeed the King was at a great loss which way to turn himself There was no Body could
pretend to the Regency if the Queen were Excluded or oblig'd to have a Partner and both the Queen and the Duke of Orleans were equally hateful to him But Cardinal Mazarin would not be so put off For in regard he sooth'd the Queen with every thing that could flatter her Hopes he lost no time either in solliciting the King or causing him to be importun'd in Favour of that Princess And the better to bring about his Design and that at the same time he might have the greatest part himself in the Management of Affairs he took a Resolution to propound Conditions so little to the Queens Advantage that Lewis XIII who saw himself just dropping into his Grave thankt him for having disingag'd him out of that Irresolution wherein he had hesitated so long For in short altho' he consented at last that the Queen should be declar'd Regent yet the Power which he gave her was extreamly limited that Princess not being able to undertake any thing of her self without first imparting the Business to the Counsel of which the Cardinal was to be the Chief and where things were to be carrid by Plurality of Voices But how disadvantageous soever these Conditions were to the Queen the King however thought he had done enough and the Queen and the Cardinal who had their Prospects and their Ends were highly satisfid that Things were brought to that point Nevertheless in regard the Business was not concluded and for that the Kings mind might alter the Cardinal left nothing omitted to keep the King steady in the Resolution he had taken while the Queen on her side labour'd to win to her Party all the considerable Persons in the Court of which number was the Duke of Enguien and it was a long time before she thought of him But the Duke de la Roche Foucaut who had always an Antipathy against Cardinal Richlieu and sought all Opportunities to be serviceable to the Queen having one day put it into her Head that it would be of great Advantage to her to gain this Young Prince she took it for good Advice And the Duke of Enguien who was glad of an opportunity to oppose the Authority of the Duke of Orleans who aspir'd to the Regency willingly accepted the Queens offer The Queen promis'd to prefer him before the Duke of Orleans not only by the Mark of her Esteem and Confidence but also in all Employments from whence it lay in her Power to Exclude the Duke of Orleans by such ways as they two should agree upon together and which mighâ— not provoke that Prince to a Rupture with herâ— On the other side the Duke of Enguien promis'd to be inseparably devoted to the Queens Interest and to be beholding to her alone for all the Favours which he desir'd at Court And now the Queen thought her self strong enough when she saw her self assur'd of the support of this Young Prince and therefore relying on the other side upon the Cardinal she waited for the Kings Death with a great deal of Confidence About that time the Duke of Enguien departed to Command the Army in Flanders and lay the Foundations of those great Things which he performed with so much Honour Lewis the XIII also dy'd within a short time after that is to say the 14 th of May in 1643. the very same day that he began his Reign After the Death of this Monarch there happen'd one thing which perhaps never happen'd before in France where there is a greater regard had to the Kings Pleasure then in any other Monarchy that the Parliament of Paris which according to the Institution of it is the Trustee and Guardian of all the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and which derives its Jurisdiction only from the King cancell'd the Declaration of Lewis XIII by which as has been already said he order'd a Councel for the Regency to the end the Queen whom he thought incapable to manage the Government might be under a kind of Tutelage For the Queen Four days after the King's Death went to the Parliament and there did what she pleas'd her self in a manner so Advantageous to her self that â—here could nothing more be done the whole Asâ—embly testifying that they desir'd nothing with so â—uch fervency as that her Authority should be â—bsolute In short the Queen was confirm'd Reâ—ent by a Declaration of Parliament bearing date â—he 18 th of May. This Digression was absolutely necessary as you â—ill find by what ensues Now therefore to return â—o the Duke of Enguien while these things were â—hus transacted in France and that they were preâ—aring to carry the King's Body to St. Denis the â—paniards besieg'd Rocroy and so vigorously press'd â—he City that it was greatly to be fear'd it would â—all into the Enemies hands unless it were speedily â—uccour'd But the Duke of Enguien who was alâ—eady set forward to Command the Army in Flanâ—ers resolv'd to relieve the Place and no less â—riskly to attack the Enemy who seem'd as willing â—o come to a Battel and he perform'd what he â—ndertook as he had laid his Design This Prince was then not above Two and Twenty Years of Age and one of his Panegyrists has said and that not without doing him Justice that he had form'd â— Design which was above the reach of the Old Experienc'd Hoary-headed Captains but which Victory however justifi'd The Enemies Army â—as much more numerous then that which he Comâ—anded It was compos'd of those Old Bands of Walloons Italians and Spaniards which never had â—een broken before but all that could not make â—he Young Duke desist from his Enterprize Don â—rancisco de Melos stay'd his coming with a firm Resolution to engage him He was a Captain formidable for his Consummate Experience and for â— great many Victories which he had won and beâ—ides all that he lay entrench'd among Woods and â—oggs All the Forces of the Kingdom were â—ow to be ventur'd in one single Combat Upon that day depended the good or bad Fortune of the Regency For in short had the Duke lost that Battel it would have been impossible for France to have stopp'd a Torrent which would certainly have delug'dall Champaigne Picardy and the Neighbourhood of Paris The Consideration of so many Dangers would have terrify'd any other Person but the Duke of Enguien However never did any General appear more Sedate or more Undaunted He lay the Night preceding that famous Battel as if he had not thought of any such thing as fighting and slept so soundly that they were forc'd to wake him the next Morning This Prince who by that Battel open'd the way for so many others upon that Occasion acted not only like a Man of his Birth but like a Common Officer He was in all places where danger appear'd He receiv'd several Shot in his Cloaths and in his Boots he had a Horse wounded under him with Two Musket Bullets and he underwent all the Hazards and Fatigues of Combat
the Churâ—h of Nostre Dame in Paris â— where their Majesties were present as well as 〈◊〉 Sovereign Societies and the Corporations of the City And to the end that from this Success they might not only reap considerable Advantages over the Enemy without but over those whom the King's Council look'd upon as Enemies within the Kingdom the Câ—uncilâ— were of Opinion That it behov'd 'em to makâ— use of this favourable Opportunity which 〈◊〉 Câ—râ—mony of Te Deum presented them to seize upon some of the Principal Members of the Parliament who had started those Paradoxes which no way pleas'd the Court and were follow'd by the whole Cabal of â—he Slingers So that upon the very day that Te Deum was sung several Companies of the Regiment of Guards being posted in several Quarters of the City M. de Broussel was seiz'd against whom the Court had a particular Peek as being the Head of the Slingers He was a Councellor of the Great Chamber a Person of ancient Integrity but of no great Capacity He had been all along a great hater of Favourites and was much reverenc'd by the People who call'd him their Father Now although he run a great hazard that seiz'd him by reason of the singular affection which the People bore himâ— yet M. de Cominges undertook to do it and perform'd what he undertook He seiz'd him while the Companies of Guards were drawn up in a row in the Streets so that M. de Broussel together with M. de Blancmesviâ— Nephew to the Bishop of Beauvaise was carried with a good Guard to Bois de Vincennes Orders were also left with Mr. Laisne Councellor also of the Great Chamber to retire into Province and M. Loizel was banish'd into Montes The noise of the seizing of de Broussel was no sooner nois'd about Paris but the People betook themselves to their Arms the Chains were drawn cross the Streets the Barricado's were set up in all the Corners of the public Places and the Shops were shut up The Queen thereupon gave orders to reduce the People and suppress the Sedition but 't was impossible to be done so that the Court was constrain'd to give the Prisoners their liberty So soon as de Broussel appear'd among the People he was saluted with Volleys of small Shot and accompany'd with loud Acclamations to the Palace where he and M. Blancmesvil receiv'd the Complements of the Parliamentâ— and from thence he was conducted as it were in triumph by the same people to his Lodging Now in regard the Antipathy which the Slingers and the People had against the Cardinal were the cause of this Uproar and for that they believ'd that the good of the Kingdom requir'd that Mazarin should no longer continue in the weighty Employment of Chief Minister but rather that he should be banish'd the Parliament who found themselves encourag'd by what had happen'd persisted with redoubl'd vigour in their first Sentiments and renewâ—d their strength against the Court. And several Persons of Quality some out of Interestâ— some desirous of Change most violently engag'd to ruine the Cardinal The principal Reasons which that Party alledg'd were That it was a thing unheard of and ignominioâ—s to a flourishing Kingdom That a Foreigner and a born Subject to the King of Spain should be the prime Minister of France and that this Minister should also have so absolute a Power as to be the Umoire of War and Peaceâ— That the conferring of Honours Employments and all Favours should be at the sole disposal of his will and pleasure not to be bestow'd as the Rewards of Merit good Service high Quality but but to gratify particular devotion to his Interest That his Ambition had carried the Arms of France into Tuscany at a vast Expence and without any Advantage to the Nationâ— only to make himself formidable in Italy and to purchase Principalities for his Kindred That for his own Interests he had refus'd to admit of the Treaâ—y of Peace concluded at Munster which he had eluded by the Sedulity of Servien â— his Creature That out of Jealousie he design'd the Ruin of Marshal Gassion a little before his death That he only understood Foreign Affairs and that by his Italian Politicks he had effac'd that Confidence and good Opinion which the Consederates of France had of the Confidence and Sincerity of the French Nation which Cardinal Richlieu had establish'd during his Ministry That as for the Domestic Affairs of the Kingdom he was uncapable of managing 'em in regardâ— the State was become full of Division and Uproâ—râ— during his Government That he rul'd the Kingdom by Foreign Maxims no way agreeable to the French Nation That he had introduc'd such palpable Jugling and Tricking Quirks of State that he had expos'd an Illustrious Court to the Contempt and Railleries of all other Nations In a word That he was unable to bear so great a Burthen and that â—e had lost his Credit among the People To this Mazarin's Party made answer That 't was no such strange thing for Foreigners to have the Government of the State witness the Cardinal of Lorrain and the Cardinal of Brague the Duke of Neveâ—s â— Marshal de â—ets and Marshal de Ancre that Mazarin had been nominated to the Cardinalship by France after he had done her considerable Services That Cardinal Richlieu who understood Men had appointed him his successor in the Ministry That the deceas'd King who had a perfect knowledge of the good Qualities of all that were about him made him President of his Council after the death of Richlieu That the Queen Regent had suffer'd him to continue in the same Dignity merely through the necessity of Affairs and in obedience to the King 's last Will and Testament That all these things were approv'd by all the Wise men of the Realm and by all the Princes in league with France That having by his Services answer'd her Majesty's Expectations she could not lay him aside without doing the Kingdom an Injustice and without being ingrateful to a Servant so beneficial and so faithful That he was so far from favouring only those who were devoted to the Interests of the Court That the common Complaint wasâ— That in conferring of Honours and Employments he had too particular a regard to the Servants of the Duke oâ— Orleans and Monsieur the Prince That all Affairs were propos'd to the Council who took such Resolutions as they thought most convenient That the Accusation against him for opposing the Conclusion of the Peace was without any ground neither was it a thing probable in regard that besides the general Interestâ— his Eminency's particular Interest oblig'd him to Crown his Ministry which so many Successes had render'd glorious with a Treaty that would have eterniz'd him in the Affection of the People That it was certain the Spaniards had always cross'd that Treaty as the Duke of Longueville and the Princes themselves could testify That the Expedition against Orbitello and
Porto Longone were the most advantagious that France could have undertak'n and most proper to bring the Enemy to a speedy Peace in regard those Places would have kept in subjection those Territories which the Spaniards possess'd in Italy â— That the Independency which the Duke of Guise affected at Naples was not the Reason that the Cardinal afforded him powerful Assistance That Gassion would have set himself up in Flanders with little dependance upon the Court. That the Prince never complain'd of his not assisting him either at Catologna or any other of his Campaigns as much as lay in his power That he was constrain'd to have recourse to those Edicts to raise Moâ—ey for the Expences of the War nevertheless that the Taxes were abated That Time had sufficiently evinc'd That his transporting Money into â—taly was a meer Fabulous Story invented on purpose to disgrace him To this they added That for twenty years together he had manag'd with honour the Interests of the Princes of Europe That if the good Intelligence between France and the Vnited Provinces began to flagâ— 't was because some particular Persons had been suborn'd and corrupted by the Gold of Spain That in the Administration of State he had follow'd all the Maxims of Cardinal Richlieu only that he had â—onish'd the Cruelty of Punishments That if he had been oblig'd to promise more then he had perform'd 't was because the number of those that serv'd in France was very great and the number of Pretenders much greater That the State had never knâ—wn more Prosperity then during his Ministry and that iâ— in great Executions the honour of the Performance were due to the Generals the Contriâ—ance and Forecast belong'd to him That France had been still in quiet if every body had been unanimous in their Duty if the People had not been drawn from their Obedience by the Suggestions of Persons disaffected or rather if the Parliament who ought to be the true Model of Allegiance had not pav'd 'em a way to revolt That the Station wherein the Cardinal was had always been expos'd to the Assaults of the Hatred and Envy of all the States and by consequence 't was no wonder if sometimes an Inordinate Ambition were laid to his charge or if sometimes he were accus'd of Insufficiency However that he was happy in this That Calumny in her most Venomous Assaults had spar'd his Fidelity and never attack'd him with the least suspicion of Treachery But this Answer and Apology of Cardinal Mazarine could not hinder his Enemies from persevering in their Design to remove him from the Administration of the Government and then to Ruin him And this Design was afterwards so well confirm'd that it was decreed in the Assembly of the Chambers of the Parliament That a Solemn Deputation should be sent to the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Conde and Conty to beseech them to join with the Parliament for the effectual Remedy of the Grievances that threaten'd the Kingdom The Court was at Ruel when the Cardinal was inform'd of what had pass'd and he was deeply afflicted to see that he must be constrain'd to throw himself into the Prince's Arms and to secure his Tottering Fortune by his Support The Disorders at Paris not permitting the Prince to reap all those Advantages from the Victory of Lens which he might have done he was constrain'd to bound his Conquests with the taking of Lens And so soon as that Place was taken he return'd to Court at what time all People beheld him with admiration For besides that he was endow'd with so many noble so many excellent and rare Qualities besides the many Signal Victories he had won he had had no share in the Troubles insomuch that both Parties look'd upon him as their Defender and belâ—ev'd they might shelter themselves under his Laurels from all manner of troublesome Accidents And indeed had he harbour'd at that time those Thoughts in his Breast which his Enemies afterwards imputed to him questionless he would have made the best of Opportunities so favourable For in truth the low condition of the Court and Publick Admiration equally concurr'd to his Exaltation and to the Execution of the most Ambitious Designs which he could have had in his Head So that in regard he study'd then so little to court the People and to manage the Exasperations of those whose Sentiments and Conduct were most opposite to the Regency and the Cardinal 't is manifest he had no such design as he was accus'd to have at that time The Prince had admitted two great Men to be his Confidents both Persons of Signal Merit but opposite in their Judgments as to the Affairs that made so great a noise These were the Duke of Chatillon and Marshall Grammont The first whose Person and Family were bound in the strictest Tyes of Alliance with the Prince labour'd to perswade him to declare for the Parliament or at least to make himself Umpire of the Differences with all the Neutraliâ—y imaginable The other Engag'd by all manner of Interests with the Court spent a large stock of pleasing Eloquence to oblige him to side with the Court But the Prince upon this occasion laid a Comtraint upon his own Temper râ—mote from moderate ways and wrote together with the Duke of Orleance to the Parliament exhorting 'em to fend Commissioners to St. Germains â— and to put an end to their Differences in a Conference Which Conference terminated in an Authentick Declaration of the Kingâ—s which gâ—ve some Respiâ— to the Publiâ—k Differences and for that the Straâ—agems of the Enemies of the Court prevail'd so far that they openly dâ—manded the Ruin of thâ— Cardinal the Couâ—â— thought it their best way to have recourse â—o â—he Duke of Orleans and the Prince And in regard the Mischief had penetrated so far that it was not tâ— bâ— Eradicated but by strong Medicaments they werâ— of Opinion at the same time that the Natural Modâ—ration of the Duke of Orleâ—nâ— and his peaceable Teâ—per would not be so proper as the Prince's more Vigorous Heat besides that the Reputation of so great a Captain the Splendour of his Victories and â—he Assistance of his Army would strike a Terrour into the Male-contentâ—â— so that the Court labour'd might and main to gain him The Queen made use of all the most powerful and perswasive Motives descending even to Tears and the most melting Expressionsâ— telling him She look't upon him as her third Son The Cardinal also protested that he should be all his Life time devoted to his Will and Pleasure with an Absolute Submiâ—sion The King likewise tenderly embracing him recommends to him the welfare of the Kingdom and the safety of his Person But notwithstanding all these Caresses Marshall Grammont and Le Fellier were the Persons who fully determin'd him to take the Court Party They laid before him that by degrees the Parliament would invade all Authority That without confining their
