of the Nobles and judging it convenient to have them bridled and restrained and knowing on the other side the hatred of the people against the Nobility and that it proceeded from fear being willing to secure them to exempt the King from the displeasure of the Nobles if he sided with the Commons or from the malice of the commons if he inclined to the Nobles he erected a third judge which without any reflexion upon the King should keep the Nobility under and protect the people nor could there be a better order wiser nor of greater security to the King and the Kingdom from whence we may deduce another observation That Princes are to leave things of injustice and envy to the Ministery and Execution of others but acts of favour and grace are to be perform'd by themselves To conclude a Prince is to value his Grandees but so as not to make the people hate him Contemplating the lifes and deaths of several of the Roman Emperors it is possible many would think to find plenty of Examples quite contrary to my opinion forasmuch as some of them whose Conduct was remarkable and Magnanimity obvious to every body were turn'd out of their Authority or murthered by the Conspiracy of their subjects To give a punctual answer I should inquire into the qualities and conversations of the said Emperors and in so doing I should find the reason of their ruine to be the same or very consonant to what I have opposed And in part I will represent such things as are most notable to the consideration of him that reads the actions of our times and I shall content my self with the examples of all the Emperors which succeeded in the Empire from Marcus the Philosopher to Maximinus and they were Marcus his Son Commodus Pertinax Iulian Severus Antoninus his Son Caracalla Macrinus Heligabalus Alexander and Maximinus It is first to be considered That whereas in other Governments there was nothing to contend with but the ambition of the Nobles and the insolence of the people the Roman Emperors had a third inconvenience to support against the avarice and cruelty of the Soldiers which was a thing of such difficult practice that it was the occasion of the destruction of many of them it being very uneasie to please the Subject and the Soldier together for the Subject loves Peace and chooses therefore a Prince that is gentle and mild whereas the Soldier prefers a Martial Prince and one that is haughty and rigid aâ—d rapacious which good qualities they are desirous he should exercise upon the people that their pay might be encreased and their covetousness and cruelty satiated upon them Hence it is That those Emperors who neither by Art nor Nature are endued with that address and reputation as is necessary for the restraining both of the one and the other do always miscarry and of them the greatest part especially if but lately advanced to the Empire understanding the inconsistancy of their two humors incline to satisfie the Soldiers without regarding how far the people are disobliged Which Council is no more than is necessary for seeing it cannot be avoided but Princes must fall under the hatred of somebody they ought diligently to contend that it be not of the multitude If that be not to be obtain'd their next great care is to be that they incur not the odium of such as are most potent among them And therefore those Emperors who were new and had need of extraordinary support adhered more readily to the Soldiers than to the people which turn'd to their detriment or advantage as the Prince knew how to preserve his reputation with them From the causes aforesaid it hapned that Marcus Aurelius Pertinax and Alexander being Princes of more than ordinary Modesty lovers of Justice Enemies of cruelty courteous and bountiful came all of them except Marcus to unfortunate ends Marcus indeed lived and died in great honour because he came to the Empire by way of inheritance and succession without being beholden either to Soldiers or people and being afterwards indued with many good qualities which recommended him and made him venerable among them he kept them both in such order whil'st he liv'd and held them so exactly to their bounds that he was never either hated or despised But Pertinax was chosen Emperor against the will of the Soldiers who being used to live licentiously under Commodus they could not brook that regularity to which Pertinax endeavoured to bring them so that having contracted the Odium of the Soldiers and a certain disrespect and neglect by reason of his Age he was ruined in the very beginning of his reign from whence it is observable that hatred is obtained two ways by good works and bad and therefore a Prince as I said before being willing to retain his jurisdiction is oftentimes compelled to be bad For if the chief party whether it be people or army or Nobility which you think most useful and of most consequence to you for the conservation of your dignity be corrupt you must follow their humour and indulge them and in that case honesty and virtue are pernicious But let us come to Alexander who was a Prince of such great equity and goodness it is reckoned among his praises that in the fourteen years of his Empire there was no man put to death without a fair Tryal Nevertheless being accounted effeminate and one that suffered himself to be managed by his Mother and falling by that means into disgrace the Army conspired and killed him Examining on the other side the Conduct of Commodus Severus Antoninus Caracalla and Maziminus you will find them cruel and rapacious and such as to satisfie the Soldiers omitted no kind of injury that could be exercised against the people and all of them but Severus were unfortunate in their ends for Severus was a Prince of so great courage and magnanimity that preserving the friendship of the Army though the people were oppressed he made his whole Reign happy his virtues having represented him so admirable both to the Soldiers and people that these remained in a manner stupid and astonished and the other obedient and contented And because the actions of Severus were great in a new Prince I shall shew in brief how he personated of the Fox and the Lyon whose Natures and properties are as I said before necessary for the imitation of a Prince Severus therefore knowing the laziness and inactivity of Iulian the Emperor persuaded the Army under his Command in Sclavonia to go to Rome and revenge the death of Pertinax who was murthered by the Imperial Guards and under that colour without the least pretence to the Empire he marched his Army towards Rome and was in Italy before any thing of his motion was known being arrived at Rome the Senate were afraid of him killed Iulian and elected Severus After which beginning there remained two difficulties to be removed before he could be Master of the whole Empire
immaculate there never was any Citizen who presumed by means of this profession to make his own fortune or party in time of Peace by breaking the Laws exacting upon the provinces usurping and tyrannizing over his Country and using all means to make himself rich No man of inferior condition ever thought of violating his Oaths maintaining of Parties disrespecting the Senate or promoting of tumults or any tyrannical sedition with design of making himself a fortune by the profession of Arms. But those who had the command of their Armies contented with their triumphs returned joyfully to their private affairs and the Officers who were under them laid down their Arms with more alacrity than they had taken them up every man returning to his former course of life without any hopes of advancing himself by plunder and rapine And of this we have strong and evident cause of conjecture from the example of Regulus Attilius who being General of the Roman Armies in Africa and having in a manner conquered the Carthaginians desired leave of the Senate to return that he might look to a Farm of his in the Country which his servants had neglected From whence it is as clear as the day that had he made War his profession or designed to have raised his own fortune out of the ruins of other people having so many Provinces at his mercy he would never have been so careful of the improvement of a Cottage when every day would have brought him in more than his whole Patrimony was worth But because good men and such as are not desirous to make a trade of War are unwilling to reap any other fruit therefrom but labour and danger and glory when they are arrived at a sufficient proportion of the later 't is their ambition to return quietly to their houses and live upon their old professions in Peace As to the common and private Soldiers it 's clear they were of the same humour and declin'd any such profession for though when they were at home they desired many of them to be in the wars yet when they were in the wars they were as willing to be dismissed This is manifest by several arguments but especially by the priviledg which the Romans granted to their Citizens that none of them should be constrained to the wars against his own inclination So that Rome whilst it was well governed which was till the time of the Gracchi had never any Souldier who made it his profession to be so by which means few of them were dissolute and those who were were punished severely A City then well constituted and governed is to take care that this Art of War be used in time of Peace only as an exercise and in time of War only for necessity and the acquisition of glory leaving the constant practice and profession of it to the State as the Romans did anciently to the Commonwealth of Rome That Citizen who has any other design in the profession of Arms let him be what he will is no honest man and that City which is governed any other way is as much in the wrong Cosimo I am very well satisfied with what you have said hitherto and do acquiesce in your conclusion as far as it relates to a Commonwealth but as to Kings I am apt to dissent because I am apt to think it convenient a King should have those about him who made Arms their profession CHAP. IV. That a King ought not to permit his Subjects to make Arms their profession for the mischiefs which do frequently ensue Fabritio A Kingdom well govern'd ought the more carefully avoid people of that condition because it is they who debauch their King by being the only Ministers of his Tyranny And do not object to me any of our present Kingdoms for I shall deny absolutely that they are as well governed as formerly when Kings had no Soveraignty nor absolute power but in the Armies because there and no where else there is a necessity of speedy resolutions and that such a power should be reposed in a single person in other cases they ought to do nothing without their Counsel and it is to be the particular care of all that are of Counsel to a Prince to keep off such persons from about him as promote War in time of Peace because they cannot frame themselves to any other way of subsistance But I will discourse something more largely of this matter not standing so much upon a Kingdom that is perfectly good according to the model of the Ancients but supposing such a one as is like the Kingdoms of our days in which likewise a King ought to be fearful of such as live wholly by War because the Nerves and strength of all Armies lyes certainly in the Infantry Wherefore if a King orders his matters so ill that his foot be not content to return to their several callings in time of Peace and live as formerly by their labour he must necessarily be ruined for of all the Soldiers in the world none are so dangerous as those who make War their profession and the reason is because you must be always at War or keep them always in pay otherwise you will run a great hazard of being turn'd out of your Kingdom and because it is impossible either to maintain War perpetually or keep them in continual pay you will be in great danger of being driven out of your Kingdom My Country-men the Romans as I said before whilst they were wise and honest never suffered their Citizens to make that exercise their calling though in respect of their perpetual Wars they were able to have pay'd them perpetually But to avoid the inconveniencies which might follow thereupon seeing the condition of their times did not alter they altered their Men ordering their affairs in such manner that every fifteen years their Legions were renewed and filled up again with young men in the flower of their age that is to say betwixt eighteen and thirty five years of age during which time their legs their hands and their eyes do correspond one with the other and are in the same disposition for they did not keep them till their strength and vigour decayed and their frowardness and insolence increased as they did afterwards when the times were more corrupt For Octavian first and afterwards Tiberius preferring their private power before the profit of the publick began to disarm the people that thereby they might have them more easily at command and to keep standing Armies upon the Frontiers of their Empire But because they thought them insufficient to curb the people and awe the Senate of Rome they established another Army which they called the Pretorian which was quartered always about the City and intended as a guard But when afterwards the Emperors permitted them who were listed in those Bands to lay aside all other professions and devote themselves to War they grew insolent immediately and became not only terrible to the Senate but pernicious to
consequence of the perfection of their Common-wealth I say if Readers will thus judge how can I in reason be accused for that it would become those who lay this blame upon me to undeceive them whom my Papers have missed and to shew the world to what other causes we may impute those admirable effects those Heroick qualities and performance that integrity and purity of manners that scorning of riches and life it self when the publick was concerned If they please to do this they will oblige my Readers who will owe to such the rectifying their Judgments and not at all offend me who have reasoned this matter impartially and without passion nor have possitively affirmed any thing But what if this part of my accusation had been true Why should I be condemned of Heresie or indiscretion for preferring a Common-wealth before a Monarchy was I not born bred and imployed in a City which being at the time I writ under that form of Government did owe all wealth and greatness and all prosperity to it If I had not very designedly avoided all dogmaticalness in my observations being not willing to imitate young Scholars in theâ—r Declamations I might easily have concluded from the premises I lay down that a Democracy founded upon good orders is the best and most excellent Government and this without the least fear of confutation for I firmly believe that there are none but Flatterers and Sophisters would oppose me such as will rest Aristotle and even Plato himself to make them write for Monarchy by misapplying some loose passages in those great Authors nay they will tell their Readers that what is most like the Government of the world by God is the best which wholly depends upon his absolute power to make this comparison run with four feet these Sycophants must give the poor Prince they intend to diefie a better and superior Nature to humanity must create a necessary dependance of all Creatures upon him must endow him with infinite wisdom and goodness and even with omnipotency it self It will be hard for any man to be misled in this Argument by proofs wresled from Theology since whosoever reads attentively the Historical part of the Old Testament shall find that God himself never made but one Government for men that this Government was a Common-wealth wherein the Sanhadrim or Senate and the Congegation or popular Assembly had their share and that he manifested his high displeasure when the rebellious people would turn it into a Monarchy but that I may not strike upon the rock I profess to shun I shall pass to that which is indeed â—it to be wip'd off and which if it were true would not only justly expose me to the hatred and vengeance of God and all good men but even destroy the design and purpose of all my Writings which is to treat in some sort as well as one of my small parts can hope to do of the Politicks and how can any man pretend to write concerning Policy who destroys the most essential part of it which is obedience to all Governments It will be very easie then for Guilio Salviati or any other member of our Society to believe the Protestation I make that the animating of private men either directly or indirectly to disobey much less to shake off any Government how despotical soever was never in my Thoughts or Writings those who are unwilling to give credit to this may take the pains to assign in any of my Books the passages they imagine to tend that way for I can think of none my self that so I may give such person more particular satisfaction I must conâ—ess I have a discourse in one of my Books to encourage the Italian Nation to assume their ancient valour and to expel the Barbarians meaning as the ancient Romans used the word all Strangers from amongst us but that was before the Kings of Spain had quiet possession of the Kingdom of Naples or the Emperor of the Dutchy of Milan so that I could not be interpreted to mean that the people of those two Dominions should be stir'd up to shake off their Princes because they were Foreigners since at that time Lodovic Sforza was in possession of the one and K. Frederick restored to the other both Natives of Italy but my design was to exhort our Country-men not to suffer this Province to be the Scene of the Arms and ambition of Charles the 8th or K. Lewis his Successor who when they had a mind to renew the old Title of the House of Anjou to the Kingdom of Naples came with such force into Italy that not only our Goods were plundered and our Lands wasted but even the liberty of our Cities and Governments endangered but to unite and oppose them and to keep this Province in the hands of Princes of our own Nation this my intention is so visible in the Chapter it sel that I need but refer you to it Yet that I may not answer this imputation barely by denying I shall assert in this place what my principles are in that which the world calls Rebellion which I believe to be not only rising in Arms against any Government we live under but to acknowledge that word to extend to all clandestine Conspiracies too by which the peace and quiet of any Country may be interupted and by consequence the Lives and Estates of innocent persons endangered Rebellion then so described I hold to be the greatest crime that can be committed amongst men both against Policy Morality and in foro Conscientiae but notwithstanding all this it is an offence which will be committed whilst the world lasts as often as Princes tyranize and by enslaving and oppressing their Subjects make Magistracy which was intended for the benefit of Mankind prove a Plague and Destruction to it for let the terrour and the guilt be never so great it is impossible that humane Nature which consists of passion as well as virtue can support with patience and submission the greatest cruelty and injustice whenever either the weakness of their Princes the unanimity of the people or any other favourable accident shall give them reasonable hopes to mend their condition and provide better for their own interest by insurrection So that Princes and States ought in the Conduct of their Affairs not only to consider what their people are bound to submit to if they were inspired from Heaven or were all Moral Philosophers but to weigh likewise what is probable de facto to fall out in this corrupt age of the world and to reflect upon those dangerous Tumults which have happened frequently not only upon oppression but even by reason of Malversation and how some Monarchies have been wholly subverted and changed into Democracies by the Tyranny of their Princes as we see to say nothing of Rome the powerful Cantons of Swisserland brought by that means a little before the last age to a considerable Common-wealth Courted and sought to by all the Potentates