Ambition within the Bounds of the Declaration of the Conference at St. Gerâ—ans they would not only take â—ognizance of the Affairs of War but also dispose of the Fortune of Ministers of State change 'em remove 'em and settle others in their rooms aâ— their pleasureâ— that there was reason enough to feaâ— that aâ— length they would Attacque the most priviledg'd Persons in the Kingdom that the Condiâ—ion o◠〈…〉 liament would be a Dignity to be 〈◊〉 if they come once to impose Laws upon 〈…〉 and the Condition of the Princes 〈…〉 be more miserable should they 〈…〉 to creep to ' em That this new sort 〈…〉 woâ—nded the Constitution of the Monar 〈…〉 which was Absolute and Indepenâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 it was particularly contrary to the Con 〈…〉 and the Institution of French Par 〈…〉 Tâ—at if any Abuses were crept into the 〈◊〉 â—hey ought to be reform'd by the Assem 〈…〉 General and not by the Decrees 〈…〉 whose Suffrages carry things rather b◠〈◊〉 then consideration That every time the 〈◊〉 hâ—d exceeded the Bounds of their Duty they had been always severely check'd sometimes by 〈…〉 King sometimes by Henry IV. sometâ—â—â—s by Charlâ—s IX and other Kings their Predecâ—â—â—ors upon less dangerous Occasions then what 〈◊〉 noâ— in Dispute That Great Empires were neâ—er supported by Cowardly Counsels That he 〈…〉 Trial of his Coâ—rage and his Forces in 〈◊〉 â— Weighty Conjuncture and that the Justâ—â—â— of Soveâ—aigns consisted in their Power That he◠〈…〉 of Conde was concern'd to support the Cardâ—â—â—lâ— because the Resolutions which had been tak'n 〈◊〉 â—he Person of his Eminency tended to the Dâ—â—â—rucâ—ion of the Royal Family and that if the 〈◊〉 of Orleans and himself did not stand firm and 〈◊〉 oppose an Enterprize of this Nature the 〈◊〉 with her Children would be constrain'd to imploâ—â— tâ—e Aid of the Princes in League with the 〈◊〉 Now besides that the Prince believ'd that the lit 〈…〉 the Parliament had taken to conform to the 〈◊〉 wounded the Honour of those that were 〈…〉 the Conference and undermin'd the Foun 〈…〉 the Peâ—ce that had been Establish'd these Discourses made so deep an Impression in his Mind that he would no longer hear of a Neutrality so that abandoning all his Care of losing the Affection of the Publick he had recourse to those Thoughts which inclin'd him to the most violent Extremities In short going along with the Duke of Orleans to the Palace he carried himself with so much Heat and Passion as did him a great deal of Injury in the Hearts of the People He had no sooner taken his Place but the President Viole who had great Credit in the Company rose up and took upon him to say That the occasion of their meeting was of that great Importance that they could not make one step which did not lead 'em either to Honour or Infamy nor was there any probability that they could enter into a good Beginning till they had first implor'd the Assistance of the Holy Ghost and he was preparing for the Solemnity of the Duty However in regard that while the President was talking he let fall some disobliging Expressions against the Cardinal the Prince of Conde threatning him at the same time with his Looks and Hand could not forbear to bid him hold his Tongue and then addressing himself to the First President in a great Passion told him That he wonder'd that he who was the Head of so Famous an Assembly did not endeavour to suppress the Liberty which some People gave themselves who under the pretence of the Publick Good went about to excite the People to Sedition Adding withall That if the King's Youth and his want of Experience were the cause of the Disorders which had happen'd in the Kingdom he would have him to know That the Duke of Orleans who was there present and himself were able to supply both the one and the other and that the King would not want good Subjects to reduce the Male-contented to their Duty These words offended the whole Assembly But in regard they â—ell from the Lips of a Prince of whom they stood in awe every body was profoundly silent contenting themselves to utter their disgusts in priâ—ate As for the first President he was extrâ—amly zealous for the Honour of the Assembly which the Prince had affronted in threatning one of the Members of it However he was not much troubl'd at what had happen'd because he thought that when so great a Prince had declar'd himself those of the Parliament whose heat and violence he did not approve would bethink themselves and become more moderate Nevertheless he told the Prince That he could not forbear complaining of his reprimanding so severely a Member of an Assembly that were only met to remedy the Distractions of the State and not to kindle new Flames That he was confident that what he had done was out of a good Intention but in regard that Suffrages were to be permitted he took the liberty to tell him That if he had taken another course he would have done better Lastly That he read in the Countenances of those who compos'd the Assembly a great Emotion and great Discontent That if he saw some that made no outward shew of any thing yet they were never a wâ—â—t the less sad in their hearts and never the less afflicted That they were in hopes a Prince whose 〈◊〉 Atchievements had equall'd him to the Greatest Captains in the World would have join'd with 'em to re-establish the Tranquility of a Kingdom whose Frontiers he had so well secur'd by his Illustrious Victories This same Speech did not equally satisfy all people The more ancient and prudent sort found that he had spoken much in a few words and that considering the Conjuncture of Affairs the first President could not have done much better then he did But the younger sort were not so reserv'd for they began to murmur one among another So that the Prince who was not well pleas'd with the plaints that were made of his proceeding as not being accustom'd to hear Truths told him nor to receive any opposition to his Will was so little master of his own Inclinations that instead of making amends for what he had done amiss he turn'd toward the younger sort and threaten'd them as he had the President Viole that is to say with his looks and hand The Court was overjoyd that the Prince had so openly declar'd in their favour And in regard that after what had pass'd he found him self-interested by his own Quarrel in the Differences of the Court he greedily listen'd to all Proposals that were made him for reducing the Parliament Thereupon it was no hard matter to persuade him that the best way would be to besiege Paris â— and that a Siege would not fail to make the People cry out and mutiny against the Assembly Or whatever happen'd that the Parisians wanting Leaders and Men and being accustom'd to Plenty and Ease would
the Aâ—tacking of the Post to the Duke of Chatillon â— and advanâ—'d with the Cavalry upon a rising ground 〈◊〉 hinder the Parisians from succouring the Place Châ—tillon perform'd the Princeâ—s Orders with all the Conduct and Valour imaginabâ—eâ— but when he had driven the Enemy to the last â—arricado he receiv'd a Musquâ—â— shot quite through his Body of which he dy'd the next day in â—he flower of his Age lamented by both Parties for his Noble Qualities and for being slaiâ— just at the time when he was ready to have obtain'd those Dignities which his great Servicâ—s had perfoâ—m'd The taking of Charenton was much to the dishonour of the Parliament's Generalsâ— and Forces and no less to the honour of the Prince of Conde For in short The Prince carry'd that Pâ—â—â— in view of the Enemy's Army and at the Gates of Paris out of which he had march'd in the sight oâ— Ten thousand men who seem'd to have taken the Field merely â—o be Witnesses and Spectators of so great an Action This Conflict and these of Bois de Vinâ—nnes Lagâ—y and Bâ—â—y-Conâ—eâ— Robert all to the disadvantage of the Paâ—isians and in one of which the Young Duke of Robaâ— â— approving himself the worthy Inheritor of his Father's Vertue lost his Life made 'em begn to think of Peace But the diversity of Interests was an Obstacle difficult on surmount On the other side the Court who were puâ—t up with their Success and who were in greater hopes by reason of the Princes successful Atchievements would needs impâ—se too Rigorous Conditions upon the Contrary Parâ—yâ— So that if both Parties were so 〈…〉 was bâ—cause that a Civil War 〈…〉 qually displeasing to both For this Reâ—son upon the 20th of Fâ—bâ—â—aâ—y the King sent a Herald of 〈◊〉 accompany'd wiâ—h two 〈◊〉 who coming to the Gate of St. Hâ—nore 〈…〉 he had three Pacquets of Letters one â—or thâ— Prinâ—â— of Conâ—â— the other for the Parliament â—nd a third for the City Of which the Parliament 〈◊〉 â—â—fâ—â—m'd took the matter into consideration 〈…〉 a Decreeâ— That they should neither admit 〈◊〉 â—â—ceive the Herald but send the King 's Servâ—â—â—â—â— that is to say â—alon Meliand and Bignon to 〈◊〉 Qâ—een to let her know That if they had refus'd 〈…〉 the Herald it was not for want of duty 〈…〉 because Heralds were never sent but to Soveâ—â—ign Princes or States that were in hostility with the Kingdomâ— but that neither the Prince of Conti 〈…〉 Parliament nor the City were either Soverâ—igns 〈◊〉 Enemies and therefore they besought her Majeâ—â—y that they might understand her pleasure â—rom 〈◊〉 own Lips Those Commissioners were well 〈◊〉 â—y the Queen who told â—em she was satisfy'd with â—â—â—ir Excuse and their Submissions that when â—he Parliament should return to their dutyâ— they shouldâ— find the effects of her Favour and Goodâ—willâ— aâ—d that aâ—â—or private Persons they should all of 'em 〈◊〉 oâ—e find all manner of security both for thâ—iâ— Persons and estates in their submission and the Dâ—â—e of Orleanâ— also and the Prince gave 'em th◠〈…〉 Now thâ— bâ—â—h Parties most ardently desir'd Peace 〈…〉 concluded without a great deal of dif 〈…〉 several Deputations and various Conâ—eâ—â—â—cesâ— wheâ—e it was a hard matter to content so 〈…〉 whose Interests were so nice and so differenâ—â— But at length it was concluded at St. German◠◠〈…〉 March and afterwaâ—â—â— the King 's De 〈…〉 for this so necessary Peace was verify'd in â—ool Parliament who order'd that Thanks should be return'd to their Majesties for the Peace which they had restor'd to their Subjects No sooner were the Flames of Civil War extinguish'd by this Peace but they were re-kindl'd in a short time after and spread it self with more Violence into the principal Provinces of the Kingdom for the Reasons which I am going to tell ye Considering what the Prince had done in the preceding War in favour of the Court and the Cardinal it was a difficult thing for them to make him those acknowledgments which his great Services deserv'd or that the Prince should contain himself within the bounds of Modâ—sty out of a desire of Domination and Superiority in demanding the most considerable Employments whether for himself or for those whom he had a mind to favoâ—r And in regard the Cardinal had chiefly reap'd the benefit of the Prince's Assistance he was the most expos'd to his Demands his Complaints his Threatnings and his Bad Humour And indeed during the Parisian War there had been some Misunderstandings between the Prince and the Cardinal For as there was at that time a strict and diligent Correspondence between 'em and for that for the most part Familiarity lessens Esteem the Respect which the Prince had for the Cardinal was very much abated and the Cardinal who percâ—iv'd it had look'd upon those great Virtues which the Prince had made so gloriously appear in the time of the Civil Troubles as no other then the Effects of Fear and Aversion Moreover during that time the Cardinal plotted to bring the Odium of the People upon the Prince by endeavouring to make him the Author of all the Mischiefs to which they were expos'd The Prince also after the Peace thought it behov'd him to thwart the Cardinal and to shew the Alienation of his Kindness for him that he might regain the Affection of the people and of a great 〈◊〉 oâ— considerable persons which he had lost for protecting a person so generally hated Calling to mind alâ—o the submissiveness of the Cardinal during the last Disorders he was persuadedâ— That if he should put him in fear and scorn him it would be sâ—â—â—â—cient to draw upon him new Troubles and to oblige him to sneak a second time to him and to have â—he â—ame dependance upon him as before He might also perhaps imagine by reason of the Kindness â—hich the Queen shew'd him at St. Germains that iâ— woâ—ld not be impossible for him to make that Princess sensible of the Cardinal's Defects and to have all the Authority next her himself after he had laid the Cardinal aside On the other hand the Cardinal had found that he could build no solid Foundation upon the Prince's â—â—iendship who was sway'd rather by Capricio then by Reason or his own Interests and that time did buâ— augment his scornful humourâ— so that he began to meditate his Ruin To which we may add that Concord and Reputation being incompatible between two persons in the same place the Cardinal could no more brook a Superior at Court then the Prince could endure an Equal And that which contributed considerably to dissolve the Knot was this That the Cardinal was â—â—rongly convinc'd that he could not engage the â—â—ince to persevere in his Interests but by the probabilâ—â—y of new Establishments which either he proposâ—d Himself to him or by his Creaâ—ures only to 〈◊〉 him and with a â—ull rotent afterwards to evade 〈◊〉 â—is Offers and his Promises All which the 〈◊〉 peâ—ceiv'd and was extremely
share in the Design nor was he to have any in the Execution of it And that he might have the whole Honour of it he went from Amiens whâ—re the King was to the Siege But Fortune prov'd no way favourable to him his Enterprize 〈◊〉 to his Confusion for Cambray being reliev'd 〈◊〉 was forc'd to raise his Siege During the Prince's Absence the Cardinal had held no other then a Correspondence of Decency and Civility with him and the Prince who began to be sensible of the Prosperity of the Court with some regret and who was not a little disturb'd about the Siege of Cambray was no less glad to hear it was rais'd The Troubles in Guyenne and Provence and the Difficulties which obstructed the King's Return to Pâ—riâ— pleas'd him as much because he believ'd that the Cardinal minded nothing else but which way to surmount all those Obstacles and present Impediments that obstructed his recovering an Absolute and Independent Authority And therefore he forbore to â—oment his Discontents either in private or in publick as if he were willing to lay his Resentments asleep to the end he might afterwards let 'em loose with more Violence Also at his return from Burgundy to Pâ—ris before he had seen the Court he most earnestly solicited all his Friends to take care that the King and the Cardinal might have a Reception into the Metropolis of the Kingdom suitable to their Dignity Perhaps he strove to compleat a work so glorious as that of restoring the Cardinal or that he flatter'd himself that such a piece of Service would never be forgot by the Queen He â—tay'd till the Court was return'd to Compeigne where he was receiv'd with more demonstrations of Friendship then when he parted from thence After which his Majesty return'd to Paris and in that Entry the King the Queen and all the Royal Family rode in the same Coach and the Cardinal in one of the Boots with the Prince who put a confidence into him by his presence And the incredible Throng of people who appear'd at that same Entrance and who abhorr'd the very sight of the Cardinal did only then let loose their Joy for the King's Return who at that time took up all their thoughts and defac'd the remembrance of all their Animosities and past Misfortunes When their Majesties arriv'd at the Palace-Royal they receiv'd the Submissions of the D. of Beaufort the Coadjutor and the rest of the Heads of the Frondeurs and the Prince compleated so Noble a day's work by telling the Queen That he lookt upon himself to be very happy in having fulfill'd the Promise that he made her to bring back the King To which her Majeâ—ty reply'd Sir This Service which you have done the Kingdome is so great that the King and my self should be very ungrateful should we ever forget it One of the Prince's Servants who 〈…〉 this Discourse told him That his great 〈…〉 him tremble and that he was afraid 〈…〉 was no more than a Reproach I 〈…〉 reply'd the Prince however I have per 〈…〉 what I promis'd When good Services are 〈…〉 atred takes place of Acknowledgment 〈…〉 the Prince found to be true For all that 〈…〉 in favour of the Cardinal was one of 〈…〉 which his Mortifications had in 〈…〉 that spurr'd him on to ruin him 〈…〉 purpose all things were to be so order'd 〈…〉 the Froâ—deurs nor the D. of Orleans should 〈…〉 the Prince And to that effect 〈…〉 the Hatred and Aversion which they 〈…〉 had for him and which was renew'd 〈…〉 to time in regard the Prince sometimes 〈◊〉 to â—e reconcil'd to 'em and embrace their 〈…〉 had shew'd himself to be their 〈◊〉 Enemy◠〈…〉 all the Artifices which the Cardinal 〈…〉 to incline the Frondeurs to rejoice at the 〈…〉 this was the chiefest 〈…〉 had receiv'd a Note which gave him 〈…〉 That the Frondeurs had a Design upon 〈…〉 and that they had resolv'd to Assassinate 〈…〉 over Ponâ—neuf This Note he shew'd 〈…〉 the Duke of Orleans and the Cardinâ—◠〈◊〉 seem'd to be as much surpriz'd as the rest 〈…〉 some Consultation what course to take 〈…〉 the truth 't was resolv'd to the end they 〈…〉 themselves without exposing the Perso◠〈…〉 Duke That his Coachman should drive 〈…〉 over Pontneuf with the Curtains drawn 〈…〉 were in it which was done while 〈…〉 the mean time stay'd at a Bathing-House 〈…〉 Event So soon as the Coach was 〈…〉 before the Brazen-Horse the Coach was 〈…〉 certain persons unknown who fir'd their Blunderbusses into it and wounded a Lacquey belonging to the Count of Duras who rode at the Tail of the Coach Of which the Prince having immediate notice demanded Justice of the King and the Queen against the Frondeurs The Cardinal also seem'd to outdo himself upon this occasion for his Diligence and his Zeal exceeded the Care and Sedulity of the Prince's nearest Relations and most Cordial Friends In the mean time the Frondeurs seeing such a quick and dangerous Accusation taking root against 'em believ'd it at first to be an Artifice of the Prince's to ruin ' em However they were nothing daunted and tho the report ran that the Prince would prosecute his Revenge with all manner of Violence the Duke of Beaufort made no sâ—â—uple to visit Marshal Grammonâ— at a time that the Prince supp'd with him and there spent the remainder of the Evening without the least shew of being concern'd The Coadjutor and he made use of all the ways imaginable to justifie their Innocency to the Prince and the Marquess of Noirmoustier offer'd on their behalf to join with the whole house of Conde against the Cardinal But the Prince who was no less exasperated for the little respect they had shew'd him upon other occasiâ—ons as out of a perswasion not to be vanquish'd that they had a design to Assassinate him stopt his ears against all their Justifications and laid aside all other thoughts but of doing himself Justice with the Consent of the Court or else of demanding Justice from the Parliament The first Resolution was too violent neither did it agree with the Cardinal 's conceal'd Design and the effect of the other was too tedious and dubious Nevertheless because it was the intention of the Court to refer this business to the Parliament on purpose to mortify the Prince with delays and the vexation to see himself as it were a Suppliant at the Feet of the Judges the Cardinal wâ—nted not specious pretences to perswade the Prince to take that course Thereupon he made his complaint to the Palace in the usual forms and during the whole course of that Affair the Cardinal 〈◊〉 â—he pleasure to draw him into all those Snares 〈◊〉 he had laid for him In the mean time the Duke of Beaufort and the Coadjutor demanded that they might be admitted to justifie themselves which being granted both Parties quitted all other ways aâ—d adhered only to the practice of the Palace But â—he Prince soon understood