that action that he was the person whom God intended to make use of in delivering them from the horrid slavery they were then under If any man will read over my Book of the Prince with impartiality and ordinary charity he will easily perceive that it is not my intention therein to recommend that Government or those men there described to the world much less to teach them to trample upon good men and all that is sacred and venerable upon earth Laws Religion Honesty and what not if I have been a little too punctual in designing these Monsters and drawn them to the life in all their lineaments and colours I hope mankind will know them the better to avoid them my Treatise being both a Satyr against them and a true Character of them I speak nothing of great and honourable Princes as the Kings of France England and others who have the States and Orders of their Kingdoms with excellent Laws and Constitution to found and maintain their Government and who reign over the hearts as well as the persons of their subjects I treat only of those vermin bred out of the corruption of our own small Common-wealths and Cities or engender'd by the ill blasts that come from Rome Olivaretto da Fermo Borgia the Baglioni the Bentivoglii and a hundred others who having had neither right nor honourable means to bring them to their power use it with more violence rapine and cruelty upon the poor people than those other renowned Princes shew to the Boars the Wolves the Foxes and other savage beasts which are the objects of their chase and hunting whosoever in his Empire over men is ty'd to no other rules than those of his own will and lust must either be a Saint to moderate his passions or else a very Devill incarnate or if he be neither of these both his life and reign are like to be very short for whosoever takes upon him so execrable an employment as to rule men against the Laws of nature and of reason must turn all topsie turvy and never stick at any thing for if once he halt he will fall and never rise again I hope after this I need say little to justifie my self from the calumny of advising these Monsters to break their faith since to keep it is to lose their Empire faithfulness and sincerity being their mortal enemies an Ugucceone della Faggivola to one who upbraided him that he never employed honest men answered Honest men will cut my throat let the King use honest men meaning the King of Naples who was established in his Throne and had right to it But that I may have occasion to justifie my self against a little more than I am accused of I will confess that in a work where I desired to be a little more serious than I was in this Book of the Prince I did affirm that in what way soever men defended their Country whether by breaking or keeping their faith it was ever well defended not meaning in a strict moral sence or point of honour but explaining my self that de facto the infamy of the breach of word would quickly be forgoten and pardoned by the world which is very true Nay what if I had said that good success in any interprize a far less cosideration than Piety to our Country would have cancell'd the blame of such perfidy as Caesar whom I compare to Cataline us'd toward his fellow-Citizen not only nor detested by posterity but even crown'd with renown and immortal fame insomuch as Princes to this day as I have observed elsewhere think it an honour to be compared to him and the highest pitch of veneration their flatterers can arrive at is to call them by the name of one who violated his faith and enslav'd his Country I hope that in shewing as well these Tyrants as the poor people who are forced to live under them their danger that is by laying before the former the hellish and precipitous courses they must use to maintain their power by representing to the latter what they must suffer I may be instrumental first to deter private Citizens from attempting upon the liberties of their Country or if they have done it to make them lay down their ill gotten authority and then to warn the rest of the Nobility and people from these factions and malignancies in their several common-wealths and Governments which might give hope and opportunity to those who are ambitious amongst them to aspire to an Empire over them However it prove I hope I am no more to be blamed for my attempt then that excellent Physician of our Nation is who hath lately taken so much pains to compose an excellent Treatise of that foul Disease which was not long since brought from the new world into these parts wherein though he be forced to use such expressions as are almost able to nauseate his Readers and talk of such Ulcers Boyls Nodes Botches Cankers c. that are scarce fit to be repeated especially when he handles the causes of those effects yet he did not intend to teach or exhort men to get this Disease much less did he bring this lamentable infirmity into the world but describes it faithfully as it is to the end men may be bettered and avoid the being infected with it and may discern and cure it whenever their incontinence and folly shall procure it them I shall say no more in this mattâ—r but to conclude all make a protestation that as well in this Book as in all my other Writings my only scope and design is to promote the interest and welfare of mankind and the peace and quiet of the world both which I am so vain as to believe would be better obtained and provided for if the principles I lay down were followed and observed hy Princes and People than they are like to be by those Maxims which are in this Age most in vogue For my self I shall only say and call you all to witness for the truth of it that as by my Birth I am a Gentleman and of a Family which hath had many Gonfaloniers of Justice in it so I have been used in many employments of great trust both in our City and abroad and at this hour I am not in my Estate one peny the better for them all nor should I have been although I had never suffered any losses by the seisure of my Estate in the year 1531. for my carriage it hath ever been void of faction and contention I never had any prejudice against the House of Medici but honoured the persons of all those of that Family whom I knew and the memory of such of them as lived before me whom I acknowledge to have been excellent Patriots and Pillars of our City and Common-wealth During the turbulent times of Piero and after his expulsion out of Florence though my employments were but Ministerial my advice was ask'd in many grave matters which I ever delivered with impartiality
who expect with meekness and humility to work upon the proud 349 Chap. 15. Weak States are irresolute and uncertain in their Councils and slow Councils are most commonly pernicious 350 Chap. 16. How much the Souldiers of our times do differ from the Discipline of the Antients 351 Chap. 17. How the Armies of our times are to judge of Artillery and whether the general opinion of it be true 353 Chap. 18. How by the authority of the Romans and the universal Discipline of the Ancients the Foot are more serviceable than the Horse 355 Chap. 19. The Conquests of Commonwealths that are ill governed and contrary to the model of the Romans do conduce more to the ruine than advancement of their affairs 357 Chap. 29. No Prince or Commonwealth without manifest danger can employ foreign Forces either Auxiliary or Mercenary 359 Chap. 21. The first Praetor which the Romans ever sent out of their own City was to Capua and that was 400 years after they began first to make War 360 Chap. 22. How uncertain the judgment of most people are in things of greatest importance 361 Chap. 23. How the Romans upon any accident which necessitated them to give judgment upon their Subjects avoided always the mid-way 362 Chap. 14. That in the generality Castles and Citadels do more mischief than good 364 Chap. 25. To attempt a City full of intestine divisions and to expect to carry it thereby is uncertain and dangerous 367 Chap. 26. He who contemns or reproaches another person incurs his hatred without any advantage to himself ib. Chap. 27. Wise Princes and well govern'd States ought to be contented with victory for many times whilst they think to push things forward they lose all 368 Chap. 28. How much it is for the interest of all Governments that all injury be punished whether against the publick or particular persons 369 Chap. 29. Fortune casts a mist before peoples eyes when she would not have them oppose her designs 370 Chap. 30. Princes and Republicks that are truly magnificent do not make their Leagues and Alliances with mony but by their virtue reputation and force 372 Chap. 31. How dangerous it is to believe Exiles too far 373 Chap. 32. How many several ways the Romans used to conquer their Towns 374 Chap. 33. How the Romans upon any Expedition gave their Generals general Commissions 375 Book III. CHap. 1. That a Sect or Commonwealth be long-liv'd it is necessary to correct it often and reduce it towards its first Principles 377 Chap. 2. 'T is the part of a wise man sometimes to pretend himself a fool 379 Chap. 3. The liberty newly acquired could not have been preserved but by the execution of Brutus his Sons 380 Chap. 4. A Prince is never safe in his new Conquests whilst they are in being whom he dispossessed 381 Chap. 5. How a King may lose his Kingdom though he comes to it by inheritance ib. Chap. 6. Of Conspiracies 382 Chap. 7. How it comes to pass that in the changes of State from liberty to servitude and from servitude to liberty some are very innocent and others very bloody 391 Chap. 8. He who would change the form of a Government is to consider seriously upon what grounds he does it and the disposition of the subject 392 Chap. 9. How he that would succeed must accommodate to the times 393 Chap. 10. A General cannot avoid fighting when the enemy is resolved to engage him upon any terms 394 Chap. 11. One person that has many enemies upon his hands though he be inferior to them yet if he consustain their first impression carries commonly the Victory 396 Chap. 12. A wise General is to put a necessity of fighting upon his own Army but to prevent it to his enemies 397 Chap. 13. Whether we are more safe in a good General with a bad Army or a good Army with a bad General 398 Chap. 14. What strange effects new inventions have sometimes in a Battel and how new noises have the same 399 Chap. 15. One General is best for an Army and that to govern it by Commissioners is not so good 400 Chap. 16. That in times of difficulty virtue is in esteem in times of ease and luxury men of riches and alliance are in greatest request 401 Chap. 17. A man is not to be disobliged and employed afterwards in any matter of importance 402 Chap. 18. Nothing is more honourable in a General thâ—n to foresee the designs of his enemy 403 Chap. 19. Whether for the Government of the multitude obsequiousness and indulgence be more necessary than punishment 404 Chap. 20. One instance of humanity wrought more upon the Falisci than all the force of the Romans 405 Chap. 21. How it came to pass that Hanibal by methods quite contrary to what were practised by Scipio did the same things in Italy that the other did in Spain ib. Chap. 22. How the austerity of Manlius Torquatus and the humanity of Valerius Corvinus gain'd each of them the same honour and reputation 406 Chap. 23. Upon what occasion Camillus was banished from Rome 409 Chap. 24. The prolongation of Commissions brought Rome first into servitude ib. Chap. 25. Of the Poverty of Cincinnatus and several other Citizens of Rome 410 Chap. 26. Women are many times the destruction of States 411 Chap. 27 How the civil discords in a City are to be composed and of the falsity of that opinion that the best way to keep a City in subjection is to keep it divided ib. Chap. 28. A strict eye is to be kept upon the Citizens for under pretence of officiousness and piety there is hid a principle of Tyranny 413 Chap. 29. That the transgressions of the people do spring commonly from the Prince ib. Chap. 30. A Citizen who would do any great matter by his own authority must first extinguish all envy In what matter things are to be ordered upon the approach of an enemy and how a City is to be defended 414 Chap. 31. Powerful States and excellent Persons retain the same mind and dignity in all kind of conditions 416 Chap. 32. The ways which some people have taken to prevent a Peace 417 Chap. 33. To the obtaining a Victory it is necessary your Army has a confidence not only in one another but in their General 418 Chap. 34. What vogue fame or opinion disposes the people first to favour some particular Citizen and whether they or a Prince distributes their offices with most prudence and judgment 419 Chap. 35. What dangers they incur who make themselves authors of any enterprize and the more extraordinary the design the greater the danger 420 Chap. 36. The reason why at the first Charge the French have been and still are accounted more than men but afterwards less than women 422 Chap. 37. Whether fighting in small parties or pickeering before a Battel be necessary and how the temper of a new enemy is to be found without them 423 Chap. 38. How a General is
had Conquer'd Africa driven out the Vandals and reduc'd it under that Empire again Having first possessed himself of Sicily and from thence passed his Army into Italy Bellisarius recovered Naples and Rome The Goths foreseeing their destruction kill'd Theodate their King as the occasion of all and elected Vitegetes in his place who after several Skirmishes was at length besieged and taken in Ravenna by Bellisarius who not prosecuting his Victory as was expected was call'd back by Iustinian and his Command given to Iohannes and Vitalis who were much short of him both in Virtue and Conversation so that the Goths took heart and created Ildovado their King who was at that time Governour of Verona and being kill'd shortly after the Kingship fell to Totila who beat the Emperours forces recover'd Tuscany and subdu'd the Governours of all those Provinces which Bellisarius had reduc'd Upon which misfortune Iustinianus thought it necessary to send him again into Italy but returning with small Force he rather lost what he had gained before than acquir'd any new Reputation For Totila whilst Bellisarius lay incamped with his Army at Hostia besieg'd Rome and took it as it were under his Nose and then upon consideration that he could neither well keep nor relinquish it he demolish'd the greatest part of it forcing away the people and carrying the Senators as Prisoners along with him and taking no notice of Bellisarius he advanc'd with his Army into Calabria to encounter and cut off certain supplies which were sent out of Greece to reinforce him Bellisarius seeing Rome abandon'd in this manner addressed himself to a very honourable Enterprise and entring the City repair'd the Walls withall possible Celerity and re-invited the Inhabitants when he had done But Fortune concurr'd not to the nobleness of his design for Iustinianus being at that time invaded by the Parthi Bellisarius was call'd back to repell the Invasion In obedience to his Master he marched his Army out of Italy and left that Province to the discretion of the Enemy who seized again upon Rome but us'd it not so barbarously as before being wrought upon by the prayers of Saint Benedict a person very eminent in those times for his Sanctity he apply'd himself rather to repair than destroy it In the mean time Iustinian had made a Peace with the Parthi and resolving to send new Supplies into Italy he was diverted by a new Alarm from the Sclavi another Northern people who had pass'd the Danube and fallen upon Illyria and Thrace So that Totila had his full swing and was in a manner in possession of all Italy As soon as Iustinian had Conquer'd the Sclavi and setled the Countreys which they had invaded he sent a new Army into Italy under the Conduct of Narsetes an Eunuch a brave Captain and of great experience in the Wars Being arrived in Italy he fought beat and kill'd Totila after whose death the remainder of the Goths retir'd into Pavia and made Teia their King On the other side Narsetes after his Victory took Rome and than marching against Teia he ingaged him about Nocera defeated his Army and slew him among the rest By which disaster the very Name of the Goths was well near extinguish'd in Italy where they had reigned from the time of Theodorick to this Teia full seventy years But Italy was scarce warm in its Liberty when Iustinianus dy'd and left his Son Iustinus to succeed who by the Counsel of his Wife Sophia recall'd Narsetes out of Italy and sent Longinus in his place Longinus according to the Example of his Predecessors kept his Residence at Ravenna in other things he digress'd and particularly by introducing a new form of Government in Italy not constituting Governours in every Province as the Goths had done before but deputing a Captain in every City or other Town of importance with the Title of Duke Nor in this distribution did he show any greater favour to Rome than to the rest for removing the Consuls and Senate Names which to that time had been sacred among them he constituted a Duke which he sent every year from Ravenna and his Government was call'd the Dukedom of Rome But lie that more immediately represented the Emperour at Ravenna and had the Universal Government of Italy was call'd Esarco This division not only facilitated the ruine of Italy but hasten'd it exceedingly by giving the Lombards opportunity to possess it Narsetes was much disgusted with the Emperour for calling him off from the Command of those Provinces which by his own Vertue and effusion of his bloud he had acquir'd And Sophia not thinking it injury sufficient to get him recall'd had given out contumelious words as if she would make him Spin among the rest of the Eunuchs Whereupon in great disdain Narsetes incourag'd Alboino King of the Lombards who at that time Govern'd in Pannonia to invade Italy and possess it As was shown before the Lombards were enter'd and had taken possession of such places upon the Danube as had been deserted by the Eruli and Turingi when Odoacres their King conducted them into Italy They had continued there some time till their Kingdom fell to Alboino for a daring and couragious man under whom passing the Danube they encounter'd with Commodus King of the Zepidi a People planted in Pannonia and overcame him Among the rest Rosmunda one of Commodus Daughters was taken Prisoner whom Alboinus took for his Wife made himself Lord of her Countrey and mov'd by the barbarousness of his nature he caus'd a Cup to be made of her Father's Skull and in memory of that Victory drank out of it very often But being call'd into Italy by Narsetes with whom he had retain'd a Friendship in his Wars with the Goths he left Pannonia to the Hunni who as we said before return'd into their own Countrey after the death of Attila march'd into Italy and finding it so strangly Cantoniz'd and divided he possessed or rather surpriz'd Pavia Milan Verona Vicenza all Tuscany and the great part of Flaminia call'd now Romagnia So that presuming from the greatness and suddenness of his Conquests all Italy was his own he made a solemn Feast at Verona where much drinking having exalted his Spirits and Commodus his Skull being full of Wine he caus'd it to be presented to Rosmunda the Queen who sat over against him at the Table declaring and that so loud she could not but hear that at a time of such hearty and extraordinary Mirth it was fit she should drink one Cup with her Father Which expression touching the Lady to the quick she resolv'd to be reveng'd and knowing that Almachilde a young and valiant Lombard had an intrigue with one of her Maids she prevail'd that she might personate her one night and lie with him her self Accordingly Almachilde being introduc'd upon a time into a very dark place he injoy'd Rosmunda instead of her Maid The Business being done Rosmunda discover'd her self
Virtue as by the Chivalry of his Unkle Pepin and Charles Martel his Father For Charles Martel being Governour of that Kingdom gave that memorable defeat to the Saracens near Torsi upon the River Totra in which above 200000. of them were slain upon the reputation of which Victor'y under the discipline of his Father and his own deportment in it besides Pepin was afterwards made King of that Kingdom to whom when Pope Gregory appli'd himself for Relief against the Lombards Pepin return'd Answer that he would be ready to assist him but he desir'd first to have the honour to see him and pay his personal respects Upon which Invitation Pope Gregory went into France passing thorow the Lombards Quarters without any interruption so great Reverence they bare to Religion in those days Being arriv'd and honourably receiv'd in France he was after some time dismiss'd with an Army into Italy which having besieg'd Pavia and reduc'd the Lombards to distress Aistolfus was constrain'd to certain terms of Agreement with the French which were obtain'd by the intercession of the Pope who desir'd not the death of his Enemy but that he might rather be converted and live Among the rest of the Articles of that Treaty it was agreed That Aistolfus should restore all the Lands he had usurped from the Church But when the French Army was return'd into France Aistolfus forgot his Ingagement which put the Pope upon a second Application to King Pepin who re-suppli'd him again sent a new Army into Italy overcame the Lombards and possessed himself of Ravenna and contrary to the desire of the Grecian Emperour gave it to the Pope with all the Lands under that Exarchat and the Countrey of Urbino and la Marca into the bargain In the interim Aistolfus died and Desiderio a Lombard and Duke of Tuscany taking up Arms to succeed him begg'd Assistance of the Pope with Promise of perpetual Amity for the future which the Pope granted as far as the other Princes would consent At first Desiderio was very punctual and observed his Articles to a hair delivering up the Towns as he took them to the Pope according to his Ingagement to King Pepin nor was there any Exarchus sent afterwards from Constantinople to Ravenna but all was Arbitrary and manag'd according to the pleasure of the Pope Not long after Pepin died and Charles his Son succeeded in the Government who was call'd the Great from the greatness of his Exploits About the same time Theodore the First was advanc'd to the Papacy and falling out with Desiderio was besieg'd by him in Rome In his exigence the Pope had recourse to the King of France as his Predecessor had done before him and Charles not only suppli'd him with an Army but marching over the Alps at the Head of it himself he besieg'd Desiderio in Pavia took him and his Son in it sent them both Prisoners into France and went in person to Rome to visit the Pope where he adjudg'd and determin'd That his Holiness being God's Vicar could not be subject to the Iudgment of Man For which the Pope and people together declar'd him Emperour and Rome began again to have an Emperour of the West and whereas formerly the Popes were confirm'd by the Emperours the Emperour now in his Election was to be beholding to the Pope by which means the power and dignity of the Empire declin'd and the Church began to advance and by these steps to usurp upon the Authority of Temporal Princes The Lombards had been in Italy 222 years so long as to retain nothing of their original Barbarity but their name Charles being desirous to reform Italy in the time of Leo III. was contented they should inhabit and denominate the parts where they were born which since then have been call'd Lombardy and because the name of Rome was venerable among them he appointed that part of Italy which was adjacent and under the Exarchat of Ravenna should be call'd Romagnia Moreover he created his Son Pepin King of Italy extending his Jurisdiction as far as Benevento all the rest was continued under the dominion of the Grecian Emperour with whom Charles had made an Alliance During these Transactions Pascal the First was elected Pope and the Parish Priests in Rome by reason of their propinquity and readiness at every Election to adorn their power with a more illustrious Title began to be call'd Cardinals arrogating so much to themselves especially after they had excluded the Voices of the people that seldom any Pope was created but by them out of their own number Pascal being dead he was succeeded by Eugenius the Second of the Order of Santa Sabina Italy being in this manner under the Authority of the French changed its Form and Oeconomy in some measure for the Pope having incroach'd upon the Temporal Authority created Counts and Marquesses as Longinus Exarchat of Ravenna had made Dukes before After some few Ospurcus a Roman succeeded to the Papacy who not satisfied with the uncomliness of his Name call'd himself Sergius and gave the first occasion for the changing their Names which has since been frequently practis'd at their several Elections About this time Charles the Emperour died and his Son Lodovic succeeded yet not so quietly but that there arose so many and so great differences betwixt his Sons that in the days of his Grand-Children the Empire was wrested from his Family restor'd to the Almans and the next German Emperour was call'd Ainolfus Nor did Charles his Posterity by their dissentions lose only the Empire but their Soveraignty in Italy likewise for the Lombards resuming Courage fell foul upon the Pope and his Romans who not knowing to whose protection to betake himself was constrain'd to make Berengarius Dukeof Friuli King of Italy Incouraged by these Accidents the Hunni who at that time were planted in Pannonia took heart and invaded Italy but coming to a Battel with Berengarius they were overthrown and forc'd back again into Pannonia or rather into Hungaria it being at that time call'd by their Name At that time Romano was Emperour of Greece who being General of his Army had usurp'd upon Constantine and forc'd the Government out of his hand and because during these innovations Puglia and Calabria which as I said before had subjected themselves to that Empire were then in Rebellion inrag'd at their insolence he permitted the Saracens to possess those Countreys if they could gain them who invading them thereupon immediately subdu'd them and attempted upon Rome But the Romans Berengarius being imploy'd against the Hunni made Alberigo Duke of Tuscany their General by whose Valour their City was preserv'd and the Saracens raising their Siege retir'd built a Castle upon the Mountain Gargano and from thence Lorded it over Puglia and Calabria and infested all that part of Italy besides Thus it was that Italy in those times was marvelously afflicted towards the Alps by the Hunni towards Naples by the Saracens