Prince of Conti's Friend And I Sir said he desire you to bring me the Imitation of Monsieur Beaufort that I may make my escape out of this place as he did about two years agoâ— and see my heels well at liberty These Rigorous Proceedings against the Princes were attended with several others The guard of 'em was committed to the care of De Barr a Man of great Severity and whose hard Usage much augmented the Discontents of the Prisoners Now in regard this man was made choice of by the Cardinal to be the Minister of his Passions neither the Respect due to the Birth of the Princes their Services done the Kingdom nor the honour to be entrusted with those Illustrious Sufferers made any impression upon his crabbed Disposition And not contented with four Bodies of Guards and five strong Gates he crowded their Antichambers with Soldiers He also plac'd Soldâ—â—â—s in their very Chambers to observe their Counâ—â—â—â—â—ces and many times they were observ'd in their Beds And that which was most irksome of all we the Clownishness of their Jaylor's Discoourses He had not common Civility for 'em as Princes but 〈◊〉 be always prating in their ears that which was offensive They were refus'd the Attendance of their own Servants Only the Complaints of the Princess of Conde causing 'em to fear the effects of some pity they were forc'd to grant 'em what the King was pleas'd to extend toward ' em This put their Friends in hope that they might be able to settle a Correspondence with ' em Thereupon they ventur'd a Letter which was deliver'd 'em And at length they made use of such dextrous means to hear from 'em and to send 'em News of what concern'd 'em that Dâ— Barr himself perceiving perhaps some turn of the Tide lent them his Assistance when he was sure no notice could be taken of him For five months that this lucky Stratagem lasted neither they nor those that adher'd to their Interests had any reason to conceive any great hopes of their Releasement The Success of Normandy and Burgundy that swell'd the Pride of their Enemies abated the Courage of their Friends and Servants Besides that their Meetings always prov'd fruitless by reason of the Union and Vigilance of the Cardinal and Coadjuâ—or of Paris In May the Coadjutor disappointed the Petition of the Princess Dowager of Conde that she might have liberty to prosecute the Releasement of her Sons She was in hopes that the Cardinal's absence would afford her favourable Opportunities and that the good Nature of the Duke of Orleans which had so long with fâ—ood the Imprisonment of the Princes would at length produce a Union powerful to vanquish the Obstinacy of the Court and the Malice of those that persecuted her House But all her Attendance prov'd in vain They were so far from doing her right upon her Petition that they would not so much as lend an ear to her Complaints they rejected her Supplications and had no regard to her Tears She might humble her self if she pleas'd even to the conjuring her Enemies by all the considerations of Mercy and Compassion her Requests were still evadedâ— and upon the return of the Court which remov'd a great way off on purpose she obtain'd no more then the liberty to abide at Vallery which she chose of her own accord before Chatillon upon Loin All this bad Usage cast the Princess into a melancholy Discontent and Languishment of which she dy'd the 2d of December The Cardinal on the other side was fully satisfy'd All things went well in Burgundy and Normandy and the hopes that he had of the like success in Guyenne and particularly at Bourdeaux puft up his Heart and render'd him inexorable Now for the right understanding of all these particulars it will be requisite to give a brief Relation of what pass'd in those Provinces during the imprisonment of the Princes The Count of Tavanes who was one of those who laid most to heart the Interests of the Prince of Conde understanding that he was arrested together with the Prince of Conti and the D. of Longuevilâ—e and that they were carry'd to Vincennes hasten'd to the Marquess of Moussaye Goyon Governour of Stenay and inform'd him of what he had heard Now in regard the Marquess was none of the most resolute men in the world he appear'd to be strangely alarum'd and surpriz'd and with a world of confusion askt the Count what was to be done It behoves ye briskly reply'd the Count of Tavanes to repair with all speed to your Government and if you have nothing to do any where else you will find business enough there and you will see me there 〈◊〉 very speedily Afterwards the Count went to Conde House where he found the Princess Dowager all in Tears with a great number of people all in consternation not knowing what Resolution to take There was also in the Garden a good number of the Prince's Officersâ— who had resolv'd among themselves to go forthwith to Val de Grace there to seize upon the Caâ—dinal's Neices and bring 'em away to some one of the Princes Houses as a gage for the Prince's Life which they believ'd in danger by reason of his great Merit and high Birth But at the very instant news came that the Cardinal apprehensive of some such Designs had sent for â—em away from thence before the Princes were arrested So that all the Officers were forc'd to return to their several Homes not being â—ble to resolve upon any considerable Service which they could do the Prince only the next day they retiâ—â—d some to Bellegard and some to Stonay Tavanes seeing this departed and rode all night to get to Milly in Gastinois which was his own Estate From thence he retir'd into Burgundy in hopes that many things might there be done for the Prince But there was no body willing to stir in those parts and they that were the Prince's Friends were rather against him then for him Howeveâ— he spar'd not to visit 'em all a◠〈◊〉 and to whisper 'em in the ear but all to no purposâ—â—â— then going to the Castle of the City which belong'd to the Prince the Commanders which thâ— Prince had plac'd there of which two were his Domestic Servants coldly excus'd themselves for â—ut being able to do any thing for want of men Upon which Tavanes offer'd to bring 'em sixty Musquetâ—ers which they promis'd to admit But two days after when the Musqueteers were come and the Count sent word to the Governour to open the Back 〈◊〉 the Garison made answer That they could not receive 'em in regard they had promis'd the City to let no body in This piece of Infidelity together with the Advice which the Count had given him that there was a Design to arrest him aâ— Dijon forâ—'d him to retire in haste to Bellogarde which he found in such a forelorn Condition as eaâ—ily might satisfy the Judgment of any man that the Prince to whom it
several Favours upon that House Her Orders were happily obey'd tho the King thought he had already done enough having but a little before made the Duke of Anguien General of his principal Army To which at first he had so great a reluctancy that he had once resolv'd to order his retiring into Burgundy They also persuaded him to confer an Honour upon our deceased Cousin the Prince of Conde which he had long desir'd which was to make him President of his Council and some few days after he was made Grand Master of France tho the King was resolv'd to have utterly supprest it The Queen afterwards at the very beginning of her Regency bestow'd upon him in our Name the Houses of Chantilli and Dampmaâ—tin which was the Noblest Present that ever any King made to one person He was also 〈◊〉 to purchase the Estate of our Deceased 〈◊〉 the Duke of Bellegarde wherein the Town of 〈…〉 comprehended which considering the 〈…〉 oâ— the Place it self and the Scituation of 〈…〉 of our Cousins other Governments lay 〈◊〉 â—ost convenient for him of any of the Kingdom 〈…〉 so many Favours and those extraordinary 〈◊〉 granted to the Father were no less advantaâ—â—â—â— to the Son who enjoy'd the benefit of 'em 〈…〉 was still so Gracious as to confer consideâ—â—â—â—â— Fâ—â—ourâ— on the Person of the D. of Enguien Our 〈…〉 Mâ—rshal de L'Hospital had the Government of 〈◊〉 given him in Recompence of his Services 〈…〉 was rewarded with the Government 〈…〉 Toâ—n and Citadel of Stenay yet both the 〈◊〉 day â—â—ven to the Duke Upon the Death of 〈…〉 we bestow'd in one day upon his Family 〈◊〉 â—â—ployment of Grand Master of France the 〈…〉 of Three Provinces Burgundy Bresse 〈…〉 besides that of Champaigne which he had 〈◊〉 and three strong Towns the Castle of Dijon 〈…〉 and Bourges besides Bellegard and 〈◊〉 which he had in possession And we have 〈◊〉 to believe that there never was any Greediâ—â—â—â—â— afteâ— large Possessions and soaring Greatness so 〈◊〉 but would have been fully gorg'd by 〈◊〉 an Eâ—fuâ—ion of Benefits and Favours of all sorts 〈◊〉 our said Cousin then gave us formal Assurances That he would never desire any thing more for the 〈◊〉 â— confessing and acknowledging That whatâ—â—â—â— Seâ—vices he had done or whatever he could do 〈◊〉 Kingdom he could not in reason demand any 〈◊〉 â—â—â—n what had been done already for him Neâ—â—â—â—heleâ—â— in a little time after he set a foot other 〈◊〉 Clâ—ims under precarious and unjust Pretences 〈◊〉 the beâ—ter to attain his Ends renewing his forâ—â—â—â— Discontents because we had given to our most 〈◊〉 Lady and Mother the Disposal of the place of Lord High Admiral and Superintendent of the Maritime Affairs vacant by the Death of our Cousin the Duke of Breze his Brother-in-Law as if he had had a particular Privilege to make Hereditary in his Family all the Offices which his Kindred had possess'd during their Lives forgetting that he had positively promis'd to demand nothing more of us after we had gratify'd him with so many others upon the Death of his Father who dy'd presently after the D. of Breze Nevertheless we resolv'd upon one trial more to give him satisfaction in hopes that Age would moderate his Excesses and temper the exorbitant heat of his Ambition and to the end we might once for all deprive him of any Necessity and Excuse for demanding any more we heap'd up the Measure to the top and upon his renew'd Promises never to make any farther Demands we granted him a new Favour which surpass'd all the rest by adding to the Towns of Burgundy which he had already and to Stenay that of Clermont with a Gift of all the Demeasnes belonging to it as also to Stenay and Iamets which are worth near a Hundred thousand Livres a year After that we admitted the Prince of Conti into our Councils at Twenty years of Age tho his Brother and his Brother-in-Law had a Pension there already of a Hundred thousand Livres and Danvilliers's Employment for which he was to give a Recompence to the Sieur Danevoux and had settl'd upon him in our Name divers Bodies of Horse and Foot We omit several other Favours which we have conferr'd upon our Cousin the Prince of Conde which alone were sufficient to satisfie any reasonable mind besides considerable Sums of Money which we have bestow'd upon him every year and all the Augmentations of Pensions for him or his Family and Relations for whom he desir'd em We speak not of the respect which we always had for his Requests â—or Patâ—ents for Dukes for the Promotions of Maresâ—hals of Frâ—nce and a world fo Military Employâ—eâ—ts and others of all sorts as Abbots Bishops and â—overâ—meâ—ts of Places bestow'd at his Recommendaâ—â—â—â—â—pon persons at his Devotion Lastly we call God to witnâ—ss That there is no sort of study or inâ—â—â—try which we have not put in practice as well toward himself as with his most familiar Confidents â—o â—ix his mind and give him satisfaction And upâ—n this account we are oblig'd to testifie That our mâ—st deâ—r and most beloved Uncle the Duke of Orâ—â—â—ce pâ—eferring the Tranquility of the Kingdom and the Good of our Service before any other parâ—iculâ—r â—nterest or Consideration has all along persâ—â—ded us to these Sentiments and by that means highly contributed to the advantages of the said Pâ—â—â—ce and the satisfaction of all his Demands But all in vain no Favour no Application no Confiâ—ence having hitherto been able to limit his irregular Amâ—iâ—ion The nature of the several pretensions which he has set on foot from time to time and from which he has eâ—deavour'd to exempt himself with â—ildness and Prudence may easily evince to the world that they were the Sentiments and Transports of such a mind Sometimes he has vehemently insisted to have the Command of an Army for the Conquest of Frâ—nche Conte upon condition that he might have the Sovereign Possession of it In the midst of the last Campaign while our Army was advanc'd into Flanders and that it could not be enfeebled without running the Risco of some great Blow laying aside all other thoughts which way to annoy the Enemy even to the hazard of exposing our Fâ—ontiers and Strong Holds to the Assaults of our Enemies he would needs have a Detatchment of a â—reat Body of Horse drawn out to go to Liege â— to support the Design which he had to help his Brotheâ—â—he Prince of Conti to the Coadjutorship of that Biâ—â—oprick by that means to render more conâ—iderable the places which he holds upon the Mense and in his Government of Champaigne besides another great Establishment wâ—ich he projected to erect on that side as we shall afterwards make appear All which clearly shews by many remarkable Circumstances to what a degree he was possess'd with a desire of Sovereignty An Imagination the more dangerous in a Mind all Fire like his because we are moreover well inform'd That among his intimate
Confidents he has often let fall that pernicious Maxim That any thing may be done to attain Sovereign Dominion so that although in a Monarchy setl'd upon such solid Foundations as ours chiefly upon that Affection and unshaken Fidelity which the French have for their Privileges and the Persons of their Kings such a Criminal Thought has been generally attended with the Ruin of those that profest it yet we should be defective in the Duty which we owe as well to our selves as to our faithful Subjects should we not obviate all things which in time might facilitate the execution of so unjust a Design For tho what he proposes to himselâ— were no mark of what he harbours in his breast yet certain it is that if we nearly examine his Conduct ever since our coming to the Crown no body can disown but that he has an Intention to work other Mischiefs in the Kingdom which no less require the Remedy we have apply'd since he openly went about to set up a Dominion formidable to us That his Design was to weaken and bring down the Royal Authority that by possessing or securing to himself the principal Places of the Kingdom and fixing to himself all persons that have any Credit all men of Parts and signal Endowments either by Obligation or out of Fear or Interest he might be able in time openly to withstand and slight our Will and Pleasure in all things that should noâ— be conformable to his to sow War and Troubles unpunish'd in the Kingdom according to his own Interests and Humours to make use of all opportunities to aggâ—andize his Fortune And lastly to take things 〈◊〉 that he might be able during our Minority to reduce us to a Condition that when we came of Age we â—â—ould have no more then the Name and Shadow of a King while in reality he had all the Power and Authority in his own hands This in truth is the most fâ—vourable Interpretation we can make of his Conduct especially since the Command of our Arâ—â—â—s wiâ—h which we have entrusted him has furnish'd hiâ— with opportunities to acquire a great Reputation and a vast number of Adherents and moreover â—â—ce he finds himself in the possession of so many considerable Settlements which we have bestow'd upon him one upon another to oblige him out of Gratitâ—de to have no other thoughts but those of doing 〈◊〉 good service But so far was he from that acknowledgment which we promis'd to our selves that then iâ— was that he began to pull off his Vizor and to display the Grandeur of his Credit to the end that no body should apply themselves to any other but himselâ— to obtain our Favours or avoid the Punishâ—ent of their Crimes Then it was that his conâ—â—â—l'd Artifices to get all the Officers of our Armies aâ— his Devotion especially the Foreigners in our Serâ—ice of which he took a particular care were chang'd into open Contrivances to gain 'em and â—â—nder 'em dependers upon himself Then it was that â—e made iâ— evidently appear that the Good of our Serâ—ice was never his aim in all his Military Performances in regard that in the most pressing Exigenciâ—s that ever our Armies were plung'd in for want of a Chieftan of his Quality and Authority to rectifie the Miscarriages and Disorders which our late Troubles had introduc'd he still avoided the Commâ—nd of our Armies which formerly he coveâ—ed and su'd for with so much earnestness to the end â—e might apply himself wholly to the Court and to his Cabals believing the proper time was come to reap the Fruits which he had propos'd to himself when all the Campaigns were ventur'd upon a general Battel upon this Maxim often applauded by himself That the winning a Battel augmented his Reputation and gave him new plausible Pretences to exact farther Rewards But that if he lost it and that our Affairs thereby should happen to tumble into Disorder he sâ—ould be the more valu'd for the need there would be of him Then it was that he became liberal of his Caresses beyond his usual strain and that he made continual Searches among all the Governors of Towns and all those who had any Employments of Consequence or that were assur'd of 'em by survivance or any other means to attain 'em That he engaged himself to importune us for the Interests of all indifferently without considering whether they were prejudicial to the State or no That he cherish'd all Malecontents That he flatter'd their Complaints and promis'd to assist 'em That he endeavour'd to debauch all those who out of Gratitude or Affection adher'd to us and their Duty lessening the value of our Favours by persuading 'em that for the future they were to hope for no more but by his means Then it was that he exacted from those that offer'd him their Service an Oath of Fidelity to be faithful to him against all men without exception of Person or Quality and that he openly persecuted after various manners all those that would not enter into his Dependancy upon him Then it was that all persons who surrender'd themselves to his will had Merit and Qualities to prefâ—r 'em before any other Competitors that they who stuck to their Allegiance without any other aim then to do us good service were always Cowards and people of no worth that on the other side they became in an instant great Personagâ—s worthy of all manner of Employments and Rewards so soon as they devoted themselves to his Interests which was one sure way to ascend from 〈◊〉 to Worâ—â— from Inability to Accomplishment Then it was that he us'd innumerable Artifiâ—â—◠〈◊〉 decoy all those that had Employments in our 〈◊〉 or in the Guards of our Person that he â—â—enly protected all Delinquents provided they had recourse to Him tho' they were of contrary Interests â—â—fore That his House was a Notorious Sanctuary for all sorts of Criminals Then it was that he began to demand all Vacancies of what Nature soever that upon all occasions as well petty as considerable he took the Market into his own hands and threaten'd to quit all things to set up for himself and put himself at the Head of all those that would 〈◊〉 against us Lastly then it was that to shew his Power and his Stedfastness toward those that â—ell in with his Interests he was not content with obtaining Favours but would have the World believe that he wreâ—ted 'em out of our hands by Violence Witness the Government of Pont-de l' Arthe which he would have carry'd by a strong hand and at a day prefix'd threatning if it were not done that he would kindle a new Flame in the Kingdom but in regard he knew full well that the demand which he made of this Place was highly offensive and generally disapprov'd by all People he presently gave onâ— that he had not been so eager after the Business but because he â—ad engag'd his word to the Duke of Longâ—â—ville to procure it for him