in Romania and performing very valiantly in all those Wars Of Tancred one of the Princes of those Normans were born several Sons among which William call'd Ferabar and Roberto call'd Guiscardo were two William arriv'd to be Prince and the Tumults in Italy were in some measure compos'd But the Saracens having Sicily intire and daily invasions made upon Italy William entred into Confederacy with the Princes of Capua and Salerno and with Milorcus a Grecian who by the Emperour of Greece was deputed Governour of Puglia and Calabria to invade Sicily and in case of Victory it was agreed among them that both Prey and Countrey should be equaly divided The Enterprize was prosperous they beat the Saracens drove them out of the Countrey and possess'd it when they had done But Milorcus causing more Forces to be transported privately out of Greece seiz'd the Island for the Emperour and divided only the Spoil William was not a little disgusted but reserving his indignation for a more Convenient time he departed out of Sicily with the Princes of Capua and Salerno who having taken their leaves of him to return to their Homes in stead of marching to Romania as he pretended to them he fac'd about with his Army towards Puglia surpriz'd Melfi and behav'd himself so well against the Forces of the Emperour that he made himself Master of most part of Puglia and Calabria which Provinces at the time of Nicolas II. were Govern'd by his Brother Roberto and because he had afterward great Contention with his Nephews about the inheritance of those States he made use of the Pope's mediation who readily comply'd being desirous to oblige Roberto that he might defend him against the German Emperour and the people of Rome and it afterwards happen'd as we have said before that at the instance of Gregory VII he forc'd Enrico from Rome and suppress'd the Sedition of the Inhabitants Robert was succeeded by two of his Sons Roger and William to their Inheritance they annexed the City of Naples and all the Countrey betwixt it and Rome besides that they subdu'd Sicily of which Roger was made Lord. But William going afterwards to Constantinople to marry that Emperour's Daughter Roger took advantage of his absence seiz'd upon his Contrey and elated by so great an acquest caus'd himself first to be call'd King of Italy but afterwards contenting himself with the Title of King of Puglia and Sicily he was the first that gave Name and Laws to that Kingdom which to this day it retains though many times since not only the Royal Bloud but the Nation has been changed for upon failure of the Norman Race that Kingdom devolv'd to the Germans from them to the French from the French to the Spaniards and from the Spaniards to the Flemens with whom it remains at this present Urban II. though very odious in Rome was gotten to be Pope but by reason of the dissentions there not thinking himself secure in Italy he remov'd with his whole Clergy into France Having assembled many people together at Anvers he undertook a Generous Enterprize and by a learned Oration against the Infidels kindled such a fire in their minds they resolv'd upon an Expedition into Asia against the Saracens which Expedition as all other of the same nature was call'd afterwards Crociate because all that went along in it carry'd a red Cross upon their Arms and their Cloths The Chief Commanders in this Enterprize were Gottofredi Eustachio Alduino di Buglione Earl of Bologna and Peter the Hermit a man of singular veneration both for his prudence and piety Many Princes and Nations assisted with their Purses and many private men serv'd as Voluntiers at their own Charges So great an influence had Religion in those days upon the Spirits of Men incourag'd by the Example of their several Commanders At first the Enterprize was very successfull all Asia minor Syria and part of Egypt fell under the power of the Christians during which War the Order of the Knights of Ierusalem was instituted and continued a long time in Rhodes as a Bulwark against the Turks Not long after the Order of the Knights Templers was founded but it lasted not long by reason of the dissoluteness of their Manners At sundry times after these things upon sundry occasions many accidents fell out in which several Nations and particular men signaliz'd themselves There were ingag'd in this Expedition the Kings of England and France the States of Pisa Venice and Genoa all behaving themselves with great bravery and sighting with variety of Fortune till the time of Saladine the Saracen but his Courage and Virtue improv'd by intestine differences among the Christians robb'd them of the glory they had gain'd at the first and chased them out of a Countrey where for Ninety years they had been so honourably and so happily plac'd After the death of Pope Urban Pascal II. was chosen to succeed him and Enrico IV. made Emperour who coming to Rome and pretending great friendship to the Pope took his advantage clapt both him and his Clergy in Prison and never discharg'd them till they had impowr'd him to dispose of the Churches in Germany as he pleas'd himself About this time Matilda the Countess died and gave her Patrimony to the Church After the deaths of Pascal and Enric many Popes and many Emperours succeeded till the Papacy fell to Alexander III. and the Empire to Frederick Barbarossa a Swede The Popes of those days had many Controversies with the people of Rome and the Emperours which till the time of Barbarossa rather increas'd than otherwise Frederick was an excellent Soldier but so haughty and high he could not brook to give place to the Pope Notwithstanding he came to Rome to be Crown'd and return'd peaceably into Germany But that humour lasted but little for he return'd shortly into Italy to reduce some Towns in Lombardy which denied him obedience In this juncture Cardinal di S. Clemente a Roman born dividing from Pope Alexander was made Pope himself by a Faction in the Conclave Frederick the Emperour being then incamp'd before Crema Alexander complain'd to him of the Anti-Pope Frederick reply'd That they should both of them appear personally before him and that then hearing faithfully what each of them could say he should be better able to determine which was in the right Alexander was not at all satisfied with the Answer but perceiving the Emperour inclining to the Adversary he Excommunicated him and ran away to King Philip of France For all that Frederick prosecuted his Wars in Lombardy took and dismantled Milan Which put the Cities of Verona Padua and Venice upon a Confederacy for their Common defence In the mean time the Anti-Pope died and Frederick presum'd to Create Guidâ— of Cremona in his place The Romans taking advantage of the Pope's absence and the Emperour's diversion in Lombardy had re-assum'd something of their former Authority and began to require Obedience in the
neighbouring places which had been anciently their Subjects And because the Tuscans refus'd to submit they march'd confusedly against them but they being re-inforced by Frederick gave the Roman Army such a blow that since that time Rome could never recover its old Condition either for Populousness or Wealth Upon these Events Pope Alexander was return'd to Rome presuming he might be safe there by reason of the Animosity the Romans retain'd against the Emperour and the Employment his Enemies gave him in Lombardy But Frederick postponing all other respects march'd with his Army to besiege Rome Alexander thought it not convenient to attend him but withdrew into Puglia to William who upon the death of Roger being next Heir was made King Frederick being much molested and weaken'd by a Contagion in his Army rais'd his Siege and went back into Germany The Lombards which were in League against him to restrain their Excursions and streighten the Towns of Pavia and Tortona caus'd a City to be built which they intended for the Seat of the War and call'd it Alexandria in honour to Pope Alexander and defiance to the Emperour Guido the new Anti-Pope died likewise and Iohn of Fermo was chosen in his room who by the favour of the Imperial party was permitted to keep his Residence in Monte Fiascone whilst Alexander was gone into Tuscany invited by that people that by his Authority they might be the better defended against the Romans Being there Embassadors came to him from Henry King of England to clear their Masters innocence in the death of Thomas Becket Arch-Bishop of Canterbury with which he was publickly and most infamously aspersed To inquire into the truth the Pope sent two Cardinals into England who notwithstanding they found not his Majesty in any manifest guilt yet for the scandal of the Fact and that he had not honour'd the said Arch-Bishop with the respect he deserved they prescribed as a Penance That he should call all the Barons of his Kingdom together swear his Innocence before them send 200 Soldiers to Ierusalem to be paid by him for a twelve-month and himself follow in person with as great a Power as he could raise before three years were expir'd that he should disanul all things pass'd in his Kingdom in prejudice to the Ecclesiastick liberty and consent that any of his Subjects whatever should appeal to Rome when and as often as they thought it convenient all which Conditions were readily accepted and that great Prince submitted to a Sentence there is scarce a private person but would scorn at this day But though his Holiness was so formidable to the Princes abroad he was not so terrible in Rome the people in that City would not be â—oaksed nor persuaded to let him live there though he protested he would meddle no farther than Ecclesiastical matters by which it appears things at a distance are more dreadful than near at hand In the mean time Frederick was return'd into Italy with resolution to make a new War upon the Pope but whilst he was busie about his preparations his Barons and Clergy gave him advertisement that they would all forsake him unless he reconcil'd himself to the Church so that changing his design he was forc'd to go and make his submission at Venice and pacification being made the Pope in the Agreement devested the Emperor of all the Authority he pretended over Rome and named William King of Sicily and Puglia his Confederate Frederick being an active Prince and unable to lie still embarqu'd himself in the Enterprize into Asia to spend his Ambition against the Turk which he could not do so effectually against the Pope But being got as far as the River Cidvo allur'd by the clearness and excellence of the Waters he would needs wash himself in it and that washing gave him his death Those Waters being more beneficial to the Turks than all Excommunications to the Christians for whereas these only cool'd and asswag'd his Ambition they wash'd it away and extinguish'd it quite Frederick being dead nothing remain'd now to be suppres'd but the contumacy of the Romans After much argument and dispute about their Creation of Consuls it was concluded the Romans according to ancient Custom should have liberty to choose them but they should not execute their Office till they had sworn fealty to the Church Upon this accord Iohn the Anti-Pope fled to Monte Albano and died presently after In the mean time William King of Naples died also and having left no Sons but Tanacred a Bastard the Pope design'd to have possess'd himself of his Kingdom but by the opposition of the Barons Tanacred was made King Afterwards Celestin III. coming to the Papacy and being desirous to wrest that Kingdom from Tanacred he contriv'd to make Enrico Fredericks Son King promising him the Kingdom of Naples upon Condition he would restore such Lands as belong'd to the Church and to facilitate the business he took Costanza an ancient Maid daughter to King William out of a Monastery and gave her him for his Wife by which means the Kingdom of Naples pass'd from the Normans who had founded it and fell under the dominion of the Germans Henricus the Emperor having first setled his affairs in Germany came into Italy with his Wife Costanza and one of his Sons call'd Frederick about four years of age and without much difficulty possess'd himself of that Kingdom Tanacred being dead and only one Child remaining of his Issue call'd Roger Not long after Enricus died in Sicily he was succeeded in that Kingdom by Frederick and Otto Duke of Saxony chosen Emperour by the assistance of Pope Innocent III. But no sooner had he got the Crown upon his Head but contrary to the opinion of all men he became Enemy to the Pope seiz'd upon Romania and gave out Orders for the assaulting that Kingdom Upon which being Excommunicated by the Pope and deserted by his Friends Frederick King of Naples was chosen Emperour in his place The said Frederick coming to Rome to be Crown'd the Pope scrupl'd it being jealous of his power and endeavoured to persuade him out of Italy as he had done Otto before which Frederick disdaining retir'd into Germany and making War upon Otto overcame him at last In the mean time Innocent died who besides other magnificent Works built the Hospital di Santo Spirito at Rome Honorius III. succeeded him in whose Papacy were instituted the Orders of S. Dominick and S. Francis in the year MCCXVIII Honorius Crown'd Frederick to whom Iohn descended from Baldwin King of Ierusalem who commanded the remainder of the Christians in Asia and retain'd that Title gave one of his Daughters in marriage and the Title of that Kingdom in Dower with her and from that time whoever is King of Naples has that Title annex'd In Italy at that time they liv'd in this manner The Romans had no more the Creation of Consuls but in lieu of it they invested sometimes one
sometimes more of their Senators with the same power The League continued all the while into which the Cities of Lombardy had entred against Frederick Barbarossa and the Cities were these Milan Brescia Mantua with the greater part of the Cities in Romagna besides Verona Vicenza Padua and Trevigi The Cities on the Emperours side were Cremona Bergamo Parma Reggio Modena and Trenta The rest of the Cities of Lombardy Romagna and the Marquisate of Trevizan took part according to their interest sometimes with this sometimes with the other party In the time of Otto III one Ezelino came into Italy of whose Loyns there remaining a Son call'd also Ezelino being powerful and rich he joyn'd himself with Frederick II who as was said before was become an Enemy to the Pope By the incouragement and assistance of this Ezelino Frederick came into Italy took Verona and Mantua demolish'd Vicenza seiz'd upon Padoua defeated the united Forces of those parts and when he had done advanc'd towards Toscany whilst in the mean time Ezelino made himself Master of the Marquisate of Trevizan Ferrara they could not take being defended by Azone da Esti and some Regiments of the Popes in Lombardy Whereupon when the Siege was drawn off his Holiness gave that City in Fee to Azone da Esti from whom those who are Lords of it at this day are descended Frederick stop'd and fix'd himself at Pisa being desirous to make himself Master of Tuscany and by the distinctions he made betwixt his Friends and his Foes in that Province rais'd such ammosites as proved afterwards the destruction of all Italy For both Guelfs and Gibilins increas'd every day the first siding with the Church the other with the Emperour and were call'd first by those Names in the City of Pistoia Frederick being at length remov'd from Pisa made great devastations and several inroads into the Territories of the Church in so much that the Pope having no other remedy proclaim'd the Croifada against him as his Predecessors had done against the Saracens Frederick left he should be left in the lurch by his own people as Frederick Barbarossa and others of his Ancestors had been before entertain'd into his Pay great numbers of the Saracens and to oblige them to him and strengthen his opposition to the Pope by a party that should not be afraid of his Cursâ—s he gave them Nocera in that Kingdom to the end that having a Râ—treat in their own hands they might serve him with more confidence and security At this time Innocent IV. was Pope who being apprehensive of Frederick remov'd to Genoa and thence into France where he call'd a Counsel at Lyons and Frederick design'd to have been there had he not been retain'd by the Rebellion of Parma Having had ill Fortune in the suppressing of that he march'd away into Tuscany and from thence into Sicily where he died not long after leaving his Son Currado in Sâ—evia and in Puglia his natural Son Manfredi whom he had made Duke of Benevento Currado went to take possession of the Kingdom died at Naples and left only one lâ—â—tle Son behind him in Germany who was call'd Currado by his own Name By which means Manfred first as Tutor to Currado got into the Government and afterwards giving out that his Pupil was dead he made himself King and forc'd the Pope and Neapolitans who oppos'd it to consent Whilst Affairs in that Kingdom were in that posture many Commotions happen'd in Lombardy betwixt the Guelfs and the Gibilins The Guelfs were headed by a Legate from the Pope the Gibilins by Ezelino who at that time had in his possession all that part of Lombardy on this side the Poe. And because while he was entertain'd in this War the City of Padoua rebell'd he caus'd 12000 of them to be slain and not long after before the War was ended died himself in the thirtieth year of his age Upon his death all those Countreys which had been in his hands became free Manfredi King of Naples continued his malevolence to the Church as his Ancestors had done before him holding Pope Urban IV. in perpetual anxiety so that at length he was constrain'd to convoke the Crociata against him and to retire into Perugiâ— till he could get his Forces together but finding them come in slowly and thin conceiving that to the overcoming of Manfred greater supplies would be necessary he address'd himself to the King of France making his Brother Charles Duke of Angio King of Sicily and Naples and excited him to come into Italy and take possession of those Kingdoms Before Charles could get to Rome the Pope died and Clement V. succeeded in his place In the said Clements time Charles with 30 Galleys arriv'd at Ostia having Ordered the rest of his Forces to meet him by Land During his residence at Rome as a Complement to him the Romans made him a Senator and the Pope invested him in that Kingdom with condition that he should pay 50 thousand Florins yearly to the Church and published a Decree that for the future neither Charles nor any that should succeed him in that Kingdom should be capable of being Emperours After which Charles advancing against Manfred fought with him beat him and kill'd him near Benâ—vento thereby making himself King of Sicily and that Kingdom Corradino to whom that State devolv'd by his Fathers Testament gathering what Forces together he could in Germany march'd into Italy against Charles and ingaging him at Tagliacozza was presently defeated and being afterwards discover'd in his flight taken and slain Italy continued quiet till the Papacy of Adrian V. who not enduring that Charles should continue in Rome and govern all 〈◊〉 he did by vertue of his Senatorship he remov'd to Vitâ—rbo and solicited Ridolfus the Emperour to come into Italy against him In this manner the Popes sometimes for defence of Religion sometimes out of their own private ambition call'd in new Men and by consequence new Wars into Italy And no sooner had they advanc'd any of them but they repented of what they had done and sought immediately to remove him nor would they suffer any Province which by reason of their weakness they were unable themselves to subdue to be injoy'd quietly by any body else The Princes were all afraid of them for whether by fighting or flying they commonly overcame unless circumvented by some Stratagem as Boniface VIII and some others were by the Emperours under pretence of Friendship and Amity Ridolfus being retain'd by his War with the King of Bohemia was not at leisure to visit Italy before Adrian was dead He which succeeded him was Nicolas the III. of the House of Ursin a daring ambitious man who resolving to take down the Authority of Charles contriv'd that Ridolfus the Emperour should complain of Charles his Governour in Tuscany of his siding with the Guelfs who after the death of Manfred had been receiv'd and protected in that Province To comply with the