bore his Naâ—â— or to the 〈◊〉 of thosâ— that had wound themselves into hiâ— favoâ—â— to obtain diâ—â—â—dgments that several have been câ—â—strain'd to quâ—â— their Habitations and retire into the Countries round about adjoining With what woâ—ds 〈◊〉 we seâ— forth the Affair of Hâ—â—re and the 〈◊〉 ways which he made use of to make himself 〈◊〉 of that Place one of the most Impoâ—â—ant in the Kâ—ngdom for the sâ—itâ—ation of it and without contrâ—dâ—â—tiâ—â— the best for the strength of it After he 〈…〉 use of several Artificeâ— to seduce the Youth 〈…〉 Cousin the Duke of Richliâ—â— on purpose to 〈◊〉 him marâ—y clâ—ndestinly a Woman who for mâ—â—â—â—â—spects is â—ntirely at his devotion not contented 〈◊〉 â—ensibly offended us by promoting together with the Prince of Conti and the Dutchess of Lâ—ngâ—evâ—llâ— hiâ— Sister the Match of a Duke and Peer prefâ—â—â—'d 〈◊〉 one of the Principal Offices of State withoâ—◠〈◊〉 Knowledge and Permission and authorising 〈…〉 presence a Contract prohibited by the Laws oâ—â—he Kingdom as if it had not been enough by this uâ—â—â—wful means to have made himself master of the pâ—â—son of a Young Man he caus'd him to depart upon his Wedding-night gave him for his Counsellor and Conductor the person of all his Creatures that ha◠〈◊〉 employ'd to debaush him and made him throw â—â—mself with all speed into Haâ—re to the end he might make himself Master of that Place which being seated at the Mouth of the Seine might afford him the means to master Rouen and Paris and keep under his subjection all the Trade of those two Cities enable him to admit Foreign Assistance and introduce their Forces into the Kingdom whenever for his particular Ends he had a desire to trouble the States And for that he judg'd it convenient at the same time that there should be a good number of Couriers dispatch'd toward the said Duke of Richlieu to let him understand Our Interest and his own at that Conjuncture he dispatch'd several at the same instant to sâ—op others upon the Road thereby violating to the highest degree imaginable the Respect Fidelity and Obedience which he owes us After which more desperately daring the Queen having sent her self a Person expresly to carry her Orders to St. Maure the Governor of Haâ—re upon an Accident of so high Consequence and to let him understand how much he was oblig'd to preserve the Place without suffering any change the Prince was no sooner advertis'd of it but he dispatch'd away another Courier and commanded that if any person should come thither with Orders from the Queen they should throw him into the Sea with a stone about his neck and this with so much presumption so much scorn of Our Authority that he is the first who could ever boast of iâ— Lastly that he might wholly by divers ways deprive us of the disposal of that Place he sent away in all haste the Lady her self who had so lately been beholding to him for her Match furnish'd her with Money to enable her more and more to gain upon the Affection of the Young Duke and conveys by other means still more Money for the payment of the Garison thereby to gain the good-will of the Officers and Soldiers And that he might have moreover other People more at his devotion and well known to him he order'd the Lady to be guarded by a good number 〈…〉 who put themselves into the Place giving 〈◊〉 thaâ— there was a Design laid to seize her upon the 〈◊〉 So many Attempts upon the Royal Power of â—hich this last alone of Havre deserves a most rigâ—â—â—â—â— punishment has not left us any reason to â—â—ubt of the pernicious Designs of Our said Cousin 〈…〉 then of his boldness to put 'em in execution 〈◊〉 we not in time apply'd a Remedy proportionable to â—he violence of the Distemper However To the â—â—d you may be likewise inform'd of the new ways whâ—ch 〈◊〉 study'd to push on his Design and of the worâ— which he had cut out for us and which we have prevented by his detention we shall tell you 〈◊〉 was under deep Consultation in the last place He â—reâ—ted with the Ambassador of Mantua for the purchase of the Town and Principality of 〈◊〉 not only without Our Leave but câ—â—â—â—ary also to what we had expresly always refus'd him to meddle with And because we had warily 〈◊〉 some difficulties about the Price the Sieur 〈◊〉 â—â—clar'd a little while since to the said Embassadoâ— Thâ—â— his Master would within a few days send away a Person expresly to Mantua to conclude the â—usineâ—â— with the Duke himself Upon some obstructâ—â—â— that â—ose about the Enjoyment of Clermonâ— and the dâ—mesnes adjoining tho easie to have been sâ—â—mâ—â—nâ—ed as appears since he was already given 〈◊〉 understand that if he were disturb'd in his posâ—â—ssion there 't was but just that Sedan should be given hâ—m and all the Demesnes belonging to it which we had given our Cousin the Duke of Bouilâ—on uâ—on the payment of many Millions upon which some of his Creatures presently set a foot a Negotiation with the Siâ—ur d' Aiguebere for the purchase of the Goâ—eâ—nment of Mount Olympus which he made account to pay with his own Mony that so the Governâ—â—â—â— might fall in the hands of some of his own Freinds to the end there might be no place in Bâ—rgundy but what should he at his Command except Câ—alâ—ns He pressed us to purchase of the Sieure d' Pressis Bezanson â— at our own charges the Governmenâ—â— of the City aâ—d Citâ—adel of the City of Autune for one of his Creatures He had also redoubl'd his extraordinary diligence but a little beforeâ— to marry the Marquiss de la Moussaye with the Daughter of the Sieur d' Erlack Governour of Brissaâ— to the end he might have that important Place also at his Devotion although as well in that as in all other things we have reason to commend the Conduct and Fidelity of the said Sieur d' Erlack We have been also inform'd from other parts that he set a foot some other matches by that means to bring under his devotion the Principal Officers of the Kingdom and the greatest number of the most considerable strong Holds He had sent for up to Court notwithstanding all his Infirmities our Cousin the Marshal of Breze â— to the end they might joyn together to demand the Employment of Chief and Superintendent of Metz to the which though neither the one not the other could have the least imaginary shadow of any Claim yet the said Prince had been already twice paid and the said Marshal had been gratify'd upon that consideration after his Son's death with 30000 Livres chargd upon the Rights of Ancorage which are the clearest and most ready Mony belonging to that Employment And moreover though the Marshal had some Months before got by our favour and permission a hunder'd and ten thousand Crowns for his Resignation of the Government of Anjou and â—haâ— all the
the Cardinal's Niece both the thought of it ceased to be criminal and the Demands themselves were lookt upon as just And it was judg'd that the man who was able to perform such an Illustrious Action had a right to demand the most important Places in the Kingdom It has been often seen in corrupt Ages that not only Vertue has been oft without reward and Crimes have gone unpunish'd but that the Disorder has been so great that only they who were unworthy Employments were permitted to demand 'em without offence and that Merit only serv'd to remove men from pretending to Elevated Employments But this is what we never saw in our days till during the Ministry of Cardinal Mazarine for now all men must resolve to disown true Worth and renounce Desert if he thinks to have any preferment and he must be careful of pretending to Employments for fear of being suspected for a State-offender With what black and sooty Colours do they besmear the Protection which he gave to the Marriage of the Duke of Richlieu And yet if you examin all the Circumstances you will find that there was not the least shadow of a Crime in that Action and that they would fain make that the Effect of a pernicious Design which proceeded only from a real Friendship which Madam De Longueville had for the Lady that had her Advantages by it Persons that know the whole Story of that Business can certifie that the Match was not carry'd on by concert in the whole Family as is pretended since the Prince of Conde was not acquainted with it till it could no longer be conceal'd from him and that the Duke of Longueville knew nothing of it till the very instant that Madam de Longueville who had undertaken the Business was ready to depart for Try to accomplish the Design which she had been long contriving for the advantage of Madam de Ponse and not at all for her own Interest All the Circumstances of the Marriage that could occasion any mistrust at Court proceeded only from the Distrusts of the Queen and Cardinal Mazarine in reference to the Match 'T is true that the Prince advis'd the Duke of Richlieu to retire to Havre so soon as he was marri'd but he gave him that Council only because he was well acquainted with the jealous Humour of a Minister who would not fail to draw mischievous Conjectures from a Design that was really innocent but which might admit of different Interpretations He rightly judg'd that Mazarine would make use of those Pretences to wrest that Place from the Duke of Richlieu and to gratifie the Desire which he had a long time had to make himself Master of that Place there being no other way for him to do it For my Lords if you will understand the real Crime that the Prince committed upon that occasion was this That the Prince having caus'd the Duke of Richlieu to marry Madam de Pone he disappointed Cardinal Mazarine's Design for one of his Neices who by that Alliance was in hopes to make sure of Havre to himself a Place of great importance and a proper place of refuge for him if he should be forc'd to quit his Ministry â—Twill be no difficult thing for me to justifie his design to have been Constable for besides that he had been put upon it by the malice of Cardinal Mazarine who had a desire â—o insinuate into his favour by â—ffering him his Service to bring about that attempt and by that means render him suspected to the Queen and the Duke of Orleans What could make this Demand so Criminal a piece of Business Was he not accomplish'd with all things necessary to authorize it was not his Birth sufficiently illustrious Had the Dignity been a Novelty in the Nation Had it not been enjoy'd by Iames of Bourbon Charles of Bourbon and Iâ—hn of Bourbon Had it not been also within this littâ—e while in the House of Mâ—ntmorency over the Head of his Father and Great Great Grandfather had not the Prince's Arm perform'd great Actions anow to beaâ— that Sword They pretend that the Demand was injurious to the Duke of Orleans and that it could not consist with the Quality of Lieutenant-General of the Armies and Provinces which was confer'd upon the Duke of Orleans and yet have we not seen the Constable's Sword in the hands of Monsieur de Montmorency at a time when the King of Navarre the Father of Henry IV. was Lieutenant General of the Armies and Provinces of France and both perform their Duties at the same Seâ—ges of Bourges Rouen and other places against the Rebels But not to trouble my self to justifie the whole Scrowl of the Prince's Accusations which are drawn from his Pretensions 't is sufficient to demonstrate that he did not desire these Employments to make an ill use of 'em and that he had no design to enlarge his Power to the prejudice of the Royal Authority tho' he has given the Queen cause to have unjust Mistrusts of his Power We cannot judge of his Designs but by his Actions nor can we tell what he meditated as to the future but by the Deeds which he perform'd When did he make use of his Power to lessen the Queen's have we seen the Provinces where he had any Credit in Uproar and Tumult like those of Guienne and Provence when did he ever foment Divisions If he had any Authority in the Army did he not make use of it for the King's Service So that if it were for this Princes Honour to have acquir'd so much Power in the Kingdom it was very advantagious to the Queen since he made no use of it but in obedience to herâ— and never concerning himself to make Laws he only took care to observe 'em when they were useful to the State Kings cannot act themselves through the whole extent of their Dominionsâ— There is a necessity for 'em to put the Image of their Authority into the hands of those who have most merit and whom they see to be best affected toward the Government What reason then had the Queen to reproach the Prince with the Favours she had done him since she was oblig'd to bestow 'em upon so me persons and no body could receive 'em with more acknowledgment or more to her Advantage 'T is no Crime to be powerful but 't is a Crime to employ that Power to the overturning of the State Let 'em not then accuse the Prince of such great Crimes because he had great Pretensionsâ— since that not having misemploy'd his Power to this very moment to the dâ—sservice of this Monarchy but rather to the establishment of it we have no reason to think that he intended to enlarge it on purpose to destroy it besides that the Queen her self had encourag'd him to aspire to the highest Employments whenâ— desiring his protection for the Cardinal whom a Decree of your August Assembly menac'd with approaching Shipwrack she assur'd him that she would put
the Crown the Kingdom all things into his hands and that there was nothing too good or too great for him if he perform'd a Service so important to the Realm as to save that Minister and shelter him from the Thunder which you were ready to dart forth against him There are credible Testimonies who heard this Discourse between the Queen and the Prince of Conde and who are able to justifie how submissively the Prince receivâ—d her Promises of Reward assuring the Queen that her Interests were so dear to him that there was no need to encourage him by any other Motives to 〈◊〉 him to undertake the Protection of those who were so happy as to have hers Has he not kept his Word Did he not perform what he promis'd has he not preserv'd this Minister maugre all France and supported him almost against all the Provinces of the Kingdom Nevertheless after he had perform'd all the â—ignal Services which the Queen desir'd from his Courage and from his Obedience and for which she confess'd her self that she had nothing in the Kingdom fiâ— to gâ—â—tifie him she uses him like a Criminal While she her â—elf enforces him to make his Demands she accuâ—es him of Traiterous Pretensions As if she had only gone about to kindle his Ambition by Promises to â—he end she might have some Pretence to ruin him striving to perswade those that are ignorant of Affairs that he could not aspire to so many Employments but by Instigations not to be justify'd and in order to execute some pernicious Deâ—igns Is it not from such a motive as this that they would fain â—nfuse into him a desire of Sovereignty to the end they may have an opportunity to punish his apparent ambition and that they give out his ambition has no limits and that the interests of the Kingdom are not Moâ—â—ds strong enough to stop the impetuous motion of this torrent â—tis true that the Prince demanded leave of the Court to endeavour the Conquest of Franche Conâ—e but I beseech ye to examine with what circumstances and what encourag'd him to make that demand which seems to be so Criminal They were treating at Court with those of Nâ—ples to cast off their Allegiancâ— to the King of Spain and the Siâ—ur de Fontenay Maâ—euil â— the Kingâ—s Embassador at Rome had orders to manage that Affair An Army was promis'd 'em provided they would acknowledge France or receive one of the Princes of France for their King They demanded either the King himself or Monsieur his Brother or the Duke of Orleance or the Prince of Conde upon which the rest being past by the offer was made to the last The Prince who never neglected any thing when it was for the King's service and enlarging his Dominions gladly accepted the Proposal he openly oppos'd the desire they had to confer the Admiralty upon his Enemies who by means of that Employment out of â—â—articular motive of revenge might have obstructed the Execution of a design so important and of so graet advantage to Aggrandize the Kingdom Observe I beseech ye that in all this there was nothing done but by the approbation and impulse of the Court it self Sometime after this the Prince without any other design then to extend the bounds of this Empire in pursuance of an intention which had been made manifest to him propos'd the Conquest of Franche Contè as a thing of no less advantage to the State and wherein there was not much difficulty He offer'd to raise an Army at his own charges and as if he had foreseen the unjust pretensions which they might have of his Power he promises to resign the Government of Burgundy and all the strong holds that are in that Province His courage and his zeal for the King's Service causing him to prefer the Pains and Hardships to be undergone in the Conquest of a Country before the Tranquility which he enjoy'd in the peaceable Possession of that Province which had been given him for his Services after the Death of the Prince his Father Who could blame so generous a Design so advantageous for the Kingdom and so honourable for the Prince Thereupon the Proposal which he made in Council was joyfully embrac'd They declar'd to him that it was a Proposal becoming his Courage and at that time they call'd it a Heroic which is now term'd an Ambitious Design All those thoughts which he had conceiv'd for the enlarging the Kingdom were lookt upon â—hen wiâ—hout the least appearance of being conceiv'd â—or his particular Grandeur So that 't is no difficult thing to find many heads of an Accusation against him since his mosâ— noble Actions are his greatest Crimes and that all his design to aggrandize the Kingdom by his Conquests are so many false proofs of which his Enemies made use of to destroy him Who is there but may observe their pernicious manner of Reasoning to calumniate the Prince upon several pieces of advice which he gave upon the different Commotions of Guienâ—e and Provence They tell ye that in these two Affairs of the same nature he went about in one place absolutely to uphold the Authority of the Governor to the oppression of the Parliament and that in the other he acted quite contrary without any other reason but only that he had a kindness for one of the Governors and hated the other But they who set these things on foot are either bad or very malicious Politicians For they say these two Affairs were both of the same nature because they were both Provinces that had taken up Arms against the Authority of the Parliament But they are to understand that the least circumstance in such Affairs as these quite alters the nature of the thing and obliges those that debate upon the remedy of disorders to vary their Counâ—â—ls according to time and place and the humour of the People they have to deal with So that he who should take the same Counsel in one Affair as he took on the other would do like a Painter that should go about to draw one man's Face from another man's Picture because he had the same Parts But are these sorts of Politicks to be attributed peculiarly to the Prince of Conde Do not all Histories furnish us with examples of different Conducts in causing Revolted People to lay down their Arms Have we not seen some Princes make use of Mildness toward their Subjects to disarm â—em and others to use violent means We have also observ'd in Histories the same Princes employ different ways according to the various humours of the Subjects which they have to govern And it were in vain for Politicians to have found out the two ways of fear and gentleness to reduce a mutinous People if the same Conduct were to be observ'd upon all occasions and if both the one and the other were not to be made use of according to the different circumstances that offer themselves in the Disorders that are to be remedy'd Why