Emperour Charles call'd away his Governour and the Pope sent his Cardinal Nephew to take possession of it for the Emperour to recompense that Kindness the Emperour restor'd Romania to the Church which had been usurp'd by his Predecessors and the Pope made Bartaldo Orsino Duke of Romagnia growing more powerfull by degrees and believing himself strong enough to look Charles in the face he began to expostulate turn'd him out of his Senatorship and publish'd a Decree that no person for the future of Royal Extraction should ever be Senator in Rome Not contented with this he carri'd his Designs farther and was in the mind to have droven Charles out of Sicily to which end he held secret intelligence with the King of Arragon who effected it alterwards in the time of his Successor He design'd likewise to have made two Kings out of his Family one of Lombardy the other of Tuscany by whose power and assistance the Church might be defended from the incursions of the Germans abroad and the oppression of the French at home But he dying before any thing could be done was the first Pope that gave so manifest demonstration of Ambition or that under pretence of advancing the Church design'd only to exalt and magnifie his own Family and though from this time backward no mention is to be found of Nephew or any other of his Holiness Kindred yet forward all History is full of them and as formerly the Popes have endeavour'd to leave them Princes they would leave them Popes now adays if they could and make the Papacy hereditary But the Principalities they erected have been hitherto short-liv'd for the Popes seldom living long the first gust of wind shakes them for want of their Authority and Courage to sustain them This Pope being dead Martin X. succeeded who being born a French-man was a friend to the French and Charles in the Rebellion of Romania sent an Army to his Assistance who having besieg'd Furli Guido Bonatti an Astrologer being in the Town appointed the Garrison a certain time to sally upon them and following his direction they did it with such success that the whole French Army was either taken or kill'd About this time the practices betwixt Pope Nicholas and Peter King of Arragon were put in execution the Sicilians by that means kill'd all the French they found in that Island and Peter made himself Lord of it upon pretence it belonged to Constansa Manfreds Daughter whom he had married but Charles in his preparation for its recovery died left Charles II. his Son at that time a Prisoner in Sicily who for his enlargement promis'd to surrender himself again if in three years time he prevail'd not with the Pope to invest the House of Arragon with the Kingdom of Sicily Ridolfus the Emperour in stead of coming into Italy himself to recover the reputation of the Empire sent an Embassadour thither with full power to enfranchize such Cities as would buy out their Freedom Upon which many Cities redeem'd themselves and chang'd their Laws with their Liberty Adulfus Duke of Saxony succeeded in the Empire and in the Popedom Piero del Murone by the Name of Pope Celestine but having been a Hermit and exceedingly devout in six months time he renounced and Boniface VIII was chosen in his room The Heavens foreseeing the time would come Italy should be deliver'd both from the Germans and French and remain intirely in the hands of its Natives that the Pope though freed from forreign impedidiments might not be able to usurp and establish himself in the Power which he exercised then rais'd up two great Families in Rome the Colonni and the Ursini that by their Authority and Allyance they might be able to circumscribe his Holiness and keep him within his bounds Pope Boniface was sensible of them and apply'd himself very zealously to have extirpated the Colonni excommunicating them first and then proclaiming the Crociata against them which though it might be some prejudice to them was more to the Church For those Swords which had been drawn in vindication of the Gospel and done honourable things when for private ambition they were unsheath'd against Christians they lost their first sharpness and would not cut at all and so it came to pass their immoderate desire of satiating their Appetite by degrees lessened the Popes power and disarm'd them Two of that House which were Cardinals he degraded Sciarra the chief of them escaping in disguise being discover'd was taken by the Spanish Privateers and clap'd to an Oar but being known at Marsellis he was rescu'd and sent away to the King of France who by Boniface was Excommunicated thereupon and depriv'd of his Kingdom Philip King of France considering very well that in all open Wars with the Popes he had either run some eminent danger or come home by the loss began to look about for some Artifice and at length pretending great readiness to comply and counterfeiting a Treaty he sent Sciarra privately into Italy who being arriv'd at Anagnia where at that time the Pope had his Residence gathering his Friends together in the night he seiz'd upon his Holiness who tho inlarg'd afterwards by the people of the Town died shortly in a Dilirium with meer sense and indigation This Boniface was the first Pope which ordain'd Jubilees in the year M.CCC and decreed they should be celebrated every hundred years These times produc'd many troubles betwixt the Guelfs and the Gibilin's and Italy being forsaken by the Emperours many Towns recover'd their liberties and many were usurp'd Pope Benedict restor'd their Caps to the Cardinals of the House of Colonni absolv'd King Philip and gave him his Blessing Benedict was succeeded by Clement V. who being a French-man remov'd his Court into France Anno MCCCVI During these Transactions Charles II. King of Naples died and left the Succession to Robert his Son The Empire was in the mean time fallen to Arrigo of Luxemburg who came to Rome to be Crown'd though the Pope was not there upon whose arrival many commotions followed in Lombardy and all banished persons whether Guelfs or Gibilins being restor'd to their former Habitations conspiring to supplant one another they fill'd the whole Province with the Calamities of War notwithstanding the Emperour imploy'd his utmost power to prevent it Arrigo removing out of Lombardy by the way of Genova return'd to Pisa with design to have driven King Râ—bâ—rt out of Tascany but not succeeding in that he march'd to Rome but continued there a few dayes only for the Ursini by the help of King Robert forc'd him to remove and he march'd back again to Pisa where for his more secure Warring upon Tuscany and supplanting that King he caus'd it to be assaulted on the other side by Frederick King of Sicily But in the height of his Designs when he thought himself sure both of Tuscany and its King he died and the succession went to Lodovick of Bavaria About this
the Adriatick Sea which were not inhabited they escap'd after them themselves The Padouans seeing the fire so near them concluding when Aquilegia was taken his next visit would be to them sent away their Goods Wives Children and unserviceable people to a place in the same Sea call'd Rivo Alto leaving the young men and such as were able to bear Arms for the defence of the Town The Inhabitants of Montfelice and the Hills about it fearing the same destiny remov'd to the same Islands Aquilegia being taken and Padoua Montfelice Vicenza and Verona overcome and sack'd by Aâ—tila's Army those which remain'd of the Padouans and the most considerable of the rest setled their Habitations in certain Fenns and Marshes about the aforesaid Rivo Alto and all the people about that Province which was anciently call'd Venetia being driven out of their Countrey by the same Calamities joyn'd themselves with them changing by necessity their pleasant and plentiful Habitations for rude and barren places void of all Commodity and Convenience But their number being great and their Quarter but small in a short time they made it not only habitable but delightful framing such Laws and Orders to themselves as secur'd them against miseries of their Neighbours and in a short time made them considerable both for reputation and force So that besidâ—â— their first inhabitants many people resorting to them from the Cities of Lombardy upon occasion of the Cruelty of Clefi King of the Lombards they multiply'd so fast that when Pepin King of France at the solicitation of the Pope undertooke to drive the Lombards out of Italy in the Treaties betwixt him and the Emperour of Greece it was agreed that the Duke of Benevento and the Venetians should be subject neither to the one nor the other but injoy their Liberty to themselves Moreover Necessity having determin'd their Habitations among the Waters having no Land to supply them it forc'd them to look about which way they might live and applying to Navigation they began to trade about the World and not only furnish'd themselves with necessary Provisions but by degrees brought thither such variety of Merchandize that other people which had need of them came to them to be supply'd At first having no thoughts of Dominion they were wholly intent upon what might facilitate their Trade and in order thereunto they acquir'd several Ports both in Greece and Syria and in their passage into Asia the French making use of their Ships they gave them by way of Recompence the Island of Candia While they lived at this rate their Name was grown formidable at Sea and so venerable at Land that in most Controversies betwixt their Neighbours they were the only Arbitrators as it happen'd in the difference betwixt the Confederates upon the division of the Towns where the cause being referred to them they awarded Bergamo and Brescia to the Visconti But having afterwards in process of time conquer'd Padoua Vicenza Trivegi and after them Verona Bergamo and Brescia besides several Towns in Romagna and else where their power began to be so considerable that not only the Princes of Italy but the greatest and most remote Kings were afraid to provoke them Whereupon entring into a Conspiracy against them the Venetians lost all in one day that in so many Years and with so vast Expence they had been gaining and though in our times they may have recover'd it in part yet not having regain'd their Reputation and Power they live at the mercy of other people as indeed all the Princes of Italy do Benedict XII being Pope looking upon Italy as lost and fearing that Lodovic the Emperour should make himself Master of it he resolv'd to enter into strict Amity with all those who held any Lands that belong'd formerly to the Empire presuming their fear to be dispossess'd would make them faithful in the defence of Italy and zealous to keep him out accordingly he publish'd a Decree to confirm all the usurp'd Titles in Lombardy and to continue their Possession But that Pope died before his Promise could be made good and Clement VI. succeeded him The Emperour observing with what libâ—rality the Pope had dispos'd of the Lands belonging to the Empire that he might not be behind him in so generous a point he gave all Lands that had been usurp'd from the Church to such persons as had usurp'd them to hold them of the Empire as the other of the Pope By which Donation Galeotto Maletesti and his Brothers became Lords of Rimini Pesaro and Fano Antonio da Montefeltro of la Marca and Urbin Gentil da Varano of Camerino Giovanni Manfredi of Faenza Guido di Polenta of Ravenna Sinebaldo Or delaffi of Furli and Cesena Lodovico Aledosi of Imola besides many others in other places so that of all the Lands which belong'd to the Church there was scarce any left without an interloper by which means till the time of Alexander VI. the Church was very weak but he recover'd its Authority in our days with the destruction of most of their Posterity At the time of this Concession the Emperour was at Taranto where he gave out his Design was for Italy which was the occasion of great Wars in Lombardy in which the Visconti made themselves Lords of Parma About this time Robert King of Naples died and left two Grand Children by his Son Charles who died not long before leaving his eldest Daughter Giovanna Heir to the Crown with injunction to marry Andrâ—a Son to the King of Hungary who was his Nephew But they liv'd not long together before Andrea was poison'd by her and she married again to Lodovic Prince of Taranto her near Kins-man But Lewis King of Hungary Brother to Andrea to revenge his death came into Italy with an Army and drave Giovanna and her Husband out of the Kingdom About these times there happen'd a very memorable passage in Rome One Nicholas di Lorenzo Chancellor in the Capitol having forc'd the Senate out of Rome under the Title of Tribune made himself head of that Common-wealth reducing it into its ancient form with so much Justice and Virtue that not only the neighbouring Provinces but all Italy sent Embassadours to him The ancient Provinces seeing that City so strangely reviv'd began to lift up their Heads and pay it a respect some out of fear and some out of hopes But Nicholas notwithstanding the greatness of his Reputation not able to comport with so great an Authority deserted it himself for being overburthen'd with the weight of it he left it in the very beginning and without any constraint stole privately away to the King of Bohemia who by the Popes Order in affront to Lewis of Bavaria was made Emperour and to gratifie his Patron he secur'd Nicholas and Clapt him in prison Not long after as it had been in imitation of Nicholas one Francesco Baroncegli possest himself of the Tribuneship and turn'd the Senators out of Rome so that the Pope
as the readiest way to suppress him was glad to discharge Nicholas of his imprisonment and sent him to Rome to resume his old Office whereupon Nicholas undertook the Government once more and caus'd Francesco to be executed But the Colonnesi becoming his Enemies by degrees he himself was put to death by them and the Senate restor'd to the Exercise of its former Authority In the mean time of the King of Hungary having depos'd Queen Giovanna return'd to his own Kingdom But the Pope desir'd to have the Queen his Neighbour rather than that King and order'd things so that the Kingdom was restor'd upon Condition her Husband Lewis renouncing the Title of King should content himself with that of Taranto The Year MCCCL. being come his Holiness thought fit that the Jubilee appointed by Pope Boniface VIII to be kept every hundred years should be reduc'd to fifty and having pass'd a Decree to that purpose in gratitude for so great a Benefit the Romans were contented he should send four Cardinals to Rome to reform their City and create what Senators he pleas'd After which the Pope declar'd Lodovic of Taranto King of Naples again and Giovanna highly oblig'd by that favour gave the Church Avignon which was part of her Patrimony By this time Luchïno Visconti being dead Iohn Arch-Bishop of Milan remain'd sole Lord and making several Wars upon Tuscany and his Neighbours became very considerable After his death the Government fell to his two Nephews Bernardo and Galeazzo but Galeazzo dying a while after he left his Son Iohn Galeazzo to share with his Unkle in the State In these dayes Charles King of Bohemia was created Emperour and Innocent VI. Pope who having sent Cardinal Giles a Spaniard into Italy by his Virtue and the excellence of his Conduct he recover'd the reputation of the Church not only in Rome and Romagna but all Italy over He recover'd Bologna that had been usurp'd by the Arch-Bishop of Milan He constrain'd the Romans to admit a forreign Senator every year of the Popes nomination He made an honourable Agreement with the Visconti He fought and took Prisoner Iohn Aguto an English-man who with four thousand English was entertain'd in Tuscany upon the Ghibilin accompt After these Successes Urban V. being Pope he resolv'd to visit both Italy and Rome where Charles the Emperour came to meet him and having continued together several Months Charles return'd into his Kingdom and the Pope to Avignon Urban died and Gregory XII suceeded and because Cardinal Egidio was dead Italy relaps'd into its former distractions occasion'd by the Caballing of the people against the Visconti Whereupon the Pope at first sent a Legat into Italy with six thousand Britans after whom he follow'd in Person and re-establish'd his Residence at Rome in the year MCCCLXXVI after it had been kept in France LXXI years After the death of this Pope Urban VI. was created Not long after at Fondi ten Cardinals quarrelling with his Election and pretending it was not fair created Clement VII The Genoveses in the mean time who for several years had lived quietly under the Government of the Visconti rebell'd Betwixt them and the Venetian there happen'd great Wars about the Island of Tenedos in which War by Degrees all Italy became concern'd and there it was that great Guns were first us'd they being a German Invention Though for a while the Genoveses were predominant and held Venice blockt up for several Months together yet in the conclusion the Venetian had the better and made an advantagious Peace by the assistance of the Pope In the year 1381 as we have said before there was a Schism in the Church and Giovanna the Queen favour'd the Anti-Pope Whereupon Pope Urban practis'd against her and sent Carlo Durazzo who was of the Royal House of Naples with an Army into her Kingdom who possest himself of her Countrey and drove her away into France The King of France undertaking her quarrel sent Lodovic d' Angio to repossess the Queen and force Urban out of Rome and set up the Anti-Pope But Lodovic dying in the middle of the Enterprize his Army broke up and return'd into France Urban thereupon goes over to Naples and claps nine Cardinals in Prison for having sided with France and the Anti-Pope After that he took it ill of the King that he refus'd to make one of his Nephews Prince of Capua but concealing his disgust he desir'd Nocera of him for his Habitation which as soon as he was possess'd of he fortified and began to cast about which way to deprive him of his Kingdom The King taking the Alarm advanc'd against Nocera and besieg'd it but the Pope escap'd to Genoua where he put the Cardinals which were his Prisoners to death From thence he went to Rome and created 28 new Cardinals In the mean time Charles King of Naples went into Hungary was proclaim'd King there and not long after kill'd He left the Kingdom of Naples to his Wife and two Children he had by her one call'd Ladislao and the other Giovanna Iohn Galeazzo Visconti in the mean time had kill'd his Unkle Bernardo and possess'd himself of Milan and not content to have made himself Duke of Milan he attempted upon Tuscany but when he was in a fair way to have conquer'd it and to have made himself King of all Italy he died Urban VI. died also and was succeeded by Boniface IX Clâ—ment VII the Anti-Pope died likewise at Avignon and Benedict XIII was created in his room Italy all this while was full of Soldiers of Fortune English Dutch and Britans some of them Commanded by Princes which upon several occasions had been invited thither and some of them which had been sent by the Popes when their residence was at Avignon With this medly of Nations the Princes of Italy maintain'd their Wars many times till at length Lodovico da Conio Romagnuolo having train'd up a Party of Italians call'd the Soldiers of Saint George by his Valour and Discipline lessen'd the Reputation of the Forreigners and made them afterwards more useful and considerable in the Italian Wars The Pope upon certain differences which arose betwixt him and the Romans remov'd to Scesi where he remain'd till the Jubilee in the year 1400. at which time to invite him back again for the benâ—fit of their City the Romans condescended that he should have the annual nomination of a forreign Senator and be permitted to fortifie the Castle of St. Angelo upon which Conditions being return'd to inrich the Church he ordain'd That in every Vacancy each Benefice should pay an Annat into the Chamber Ecclesiastical After the death of Iohn Galeazzo Duke of Milan though he left two Sons Giovan-Mari-Angelo and Philip the State was divided into many Factions In the troubles which followed Giovan-Mari-Angelo was slain and Philip for some time kept Prisoner in the Castle of Pavia but by the Valour and Allegiance of the Governour
he escap'd Among the rest who had seiz'd the Cities which belong'd formerly to Iohn Galeazzo William della Scala was one who having been banish'd and retiring to Francesco de Carrara Lord of Padua by his means he recover'd the State of Verona but he enjoy'd it a short time for Francesco caus'd him to be poison'd and assum'd the Government himself The Vicentini hereupon having till then liv'd quietly under the protection of the Visconti growing jealous of the greatness of the Lord of Padua submitted themselves to the Venetians who at their instigation made War upon him and beat him first out of Verona and at length out of Padua By this time Pope Boniface died and Innocent VII was elected in his place The people of Rome made a solemn Address to him for the Restitution of their Liberty and Forts and being deny'd they call'd in Ladislans King of Naples to their Assistance but their differences being afterwards compos'd the Pope return'd to Rome from whence for fear of the people he fled to Viterbo where he had made his Nephew Lodovic Conte della Marca after which he died and Gregory XII succeeded upon Condition he should resign when ever the Anti-Pope should be persuaded to do the same At the intercession of the Cardinals to try whether it was possible to accommodate their differences and reunite the Church Benedict the Anti-Pope came to Porto Veneri and Gregory to Lucca where many Expedients were propos'd but nothing concluded whereupon the Cardinals forsook them both of one side and the other Benedict retired into Spain and Gregory to Rimini The Cardinals by the favour of Baldassare Cossa Cardinal and Legat of Bologna call'd a Counsel at Pisa in which they created Alexander V. who immediately excommunicated King Ladislaus invested Luigid ' Augio with his Kingdom and by the assistance of the Florentines Genoueses Venetians and Baldassare Cossa the Legat they assaulted Ladislaus and drove him out of Rome But in the heat of the War Alexander died and Baldassare Cossa was created Pope with the name of Iohn XXIII Iohn was created at Bologna but remov'd to Rome where he found Luigi d' Angio with the Forces of Provence having joyn'd himself with him they march'd out against King Ladislaus fought with him and routed his Army but for want of good Conduct not persuing their Victory King Ladislaus rally'd recover'd Rome and forc'd the Pope away to Bologna and Luigi to Provence The Pope casting about with himself which way he might restrain and lessen the power of King Ladislaus caus'd Sigismund King of Hungary to be chosen Emperour invited him into Italy to which purpose they had a Conference at Mantua where it was concluded a General Council should be call'd for uniting the Church upon the accomplishment of which it was presum'd they should be better able to defend themselves against the incroachments of their Enemies At this time there were three Popes in being at once Gregory Benedict and Iohn which kept the Church very low both in force and reputation The place appointed for their Convention was Constance a City in Germany contrary to the intention of Pope Iohn and though by the death of King Ladislaus the great Reason was taken away that mov'd the Pope to that proposition nevertheless things being gone so far and he under an obligation he could not handsomly come off but was forc'd to go to it Being arriv'd at Constance it was not many months before he found his Error and endeavoured to have escap'd but being discovered and taken he was put in Prison and compell'd to renounce Gregory one of the Anti-Popes renounced by Proxy but Benedict the other Anti-Pope refus'd and was condemned for a Heretick at last finding himself abandon'd by all the Cardinals he renounc'd likewise and the Counsel created a new Pope Viz. Oddo of the House of Coloâ—ma who took the name of Martin V. upon which the Schisms were compos'd and the Church united after it had been divided fourty years and several Popes living at one and the same time As we said before Philip Visconti was at this time in the Castle of Pavâ—a But upon the death of Fantino Care who in the troubles of Lombardy had made himself Lord of Vercelli Alexandria Novara and Tortona and contracted great wealth having no Sons he bequeath'd his Dominions to his Wife Beatrix injoyning his Friends to use their utmost endeavour to Marry her to Philip by which Marriage Philip being much strengthen'd he recover'd Milan and all the whole Province of Lombardy after which to recompense her great Benefits according to the example of other Princes he accus'd his Wife Beatrix of Adultery and put her to death Being arriv'd at that height both of Power and Grandeur he began to contrive against Toscany and pursue the designs of his Father Iohn Galeazzo Ladislaus King of Naples at his death had left to his Sister Giovanna besides his Kingdom a formidable Army Commanded by the chief Captains in Italy and among the rest by Sforza da Contignuolo a person of particular repute for his Valour in those Wars The Queen to clear her self of an aspersion of too much intimacy with one Panâ—olfello which she advanc'd took to her Husband Giacopa della Marcia a Frenchman of Royal Extraction but upon condition he should content himself to be call'd Prince of Taranâ—o and leave the Title and Government of the Kingdom to her But the Soldiers as soon as he was arrived in Naples called him King which occasioned great differences betwixt him and the Queen sometimes one prevailing and sometimes the other But at length the Government rested in the Queen and she became a severe Enemy to the Pope Whereupon Sforza to drive her into a necessity and force her to his own terms laid down his Commission and refused to serve her against him by which means being as it were disarmed in a moment having no other remedy she applyed her self to Alphonso King of Arragon and Sicily adopted him her Son and to Command her Army she entertained Braccio da Montone as Eminent a Soldier as Sforza and an Adversary of the Popes upon accompt of certain Towns as Perugia and others which he had usurped from the Church After this a Peace was concluded betwixt her and the Pope but Alphonso suspecting least she should serve him as she had done her Husband began privately to contrive how he might possess himself of the Forts But the Queen was cunning and prevented him by fortifying her self in the Castle of Naples Jealousies increasing in this manner and no-body interposing they came to an Ingagement and the Queen by the help of Sforza who was returned to her Service overcame Alphonso drove him out of Naples abdicated him and adopted Lodovic d' Angio in his place Hereupon new Wars ensued betwixt Braccio who was of Alphonso's party and Sforza who was for the Queen In the process of the War Sforza passing the River Pescara was by
affairs the Florentines laid the foundation of their liberty Nor is it to be imagin'd what strength and authority it acquir'd in a short time for it came not only to be the chief City in Tuscany but to be reckon'd among the Principal of all Italy and indeed there was no grandeur to which it might not have arriv'd had it not been obstructed by new and frequent dissentions Ten years together the Florenties liv'd under this Government in which time they forc'd the Pistoiesi Aretini and Sanesi to make peace with them and returning with their Army from Siena they took Volterra demolish'd several Castles and brought the Inhabitants to Florence In these Expeditions the Guelfs had the principal Conduct as being much more popular than the Ghibilines who had carried themselves imperiously during Frederick's Reign and made themselves odious or else it was because the Church party had more Friends than the Emperours as being thought more consistent with their liberty The Ghibilines in the mean time being displeased to see their Authority so sensibly decrease could not be satisfy'd but attended all occasions to repossess themselves of the Government When Manfredi the Son of Frederick King of Naples was invested in that Kingdom and had over-power'd the power of the Church conceiving it a fair opportunity they practis'd privately with him to reassume their Government but they could not manage it so cunningly but their practice was discover'd to the Antiani who summoning the Uberti thereupon the Uberti not only refus'd to appear but took Arms and fortify'd themselves in their houses at which the people being incens'd took Arms likewise and joyning with the Guelfs drove them out of Florence and forc'd the whole Ghibiline party to transplant to Siena From thence they desir'd the assistance of Manfredi King of Naples who sending them supplies by the Conduct and Diligence of Frinata of the House of Uberti the Guelfs received such a blow upon the River Arebia that those which escaped supposing their City lost fled directly to Lucca and left Florence to shift for it self Manfredi had given the Command of the auxiliaries which he sent to the Ghibilines to the Conte Giordano a Captain of no small reputation in those times Giordano after this Victory advanced with his Ghibilines to Florence reduc'd the City to the obedience of Manfredi depos'd the Magistrates and alter'd or abrogated all the Laws and Customs that might give them the least figure or commemoration of their liberty Which injury being done with little discretion was receiv'd by the people with so much detestation that whereas before they were scarce Enemies to the Ghibilines they became thereby inveterate and implacable and that mortal animosity was in time their utter destruction Being to return to Naples upon affairs of great importance to that Kindom the Conte Giordano left Comte Guido Novello Lord of Casentino in Florence as Deputy for the King This Guido Novello call'd a council of Ghibilines at Empoli wherein it was unanimously concluded that Florence should be razed being by reason the people were so rigid Guelfs the only City capable to reinforce the declining party of the Church Upon so cruel and barbarous a Sentence against so Noble a City there was not one Friend or Citizen oppos'd besides Ferinata delli Uberti who publickly and couragiously undertook its defence Declaring That he had not run so many dangers not expos'd himself to so many difficulties but to live quietly afterwards in his own Countrey nor would he now reject what he contended for so long nor refuse that which his good fortune had given him he was resolv'd rather to oppose himself against whoever should design otherwise with as much Vigour and zeal as he had done against the Guelfs and if jealousie and apprehension should prompt them to endeavour the destruction of their Countrey they might attempt if they pleas'd but he hop'd with the same Virtue which drove out the Guelfs he should be able to defend the City This Ferinata was a man of great Courage excellent Conduct Head of the Ghibilines and in no small esteem with Manfredi himself These qualifications and the consideration of his Authority put an end to that resolution and they began now to take new measures and contrive wayes of preserving the State The Guelfs who had fled to Lucca being dismiss'd by the Lucchesi upon the Counts commination they withdrew to Bologna from whence being invited by the Guelfs of Parma to go against the Ghibilines they behav'd themselves so well that by their Valour the Adversary was overcome and their possessions given to them So that increasing in Honour and Wealth and understanding that Pope Clement had call'd Carlo d' Angio into Italy to depose Manfredi if possibly They sent Embassadours to his Holiness to tender their assistance which the Pope not only accepted but sent them his own Standard which the Guelfs carry'd ever after in their Wars and is us'd in Florence to this very day After this Manfredi was beaten dispoyl'd of his Kingdom and Slain and the Guelfs of Florence having performed their share in that Action their party grew more brisk and couragious and the Ghibilines more timorous and weak Whereupon those who with Count Guido Novello were at the helm in Florence began to cast about how they might by benefits or otherwise gain and cajole the people whom before they had exasperated by all circumstances of injury But those remedies which if us'd in time before necessity requir'd might possibly have prevail'd being apply'd abruptly and too late did not only not contribute to their safty but hasten'd their ruine To coaks and insinuate with the people and their party they thought it would do much if they restor'd them to a part of that Honour and Authority which they had lost To this purpose they chose XXXVI Citizens from among the People and adding to them two Forreign Gentlemen from Bologna they gave them power to reform the State of the City as they pleas'd As soon as they met the first thing they pitcht upon was to divide the City into several Arts or Trades over each Art they plac'd a Master who was to administer Justice to all under his Ward and to every Art a Banner was assign'd that under that each Company might appear in Arms when ever the safty of the City requir'd it At first these Arts or Companies were twelve seven greater and five less the lesser increasing afterwards to fourteen their whole number advanc'd to XXI as it remains at this day The Reformation proceeding quietly in this manner and contriving many things for the common benefit of the people without interruption Count Guido thinking himself under an equal Obligation to provide for his Soldiers caus'd a Tax to be laid upon the Citizens to raise Money for their pay but he found such difficulty in the business he durst never collect it Whereupon perceiving all lost unless something was suddainly done he combin'd
which were banished and sent many new ones into banishment after them The Citizens were questioned and molested not only for their inclinations to the parties but for their wealth their relations and private correspondencies And had this proscription proceeded to blood it had been as bad as Octaviano's or Silla's nor was it altogether without for Antonio di Bernardo was beheaded and four other Cizens of which Zanobi Bel Fratelli and Cosimo Barbadori were two who having escaped out of their Dominions and being gotten to Venice the Venetians valuing Cosimo's friend ship before their own honour and reputation caused them to be secured sent them prisoners home where they were most unworthily put to death However that example gave great advantage to Cosimo's party and great terror to the adverse when it was considered that so potent a Republick should sell its liberty to the Florentines which was supposed to be done not so much in kindness to Cosimo as to revive and incense the factions in Florence and by engaging them in blood to render the animosities in that City irreconcilable the Venetians being jealous of no other obstruction to their greatness but the Union of those parties Having pillaged and banished all such as were enemies or suspected to be so to the State they applied themselves to charess and oblige new persons to corroborate their party restored the Family of the Alberti and who-ever else had been proclaimed Rebel to his Country All the Grandees except some few were reduced into the popular rank the Estates of the Rebels they sold to one another for a song After which they fortified themselves with new Laws new Magistrates and new Elections pulling out such as they thought their enemies and filling the purses with the names of their friends But admonished by the ruine of their friends and thinking not enough for the security of their Government to make the imborsation as they pleas'd they contrived that all Officers of life and death should be created out of the chief of their party and that the Persons who were to oversee the imborsations and the new Squittini should with the Senators have power to create them To the Eight of the Guards they gave authority of life and death They decreed that the banished Persons should not return though the time of their banishment was expired till leave given them by four and thirty of the Senate and the Colledges when their whole number amounted but to thirty and seven They made it criminal to write or receive Letters from them every word every sign every motion that was unpleasing to the Governors was punished severely and if any one remained suspected who had escaped these injuries they loaded him with new duties and impositions till in a short time they had cleared the City of their Enemies and secur'd the Government to themselves However that they might want no assistance from abroad and intercept it from such as should design against them they enter'd into League with the Pope the Venetians and the Duke of Milan Things being in this posture in Floreâ—ce Giovanna Queen of Naples died and by will made Rinieri dâ— Angio her heir Alphonso King of Aragon was at that time in Sicily and having good interest with many of the Nobility of that Kingdom he prepared to possess it The Neapolitans and several others of the Lords were favourers of Rinieri The Pope had no mind that either the one or the other should have it but would willingly have governed by a Deputy of his own In the mean time Alphonso arrived out of Sicily and was received by the Duke of Sessa where he entertained certain Princes into his pay with design having Capua in his possession which was governed at that time in his name by the Prince of Taranto to force the Neapolitans to his will Wherefore he sent his Army against Caietta which was defended by a Garison of Neapolitans Upon this Invasion the Neapolitans demanded assistance of Philip who recommended the Enterprize to the people of Genoa the Genoeses not only to gratifie the Duke who was their Prince but to preserve the goods and effects which they had at that time both in Naples and Caietta rigg'd out a strong fleet immediately Alphonso having news of their preparations reinforc'd himself went in Person against the Genoeses and coming to an engagement with them of the Island of Pontus he was beaten taken Prisoner with several other Princes and presented by the Genoeses into the hands of Duke Philip. This Victory astonished all the Princes of Italy who had any apprehension of the power of Philip beleiving it would give him opportunity to make himself Master of all but he so different are the judgments of men took his measures quite contrary Alphonso was a wise and prudent Prince and as soon as he had convenience of discoursing with Philip remonstrated to him how much he was mistaken in siding with Rinieri for that assuredly having made himself King of Naples he would endeavour with all his Power to bring Milan in subjection to the French that his assistance might be near him and that upon any distress he might not be put to it to force a way for his supplies nor was there any way to do it so effectuall as by ruining him and introducing the French That the contrary would happen by making Alphonso Prince for then having no-body to fear but the French he should be obliged to love and charess the Duke above any body in whose power it would be to give his enemies a passage by which means Alponso should have the title but the power and authority would remain in Duke Philip insomuch that it imported the Duke much more than himself to consider the dangers of one side with the advantages of the other unless he desired more to satisfie his passion than to secure his State For as by that way he would continue free and independent by the other lying betwixt two powerful Princes he would lose his State quite or living in perpetual apprehension be a slave to them both These words wrought so much upon the Duke that changing his designs he set Alphonso at liberty sent him back to Genoa and from thence into the Kingdom of Naples where he landed at Caietta which upon the news of his enlargement had been seized by some Lords of his party The Genoeses understanding how without any regard to them the Duke had discharged the King and considering with themselves that of all their danger and expence he had ingrossed the honour impropriated the thanks of the Kings inlargement and left them nothing but his regrate and indignation for having defeated and taken him prisoner were highly dissatisfied with the Duke In the City of Genoa when it has the free exercise of its liberty by the free suffrages of the people a chief is chosen which they call their Doge not with the absolute power of a Prince to determine arbitrarily of any thing but
perpetual Peace as the Duke of Milan should chuse the Dukes Commissioners returning to know his resolution they found him dead however the Milanesi were willing to stand to their agreement but the Venetians would not condescend fancying great hopes to themselves of overrunning that State because Lodi and Piacenza had submitted to them soon after the death of the Duke and believing either by treaty or force they should be able to reduce the rest before any Body could come in to their relief and this they fancied the rather because the Florentines were engaged in a War with Alfonso Alfonso was at this time at Tiboli and being impatient to pursue his designs upon Tuscany according to agreement betwixt him and the Duke conceiving the Waralready commenced in Lombardy would give him convenience he had a great mind to have fome footing in the state of Florence before the War should apparently break out to that purpose he entred into correspondence with some persons in the Castle of Cennina in the upper Vald ' Arno and took it the Florentines were much surprized at so unexpected an accident and seeing that King in motion against them they listed Men created a new Council of Ten and provided themselves for War with as much industry as any of their predecessors The King was marched already with his Army into the Country of Siena and had used his utmost endeavours to get that city into his clutches but it continued firm to the Florentines refused to admit him and all the rest of the Towns under its jurisdiction did the same Yet they furnished him with provisions their weakness and the Kings great strength excusing it The Kings resolution was changed of invading the Florentines by the way of the Val d' Arno either because Cennina was taken from him again or that the Florentines were too well furnished with Souldiers in those parts wherefore he turned towards Volterra and surprized many Castles in the County belonging thereto From thence he passed into the County of Pisa where by the assistance of Arrigo and Fatio Counts of Gherardesca he took some posts and then assaulted Campiglia which being defended by the Florentines he was not able to carry so that the King leaving Garisons in the places he had taken and certain Troops to make excursions upon the Enemy with the rest of his Army retired and took his quarters in the Country of Siena The Florentines in the mean time being secured by the season of the year provided themselves with Souldiers with all possible care and gave the command of them to Federigo Lord of Urbino and Gismondo Malatesta da Rimino betwixt whom there was some precedent difference yet it was so prudently composed by Neri de Gino and Barnardetto de Medici their Commissaries that they took the field together before the Winter was over recovered the places lost in the Country of Pisa and the Pomerancie in the Volterran curbing and restraining his excursions of those who were left by Alfonso upon the Coasts so as they were scarceable to secure their Garisons As soon as the Spring was come the Commissaries had a Rendevous of all their Army which consisted of about 5000 Horse and 2000 Foot at Spedalletto and the King had another of about 15000 some three miles from Campiglia and when it was supposed he would have fallen upon that Town he turned about to Piombino believing it would be no hard matter to gain it in respect that it was but indifferently provided and if he did it would be no little prejudice to the Florentines seeing from thence he could harrass them with a tedious War and by sending forces there by Sea infest the whole Country of Pisa. This Policy of Alfonsoâ— startled the Florentines and consulting what was to be done it was concluded that if they could lye with their Army upon the coasts of Campiglia he would run a hazard of being beaten or be forced to draw off with no little disgrace To this purpose they rigg'd out four Galliasses which they had at Ligorn and sent three thousand foot in them to reinforce Piombino and then posted themselves at Caldane a place of no easie access for to lie upon the coasts in the plain they judged it more dangerous and more subject to attacks the Florentines were to be supplied from the neighbouring Towns which being thin and but ill inhabited they were but indifferently furnished so that the Army was much incommoded especially for Wine for none growing there and coming with great difficulty from other parts it was not possible to provide for them all But the King though straitned by the Florentines had plenty of all things by the way of the Sea The Florentines perceiving it had a mind to try experiment whether their forces could not be supplied by Sea likewise whereupon they caused their Galliasses to be brought loaded them with victuals and having dispatched them accordingly they were set upon by seven of Alfonso's Gallies and two of them taken and the other two fled This disaster cut off all hopes of relieving that way so that 200 of the looser sort of Souldiers ran away to the Kings Camp for want of Wine and the rest mutiny'd grumling that they should be confin'd to so hot places where there was no Wine and the Water very bad hereupon the Commissaries took it into debate and it was concluded that they should leave that Post and address themselves to the recovery of certain Castles which remained in the hands of the King On the other side the King though he wanted no provision and was more numerous in Men found himself no less distressed for his Army was full of the diseases which those maritime Countries do produce they were grown so general and fierce that many Men died and most of them were sick Upon this consideration a Peace was proposed and the King insisted upon 50000 Florens and that Piombino might be left to his discretion Which demands being deliberated at Florence many who desired peace were earnest to have them accepted affirming they could not expect success in a War which required so vast an expence to maintain it but Neri Capponi going to Florence gave them such pregnant reasons to the contrary that the whole City agreed to refuse them and the Governor of Piombino was well entertained and promised to be relieved both in time of War and Peace if he would defend it couragiously as he had hitherto done The King having notice of their resolution and perceiving his Army too sickly and infirm to take the place he brake abruptly from his siege left above 2000 of his Men dead behind him retreated with the rest of his Army thorow the County of Siena and from thence into the Kingdom of Naples highly dissatisfied with the Florentines and threatning them with a new War when occasion offered Whilst these things passed in Tuscany the Count Francesco being made General for the Milanesi thought fit before any thing