Monsieur le Tellier said that the King's Coffers were so much exhausted that all Expences were to be avoided and that there were places in the Kingdom in which the Princes might be securely Guarded by the Garrison only Several were propos'd before Havre was mention'd but some Inconveniencies or other being found in all of them it was finally propos'd Monsieur opposed it violently by reason that he remembred that but three Months before when the Princes were to be remov'd from Vincennes elsewhere the Coadjutor and the Duke of Beaufort refused to consent to their being remov'd to that place and had protested to oppose it with all their might in case it were attempted The Cardinal seeing that Monsieur declar'd that he would not consent to their being carry'd to that place reply'd that the Queen who was to give him notice of her Designs was not oblig'd to follow his Sentiments Monsieur had much ado not to flye out to some Extremity against his Eminency The Queen assum'd the Discourse again immediately and press'd Monsieur anew either to take the Princes into his own Custody or to permit them to be remov'd to Havre assuring him that he should have as much Authority there as in Marcoussy and that the Princes should be guarded by the same Person who was engag'd not to deliver them unless by hers and his Orders and by a Command Sign'd by both To this the Queen added very earnest entreaties insomuch that Monsieur yielded to what she desir'd Within a few hours after this a Man of Quality representing to Monsieur the Importance and Consequences of that Removal and the Prejudice he would receive by it he immediately sent to Monsieur Le Tellier to Command him not to dispatch the said Orders But the Cardinal who dreaded this change of Mind had order'd Monsieur Le Tellier to remove from Fâ—ntainbleau and not to return till Night during which time the Orders were dispatch'd to De Bar all things were disposd for the departure of the Princes and the Forces destin'd to Conduct them being arriv'd at Marcoussy put themselves on their March with them towards Havre Monsieur Le Tellier being return'd home was oblig'd to wait upon Monsieur who forbid him sending any Orders to De Bar. Monsieur Le Tellier answeâ—'d that the Princes went away in the Morning and were upon their March whereupon the Duke of Orleance express'd a great deal of Anger he sent immediately for the Lord-Keeper and after having express'd his Resentment to him he told him that he could not approve this Removal and that the Queen to whom he had not been able to refuse it should vanquish him by Reason and not by Pâ—ayers The Queen made him some Reproaches about it at Night and Monsieur being unwilling to fall out with her the Princes were conducted to Havre on the fifteenth of November by Count d' Harcourt who by that Emyloyment so much below his Birth and Courage blasted the Lawrels of his most Famous Victories The Princes Friends and Servants were sensibly concern'd at this Removal especially because the Measures they had taken for their Rescue were thereby absolutely defeated They had for a considerable while cunningly establish'd a Correspondence with their Guards and had omitted nothing to gain them Moreover they had gain'd some of the Inferiour Officers who had made themselves sure of a certain number of Souldiers besides four of the seven Guards which commonly tarry'd in the Anti-chamber A Corps de Guard of Fourteen Men was kept under the Prince of Conde's Window upon a Terrass adjoyning to a Pond They had resolv'd to launch a Boat made of Leather into it which the Workman was to conduct close to the said Terrass The day being set the four Guards of the Anti-chamber who had been gain'd were to seize the Arms of the others and to dispatch them in case of Resistance Those of the Chamber were to be stab'd at the same time with Daggers that had been convey'd to the Prince who afterwards being favour'd by the Corps de Guard of the Terrass was to get out of his Window into the Boat and should have been drawn out of the Ditch by Arnauld and receiv'd by a Body of Horse commanded by the Duke of Nemours But unfortunately some of those who were most zealous for the Princes being heated with Wine or an inconsiderate Zeal declar'd publickly in Paris that those Illustrious unfortunate Princes ought to be rescu'd out of Marcoussy which the Duke of Orleance being acquainted with he immediately dispatch'd new Orders to de Bar to double his Guards because there was some Plot on foot This Man executed Monsieur's Orders and made use of his Adviceâ— To the seven former Guards of the Anti-chamber he added three new ones whereby the Prince judging that the Plot was discover'd he immediately acquainted his Friends therewith desiring them at the same time not to put it in Execuâ—ion Some days after it de Bar no longer fearing any thing restor'd things to their former state and remov'd the three new Guards The Prince gave his Friends notice of it and as they were preparing to execute their Design the Order came to Marcoussy to carry the Princes to Havre After their being carry'd thither the Cardinal pull'd off his Mask and judging himself above any Cabals he directly refus'd to procure the Cardinal's Cap Madame de Chevreuse had so often requested of him for the Coadjutor This proceeding of the Cardinal 's extreamly exasperated both Madame de Chevreuse and the Coadjutor and disposed them to side with those who desired the Liberty of the Princes nay moreover to use their utmost Endeavours with Monsieur to incline him to do the same At that time the Garrison of Rhetel committing great Devastations in Champayne and those Devastations affording the Cardinal's Enemies an occasion to complain of his Conduct he departed on the first of October to besiege that place which Monsieur de Turenne had made himself Master of sometime before with the Army he commanded which was composed of the Spanish Forces those of Lorrain and of such of the Princes he had been ablâ— to preserve He was received in all the Cities of Champayne with such demonstrations of Honour and Respect as extreamly surpriz'd the Princes Friends He stay'd some days at Chalons in order to hasten all necessary Preparations while the Forces assembled which were to form an Army of Twelve Thousand Men to be Commanded by the Marshal Du Plessis Praslin When the said Army was assembled about Reims Monsieur de Turenne fatigu'd it by such frequent Skirmishes and by such vigorous Attacks that he forc'd it to Encamp within the City it self where it remain'd several days without the leaâ—â— Action in expectation of the Cardinal As soon as he was arrived it was resolv'd to March strait to Rhetel and to Besiege it This succeeded sooner and better than they had believ'd The Treachery and Cowardice of Delli Ponti Governour of
Monsieur presented several Counsellors of the Parliament to him who happen'd then to be at the Palace of Orleance whom he received very kindly His Natural Inclination giving way to his Joy at that time all those in whom he observed any Joy received that Day some marks of his Acknowledgment He Supp'd with Monsieur where every body was free in expressing all manner of Invectives and Railleries against Mazarin who finding no safeâ—y in Frâ—nce against the Thundring Impeachments and Decrees of the Parliament was oâ— his way to quit the Kingdom and to repair to the Elector of Cologne The next day Monsieur accompanied the Prince and the Prince of Conty to the Parliament where being entred he spoke in these terms Gentlemen I have brought my Cousins to you to consummate your Work according to what you had resolved I have acquainted them with the Affection wherewith you have all laboured for their Liberty and have made them sensible of the kindness they ought to have for your House I hope their Presence will serve for a Remedy against the Disorders of the Kingdom and that joyntly with â—s they will contribute towards the good of the State which I protest to have been the only aim of all my Actions Monsieur having made an end the Prince assumed the Discourse as followeth Gentlemen â—fter having returned Her Majesty Thanks for the Iustice she has done us in putting us at Liberty I should think my self wanting to my self if I did not publickly acknowledge the extraordinary Obligations we have received from the Duke of Orleance 's Goodness and the Generosiâ—y he has express'd on our behalf But tho' this Favour we have received from him be so great that to acknowledge it I must neither spare my Blood or Life yet I should not have thought my self fully satisfied with it unless I had come to assure this House that I shall neâ—er want Gratitude for the Affection you have expressed towards me And whereas it obliges me never to separâ—te from your Interests I desire you to believe that I can have no other and that on all occasions I will endeavour to shew you how much I am indebted to you all in geâ—eral and to every one in particular The Prince of Conty made a Complement little different from his Brother 's after which the Prince assuming the Discourse again told them that the Duke of Longueville should have been glad also to have express'd his sense of his Obligements to them but that they could not be ignorant of the Reasons that hindred him from so doing The first President answered Sir The House cannot sufficiently express their Ioy at your Return and think themselves happy to have contributed towards it The Duke of Orleance 's Affection to which you are indebted for your Liberty next to the Queen's Goodness makes us hope that the Confusions which for three whole Years have been like to occasion the Ruin of this Monarchy and have so much diminished the Royal Authority will be dissipated by the perfect Union that is to be expected from Princes that are of the same Blood You are so much concerned in the preservation of the Glory and Greatness thereof that in labouring to revive the said Authority and to dispel all Clouds of Division you will labour for your own Advantage and render your selves more considerable by employing your Persons and Cares to keep the People in the Obedience they owe their King and Soveraign Moreover your Prudence will induce you not to hearken to any Seditious Spirits who under pretence of specious Advantages perhaps may only aim at sowing Divisions among you Those evil Counsellors must for ever be remov'd from your Persons And Sir considering your Obligations to the Duke of Orleance in saying this he look'd upon the Prince nothing should be capable to divide your Affections and Interests 'T is from that Union the State must expect its Repose the People the relief of their Miseries and the King the Support of his Authority and it is the only Recompence this House desires for the Vows they have made for your Liberty and for the Affection wherewith they have always promoted it After this some ask'd for the Declaration of Innocence they had agreed to grant for the Princes But whereas it was not ready yet and that it requir'd some time to consult the Princes about it it was referr'd to another Day Then Monsieur rose and the Prince having answer'd all those who did Congratulate his Return retir'd amidst the Acclamations of Joy of an infinite multitude of People which fill'd up the Hall and strove with Emulation to give him signal proofs of a satisfaction not only capable to make him lose the remembrance of the Joy they had express'd at his Confinement but also to render his Prison more Glorious than his Victories The manner of the Prince's Reception at Paris after his being put at Liberty gave a new Lustre to his Glory and made that Hero confess that this Reception was no less Glorious to him than the Great and Famous Victories of Rocroy Fribourg Nortlingue and Lens in which he had Triumph'd over the most powerful Efforts of the Enemies of France And indeed this new kind of Glory was greatly due to him since after having rendred such great Services to the State and discover'd such Eminent Vertues in so many Sieges and Battels he had been seiz'd and detain'd long in Prison with all the Injustice imaginable and with the utmost Ingratitude from the Court. For in fine besides the early marks of Valour he had given in the Trenches of Arras and in the Plains of Ipres is it not certain that in all probability France would have been overwhelm'd in the beginning of the Regency but for the Battle the Prince had won at Rocroy That Kingdom which had carry'd the Glory of its Arms so far by the great Genius of Cardinal Richelieu seem'd to fall by degrees from its Elevation since that Minister's Death Spain being at that time attentive in the pursuit of its vast Designs and perhaps reckoning upon a Queen to whom it had given Birth and who had long been suspected of not being well affected to France Spain I say which at that time look'd upon the King 's approaching Minority as a Source of Divisions which after the Death of Lewis XIII whose Distemper was judg'd incurable by the Physicians was going to expose so great a State as a Prey to their Ambitious Desires Moreover France wanted Famous Experienc'd Chiefs as well as well disciplin'd Forces while the Enemies had a Triumphant Army compos'd of the best Forces of Europe Commanded by a very Experienc'd General who only tarry'd for a proper moment to improve a Conjuncture which open'd a large Field to his Hopes and while the Garrisons of the Kingdom being unprovided and without Assistance trembled at the approach of the uncertain Storm which threatned the whole Frontier Lewis XIII dying in that Conjuncture the Consternation of his Death
the Weakness of a Minority a Tumultuous Regency a Council exposâ—d to Intrigues and Cabals Seeds of Division Great Malecontents the Agitation of the Court and the Exhausting of the People made Spain conceive approaching hopes of the total Ruin of France The Valour of the Prince of Conde at that time Duke of Enguien apply'd a Remedy to all those Evils by the gain of a Battle on which the Safety or Ruin of the State depended By this Victory he effectually sav'd the Realm he calm'd it he encouragâ—d it and as it were gave it new Life he became the Support of the Monarchy and strengthen'd the dawning Authority of the Young Monarch That memorable Day was follow'd with a Torrent of Prosperity for France of Conquests Battels gain'd Cities taken c. All the Campains that succeeded this by the Singularity of the Enterprizes that were form'd and executed by the Duke d' Enguien equall'd or surpass'd the most surprizing things we meet with in History The Battels of Fribourg and Nortlingue so celebrated through the obstinate Resistance of the Enemies and the Invincible Difficulties that oppos'd the attacking of them Those Battles which may very well be compar'd to those of Arbella and Pharsalia alarm'd and terrify'd the very Heaâ—t of the Empire and finally forc'd Germany to desire a Peace on such Conditions as France was pleas'd to allow it The Battle of Lens yet more Glorious and Triumphant placing the Prince of Conde in the just and indisputable possession of being the Hero of his Age â—ais'd at the same time the great and signal Obligations he had laid upon the Court to the highest degree which after that Battle committed a world of Faults without him and was only sav'd by him in the War of Paris And yet notwithstanding all this at a time when all his Designs all his Vertues and all his Actions only tended to the King's Service and the Grandeur of the Kingdom of which he was the chief Ornament he was Imprison'd because his Conduct in some Occasions had not appear'd sufficiently Respectful towards the Queen and that he had not all the Complaisance for the Cardinal which that Minister desiâ—'d whom he had the misfoâ—tune to displease by the impetuosity of his Temper which he could not Master the which aâ— most could only be look'd upon as Court Faults and not Crimes of State capable of obliterating the Important Services rendred by a first Prince of the Blood Therefore it is no wonder that after his being put at Liberty again and return'd to Paris the People express'd their Joy and receiv'd him in Triumph as if he had been newly return'd from gaining the Battles of Rocroy Fribourg Nortlingue and Lens But unfortunately his Glory which had appear'd with such a Lustre in so many different manners was afterwards tarnish'd by a very blameable Conduct For finally he excited a Civil War and took up Arms against his Soveraign Moâ—eover be acted with so much Imprudence in that War and committed so many Capital Faults that thereby he fell infinitely short of those Great Men who by a wise Conduct and well-contriv'd Measures archiev'd the highest and most difficult Enteâ—prizes Not but at the same time the Court also committed very considerable Faults and that both Parties maintain'd themselves more through the Faults of each other than by any good Conduct on their sideâ— But that does not justifie the Prince especially if we consider that thereby he ruin'd his own Party and made the Court Triumph It is most certain that had the Prince been endu'd with all Caesar's Qualifications he should have succeeded in all his Enterprizes Caesar had a consuminated Prudence all his steps were measur'd in so much that he never did any thing without mature deliberation managing his Zeal and being more affected with the Solid than the Exterior part being very cautâ—ous in all difficult Affairs and never wanting a Remedy in the most troublesome Conjunctures Few Persons have ever been known with so much Equality in their Life so much Moderation in their Fortune and so much Clemency when injur'd He gain'd the Affection of all People by his Goodness and Mildness Those who were Familiar with him and did espouse his Interests neither dreaded his Anger or Capricio's He was Liberal and Magnificent towards the People towards his Friends and even towards his very Enemies He compass'd his Ends by Mild Insinuating Cunning Secret means The Prince of Conde did not possess those Qualities He was of an unequal Temper he was Rough Difficult and Haughty and an Enemy to Precaution He could not moderate himself in his Prosperity or Fortune He was Passionate and Revengeful He did not acknowledge considerable Services and when he did there was no certainty of the continuation of his Gratitude He was not very sincere to his Friends not even to those thaâ— were most Illustrious and most necessary to him He made Treaties without them he often neglected their most considerable Interests and only minded his own Neither was he very Liberal or Magnificent He did not consult or manage the Temper of the People and took no great care to gain their Love He could not Dissemble neither could he Act in great Affairs with Cunning and Secrecy In short he rely'd too much upon his own Valour Merit Reputation and Quality and neglected other things that 〈◊〉 â—â—cessary for the execution of great Undertakiâ—◠〈◊〉 I shall not mention the Errors he committed in this place the Reader will sufficiently observe them in the faithful orderly recital I shall make of the principal Actions and Events But before I proceed any farther because I am now to treat about the most considerable Point of this History and that by reason of the partiality of those who have left us Memoirs about it it is very difficult to distinguish the real Sentiments of the Prince whose Life we are now writing I will set down as a necessary Foundation that the Prince of Conde came out of Prison with Sentiments of Vengeance not only against Cardinal Mazarin Madame de Chevreuse and against the Frondeurs who had only promoted his Liberty upon disobliging Considerations and very hard Conditions but also against the Queen and against the King I do not think any body can blame me for what I advance since the Prince himself after the Civil War was ended and he receiv'd into Favour again condemning his Conduct and former Sentiments declar'd with Candor to some Persons of Honour and Credit That he was the most Innocent man alive when put into Prison and the most Guilty at his coming out of it Alas pursu'd he with grief Before that unhappy Prison I aâ—m'd at nothing but the King's Service and the Grandeur of the State In so much that the Valour Activity and Imperious Humour together with all the extraordinary Qualifications the Prince was endu'd with were like unto those matters from which Exhalations are form'd which matters serve for coâ—siderable uses but being
once turn'd into Exhalations and enclos'd within the Clouds being attracted thither by the heat of the Sun they seldom get out of them again unless it be to strike the most elevated Places and to overthrow the 〈◊〉 Sumptuous Buildings and to cause terrible Disoâ—â—â—â—â— So likewise the Prince of Conde's Valour and Courage before his Imprisonment were only employ'd for the Good of the Kingdom and the Glory of his Soveraign but after his being put at Liberty all those Heroical Qualities were employ'd on very different Uses and whereas before he had been the Hope Support and Joy of the State he became the Terror of it all on a sudden he attack'd the Royal Authority and kindled a Civil War which caus'd great Disorders as will appear by the sequel of this History After the return of the Princes to Paris their Imprisonment was declar'd unjust by the Parliament and a new Decree was given against Cardinal Mazarin This Decree of the Parliament was terrible it condemned that Minister to a perpetual Banishment and commanded all Frenchmen to fall upon him if ever he appear'd in the Kingdom and at the same time confiscated all he hadâ— During these Transactions the Queen passionately desir'd the Cardinal's return and try'd all means to dispose the Prince to consent to it To that end she offer'd him by the Princess Palatin all manner of Advantages for himself and for his Friends But â—e only answer'd those fine offers with Complements which engag'd him to nothing But yet in the sequel the Queen being very pressing to oblige him to express himself he promised to Treat whether it were that he had no mind to break so soon with the Queen and had a mind to carry until things were more favourably dispos'd in his favour to have a more plausible pretence of breaking publickly or whether he were really dispos'd to treat in hopes of obtaining for himself and for his Friends the most considerable Employments and Governments â—nd thereby put himself in a condition of doing whatever he pleas'd However he desir'd the Treaty might be kept secret and so did the Queen The Queen fear'd to augment the Diffidence of Monsieur and of the Froâ—deâ—rs and to swerve too soon and without the least pretence from all the Declarations she had just granted the Parliament against the Cardinal's return The Prince on his side was afraid his Friends would be angry at his Treating without their participation that the Duke of Bouillon and the Marshal of Turenne would quit his Interests that the Frondeurs and the Dutchess of Chevreuse would grow his irreconcileable Enemies and that the Parliament and the People would on a sudden reflect on the dreadful Image of the last War of Paris Therefore they us'd all the Cautions imaginable to Treat secretly The Prince went to the Princess Palatin whom the Queen had chosen to manage the Treaty She was of the House of Mantua and Sister to the Queen of Poland The Count of Servient and Monsieur de Lionne likewise met there from the Queen The Prince would have the Duke de la Rochefoucault present and did nothing without the consent of the Prince of Conty his Brother and the Dutchess of Longueville his Sister The first Project of the Treaty which was propos'd by the Princess Palatin was That Guienne should be given to the Prince and that the Lord Lieutenancy thereof should be given to whatever Friend of his he should be pleas'd to choose That the Prince of Conty should have the Government of Provence And that Gratifications should be made to such as had been engag'd in the Prince's Interests That nothing should be desir'd of him but barely to retire into his Government with whatever Forces of his own he should think fit for his own Security That he should remain there without contributing to Cardinal Mazarin's return but that he should not oppose the King's Endeavours in order thereunto anâ— that whatever happen'd the Prince should be free to be his Friend or Enemy according as his Conduct should give him cause to love or hate him Those Conditions were not only confirm'd but augmented by Messieurs de Servient and de Lionne For at the Prince's desire that the Government of Blaye might be added to the Lord Lieutenancy of Guienne for the Duke de la Rochefoucault they gave him all the hopes of it he could desire They only desir'd time to treat with the Duke d' Angouleme about the Government of Provence and to dispose the Queen to grant Blaye But apparently it was only to give the Cardinal an Account of what past and to receive his Orders He was at that time at Brueil in the Arch-Bishoprick of Cologne and the Queen consulted him as an Oracle This Affair remain'd some time without being discover'd but he who had been chosen to conclude it soon occasion'd an entire breach and drove things to the utmost Extremities Monsieur de Chavigny who was lately recall'd and plac'd into the Ministry again was a Mortal Enemy to the Cardinal and being at that time the Prince's chief Confident soon dispos'd him to break off the Treaty with the Queen against the Advice of Madame de Longueville the Princess Palatin and the Dukes de Bouillon and de la Rocâ—efoucault Messieurs de Servient and de Lionne at the same time were imbroil'd on both sides about this Negotiation and afterwards were both turn'd out The Queen deny'd her having ever hearken'd to the Proposition about Blaye and accus'd Servient of having made it on purpose to raise the Prince's Demands so high that it should be impossible for her to grant them As for the Prince his Complaints against the Count of Servient were That he had treated with him from the Queen about Conditions that were unknown to her or that he had made so many vain Propositions to him to amuse him under pretence of a sincere Treaty which in effect was only a premeditated Design to Ruin him Although the Count of Servient was suspected on both sides it did not lessen the Animosity which began to arise between the Queen and Prince it was almost equally fomented by all those who came near them Some represented to the Queen that the Division between the Prince and Madame de Chevreuse about the breach of the Marriage between the Brother of the one and the Sister of the other would certainly reconcile the Frondeurs to the Cardinal's Interests and that all things would be soon reduc'd to the state they were in when the Prince was seiz'd He on the other hand was induc'd to break with the Court by many different Interests He found no longer any Safety with the Queen who did nothing without the Cardinal's consent and he dreaded to be involv'd into his former disgraces again Madame de Longueville was sensible that the Cardinal had made an irreconcileable Breach between her Husband and her and that after the impressions he had given him against
their Revolâ— That she could no longer dissemble the Prince's Ill Designs who himself inclin'd the disaffected to a Revolt by his publick want of Respect to the King's Person not having seen him above once and as it were only out of Ceremony in above a Month's time since his being in Paris That he continually spread Libels against the Government in order to make the People Rise and to lead them from their Allegiance That he had already laid in Stores and fortify'd the Garrisons that were in his Power rais'd Forces in the Provinces he had gain'd and dispos'd all things so well towards a Revolt that the Factious only expected his Orders to take Arms. That to that end he had a continual Commerce at Brâ—ssels with the Spaniards and that far from performing the chief Condition on which he was set at Liberty which was to remove the Garrison the Enemies of the State had plac'd in Stenay he kept it still there by their Advice in order still to have that Post at his Command during the War he design'd to kindle in the heart of France That the Forces he had assembled at Marle acknowledg'd no Superiour but his Highness and had no Discipline besides a cruel License of Pillaging Picardy and Champagne as an Enemy's Country to the dishonour and prejudice of the King's Army which was daily observ'd to diminish considerably by the great number of Deserters that License brought over into the Prince's The Queen concluded saying that those dismal pressing Extremities deserv'd to be taken into Consideration by the House in order to apply proper Remedies thereunto by declaring themselves absolutely against the Authors thereof and that if they had still the least Affection and Kindness for the King they could never approve it better than at that time now His Majesty was going to enter into his Majority at which time according to Law they were to give him an Account of the Government After the Reading of this Paper a general Silence reign'd in the House none offering to express their thoughts about it excepting the Prince of Conty who declar'd pretty coldly That all this was only a vain Artifice of his Brother's Enemies and that he would find means to destroy and confound themâ— However at that time there was a great deal of reason to fear the contrary by reason of the then disposition of the Parliament But an Incident interven'd which soon alter'd the Dispositions of that August Assembly which enabled the Prince happily to execute what the Prince of Conty had so boldly advanc'd in his favour against the Complaints of the Court. And thus it happen'd As the Parliament was going to deliberate upon these Complaints News was brought that the Duke of Mercoeur was privately retir'd to Cologne to the Cardinal and moreover that he had marry'd his Niece of Manciny to which the Queen had secretly given her Consent Upon which the Parliament who together with the Prince had already sufficiently declar'd their dislike of the said Match express'd a great deal of Resentment against it and judg'd that his Highness was not altogether so much to blame as was imagin'd in complaining still against Mazarin after his retreat out of France and look'd upon that Match as an undeniable Proof of the excessive Power wherewith that Cardinal still rul'd the Court. Therefore The Prince looking upon this as a very favourable Conjuncture to clear himself from the Aspersions that had been cast upon him presented a Declaration to the Parliament written by the hand of Monsieur the King's Uncle wherein he declar'd That the Forces the Prince had at Marle were kept there by his Royal Highnesses Approbation That it was by his Order they tarry'd there in a Body and moreover that he had sent le Sieur Valons to Command them joyntly with his own in the room of la Ferté Sennetterre who was a perfect Mazarin That as to the Foreign Garrison that was in Stenay he was satisfy'd that the Prince had usâ—d his utmost Endeavours to remove them from thence either by Force or Composition That in a word he thoughâ— himself oblig'd to Testifie for his Highness that he had ever known him to be a Person of an Upright Generous Soul entirely devoted to the King and State And that therefore he declar'd he had not the least hand in the precipitated Resolution of the Court to have him Impeach'd of High Treason for pretended Correspondencies with the Enemies of the Crown The Prince had no need of any further Apology after this Declaration of the Duke of Orleance Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom especially since the Parliament was sufficiently inclin'd to believe him Innocent Nevertheless the more to confound his Enemies and to hinder them from doing of him any prejudice by their Accusations he added a kind of Maniâ—esto to his Royal Highnesses Declaration in Answer to all the Heads of their Accusations against him He declar'd in the said Manifesto that he possess'd no other Estate in France than what his Father the late Prince of Conde had left him That the Cities of Stenay and Clermont had been given him in compensation for the Place of Lord Admiral which was to be his by Right of Succession after the Decease of Marshal de Breze his Father-in-law That after having undergone an Imprisonment of Thirteen Months without a Cause his being put at Liberty should not have been call'd an Act of Grace but a piece of Justice That a Prince of the Blood whose Father had been declar'd Head of the Council by the late King's Testament could not be excluded from it That it was very well known that he had no Strong Holds in the Kingdom to Second his pretended Designs of a Revolt whereas Mazarin was still in possession of them all by his Creatures That the Court was to blame to envy those few Men he had at Marle since France was particularly indebted to them for the best part of its last Victories and that besides they were only assembled there by his Royal Highnesses Order who was the Absolute Master thereof That the only Reason for which he had desir'd the Court to exchange his Government of Burgundy for Guienne was to Relieve that poor Province from the Misery it was reduc'd to under the proud and violent Domination of the Duke d' Espernon whose Excesses were but too well known in the World That if he had reserv'd any Places in Burgundy it was because they were his the late Prince his Father having bought them by His Majesty's Leave and Approbation and that for that Reason he had a Right to keep them especially since no others had been given him in exchange in Guienne That it was true that he had abstain'd for some time from seeing the King and from assisting at the Council but that no Man of Sense could blame him for it since his most inveterate Foes being most in Her Majesty's favour he had reason to suspect them and to avoid
a strong Garrison And therefore he resolv'd to throw the Regiment of Foot of Conty into it and to take possession of one of the Gates of the City in order to oblige the People to receive a Garrison But whereas this Design was not kept secret it was soon rumour'd throughout the City Upon which the Inhabitants immediately betook themselves to their Arms and made Barricadoes The Prince of Conde being inform'd therewith got on Horse-back to stop the Tumult by his Presence and to remain Master of the Gate of Grave until the aforesaid Regiment had taken possession of it But the arrival of the Souldiers increas'd the Disorder instead of appeasing it They entred and made a halt in the first Street and tho' the Prince of Conde the Prince of Conty and all the Officers endeav'd to appease the Disorder they could not hinder the Streets from being barricado'd in a moment However the People still preserv'd their Respect towards the Prince of Conde and towards all the General Officers but at the same time the Animosity increas'd in all places where his Presence was wanting It was impossible that things should remain long in that condition the Souldiers as I have already related had taken Possession of the Gate of Grave and half the adjoyning Street The People were in Arms all the Streets were barricado'd and Corps â—e Guards plac'd every where Night drew on which would have increas'd the Disorder and the Prince of Conde found himself necessitated either to quit the Town shamefully or cause it to be pâ—ilag'd and burnt either of which apparently would have ruin'd his Affairs For if he quitted the Town the King's Forces would be receivd into it and if he burnt it it would occasion the Revolt of the whole Province against him Those Reasons induc'd him to endeavour an Accommodation which in appearance might save his Authority and serve for a pretence to Pardon the Inhabitants of Agen. The Duke de la Rochefoucault spoke to some of the most considerable Citizens and prevail'd with them to go to the Town-Hall there to Depute some among them to the Prince to beg his Pardon and to intreat him to come to their Assembly there to prescribe the means to preserve Agen in the Submission and Loyalty they had sworn to him The Prince accordingly went thither and told them that it had always been his Intention to preserve their Freedom entire and that the only end for which he had sent Souldiers thither was to ease them and help them to Guard the City but that since they did not desire it he was willing to remove them provided the City would raise a Regiment of Foot at their own Charge and give him the Names of the Officers These Conditions were easily agreed to the Barricado's were remov'd the Souldiers march'd out again and the City remain'd in appearance as quiet and full of Submission as it was before the Sedition The Prince of Conde who could not confide in those Appearances remain'd some time in Agen to put the City in its former state again at which time he receiv'd the News that the Army from Flanders Commanded by the Duke of Nemours and the Duke of Orleance's Forces Commanded by the Duke of Beaufort were joyn'd and on their March towards the River Loire This Joy was notwithstanding mix'd with some Disquiet On the one hand he saw an Army from Spain he had so long expected in the middle of the Kingdom which might come to the Relief of Montroâ—d or to joyn with him in Guienne But at the same time he was also inform'd that the Dukes of Nemours and of Beaufort could no ways agree and that their Division was grown to a very dangerous pitch Their Armies being separate it was impossible for them to keep the Field before the King's Army Commanded by the Marshals of Turenne and Hoquincourt reinforc'd by the Troops â—he Cardinal had brought along with him besides the Neighbourhood of the Court The Duke of Nemours's Orders were to cross the River of Loire in order to relieve Montrond and to March immediately towards Guienne whereas the Orders the Duke of Beaufort daily receiv'd from the Duke of Orleance were directly opposite Monsieur could not consent that the Army should march away so far from Paris fearing lest the People or the Parliament should alter their minds seeing the Duke of Nemours's Army march into Guienne while the King 's remain'd in their Neighbourhood The Coadjutor of Paris in whom Monsieur confided most at that time seconded this Advice and augmented the fear and Natural Iâ—resolutions of that Prince By keeping the Army on this side the River Loire he made it of no use to the Prince of Conde whose Enemy he was and made himself more considerable at Court by shewing that being Master of Monsieur's Conduct it was in his power to advance or keep back the Progress of the Army and thus omitted no means to obtain a Cardinal's Cap. Chavigny on his side harbour'd as great Designs he expected to govern Monsieur by making him senâ—â—â—le that â—e govern'd the Prince and flatter'd himâ—â—â—â— to become Master of the Prince's Conduct by shewing him he was Master of Monsieur's His Projects did not stop there from the very beginning of the War he had taken his Measures to become â— Negotiator of Peace and had united himself to the Duke of Roâ—an believing that he might be equally useful to him with Monsieur and with the Prince He likewise thought he had taken all necessary precautions towards the Cardinal by means of Fabret Governour of Sedan and whereas he â—ut no Bounds to his Ambition and his Hopes he did not question but in making a particular Peace he should be chosen with the Cardinal to conclude the General Peace He fancy'd moreover that making use of the Credit the Prince of Conde could give him among the Spaniards he should have all the Credit of the Good Successes and the Cardinal on the contrary all the Shame and blame of â—he ill Events And that thus he should enter into the Ministry of Affairs again either with the Glory of having concluded the Peace or with the Advantage of laying the blame of it on Mazarin in case it should not be effected In order thereunto he writ several times to the Prince to press him to quit Guienne he represented to him how necessary his Presence was in the Army that in suffering it to be destroy'd he would lose his last Stake but that in making Progresses in the heart of the Kingdom and in the King's sight he would not only immediately retrieve his Affairs in Guienne but all the rest of his Party The Prince of Conde suffer'd himself easily to be perswaded by Chavigny's Reasons but the principal Motive which induc'd him to it was his desire of quitting Guienne at a time when the weakness of his Army oblig'd him continually to fly before Count d' Harcourt He communicated his Design to the Duke de la Rochefoucault