their young Hostage into Prison and dispatch'd supplies to Bagno and those parts to secure them and made that Country dependant upon themselves Gherardo a Traitor in the mean time both to his friends and his Son had much ado to escape leaving his Wife Family and fortune in the hands of his Enemies This accident was lookt upon as a great deliverance in Florence for had the King made himself Master of those parts he might with little expenso have overrun all as far as Valdi Tevere and Casentino and brought such distraction upon their affairs that the Florentines must have divided their Army and been disabled thereby from attending the Aragonian forces about Sienna with their Army entire Besides the provisions which the Florentines had made in Italy to oppose the confederacy of their Enemies they sent Agriolo Acciaivoli their Embassador into France to negotiate with that King for the sending King Rinato d' Angio into Italy in the behalf of the Duke and themselves and to represent to him that coming thither for the defence of his friends when he was once entred and had settled them he might set up his own claim to the Kingdom of Naples and they would be engag'd to assist him and so whilst in Lombardy and Tuscany the War was carried on as we have related in France the Treaty was concluded and Rinato oblig'd in Iune to come into Italy with 2400 Horse and the League on the other side obliged at his arrival at Alexandria to pay him 30000 Florens and 10000 per men afterwards whilst the War should continue but being ready upon this stipulation to pass into Italy he was obstructed by the Duke of Savoy and the Marquess of Monferrat who were friends to the Venetians and would not suffer him to pass Hereupon Rinato was desired by the Florentine Embassador to march with his Forces into Provence and for the encouragement and reputation of his friends to pass himself and part of them into Italy by Sea leaving the rest in Provence till the King of France should prevail with the duke of Savoy that they might march through his Country and as the Embassador advised it was done for Rinato went by Sea and the rest at the King of France's mediation were permitted to pass into Italy through the Dominions of the Duke of Savoy King Rinato was received by the Duke of Milan with all the demonstrations of Kindness imaginable and having joyned their Forces they assaulted the Venetians with such terror that in a little time all the Towns they had taken about Cremona were recovered and not contented with them they took almost all the Country of Brescia for the Venetian Army not thinking it self secure in the field was retreated under the very walls of that City Winter coming on and the Duke at Verona he thought fit for the refreshment of his men to put them into quarters and consigned Piazenza for the quarters of Rinato where having remained all that Winter in the year 1453 without any action considerable when the spring was come and the Duke resolved to draw into the field and drive the Venetians out of all they had upon the terra firma Rinato signified to the Duke that of necessity he must return into France This resolution of Rinato's was unexpected to the Duke and gave him no little anxiety He went to him immediately himself and endeavoured with all possible importunity to dissuade him but neither prayers nor promises could prevail with him any farther than to leave part of his forces with them and to engage himself to send his Son Giovanni who in his room should continue in the service of the League How unwelcome so ever it was to the Duke Rinato's departure was not at all displeasing to the Florentines for having recover'd what they had lost themselves and being grown fearless of Alfonso they had no maw that the Duke should get more than his own Towns in Lombardy Rinato continuing his resolution departed for France and as he had promis'd sent his Son Giovanni into Italy who staid not in Lombardy but remov'd presently to Florence where he was honorably entertain'd This departure of Rinato dispos'd Duke Francesco to peace the Venetians the Florentines and Alfonso were all weary of the War and ready to embrace it and the Pope desir'd it above all by reason that that very year Mahomet the great Turk had taken Constantinople and made himself Master of all Greece which alarm'd all Christendom but especially the Venetians and the Pope who imagined already they felt his Talons in Italy The Pope therefore desired all the Potentates of Italy that they would send their several Plenipotentiaries to him to negotiate a general peace His motion being accepted and the Embassadors met when they came to the matter so much difficulty arose as there was but small hopes of accommodation Alfonso required that the Florentines should reinburse him for all the charges he had been at in the War and the Florentines expected the same The Venetians demanded Cremona of the Duke and the Duke Bergamo Brescia and Crema of them So that these difficulties seem'd impossible to be remov'd Nevertheless what was so desperate at Rome among so many was easily concluded betwixt two of them at Milan and Venice for whilst the peace was negotiating at Rome and proceeded thus slowly on the ninth of April 1454 it was determined betwixt the Duke and the Venetians that each of them should be restor'd to what they were possess'd of before the War That the Duke should have liberty to recover what the Marquess of Monferrat and the Duke of Savoy had taken from him and that three months time should be allow'd to the rest of the Princes of Italy to come in The Pope the Florentines the Siennesi and other little Potentates came in within the time prefix'd and ratifi'd it and the Venetians Florentines and Duke made a peace betwixt them three for 25 years Alfonso was the only Prince of Italy who seem'd to be refractory conceiving he could not concur without diminution in respect he was to be admitted rather as an auxiliary than a principal upon which score he continued irresolute a good while and would not declare at length upon several Embassies from the Pope and other Princes he suffered himself to be prevailed upon and he and his Son entred into the League for 30 years After which the King and the Duke made several alliances and cross-matches together marrying their Sons and Daughters reciprocally into one another families Yet that Italy might not be left without feed or foundation for a new War Alfonso would not enter into the League till he had leave by consent of the colleagues to make War upon the Genoeses and Gismondo Malatesta and Astorre Prince of Faenza Peace being concluded upon those terms Ferrando Alfonso's Son who had been at Sienna returned into Naples having done nothing considerable in Tuscany but lost many of his Men. This Peace
Cosimo said the Pope was an old Man but he had begun an enterprize as if he had been a Boy To the Venetian Embassadors who came to Florence with the Embassadors of Alfonso to complain of that Commonwealth putting his hat off to them he demanded the colour of his hair they told him it was gray he replyed in time your Senators will be of the same colour Not many hours before his death his Wife seing him shut his eyes enquired why he did so and he told her to use them Some Citizens after his return complaining to him that the City would be depopulated and God Almighty offended if he banished so many wealthy and Religious Men he told them the City had better be depopulated than destroyed That two yards of Cloth were enough to keep a Man from the cold and that States were not to be preserved by the beads a Man carried in his hand These last expressions gave his Enemies occasion to calumniate him as a person that was a greater lover of himself than his Country and one that took more care of this World than the next Many other of his wise sayings might be inserted but being unnecessary they are omitted Cosimo was likewise a great lover and advancer of learned Men upon which score he entertained in Florence Argiropolo a Grecian as learned as any in his time that by him the youth of Florence might be instructed in the Greek tongue and in several of his Tenets He entertained likewise in his House Marcileo Ficino a great Patron of the Platonick Philosophy whom he loved so entirely and that he might follow his studies with more convenience he gave him a house near his own Palace at Caraggi So that his prudence his beneficence his success and his way of living made him be belov'd and feared among the Citizens and much esteemed by all Princes of Europe Whereby he left such a foundation to his posterity that by their virtue they might equal him by their fortune transcend him and obtain as much honor as he had in Florence in all the Cities and Countries of Christendom Nevertheless towards the latter end of his days he had several afflictions he had but two Sons Piero and Giovanni of which Giovanni the most hopeful dyed and Piero who survived was infirm and by the weakness of his body unfit either for publick or private business so that after the death of his Son causing himself to be carried about his house he sighed and said this house is too big for so small a Family It troubled him also that he had not in his judgment enlarged the dominion of the Florentine state nor added to it empire any considerable acquest and it s troubled him the more for that he found himself cheated by Francesco who when he was but Count had promis'd him as soon as he had made himself Master of Milan to employ his Arms against Lucca in the behalf of the Florentines but his mind chang'd with his fortune and having got to be the Duke of Milan had a desire to enjoy in peace what he had obtained by War so that after his elevation he never medled in foreign concerns nor made any more Wars than were necessary for his own defence which was a great disturbance to Cosimo who now discerned he had been at great pains and expence to advance a Man who was both false and ingrateful He perceived likewise that in respect of his age and the infirmities of his body he was not able to apply himself to publick or private business as he was wont and he saw both the one and the other decline the City going to wrack by the dissentions of the Citizens and his fortune by his Ministers and Sons These considerations gave him no little disquiet towards his end yet he died full of Glory and renown all the Cities and Princes of Christendom sent their compliments of condolency to his Son Piero the whole City attended his Corps with great solemnity to the Grave and by publick decree it was inscrib'd upon his Tomb Padre della Patria If in my description and character of Cosimo I have rather followed the example of those who have written the lives of Princes than of an Historian it is not to be admir'd He was a person extraordinary in our City and I thought my self obliged to give him a more than ordinary commendation during the time that Italy and Florence were in the condition aforesaid Lewis King of France was infested with a furious War which his Barons at the instigation of Francis Duke of Britan and Charles Duke of Burgundy had rais'd This War lay so heavy upon him he could not assist Giovanni in his designs upon Genoa and Naples but believing he had need enough of all the supplies he could get he call'd back his forces and Savona being at that time in the hands of the French he ordered it to be delivered to the Count and left him if he pleas'd to pursue the enterprize against Genoa the Count was easily persuaded to a thing so much to his advantage so that by the reputation of his amity with the French King and the assistance given him by the Adorni he possess'd himself of Genoa and in gratitude to the French King sent him a supply of 1500 Horse into France under the Command of his eldest Son Galeazzo by this means Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza remain'd at quiet the one Duke of Lombardy and Lord of Genoa the other King of the whole Kingdom of Naples and having contracted alliances together and married their Children the one to the other they began to consider how they might secure their states to themselves whilst they lived and to their heirs when they were dead In order to this it was thought necessary the King should make sure of such of his Barons as had sided against him in his Wars with Giovanni d' Angio and the Duke should endeavour to extirpate all that had been favourers of the Bracci who were mortal Enemies to the said Duke and at that time in great reputation under the conduct of Giacopo Piccinino For Giacopo being the greatest Captain in Italy and having no Soveraignty of his own it concerned all who had any to have an eye over him and more especially the Duke who thought he could not enjoy his Dominion safely himself nor leave it to his Sons whilst Giacopo was living Hereupon the King with all industry endeavoured an accord with his Barons used all possible art to reconcile himself to them and he succeeded with much difficulty for they found that whilst they were in Wars with the King they must certainly be ruined but by accommodation of their differences and trusting themselves to him there was only a hazard and because Men do always avoid those evils with more readiness which are most certain Princes do easily deceive such as are not able to contend The Barons seeing nothing before them but destruction if they continued the
couragious nor can any think be objected sufficient to eclipse these virtues though he was indeed addicted to Women took too much pleasure in the company of witty and satyrical Men and would play at boys play sometimes beneath the dignity of his office for he would play many times with his Children at all the most idle and Childish recreations they would put him to So that if the gravity of his life be considered with its levity he will seem to be composed of two several persons united by an almost impossible conjunction The last part of his days was full of sorrow and disquiet occasioned by the distempers of his body for he was sorely afflicted with intolerable pains at his Stomack which brought him so low that in April 1492 he died in the 43 year of his age Never was there any man not only in Florence but Italy who departed with more reputation for his wisdom nor more lamentation to his Country and because upon his death many desolations were like to ensue the Heavens themselves did seem to presage it The spire of the Church of S. Riparata was struck with thunder with such fury that a great part of the steeple was destroyed by it to the great consternation of the City All the Inhabitants of Florence and the Princes of Italy bewailed him which was particulary manifested by their several compliments of condolency and whether they had reson or not for what they did the effects which succeeded a while after did clearly demonstrate for being deprived of his Counsels Italy could not find one remaining able to satiate or restrain the ambition of Lodovico Duke of Milan for want of which after his death such seeds of dissention brake forth as have perplexed and embroiled all Italy ever since THE PRINCE Together with the ORIGINAL OF THE GVELF and GHIBILIN Life of CASTRVCCIO CASTRACANI Murther of VITELLI c. by Duke VALENTINO State of FRANCE State of GERMANY By NICOLAS MACHIAVEL Faithfully Englished LONDON Printed for Iohn Starkey Charles Harper and Iohn Amery in Fleetstreet 1680. NICOLO MACHIAVELLI TO THE Most Illustrious LORENZO Son of PIERO de MEDICI THose who desire the favour of a Prince do commonly introduce themselves by presenting him with such things as he either values much or does more than ordinarily delight in for which reason he is frequently presented with Horses Arms Cloath of Gold Iewels and such Ornaments as are sutable to his Quality and Grandeur Being ambitious to present my self to your Highness with some testimony of my devotions towards you in all my Wardrobe I could not find any thing more precious at least to my self than the knowledge of the Conduct and Atchievements of Great Men which I learn'd by long conversation in modern affairs and a continual investigation of old after long and diligent examination having reduced all into a small Volume I do presume to present to your Highness and though I cannot think it a work fit to appear in your presence yet my confidence in your bounty is such I hope it may be accepted considering I was not capable of more than presenting you with a faculty of understanding in a short time what for several years with inâ—inite labour and hazard I had been gathering together Nor have I beautified or adorned it with Rhetorical Ornations or such outward imbellishments as are usual in such descriptions I had rather it should pass without any approbation than owe it to any thing but the truth and gravity of the matter I would not have it imputed to me as presumption if an inferior person as I am pretend not only to treat of but to prescribe and regulate the proceedings of Princes for as they who take the Landskip of a Country to consider the Mountains and the nature of the higher places do descend ordinarily into the Plains and dispose themselves upon the Hills to take the prospect of the Valleys in like manner to understand the nature of the people it is necessary to be a Prince and to know the nature of Princes 't is as requisit to be of the people May your Highness then accept this Book with as much kindness as it is presented and if you please diligently and deliberately to reslect upon it you will find in it my extreme desire that your Highness may arrive at that Grandeur which Fortune and your Accomplishments do seem to presage from which pinacle of Honour if your Highness vouchsafes at any time to look down upon things below you will see how unjustly and how continually I have been exposed to the malignity of fortune Machiavel's Prince CHAP. I. The several sorts of Governments and after what manner they are obtained THere never was nor is at this day any Government in the World by which one Man has rule and dominion over another but it is either a Commonwealth or a Monarchy Monarchies are either hereditary where the ancestors of the Soveraign have been a long time in possession or where they are but new The new are either so wholly and entirely as Milan was to Francis Sforza or annex'd to the hereditary Dominions of the Conquerour as the Kingdom of Naples to the Kingdom of Spain These territories thus acquired are accustomed either to be subject to some Prince or to live at liberty and free and are subdued either by his auxiliaries or own forces by his good fortune or conduct CHAP. II. Of Hereditary Principalities I Shall omit speaking of Commonwealths as having discoursed of them largely elsewhere and write in this place only of Principalities and how according to the foregoing division the said Principalities may be governed and maintained I do affirm then that hereditary States and such as have been accustomed to the Family of their Prince are preserved with less difficulty than the new and because it is sufficient not to transgress the examples of their predecessors and next to comply and frame themselves to the accidents that occur So that if the Prince be a person of competent industry he will be sure to keep himself in the throne unless he be supplanted by some great and more than ordinary force and even then when so supplanted fortune can never turn tail or be adverse to the usurper but he will stand fair to be restored Of this Italy affords us an example in the Duke of Ferrara who supported bravely against the invasion of the Venetians in 1484 and afterwards against Pope Iulius 10 upon no other foundation but his antiquity in that Government for a natural Prince has not so much occasion or necessity to oppress his Subjects whereby it follows he must be better beloved and retain more of the affections of his People unless some extraordinary vices concur to make him odious so that the succession and coherence of his Government takes away the causes and memory of innovations for one new change leaves always as in buildings a toothing and aptitude of another CHAP. III. Of mixt Principalities BUt the
as are more powerful and to have a particular care that no stranger enters into the said Province with as much power as he for it will always happen that some body or other will be invited by the Male-contents either out of ambition or fear This is visible in the Etolians who brought the Romans into Greece who were never admitted into any Province but by the temptation of the Natives The Common method in such Cases is this As soon as a foreign Potentate enters into a Province those who are weaker or disoblig'd joyn themselves with him out of emulation and animosity to those who are above them insomuch that in respect of these inferiour Lords no pains is to be omitted that may gain them and when gain'd they will readily and unanimously fall into one mass with the State that is conquered Only the Conqueror is to take special care they grow not too strong nor be intrusted with too much Authority and then he can easily with his own forces and their assistance keep down the greatness of his Neighbours and make himself absolute Arbiter in that Province And he who acts not this part prudently shall quickly lose what he has got and even whil'st he enjoys it be obnoxious to many troubles and inconveniences The Romans in their new Conquests observ'd this Course they planted their Colonies entertain'd the inferior Lords into their protection without increasing their power they kept under such as were more potent and would not suffer any foreign Prince to have interest among them I will set down only Greece for an Example The Etolians and Achaians were protected the Kingdom of the Macedonians was depress'd and Antiochus driven out yet the merits and fidelity of the Achaians and Etolians could never procure them any increase of Authority nor the persuasions and applications of Philip induce the Romans to be his friends till he was overcome nor the power of Antiochus prevail with them to consent that he should retain any Soveraignty in that Province For the Romans acted in that case as all wise Princes ought to do who are to have an eye not only upon present but future incommodities and to redress them with all possible industry for dangers that are seen afar off are easily prevented but protracting till they are at hand the remedies grow unseasonable and the malady incurable And it falls out in this case as the Physitians say of an Hectick Feaver that at first it is easily cur'd and hard to be known but in process of time no being observ'd or resisted in the beginning it becomes easie to be known but very difficult to be cur'd So is it in matters of State things which are discover'd at a distance which is done only by prudent men produce little mischief but what is easily averted But when thorow ignorance or inadvertency they come to that height that every one discerns them there is no room for any remedy and the disease is incurable The Romans therefore foreseeing their troubles afar off oppos'd themselves in time and never swallow'd any injury to put off a War for they knew that War was not avoided but defer'd thereby and commonly with advantage to the Enemy wherefore they chose rather to make War upon Philip and Antiochus in Greece than suffer them to invade Italy and yet at that time there was no necessity of either they might have avoided them both but they thought it not fit for they could never relish the saying that is so frequent in the Mouths of our new Politicians To enjoy the present benefits of time but prefer'd the exercise of their courage and wisdom for time carries all things along with it and may bring good as well as evil and ill as well as good But let us return to France and examine if what was there done was conformable to what is prescribed here and to this purpose I shall not speak of Charles VIII but of Lewis XII as of a Prince whose Conduct and affairs by reason his possession was longer in Italy were more conspicuous and you shall see how contrary he acted in every thing that was necessary for the keeping of so different a State This Lewis was invited into Italy by the Venetians who had an ambition to have got half Lombardy by his coming I will not condemn the Expedition nor blame the Counsels of that King for being desirous of footing in Italy and having no Allies left in that Country but all doors shut against him upon the ill treatment which his predecessor Charles had used towards them he was constrain'd to take his friends where he could find them and that resolution would have been lucky enough had he not miscarried in his other administration for he had no sooner subdued Lombardy but he recover'd all the reputation and dignity that was lost by King Charles Genoa submitted Florence courted his friendship the Marquess of Mantoua the Duke of Ferrara Bentivoglio Madam de Furli the Lords of Faenza Pesoro Rimini Camerino Piombino the Lucchesi Pisani Sanesi all of them address themselves to him for his alliance and amity Then the Venetians began to consider and reflect upon their indiscretion who to gain two Towns in Lombardy had made the King of France Master of two thirds of all Italy Let any one now think with how little difficulty the said King might have kept up his reputation in that Country if he had observ'd the rules abovesaid and protected his friends who being numerous and yet weak and fearful some of the Pope and some of the Venetians were always under a necessity of standing by him and with their assistance he might easily have secured himself against any Competitor whatever But he was no sooner in Milan but he began to prevaricate and send supplies to Pope Alexander to put him in possession of Romagna not considering that thereby he weakned himself and disoblig'd his friends who had thrown themselves into his arms and agrandized the Church by adding to its spiritual authority which was so formidable before so great a proportion of temporal and having committed one error he was forc'd to proceed so far as to put a stop to the ambition of Pope Alexander and hinder his making himself Master of Tuscany the said Lewis was forced into Italy again Nor was it enough for him to have advanced the interest of the Church and deserted his friends but out of an ardent desire to the Kingdom of Naples he shared it with the King of Spain so that whereas before he was sole Umpire in Italy he now entertained a Partner to whom the ambitious of that Province and his own Male-contents might repair upon occasion and whereas the King of that Kingdom might have been made his Pensioner he turn'd out him to put in another that might be able to turn out himself It is very obvious and no more than Natural for Princes to desire to extend their Dominion and when they attempt nothing but what they are able