open in several parts unprovided and without probability of Succours from any but the Duke of Lorrain with whom the Court thought a Treaty had been made Moreover it is my Opinion that the Event of the Siege was not so much consider'd as the Reputation so great an Undertaking would afford the King's Arms For tho' at the same time the Negotiation was continud with great earnestness and that the Prince was then very desirous of a Peace yet it could not reasonably be expected until the Success of Estampes had regulated the Propositions thereof During these Transactions the Court-Party made use of that Conjuncture to gain the People and to form Cabals in the Parliament and tho' at that time the Duke of Orleance seem'd closely united with the Prince he notwithstanding daily had particular Conferences with the Cardinal of Rets who made it his chief business to destroy whatever Resolutions the Prince put him upon The Siege of Estampes continu'd still and tho' the Progresses of the King's Army were inconsiderable yet nevertheless the Reports that were spread up and down the Realm were advantageous to the King And Paris look'd for the Succours that was expected from the Duke of Lorrain as the only thing that could saâ—e the Party It arriv'd at last after many delays and no small Suspicions of an Accommodation between the King and him however his Presence dissipated that Opinion for a while and he was receiv'd with extream Joy his Forces were Encamp'd near Paris and the Disorders they committed were suffered without complaining At first there happen'd some Disputes between the Prince and him about their Rank but he finding that the Prince would not desist relinquish'd his Pretentions so much the rather because he had only insisted upon it in order to gain time to make a secret Treaty with the Court to raise the Siege of Estampes without hazarding a Combat Nevertheless as People are never so easily surpris'd as when they are projecting to deceive others it happâ—n'd that the Duke of Lorrain who expected to derive great advantages from and to secure himself by his continual Negotiations with the Court tho' very unjust was on a sudden â—â—rpris'd by the Marshal of Turenne who marched up to him with all his Army and required him forthwith to reâ—ire and march back for Flanders The Duke of Lorrain's Forces were not inferiour to the King 's and a Man who had only valued his Reputaâ—ion might easily have hazarded a Combat But whatever Reasons the Duke of Lorrain had for it he retired with Shame and submitted to what the Marshal of Turenne was pleas'd to impose upon himâ— he neither acquainted the Duke of Orleance nor the Prince with what pass'd and the first thing they heard was that their Forces wâ—re marched out of Estampes that the King's Army was remov'd from thence and that the Duke of Lorrain was marching back for Flanders pretending to have fully perform'd the Orders he had receiv'd from the Spaniards and his Promise to Monsieur This nâ—ws surpris'd every body and made the Prince resolve to go to his Army fearing the King's might fall upon it in the way He went out of Paris accompany'd only by 12 or 15 Horse whereby he expos'd himself to be taken by the Enemies Parties however he joyn'd his Army and led it towards Ville Iuive Afterwards he marched to St. Cloud where he made some stay during which the Haâ—vest was not only quite spoil'd but almost all the Country Houses were burnt This began to disgust the Parisians and the Prince had like to have received fatal Marks at the Battel of St. Anthony During these Transactions Gaucourt had secret Conferences with the Cardinal who sâ—ill express'd to him an earnest desire for a Peace he had already agreed upon the main Conditions but the more he insisted on the least the more it was apparent that he had no design to conclude Those Uncertainties gave new Vigour to all the Cabals and consequently to the divers Reports that were dispersed abroad Paris never was in greater Agitation and never was the Prince's mind more divided to resolve upon Peace or War The Spaniards endeavour'd to remove him from Paris to hinder a a Peace and the Dutchess of Longueville's Friends contributed to that Disign in order to remove him from the Dutchess of Chastillon Moreover Mademoiselle at once design'd the same things with the Spaniards and with the Dutchess of Longueville for on the one hand she desir'd the Continuation of the War to be reveng'd on the Queen and Cardinal who had hindred her Marriage with the King and on the other she was desirous to get the Prince from the Dutchess of Chastillon and to have a greater share in his Confidence and Esteem than that Duâ—chess And therefore in order to gain him by that which was most sensible to him she rais'd Forces in his Name and promis'd him Money to raise more 〈◊〉 Promises being joyn'd to those the Spaniâ—â—â—â— maâ—e and to the Aâ—tifices that were us'd by â—he Duâ—chess of Longueville's Friends remov'd from 〈◊〉 Prince all the thoughts he had of a Peace Thaâ— which in my Opinion likewise contributed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rably to it was not only the small Confiâ—â—ncâ— he thought he could repose in the Court but â—â—â—â—ng which will hardly be credited from a Person of his Quality and Merit it was a violent desire of imitating the Duke of Lorrain in many things and particularly in his behaviour towards his Soldiers and Officers and he perswaded himself that since the Duke of Lorrain being dispossess'd of his Dominions his Circumstances not being near so advantageous as his had notwithstanding rendeâ—'d himself so considerable by his Army â—nd by his Money his own Qualifications being inâ—â—niâ—ely superiour to his his Progresses would proâ—e suitable thereunto and that in the mean time he sâ—ould lead a Life altogether conformable to his own Humour This has been look'd upon as the true Motive that engag'd the Prince among the Spaniards and for which he renounc'd whatever his Birth and Serâ—ices had acquir'd him in the Kingdom However he conceal'd his Sentiments as much as possible he could and still express'd the same desire for a Peace the which was still in vain in Agitation The Court at that time was at St. Denis and the Marshal de la Ferté had joyn'd the King's Army with the Forces he had brought from Lorrain The Prince's Army which was weaker than the least of the two that were oppos'd to him had till then kept its Post at St. Cloud in order to make use of the Bridge to avoid an unequal Combat but the arrival of Marshal de la Ferté enabled the King's Army to divide into two Bodies and to attack St. Cloud on both sides by making Bridges towards St. Denis the Prince resolv'd to remove from St. Cloud in order to march to Charenton and to Post himself in that nook of Land which makes the Conjunction between the River Marne and
prov'd nevertheless less Fatal to him than to Monsieur de Chavigny who having had a very rough Esclaircissement with the Prince he was seiz'd with a Fever of which he dyed few days after Hiâ— Miâ—fortune did not end with his Life and Death which should terminate all Hatreds seem'd to have reviv'd his Enemy's against him All manner of Crimes were imputed to him and the Prince particularly justify'd himself at his Cost of the Jealousie the Spaniards and the Frondeurs conceiv'd of a secret Treaty with the Court He complain'd that Chavigny had hearken'd to some Propositions of the Abbot Fouquet without his participation altho' he had order'd him so to do in Writing and that he had promis'd to make him relinquish some Articles which he could not do The Prince likewise caus'd a Copy to be written of an intercepted Letter from the aforesaid Abbot the Original of which I have seen whereby he acquainted the Court that Goulas would incline the Duke of Orleance to abandon the Prince unless he accepted the Conditions of Peace that were offer'd him But in the Copies the Prince had written of it he put the Name of Chavigny instead of Goulas whereby he accus'd him of Treason without giving any other Proofs thereof besides a falsify'd Copy of that Letter written by the said Abbot Fouquet with whom the Prince daily treated and gave an Account thereof to Chavigny I can only impute the cause of so unjust and so extraordinary a proceeding to the extream desire the Prince had of making War the which being oppos'd by his Friends had made him alter his Conduct towards them and place all his Confidence in the Spaniards The Duke of Bouillon dy'd at that very time at Pontoise whose Death should have cur'd Men of Ambition and disgusted them from making so many different Projects in order to Rise For the Ambition of that Duke was accompany'd by all the extraordinary Qualifications that could render it prosperous He was brave and was a perfect Master in the Orders of War he had an Easie Natural Insinuating Eloquence A clear Understanding abounding in Expedients and fit to manage the most difficult Undertakings a sound Judgment and an admirable Talent in distinguishing He hearken'd mildly to the Counsels that were given him and he valu'd other Peoples Reasons so much that he seem'd to draw his Resolutions from thence But yet those Advantages prov'd almost useless to him through the obstinacy of his Fortune which always thwarted his Prudence The Spaniards were Revenging the Duke of Guise's Enterprize upon the Kingdom of Naples by a long and cruel Imprisonment and had long prov'd inexorable to all those who interceded for his Liberty However they granted it to the Prince and on thâ—t occasion they renounc'd one of their principal Maxims to link him the closer to their Party by a concession that is so extraordinary among them Thus the Duke of Guise receiv'd his Liberty when he least expected it and he came out of Prison engag'd by so great a Favour and by his Parole to enter into the Prince of Conde's Interests He came to him at Paris and perhaps believing he had acquitted himself of what he ow'd him by some Complements and some Visits he went soon after to meet the Court to offer the King what such great Obligations exacted from him towards the Prince As soon as Chavigny was dead the Prince began to take his Measures to go away with the Duke of Lorrain and indeed his Conduct had rendred his departure so necessary that it was the only way he had left for the Peace was too generally desir'd at Paris to remain there in safety with a design to oppose it The Duke of Orleance who had desir'd it all along and dreaded the Evil the Prince of Conde's Presence might draw upon him contributed so much the rather towards his Removal by reason that he found himself thereby free to make a particular Treaty Altho' Affairs stood on these terms the ordinary course of the Negotiation had not been interrupted for even at that time when Cardinal Mazarin was quitting the Kingdom for the second time to put a period to the pretences of the Civil War or to shew that the Prince had other Interests besides his Removal he sent Langlade Secretary to the Duke of Bouillon to the Duke de la Rochefoucault either out of a real desire to Treat thereby to facilitate his Return or hoping to draw great Advantages by his shewing that he desir'd a Peace In fine Langlade came with Conditions that were much fuller than all the others and almost conformable to what the Prince had demanded but they were equally refus'd and his Fate which drew him into Flanders did not permit him to discover the Precipice until it was too late to retreat Finally he departed with the Duke of Lorrain after having taken vain Measures with the Duke of Orleance to hinder the King from being receiv'd at Paris But his Credit was not sufficient at that time to cope with the Court 's He was order'd to leave Paris the very day the King was to arrive there and he obey'd immediately to avoid being a Spectator of the Triumph of his Enemies as well as of the Publick Joy MEMOIRS OF THE Prince of Conde BOOK VI. THE King came back to Paris on the 29 th of October A vast concourse of People went out to meet His Majesty and when he entred in the Evening into his Metropolis all the People gave marks of an Extraordinary Joy The next day the King caus'd a General Pardon to be read in the Gallery of the Louvre where the Parliament had been Conven'd by the King 's Writ after which the said Declaration was recorded In the next place His Majesty order'd the Duke of Orleance to retire to Limours and Mademoiselle de Montpensier to Bois le Vicomte The Duke of Beaufort the Duke of Rohan the Duke de la Rochefoucault and all the Prince of Conde â—s and the Dutchess of Longueville's Servants and all the near Relations of those who were in the Prince's Service were also order'd to quit Paris and to retire elsewhere The Prince of Conde who did not think himself safe by the General Pardon was gone towards the Frontiers of Picardy there to receive some Spanish and Lorrain Forces in order to joyn his Army After he had receiv'd this Reinforcement the remainder of the Spanish Forces and of those of Lorrain divided themselves to March on both sides of him in order to joyn and succour him in case of Necessity After which the Prince march'd towards Rheâ—â—l â— with a design to make himself Master of it He prâ—sented himself before it on the Thirtieth and took it the same day without any Resistance He left the Marquess of Persan there with some Infantry and little Horse and then he march'd directly to St. Menehoult with the Forces of Virtemberg with half those of Fuensaldagne and with Three Thousand
since And being moreover very much sollicited by his Friends to abandon the Prince's Party he was glad to meet the Occasion I have related and embrac'd it with Joy The Prince having heard those words of Tavannes I have mention'd quitted that Count abruptly and told him with some Anger that he ought to think more than once on what he was going to do And when the said Count persisting still in his Resolution came to take his leave of his Highness Well Monsieur de Tavannes said the Prince to him you are then resolvd not to suffer a Companion to Command my Forces with me and that Pretence makes you run after the fair hopes which call you back to the Act of Grace Go then and give Mazarin the Satisfaction of having snatch'd my Right Arm from me to employ it against my self Count de Tavannes was calld at Paris The Prince's Right Arm. I find by what your Highness tells me reply'd the Count that you know me ill for the time I have had the Honour to serve you Is it possible that having seen me abandon all and sacrifice my Interest to that Honour only you should think my Heart base enough at present to suffer my self to be govern'd by the Passion of Interest I find by that that I am only your Right Arm because I am not on the side of your Heart But to â—ndeceive your Highness who thinks Interest capable to make me court the Friendship of that Minister I Protest and engage my Word to you that I will neither appear at Court or take any Employment until I have the Satisfaction of bâ—holding your Highness there in possession of the 〈◊〉 that is due to you Count Tâ—vannes having made this Generous Proâ—â—â—â—â—tion took his leave of the Prince and retir'd 〈◊〉 his Estate of Pailly near Langres where he â—â—â—ain'd ever since without any Employment 〈◊〉 the Court and without Gratitude from the Prince Whereas the King had only consented to Cardinal Mazarin's Absence in order to remove all Pâ—â—tences of continuing the Civil War and to re-establish Peace in his Kingdom he recall'd him as soon as the state of his Affairs did permit him This Minister who kept at no great distance and who did not cease to Act for His Majesty's Interests had no sooner deliver'd Picardy from the Exâ—â—rsions of the Enemies but he return'd to Court He arriv'd at Paris on the 3 d. of February with as much Pomp and as many Acclamations as if he had never quitted the Kingdom for the Reasons above mention'd The remembrance of all that was past seem'd to be bury'd or that it was design'd to brave the Prince of Conde's Absence The King went to meet the Cardinal and receiv'd him in the most obliging manner that could be As soon as Cardinal Mazarin found himself absolutely restor'd he apply'd his Mind to strengthen his Power by Considerable Alliances And being sensible that the Prince of Conty had no inclination to lead a Church-Life though he was design'd for iâ— he propos'd one of his Nieces to him Daughter to a Gentleman of Rome Beautiful and endow'd with all manner of Vertues The Marriage was concluded to the Satisfaction of all those that were concern'd While Paris and the Court was employ'd about Marriage and Divertisements Burgundy and Guienne persisted in their Revolt but that Rebellion did not last long The City of Bellegarde was the only one in all Burgundy that persisâ—â—d in the Prince's Party The Duke d' Espernon who was Governour of that Province besieg'd it and made himself Master of it after a brave and obstinate Resistance by Count Boutteville who Commanded there Marshal de la Ferté Senneterre Governour of Lorrain being inform'd that the Prince of Conde's Forces were not far from him attack'd them near Varennes and defeated them absolutely After which that Marshal Invested the Castle of Orne in the Verdunois the which surrender'd at the approach of Canon The Reduction of that Castle wasâ— follow'd by that of Sorbec At first the Governour refus'd to surrender but when he saw that the Canon advanc'd he offer'd to Capitulate but the Marshal de la Ferté Senneterre refus'd to give him Quarter and caus'd him to be hang'd at the Gate This Example of Severity terrify'd the Governours of the other Places to that degree that they submitted all without expecting a Siege After this the Marshal de la Ferté went to joyn Marshal de Turenne and they march'd together towards Champayne in order to quiet that Province and to reduce those Towns that held the Prince of Conde's Party They besieg'd Rhetel which was Commanded by the Marquess de Persan and having taken the Out-works they oblig'd that Governour to Surrender Count de Brinon who Commanded the King's Forces in Lorrain besieg'd Commercy the taking of which seem'd very difficult by reason of the Fortifications the Enemies had made there But the Governour 's Absence and the Vigour wherewith the Siege was carry'd on oblig'd the besieg'd to Capitulate 〈◊〉 the Reduction of those Places there was â—â—â—son â—o believe that the Rebels would soon re 〈…〉 their Allegiance And indeed the Revolt 〈◊〉 no where considerably but in Guienne 〈◊〉 Duâ—e of Candalâ— was sent to Command the King's Aâ—my there He immediately took the Casâ—le oâ— Poujols and then made himself Master oâ— â—guillon and Marmande after which he defeated the Forces Marsin sent to the Mount of Marsan â—here to take their Winter Quarters Whereby he dissipâ—â—ed the most considerable part of the Factions that subsisted still Several Cities of Limousin and 〈◊〉 were at that time powerfully sollicited to a Râ—volâ— but some of them return'd of themsâ—lvâ—â—â—o the peaceable Domination of their Lawâ—ul Soveraign and the others were constrain'd to it by force of Arms and absolutely to abandon the Prince of Conde's Party The City of Bordeaux was the only one that persisted in the Rebellion That Faction which was call'd L' Hormes was still very busie and was in hopes of Considerable Succours by Sea from Englâ—nd and from Spain In order to hinder them â—â—om receiving the Succours they expected the Dâ—ke of Vendâ—me High Admiral was order'd to approach with his Ships and to raise a Naval Armyâ— The Duke having brought his Ships near câ—us'd two Forts to be built upon the Garonne in order to make himself Master of that River He likewise seiz'd several Towns that stood upon the Boâ—ders thereof and landed some Forces to joyn to those of the Duke of Candale The Citizens of Bordeaux who were well affeâ—ted look'd with Grief upon the Continuation of the Revolt But whereas the Number of the Factious exceeded theirs they durst nor resist them Nevertheless when they beheld the King's Forces they form'd the Design of stifling the Rebellion absolutely To that end they assembled at the Town-House to conclude a General Peace They woâ—e white Ribbons and fix'd Standards of the same colour on the top of their
any other foreign Kings Potentates or Princes or any other persons whatever both within and out of the Kingdom of France with promise never to take or receive for the future from the said foreign Kings and Potentates any Pensions Establishments or Favours obliging him to have a dependency on them nor any Engagements to any King or Potentate besides His Majesty his Soveraign Lord on pain in case of Contravention to the said Writing of forfeiting from that moment the Re-habilitation and Re-establishment that is granted him by the present Treaty and to return to the same condition he was in on the 1 st day of March of the present year 4. Thirdly That the said Prince in performance of what has been before agreed upon between the said Lord-Kings shall really and in Fact deliver into his Most Christian Majesty's Hands the Cities of Rocroy Le Chaâ—elet and Linchamp at the time and day hereafter mention'd in another Article of this said Treaty 5. The Premisses being perform'd as abovesaid his most Christian Majesty in contemplation of the Peace and in consideration of his Catholick Majesty's Mediation making use of his Royal Clemency will sincerely and heartily receive the said Prince in his Favour and will with the same Sincerity forget whatever he has done or undertaken for the time past against his Service either within or out of the Kingdom and will allow his Return not only into France but even at his Majesty's Court. After which his Majesty will restore the said Prince in Reality and Fact to the free possession and enjoyment of all the Estates Honours Dâ—gnities and Priviledges belonging to the first Prince of the Blood Provided still that as to what relates to the said Estates of whatever Nature they be the said Prince shall never pretend any thing for the time past towards the Restitution of the Income or Use of the said Estates whatever persons may have enjoy'd them by His Majesty's Orders nor to the payment or restitution of his Pensions Sallaries or other Rents and Revenues he had upon the Demains Farms or General Receipts of the said Lord King nor yet upon the Account or pretence of what he might pretend to be due to him by His Majesty before his going out of the Kingdom nor for the Demolitions Degradations or Damages done by His Majesty's Orders or otherwise in any manner whatever in his Estate Cities Places fortify'd or not fortify'd Lordships Chastellenies Lands and Houses of the said Prince 6. And as to what relates to the Garrisons Governments of Provinces or Places the said Prince enjoy'd and possess'd before his going out of France his Most Christian Majesty did for a long while constantly refuse to restore them to him until his being mov'd by the proceeding and Submission of the said Prince above-mention'd when he did fully resign his Interests to his pleasure and disposition without the least Pretensions together with whatever was offer'd him by his Catholick Majesty to indemnifie him His said Most Christian Majesty did at last condescend to grant him what followeth upon certain Conditions hereafter specify'd which the said Lord Kings have agreed upon and thus granted viz. That provided his Catholick Majesty on his part instead of what he design'd to give the said Prince to Indemnifie him shall draw out the Spanish Garrison which lyes in the City Fort and Citadel of Juliers to leave the said place and Citadel free from the said Garrison to the Duke of Newburg on the Conditions and in the manner that shall be specify'd hereafter in one of the Articles of the present Treaty Aâ— also provided that his said Catholick Majesty besides the removal of the Spanish Garrison out of the City and Citadel of Juliers shall deliver to his Most Christian Majesty the City of Avennes situate between the Sambre and the Meuse with the Appurtenances Dependencies Annexations and Demains thereof in the manner his said Catholick Majesty has engag'd above by an Article of the said present Treaty the which place of Avennes his said Majesty likewise design'd among other things to give to the said Prince In Consideration of which as above-mention'd that is in Compensation of the delivery and yielding of one of the said places to the Most Christian King to be united and for ever annexed to the Crown of France and the removal of the Spanish Garrison out of the other in favour of a Prince who is a Friend and Ally to his Most Christian Majesty who is desirous to Oblige him by vertue of the said Treaty of Alliance His said most Christian Majesty for all things whatever in general that may relate to the Places and Governments the said Prince had possess'd or might reasonably be expected by those that belong'd to him without excepting any will give to the said Prince the Government of the Province of Burgundy and Bresse under which are compriz'd the Countries of Bugey Gex and Veromey As also the particular Governments of the Castle of Dijon and of the City of St. John de Laune And to the Duke of Enguien his Son the place of Lord High Steward of the Kingdom and Houshold together with Brevâ—ats of Assurance to the said Prince to preserve it in case the said Duke of Enguien should dye before him 7. His said Majesty shall grant a full Pardon by his Letters Patent in dâ—e form for whatever the said Prince his Relations Creatures Friends Adherents and Servants either Church-men or Lay-men have or may have done or undertaken for the time past against his Service in so much that it may never hurt or prejudice him or them at any time nor their Heirs Successors Administrators or Assigns as if the thing had never been Neither shall his said Majesty at any time make any Enquiry in relation to the said Prince his Relations Creatures Friends Adherents and Servants whether Ecclesiasticks or Lay-men about the Money he or they have taken out of the general or particular Receits or out of the Audits of his Farms And shall not oblige them to make any Restitution of the said Money or Sums nor of all the Levies or Gatherings Contributions Impositions Exactions impos'd upon the people or Acts of Hostility committed in France in any wise whatever Which shall be explain'd more at large in the said Pardon or Letters Patent for the entire Security of the said Prince and of those that have follow'd him in order that they may never be prosecuted troubled or molested about it 8. That as soon as the said Prince shall have perform'd on his part what is contain'd in the three Articles 2.3 4. of this present Treaty all Dutchies Counties Lands Lordships and Demains even those of Clermont Stenay and Dun as he enjoy'd them before his going out of France and that of Jamets also in case he did enjoy it the which heretofore belong'd to the said Prince Together with all and every his other Estates Moveables or Immoveables of any kind whatever in the manner
remained in his Camp insomuch that Montecuculi thought of nothing farther than to fortifie himself in Alsatia where he made some small Conquests However in order â—o raise some Jealousie in the Prince of Conde he caused Savernâ— to be besieged but the Prince was no wise moved at it knowing that the place was very well fortified and that the Governor would make a brave Defence And indeed they were oblig'd to raise the Siege The Marquess of Bade Dourlak who commanded the Siege after the raising of it march'd into the Country of Brisgaw which obliged 4000 Horse the Prince of Conde had sent thither to make a Diversion to reâ—ire to the main Army Thus ended the Campaign of 1675. in Germany and all those of the Prince of Conde The loss of Monsieur de Turenne was exceeding sensible to the King of France for several Reasons But had it only been for the Good of the Kingdom he could never regret that General too much And indeed there were so few persons capable of filling up his place that when the King had examin'd iâ— he could hardly fix upon one among all the Princes and Marshals of France The Prince of Conde was generally the only man whose Valour and Merit was known to every body but Mons. de Louvois was not his Friend and the King did nothing without the Advice of that Minister No body can imagine what reason Mons. de Louvoiâ— had to complain of the Prince but yet it is most certain that he did not love him and that he disswaded the King as much as in him lay from giving him the Command of the Army in Germany He acknowledged indeed that the Prince of Conde was one of the greatest Capâ—ains of the Age and that no body could deny him a Glory he had acquir'd by an infinite number of Battels he had won but at the same time he said that he was too fiery and too undertaking that it was evident by the Battel of Senefâ— that he preferred his own Glory to the Good of the Kingdom that a wiser General would have gain'd an entire Victory and preserved those Forces which he lost by his own Fault after the first Advantages he had obtain'd over the Enemies and that he durst not answer that that Prince was as well affected as he had promis'd to beâ— when he made his Peace with his Maâ—esty Whatever Monsieur de Louvois could say to oblige the King not to give the Command of his Army to the Prince of Conde that Monarch was so well perswaded of his Capacity Prudence and Gallantry as well as of the Fidelity he had proâ—isâ—d him that at that time he had no regard to hâ—â— Ministers Remonstrances But the Prince deâ—â—red himself of that Command which was offered him by the Conditions he would make with tâ—e King He desired the Duke d' Enguiâ—is might â—â—â—mand the Army jointly with him promising â—â—at he should do nothing without his Order and thaâ— it was only to have the satisfaction to see his Son whom he lov'd entirely in a condition to acquire Glory But the King who had no great â—indness for the Duke d' Enguiris being moreover of a temper to bestow his Favours freely without compulsion would not hearken to that Proposition Insomuch that the Marquess of Luovois taking the advantage of that Conjuncture propos'd the Duke of Luxemburg who was accepted that very moment As soon as the Duke of Luxemburg had receiv'd his Orders he went away for Alsatia which was the Rendezvous of the Army which had never been so â—ine nor so numerous But all the Officers soon found that the King had given him an Employment he was not capable of and that the Prince of Conde was the only man fit to discharge that Command with Honour in that conjuncture of Affairs The Proof of this soon appear'd when the Duâ—e of Lorrain besieg'd Philipsburg That Place hâ—ld out four months and yet the Duke of Lâ—xembâ—rg was not in a Condition to relieve it tho' at the head of an Army of 50000 men The King was vâ—ry much troubled when the news of the taking of that place was brought him that he had not sent the Prince of Conde to command in Germany but there was no Remedy However he ask'd him what should have been done to save that place Sir answer'd the Prince the Duke of Luxemburg should have hinder'd the Duke of Lorrain from besieging it and since â—e â—ad committed that fault he should have ventur'd the Army and have gone to force the Enemy in his Retrenchments to the hazard of a thousand lives if he had had as many That was the only way Altho' the War continued and that with all the Vigour imaginable Conferences were held at Nimnegen for a Peace the which was concluded in the manner every body knows MEMOIRS OF THE Prince of Conde BOOK VII AFter the Peace of Nimwegen the Prince of Conde resolv'd to desire the King's Leave to retire to Chantilly He told the King in a submissive respectful manner That his Age and Indispositions oblig'd him to entreat his Majesty to consent to that Retirement The King having granted it the Prince quitted the Court and repaired to that House there to lead a private life Divers Reasonings were us'd upon the Motives that had induc'd so great a Prince to lead a life so contrary to his Rank in a Country House Some imagin'd that his Indispositions had put him upon that Resolution and that it had made him apprehensive not only that his Health would still be more impair'd in the Agitations of the Court but also that as it might hinder him from making his Court to the King regularly his Majesty miâ—ht impute that sometimes to a want of Consideration and Respect which only proceeded from Infirmity Others conceiving no other Idea's of the motives of that Hero's Retreat but such as were noble and sublime said That after having acquir'd so so much Glory in Motion and in Action he was willing to acquire a new sort of Glory in Rest and Solitude That after so many Battels and the tumult of Arms he was desirous to taste those peaceable Virtues and that qâ—iet Glory that is neither â—o be shar'd with the Souldiers nor with Fortune in which all is charming and nothing dazzles which is beheld without being troubled with the sound of Trumpets or with the noise of Guns nor by the Cries of the Wounded in which a Hero reduc'd to himself and possessing himself appears as great and is as much respected as when he commands Armies when all moves at his nod when he combats and gains Victories Others alledg'd that the Prince of Conde receiv'd from time to time at Court Malifications from the Kingâ— who remembring what he had done formerly gave him sometimes marks of a secret Resentment and of an Aversion that had never been absoluâ—ely remov'd That the Prince of Conde being very sensible of it had wisely resolv'd to remove an
a way to dye well In the mean time the Duke and Dutchess as well as the Prince of Conty begg'd his leave to see him once more to which he consented on Condition they should retire immediately They withdrew immediately having seen him but he was not long without thinking on them For within half an hour he desired a Jesuit to go to them from him to bid them a last Farewel After which Monsieur de Marege who belongs to the Prince of Conty being come into his Chamber he received him in that obliging manner he was wont to receive every body especially those he loved and esteemed as he did that Gentleman He told him You have always served your Master 〈…〉 well Continue so to do and never do anyâ—â—ing â—erogatory to the Honour you have of belonging to 〈◊〉 He confides in you You may tell him from me 〈…〉 present more sensible of than ever I wasâ— â—hat â— man must be Iust and Good during his Life and that there is nothing else solid After which he remain'd for some time silent But then resuming â—he Discourse again and giving some new Orders a Divine venturing to tell him that he lived like a Great Man and that he ought to dye in the same manner but especially like a good Christian he took him by the Hand and said You praise me and I do now deserve it From that moment he did nothing singular and expir'd so quietly that it was hardly observed Thus dyed that great Prince on the Eleventh of December 1686. after having lived Sixty Five Years Three Months and Three Days While the Prince of Conde lay a Dying at Fontainebleau the King caus'd that Great Man's Letter to be read at Versailles Those who observed the three Tenses of his Letter how slightly he pass'd over his Services at the beginning and at the end of his Life and how sincere an Acknowledgment he made of his Faults about the middle were extreamly mov'd by his Modesty and the King himself could not refrain Tears saying That he lost a great Prince these were his own words And when that part of the Letter was read where the Prince return'd his Thanks and declar'd that he dyed Contented and too Happy since he had so much Life left as to express his Gratitude his Devotion and if he might say so his Tenderness to the King every body did him the Justice to say that he had Written sincerely That very day the Duke wrote three Lines to the King to â—â—quaint him with the Prince his Father's Death The Duke went to Versailles on the 15 th of December to pay his Respects to the King who received him with all the Kindness imaginable And His Majesty express'd to him on the Occasion the Obliging Sentiments he preserved for him and for his Father He had taken the Prince of Conty along with him whom he presented to the King who made him sensible by his Reception that he did not repent the Pardon he had granted him three days before out of Respect to the Prince and at the Intreaty of the Duke The Duke did not tarry long at Versailles and return'd soon to Paris He received sufficient Testimonies both at Court and in the City that the Prince his Father's Death had made a deep Impression in the Hearts and Minds of all People In the mean time the Order that had been given for carrying the Prince's Body to Valery were put in execution All things being ready the Duke went away before any body on the 21 st of December and tarry'd at Fontainebleau for the Prince of Conty who came thither from the King The Princ's Body was carry'd to Valery on the 22 th and his Heart to the Church of the Professed House of the Jesâ—its at Paris on the 24 th being Christmas-Eve This Ceremony was perform'd with great Magnificence And the Duke who appeared in every thing omitted none of the Duties his Good Nature and Gratitude exacted from him After which the most Eloquent Persons in the Kingdom were employ'd in making Funeral Orations in the Praise and Honour of the Prince of Conde The King having mourn'd the loss of that great Prince and often declar'd in the middle of the Court sighing that he had lost the greatest Man of his Kingdom assembled the greatest Persons of his Kingdom in Notre Dame of Paris on the â—â— th of March there to pay in Pâ—blick what was â—ue to the Memory of that Princeâ— and Ordered the Bishop of Meaux to speak the Funeral Oration That Oration is very fine and worthy its Author and the Prince in honour of whom it was spoken The 26th of Aprill Father Bourdaloüe who about three Years and a half before had spoken in the Church of the Professors House of his Society in presence of the Prince the Funeral Elogy of Henry of Bourbon his Father spoke a Funeral Oraâ—ion in the said Church in Praise of that great Prince whose Memoirs I am finishing That Oration is very Elegant and most Magnificent especially that part of it where Father Bourdaloüe speaks without Dissimulation and at large upon the Prince of Conde's behaviour in the Civil War is incomparable Never was so skilful and so happy a boldness known And that kind of daring in an Orator if I may use the Expression seems to revive in our Minds that Bravery and Heroick Fierceness the Prince of Conde used to shew in Battles and in the greatest Perils the which was follow'd with so much Success The Abbot du Iarry likewise spoke a Funeral Oration in Honour of the said Prince in the Church of Maubuisson before the Princess Palatine who was Abbess of that Religious House whom we have mention'd several times in theâ—e Memoirs There are Master-strokes in this last Funeral Elogy Several other Orations were made in several Provinces of the Kingdom But whereas in those kind of Discourses iâ— is usual to insist upon the Vertues of those for whom they are spoken and that commonly tho nothing it said in them but what really is yet many things are omitted by reason that those things are suppress'd which deserve no Praise and that those things are disguised which cannot be conceal'd and that by a false Light in which the Orator's skill knows how to place his Hero's dress with cunning he covers and paâ—â—es slightly over those Parts that are defective It is necessary to have recourse to History to be fully instructed of every thing and that to a faithful History like unto this I am now going to draw the Prince of Condâ—'s Picture with the same Fidelity I have observ'd throughout this Work Lew of Bourbon second of the Name first Prince of the Blood Duke of Bourbon of Chateaurex of Montmorency and Bellegarte Governour of Burgundy and Bresse first Peer Lord High Steward of France Count of Clermont Stenay Dun and Iamets Knight of the Holy Ghost and General of the King's Armies was Tall