to atcheive they are applauded at least not upbraided thereby but when they are unable to compass it and yet will be doing then they are condemned and indeed not unworthily If France then with its own forces alone had been able to have enterpriz'd upon Naples it ought to have been done but if her own private strength was too weak it ought not to have been divided and if the division of Lombardy to which she consented with the Venetian was excusable it was because done to get footing in Italy But this partition of Naples with the King of Spain is extreamly to be condemned because not press'd or quicken'd by such necessity as the former Lewis therefore committed five faults in this Expedition He ruin'd the inferior Lords He augmented the Dominion of a Neighbour Prince He call'd in a Forreigner as puissant as himself He neglected to continue there in person and planted no Colonies All which errors might have been no inconvenience whil'st he had lived had he not been guilty of a sixt and that was depressing the power of the Venetian If indeed he had not sided with the Church nor brought the Spaniards into Italy it had been but reasonable for him to have taken down the pride of the Venetian but persuing his first resolutions he ought not to have suffer'd them to be ruin'd because whil'st the Venetian strength was intire they would have kept off other people from attempting upon Lombardy to which the Venetians would never have consented unless upon condition it might have been deliver'd to them and the others would not in probability have forced it from France to have given it to them and to have contended with them both no body would have had the courage If it be urg'd that King Lewis gave up Romagna to the Pope and the Kingdom of Naples to the King of Spain to evade a War I answer as before That a present mischief is not to be suffer'd to prevent a War for the War is not averted but protracted and will follow with greater disadvantage If the Kings faith and engagements to the Pope to undertake this enterprize for him be objected and that he did it to recompence the dissolution of his Marriage and the Cap which at his intercession his Holiness had confer'd upon the Legate of Amboise I refer them for an answer to what I shall say hereafter about the faith of a Prince how far it obliges So then King Lewis lost Lombardy because he did not observe one of those rules which others have followed with success in the Conquest of Provinces and in their desire to keep them Nor is it an extraordinary thing but what happens every day and not without reason To this purpose I remember I was once in discourse with the Cardinal d' Amboise at Nantes at the time when Valentino for so Caesar Borgia Pope Alezander's Son was commonly call'd possess'd himself of Romagna In the heat of our Conference the Cardinal telling me that the Italians were ignorant of the art of War I replyed that the French had as little skill in matters of State for if they had had the least policy in the world they would never have suffer'd the Church to have come to that height and Elevation And it has been found since by experience that the Grandeur of the Church and the Spaniard in Italy is derived from France and that they in requital have been the ruine and expulsion of the French From hence a general rule may be deduc'd and such a one as seldom or never is subject to Exception Viz. That whoever is the occasion of anothers advancement is the cause of his own diminution because that advancement is founded either upon the conduct or power of the Donor either of which become suspicious at length to the person prefer'd CHAP. IV. Why the Kingdom of Darius usurped by Alexander did not rebel against his Successors after Alexander was dead THE difficulties encountred in the keeping of a new Conquest being consider'd it may well be admired how it came to pass that Alexander the Great having in a few years made himself Master of Asia and died as soon as he had done That state could be kept from Rebellion Yet his Successors enjoy'd it a long time peaceably without any troubles or concussions but what sprung from their own avarice and ambition I answer That all Monarchies of which we have any record were govern'd after two several manners Either by a Prince and his Servants whom he vouchsafes out of his meer grace to constitute his Ministers and admits of their Assistance in the Government of his Kingdom or else by a Prince and his Barons who were persons advanc'd to that quality not by favour or concession of the Prince but by the ancientness and Nobility of their Extraction These Barons have their proper jurisdictions and subjects who own their Authority and pay them a natural respect Those States which are govern'd by the Prince and his Servants have their Prince more Arbitrary and absolute because his Supremacy is acknowledged by every body and if another be obeyed it is only as his Minister and Substitute without any affection to the Man Examples of these different Governments we may find in our time in the persons of the Grand Signore and the King of France The whole Turkish Monarchy is governed by a single person the rest are but his Servants and Slaves for distinguishing his whole Monarchy into Provinces and Governments which they call Sangiacchi he sends when and what Officers he thinks fit and changes them as he pleases But the King of France is established in the middle as it were of several great Lords whose Soveraignty having been owned and families beloved a long time by their Subjects they keep their preheminence nor is it in the King's power to deprive them without inevitable danger to himself He therefore who considers the one with the other will find the Turkish Empire harder to be subdued but when once conquered more easie to be kept The reason of the difficulty is because the Usurper cannot be call'd in by the Grandees of the Empire nor hope any assistance from the great Officers to facilitate his Enterprize which proceeds from the reasons abovesaid for being all slaves and under obligation they are not easily corrupted and if they could little good was to be expected from them being unable for the aforesaid reasons to bring them any party So that whoever invades the Turk must expect to â—ind him entire and united and is to depend more upon his own proper force than any disorders among them but having once conquered them and beaten their Army beyond the possibility of a recruit the danger is at an end for there is no body remaining to be afraid of but the Family of the Emperor which being once extinguished no body else has any interest with the people and they are as little to be apprehended after the Victory as they were to be
a power might grow odious to the people he erected a Court of judicature in the middle of the Province in which every City had its advocate and an excellent person was appointed to preside And because he discover'd that his pass'd â—verity had created him many Enemies to remove that ill opinion and recover the affections of the people he had a mind to show that if any cruelty had been exercised it proceeded not from him but from the arrogance of his Minister and for their further confirmation he caused the said Governor to be apprehended and his Head chopt off one morning in the Market place at Cesena with a wooden dagger on one side of him and a bloody knife on the other the ferocity of which spectacle not only appeas'd but amaz'd the people for a while But reassuming our discourse I say the Duke finding himself powerfull enough and secure against present danger being himself as strong as he desired and his neighbours in a manner reduced to an incapacity of hurting him being willing to go on with his conquests there remaining nothing but a jealousie of France and not without cause for he knew that King had found his errour at last and would be sure to obstruct him Hereupon he began to look abroad for new allies and to haesitate and stagger towards France as appeared when the French Army advanced into the Kingdom of Naples against the Spaniards who had besieg'd Cajeta his great design was to secure himself against the French and he had doubtless done it if Alexander had lived These were his provisions against the dangers that were imminent but those that were remote were more doubtful and uncertain The first thing he feared was lest the next Pope should be his enemy reassume all that Alexander had given him to prevent which he proposed four several ways The first was by destroying the whole line of those Lord's whom he had dispossess'd that his Holiness might have no occasion to restore them The second was to cajole the Nobility in Rome and draw them over to his party that thereby he might put an aw and restraint upon the Pope The third was if possible to make the Colledge his friends The fourth was to make himself so strong before the Death of his Father as to be able to stand upon his own legs and repel the first violence that should be practised against him Three of these four expedients he had try'dâ—before Alexander died and was in a fair way for the fourth all the disseiz'd Lord's which came into his Clutches he put to death and left few of them remaining he had insinuated with the Nobility of Rome and got a great party in the Colledge of Cardinals and as to his own corroboration he had design'd to make himself Master of Tuscany had got possession of Perugia and Piombino already and taken Pisa into his protection and having now farther regard of the French who where beaten out of the Kingdom of Naples by the Spaniard and both of them reduc'd to necessity of seeking his amity he leapt bluntly into Pisa after which Lucca and Sienna submitted without much trouble partly in hatred to the Florentines and partly for fear and the Florentines were grown desperate without any hopes of relief so that had these things happened before as they did the same year in which Alexander died doubtless he had gain'd so much strength and reputation that he would have stood firm by himself upon the basis of his own power and conduct without depending upon fortune or any foreignâ—supplies But his Father died five years after his Son had taken up Arms and left him nothing solid and in certainty but Romagna only and the rest were in nubious infested with two formidable Armies and himself mortally sick This Duke was a Man of that magnanimity and prudence understood so well which way Men were to be wheedled or destroy'd and such were the foundations that he had laid in a short time that had he not had those two great Armies upon his back and a fierce distemper upon his body he had overcome all difficulties and brought his designs to perfection That the foundations which he had laid were plausible appear'd by the patience of his Subjects in Romagna who held out for him a compleat month though they knew he was at deaths door and unlikely ever to come out of Rome to which place though the Baglioni the Vitelli and Ursini return'd seeing there was no likelyhood of his recovery yet they could not gain any of his party nor debauch them to their side 't is possible he was not able to put who he pleas'd into the Pontifical chair yet he had power enough to keep any man out who he thought was his Enemy But had it been his fortune to have been well when his Father Alexander died all things had succeeded to his mind He told me himself about the time that Iulius XI was created that he had considered well the accidents that might befal him upon the death of his Father and provided against them all only he did no imagine that at his death he should be so near it himself Upon serious Examination therefore of the whole Conduct of Duke Valentine I see nothing to be reprehended it seems rather proper to me to propose him as I have done as an Example for the imitation of all such as by the favour of fortune or the supplies of other Princes have got into the saddle for his mind being so large and his intentions so high he could not do otherwise and nothing could have opposed the greatness and wisdom of his designs but his own infirmity and the death of his Father He therefore who thinks it necessary in the minority of his Dominion to secure himself against his Enemies to gain himself Friends to overcome whether by force or by fraud to make himself belov'd or fear'd by his people to be followed and reverenced by his Soldiers to destory and exterminate such as would do him injury to repeal and suppress old Laws and introduce new to be severe grateful magnanimous liberal cashier and disband such of his Army as were unfaithful and put new in their places manage himself so in his alliances with Kings and Princes that all of them should be either obliged to requite him or affear'd to offend him He I say cannot find a fresher or better Model than the actions of this Prince If in any thing he be to be condemned it is in suffering the Election of Iulius XI which was much to his prejudice for though as is said before he might be unable to make the Pope as he pleased yet it was in his power to have put any one by and he ought never to have consented to the Election of any of the Cardinals whom he had formerly offended or who after their promotion were like to be jealous of him for men are as mischievous for fear as for hatred Those Cardinals
qualified like ours in Italy and finding that he could neither continue not discharge them securely he ordered things so that they were all cut to pieces and then prosecuted the War with his own Forces alone without any foreign assistance To this purpose the Old Testament affords us a figure not altogether improper When David presented himself to Saul and offered his Service against Goliah the Champion of the Philistius Saul to encourage him accoutred him in his own Arms but David having tryed them on excused himself pretending they were unfit and that with them he should not be able to manage himself wherefore he desired he might go forth against the Enemy with his own Arms only which were his Sling and his Sword The sum of all is the Arms of other people are commonly unfit and either too wide or too strait or too cumbersom CHARLES VII the Father of Lewis XI having by his Fortune and Courage redeem'd his Country out of the hands of the English began to understand the necessity of having Soldiers of his own and erected a Militia at home to consist of Horse as well as Foot after which his Son King Lewis cashiered his own Foot and took the Swissers into his pay which error being followed by his Successors as is visible to this day is the occasion of all the dangers to which that Kingdom of France is still obnoxious for having advanced the reputation of the Swisses he vilified his own people by disbanding the foot entirely and accustoming his Horse so much to engage with other Soldiers that fighting still in Conjunction with the Swissers they began to believe they could do nothing without them Hence it proceeds that the French are not able to do any thing against the Swisses and without them they will venture upon nothing So that the French Army is mix'd consists of Mercenaries and Natives and is much better than either Mercenaries or Auxiliaries alone but much worse than if it were entirely Natural as this Example testifies abundantly for doubtless France would be insuperable if Charles his Establishment was made use of and improv'd But the imprudence of Man begins many things which favouring of persent good conceal the poyson that is latent as I said before of the Hectick Feaver wherefore if he who is rais'd to any Soveraignty foresees not a mischief till it falls upon his head he is not to be reckoned a wise Prince and truly that is a particular blessing of God bestowed upon few people if we reflect upon the first cause of the ruine of the Roman Empire it will be found to begin at their entertaining the Goths into their Service for thereby they weakened and enervated their own Native courage and as it were transfused it into them I conclude therefore that without having proper and peculiar forces of his own no Prince is secure but depends wholly upon fortune as having no Natural and intrinsick strength to sustain him in adversity and it was always the opinion and position of wise Men that nothing is so infirm and unstable as the name of Power not founded upon forces of its own those forces are composed of your Subjects your Citizens or Servants all the rest are either Mercenaries or Auxiliaries and as to the manner of Ordering and Disciplining these Domesticks it will not be hard if the Orders which I have prescribed be perused and the ways considered which Philip the Father of Alexander the Great and many other Princes and Republicks have used in the like cases to which Orders and Establishments I do wholly refer you CHAP. XIV The duty of a Prince in relation to his Militia A Prince then is to have no other design nor thought nor study but War and the Arts and Disciplines of it for indeed that is the only profession worthy of a Prince and is of so much importance that it not only preserves those who are born Princes in their patrimonies but advances men of private condition to that Honorable degree On the otherside it is frequently seen when Princes have addicted themselves more to delicacy and softness than to Arms they have lost all and been driven out of their States for the principal things which deprives or gains a man authority is the neglect or profession of that Art Francesco Sforza by his Experience in War of a private person made himself Duke of Milan and his Children seeking to avoid the fatigues and incommodities thereof of Dukes became private Men for among other evils and inconveniences which attend when you are ignorant in War it makes you contemptible which is a scandal a Prince ought with all diligence to avoid for reasons I shall name hereafter besides betwixt a potent and an impotent a vigilant and a negligent Prince there is no proportion it being unreasonable that a Martial and Generous person should be subject willingly to one that is weak and remiss or that those who are careless and effeminate should be safe amongst those who are Military and Active for the one is too insolent and the other too captious ever to do any thing well together so that a Prince unacquainted with the Discipline of War besides other infelicities to which he is expos'd cannot be beloved by nor confident in his Armies He never therefore ought to relax his thoughts from the Exercises of War not so much as in time of Peace and indeed then he should employ his thoughts more studiously therein than in War it self which may be done two ways by the application of the body and the mind As to his bodily application or matter of action besides that he is obliged to keep his Armies in good Discipline and Exercise he ought to inure himself to sports and by Hunting and Hawking and such like recreation accustom his body to hardship and hunger and thirst and at the same time inform himself of the Coasts and situation of the Country the bigness and elevation of the Mountains the largeness and avenues of the Vallies the extent of the Plains the Nature of the Rivers and Fens which is to be done with great curiosity and this knowledge is useful two ways for hereby he not only learns to know his own Country and to provide better for its defence but it prepares and adapts him by observing their situations to comprehend the situations of other Countries which will perhaps be necessary for him to discover For the Hills the Vales the Plains the Rivers and the Marshes for Example in Tuscany have a certain similitude and resemblance with those in other Provinces so that by the knowledge of one we may easily imagine the rest and that Prince who is defective in this wants the most necessary qualification of a General for by knowing the Country he knows how to beat up his Enemy take up his quarters March his Armies Draw up his Men and besiege a Town with advantage In the Character which Historians give of Philopomenes Prince of Achaia one of his
gain such persons as were satisfied with the former Government and by consequence his Enemies than those who being disobliged sided with him and assisted to subvert it It has been a Custom among Princes for the greater security of their Territories to build Citadels and Fortresses to bridle and restrain such as would enterprize against them and to serve as a refuge in times of Rebellion and I approve the way because anciently practised yet no longer ago than in our days Mr. Nicolo Vitelli was known to dismantle two Forts in the City of Castello to secure his Government Guidobaldo Duke of Urbin returning to his State from whence Caesar Borgia had driven him demolished all the strong places in that Province and thereby thought it more unlikely again to fall into the hands of the Enemy The Bentivogli being returned to Bologna used the same course So that Fortresses are useful or not useful according to the difference of time and if in one place they do good they do as much mischief in another And the case may be argued thus That Prince who is more afraid of his Subjects than Neighbours is to suffer them to stand The Family of the Sforza's has and will suffer more mischief by the Castle of Milan which ws built by Francesco Sforza than by all its other troubles whatever so that the best fortification of all is not to be hated by the people for your Fortresses will not protect you if the people have you in detestation because they shall no sooner take Arms but Strangers will fall in and sustain them In our times there is not one instance to be produced of advantage which that course has brought to any Prince but to the Countess of Furly when upon the Death of Hierâ—nimo her Husband by means of those Castles she was able to withstand the popular fury and expect till supplies came to her from Milan and resetled her in the Government and as times then stood the people were not in a Condition to be relieved by any stranger But afterwards they stood her in no stead when Caesar Borgia invaded her and the people being incensed joyned with her Enemy Wherefore it had been better for her both then and at first to have possessed the affections of the people than all the Castles in the Country These things being considered I approve both of him that builds those Fortresses and of him that neglects them but must needs condemn him who relies so much upon them as to despise the displeasure of the people CHAP. XXI How a Prince is to demean himself to gain reputation NOthing recommends a Prince so highly to the world as great Enterprizes and noble Expressions of his own Valor and Conduct We have in our days Ferdinand King of Aragon the present King of Spain who may and not improperly be called a new Prince being of a small and weak King become for fame and renown the greatest Monarch in Christendom and if his Exploits be considered you will find them all brave but some of them extraordinary In the beginning of his Reign he invaded the Kingdom of Granada and that Enterprize was the foundation of his Grandeur He began it leisurely and without suspicion of impediment holding the Barons of Castile employed in that service and so intent upon that War that they dreamt not of any Innovation whil'st in the mean time before they were aware he got reputation and Authority over them He found out a way of maintaining his Army at the expence of the Church and the people and by the length of that War to establish such Order and Discipline among his Soldiers that afterwards they gained him many honourable Victories Beside this to adapt him for greater Enterprizes always making Religion his pretence by a kind of devout cruelty he destroyed and exterminated the jews called Marrani than which nothing could be more strange or deplorable Under the same Cloak of Religion he invaded Affrica made his Expedition into Italy assaulted France and began many great things which always kept the minds of his Subjects in admiration and suspence expecting what the event of his Machinations would be And these his Enterprizes had so sudden a spring and result one from the other that they gave no leisure to any man to be at quiet or to continue any thing against him It is likewise of great advantage to a Prince to give some rare Example of his own administration at home such is reported of Messer Bernardo da Milano when there is occasion for some body to perform any thing Extraordinary in the Civil Government whether it be good or bad and to find out such a way either to reward or punish him as may make him much talk'd of in the world Above all a Prince is to have a care in all his actions to behave himself so as may give him the reputation of being excellent as well as great A Prince is likewise much esteemed when he shows himself a sincere friend or a generous Enemy That is when without any hesitation he declares himself in favour of one against another which as it is more frank and Princely so it is more profitable than to stand neuter for if two of your potent Neighbours be at Wars they are either of such condition that you are to be afraid of the Victor or not In either which cases it will be always more for your benefit to discover your self freely and make a fair War For in the first cause if you do not declare you shall be a prey to him who overcomes and it will be a pleasure and satisfaction to him that is conquered to see you his Fellow-sufferer nor will any body either defend or receive you and the reason is because the Conqueror will never understand them to be his Friends who would not assist him in his distress and he that is worsted will not receive you because you neglected to run his fortune with your Arms in your hands Antiochus upon the invitation of the Etolians passed into Greece to repel the Romans Antiochus sent Embassadors to the Achaians who were in amity with the Romans to persude them a Neutrality and the Romans sent to them to associate with them The busines coming to be debatedin the Council of the Achaians and Antiochus his Embassador pressing them to be Neuters The Roman Embassador replyed As to what he has remonstrated That it is most useful and most consistent with the interest of your State not to engage your selves in our War their is nothing more contrary aud pernicious for if you do not concern your selves you will assuredly become a prey to the Conqueror without any thanks or reputation and it will always be that he who has least kindness for you will tempt you to be Neuters but they that are your friends will invite you to take up Arms. And those Princes who are ill advised to avoid some present danger follow the Neutral way are most commonly ruin'd
actions but that she leaves the other half or little less to be governed by our selves Fortune I do resemble to a rapid and impetuous River which when swelled and enraged overwhelms the Plains subverts the Tâ—ees and the Houses forces away the Earth from one place and carries it to another every body fears every body shuns but no body knows how to resist it Yet though it be thus furious sometimes it does not follow but when it is quiet and calm men may by banks and fences and other provisions correct it in such manner that when it swells again it may be carried off by some Canal or the violence thereof rendered less licentious and destructive So it is with Fortune which shows her power where there is no predisposed virtue to resist it and turns all her force and impetuosity where she knows there are no banks no fences to restrain her If you consider Italy the seat of all these revolutions and what it was that caus'd them you will find it an open field without any bounds or Ramparts of secure it and that had it been defended by the Courage of their Ancestors as Germany and Spain and France have been those inundations had never hapned or never made such devastation as they have done And this I hold sufficient to have spoken in general against Fortune But restraining my self a little more to particulars I say it is ordinary to see a Prince happy one day and ruined the next without discerning any difference in his humor or Government and this I impute to the reasons of which I have discoursed largely before and one of them is because that Prince which relies wholly upon Fortune being subject to her Variations must of necessity be ruined I believe again that Prince may be happy whose manner of proceeding concerts with the times and he unhappy who cannot accommodate to them For in things leading to the end of their designs which every man has in his eye and they are riches and honour we see men have various methods of proceeding Some with circumspection others with heat some with violence others with cunning some with patience and others with fury and every one notwithstanding the diversity of their ways may possibly attain them Again we see two persons equally cautious one of them prospers and the other miscarriâ—s and on the other side two equally happy by different measures one being deliberate and the other as hasty and this proceeds from nothing but the condition of the times which suits or does not suit with the manner of their proceedings From hence arises what I have said That two persons by different operations do attain the same end whil'st two others steer the same Course and one of them succeeds and the other is ruined From hence likewise may be deduced the Vicissitudes of good for if to one who manages with deliberation and patience the times and conjuncture of affairs come about so favourably that his Conduct be in fashion he must needs be happy but if the face of affairs and the times change and he changes not with them he is certainly ruined Nor is there any man to be found so wise that knows how to accommodate or frame himself to all these varieties both because he cannot deviate from that to which Nature has inclined him as likewise because if a man has constantly prospered in one way it is no easie matter to persuade him to another and he that is so cautious being at a loss when time requires he should be vigorous must of necessity be destroyed whereas if he could turn with the times his fortune would never betray him Pope Iulius XI in all his Enterprizes acted with passion and vehemence and the times and accident of affairs were so sutable to his manner of proceeding that he prospered in whatever he undertook Consider his Expedition of Bolonia in the days of Messer Giovanni Benâ—ivogli The Vâ—netians were against it and the Kings of Spain and France were in treaty and had a mind to it themselves yet he with his promptitude and fury undertook it personally himself and that activity of his kept both Spaniard and Venetian in suspence the Venetians for fear the Spaniards in hopes to recover the whole Kingdom of Naples and the King of France came over to his side for seeing him in motion and desirous to make him his friend and thereby to correct the insolence of the Venetian he thought he could not deny him his assistance without manifest injustice so that Iulius with his rashness and huffing did that which never any other Pope could have done with all his cunning and insinuation For had he deferred his departure from Rome till all things had been put into exact order and his whole progress concluded as any other Pope would have done he could never have succeeded The King of France would have pretended a thousand excuses and others would have suggested twice as many fears I will pass by the rest of his Enterprizes which were all alike and prospered as well and the shortness of his life secured him against change for had the times fallen out so that he had been forced to proceed with accurate circumspection he would have certainly been ruined for he could never have left those ways to which his Nature inclined him I conclude then That whil'st the obstinacy of Princes consists with the motion of fortune 't is possible they may be happy but when once they disagree the poor Prince comes certainly to the ground I am of opinion likewise that 't is better to be hot and precipitate then cautious and apprehensive for fortune is a Woman and must be Hector'd to keep her under and 't is visible every day she suffers her self to be managed by those who are brisk and audacious rather than by those who are cold and phlegmatick in their Motions and therefore like a Woman she is always a friend to those who are young because being less circumspect they attack her with more security and boldness CHAP. XXVI An Exhortation to deliver Italy from the Barbarians HAving weighed therefore all that is said before and considered seriously with my self whether in this juncture of affairs in Italy the times were disposed for the advancement of a new Prince and whether there was competent matter that could give occasion to a virtuous and wise person to introduce such a form as would bring reputation to him and benefit to all his Subjects it seems to me that at this present so many things concur to the exaltation of a new Prince that I do not know any time that has been more proper than this and if as I said before for the Manifestation of the courage of Moses it was necessary that the Israelites should be Captives in Egypt for discovery of the Magnanimity of Cyrus that the Persians should be oppressed by the Medes and for the illustration of the excellence of Theseus that the Athenians should be banished and dispersed
and fia il combatter Corto Che l' antico valore Ne ' gl' Italici curr ' non e ancor morto Virtue shall arm 'gainst rage and in short sight Prove th' Roman Valour 's not extinguish'd quite The Original of the words Guelf and Ghibilin so much mentioned in History THese two Factions so famous in History were eminent in Italy two ages before Castruccio was born Machiavel in his Treatise of the Wars of that Country affirms that Pistoia was the first place where those names of distinction were used but the account wherewith the publick Libraries supply me runs thus These two words Guelf and Ghibilin deduce their original from a schism which molested the Church in the year 1130. by the competition of two Popes Innocent 11. and Anaclet the greatest part of Christendom acknowledged Innocent who was particularly supported by the Emperors of the West Anaclet the anti-Pope had persuaded into his interests Roger Comte de Naples and Sicily a martial Prince and descended from the Normans who had conquered that Country The pretence of this double Election having kept a War on foot eight years together which was still favourable to Roger the Emperor Conrad the third march'd himself at the head of an Army of Germans into Italy leaving his Grand-son Prince Henry to come after Roger to oppose him with men of his own Nation allured to the defence of his Countries Guelf Duke of Bavaria During the course of this War which began in the year 1139. it hapned sometimes that the Emperors Army was commanded by the said Prince Herny who was brought up in a Village in Germany called Ghibilin whose situation being very pleasant made the very name of it â—ear to him One day the Armies being drawn up and ready to engage the Bavarians to encourage their Comrades cryed out in their language a Guelf a Guelf and the Emperors Troops being at the same time as well disposed to their General to comply with the kindness he had for that place cryed out on the other side a Ghibilin a Ghibilin These words seemed barbarous to the Italians that were with Roger who came to Guelf to know what they meant He told them the Pope's Party were intended by the word Guelf and the Emperors by the word Ghibilin from that time those names grew so common in both Armies that by them they answered their Who goes there and they were given to the Italians according to their several sides 'T is true at first they were used to discriminate only Anaclet's Party from the Emperors but afterwards Roger having vanquished and taken prisoner Pope Innocent as the price of his liberty he oblig'd him to erect the Countries of Naples and Sicily into Kingdoms by which treaty Roger being taken off from the interest of the anti-Pope and engaging entirely with the Church he affix'd the name of Guelf to the Pope's Party and confirm'd the name Ghibilin to the Faction of the Emperor The Italians would fain have the credit of the Etymology themselves and by a certain gingling of words and that mightily strain'd would have Guelf deriv'd from Guardatori di fe because forsooth 't is they who defend the Faith of the Church and that by corruption the word Ghibilin was form'd from Guida belli that is Guidatori di Bataglia a great Title and sutable to the Majesty of the Empire Be it which way it will these two Factions were in the height of their emulation two hundred years after that is to say about the year 1320. which was very near the time that Castruccio was in his prosperity And in Europe the face of affairs stood thus The Popes driven from Rome by the violence of the Emperors of the West had transferred the Holy Chair to Avignon in France In the year 1320. it was possessed by Iohn XXII a Prince of himself firm and entire but one who by the precipitate counsels of other people had excommunicated the Emperor Lewis of the house of Bavaria and been too busie with his fulminations against five more Princes of Italy who being treated by him like Tyrants confederated against him their names were Castruccio Sovereign of Lucca Scaliger Lord of Verona the Marquess d' Esti Lord of Ferrara and Visconti and Gonzague the first Sovereign of Milan and the other of Mantoua which created troubles to Italy The Empire of the East was at that time torn and distracted by the ambition of the Paliologi and others whilst in the mean time the Sultan Orchan son of Ottoman swept away Lycaonia Phrygia and all the Coast of the Hellespont from the Greeks The Empire of the West was then in dispute betwixt Frederick of Austria and Lewis of Bavaria whom Machiavel by mistake or inadvertency has called Frederick Lewis after long and bloody Wars overcome his Competitor and made several Voyages into Italy to invigorate and reinforce Castruccio and the Ghibilins France was governed by Philip le Long who at the solicitation of Pope Iohn passed an Army into Italy to the relief of the Guelfs which Army was commanded by Philip de Valois afterwards King but his Expedition did not answer expectation for either the cunning or bribes of the Ghibilins had dispelled the storm which our preparations threatned upon Lombardy or our Forces were recalled upon some secret apprehension of a fourth War with the English or by the vast projects of a fifth Expedition to the Holy Land Spain was divided into five Kingdoms each of which had its peculiar King four of them were Christians and one a Mahumetan Navar had the same King with France Philip the Long found a way to extend the Salick Law into that Country and defeat his Niece Iane of France Daughter of Lewis Hutin of both Kingdoms at once Alphonso XI as Mariana calls him the XII as Garibay had at that time the Scepter of Castile but his minority transferr'd the Conduct of Affairs into the hands of the two Infanti Don Pedro and Don Iohn insomuch as by the jealousie and division betwixt the two Regents that Kingdom was exposed to such disorders as are inseparable from the minority of a Prince At length the two Infanti were slain in the year 1320. in a Fight which their rashness caused them to lose to the Mores under the walls of Granada Arragon was in obedience to Don Iacques the second of that name He was Brother to Fredrick who reigned in Sicily to the prejudice of Robert a Prince of the House of Anjou This Robert was King of Naples sided with the Guelfs and leagued himself sundry times with the Florentines against Castruccio Iames King of Aragon designing to establish himself in Italy and judging that the Conquests which he mediated upon the Isles of Corsica and Sardinia depended much upon the Concord of his Subjects at home He caused a General Assembly of his Estates to be held in the year 1320. in which was concluded the Union of the Kingdoms of Aragon and Valentia with the Principality
of Catolonia Don Denis reigned in Portugal a person eminent among his Subjects for magnificent Building and in great veneration for his Piety and Justice But the felicity of his Reign was disturbed by domestick broils which he had with his Son the Infant Don Alphonso who succeeded him in the Crown Don Denis instituted the Order of Christ in the year 1320. The More Ismael first of that name had the Monarchy of Granada the Battel which he gained 1320. against the two Infanti of Castile reviv'd the affairs of that Nation which were in their declension before and gave new alarms to all Spain The King and Kingdom of England were both governed by favourites at that time Edward 2. gave his authority and confidence one while to Gaveston and then to the two Spencers and this weakness and imprudence of his created so many discontents and rendred him so odious to the people that after much trouble to quit himself of an Impostor who pretended to the Crown he was forced to go thorow a cruel War against the Nobility and another no less dangerous against Robert Bruce King of Scotland These great stirs and commotions could not but give some jealousies to France which seeing the Provinces that the English had on that side the Sea perpetually in Arms was obliged to keep upon so strong a Guard as was little different from an open War It is not then to be admired the affairs of Europe being in this confusion if Italy was left in prey to the Guelfs and the Ghibilins and gave opportunity to the laying the foundation of so many Principalities that the most part of them are still in existence But it is certain that neither Paulus Iovius Girolamo Briani il Biondo nor the rest of the Historians who have written of the Wars and Concussions of these two Factions have left any thing comparable to the adventures of Castruccio they have lent me indeed some circumstances for the illustration and ornament of this History and I have been forced to paraphrase upon five or six of the sayings of Castruccio to give them their true Grace and make them intelligible I know not whether I have followed the just temperament that is to be observed in a translation 'T is vitious to assume such liberty as the History will not bear but on the other to tye ones self up to the same and same quantity of words is as disingenuous and servile 'T is true the same comma's and stops were by no means to be neglected were all treatises that are translated like the fallacious answer of a Divine to Braccio Montone Sovereign of Perusia which Braccio being a Ghibilin as well as Castruccio departed for the Siege of Aquila a Town in the Kingdom of Naples and being impatient to know his success upon application to an Astrologer he received this answer Ibis redibis non morieris in bello which if punctuated thus Ibis redibis non morieris in bello threatned the said Braccio with the unfortunateness of his Expedition whereas altering it thus Ibis redibis non morieris in bello portended quite contrary An ambiguity like this was sent also to Manfred King of Sicily not long before he was defeated by Charles of Anjou NO CARLO SARA VITORIOSO DEL RE MANFREDO and ought to be interpreted with great exactness and acuracy the mistake of a comma being as much as a mans life is worth There is another kind of Tyranny likewise and that is when the Text of the Author is to regulate in a point of Religion but here we are not under any such necessities and he who in a quarrelsom capriccio to defame my translation would compare every line and put the English words all along under the Italian would make a new and pleasant kind of Dictionary and the beauties which are peculiar to each language would be excellently presented THE LIFE OF CASTRVCCIO CASTRACANI OF LVCCA Written by Nicolo Machiavelli and Dedicated to Zanobi Buonbelmonti and Luigi Alamani his particular Friends IT seems most Excellent Friends to those who consider it very strange that all or the greatest part of them who in this world have perform'd any thing extraordinary and raised themselves above the pitch of their Contemporaries have had their births and beginnings mean and obscure or else infested and perplexed with all the difficulties that fortune could present For all of them having been exposed to wild beasts when they were young or being descended from base Parentage and ashamed of their Extraction they have declared themselves Sons of Iupiter or some other Deity of which sort the number being so great and their story so well known to repeat them would be both superfluous and troublesome The reason I suppose to be that fortune willing to demonstrate to the world that 't is not any ones prudence but she that raises men to be great begins to shew and exercise her power at a time in which prudence can pretend to no share in us that all our successes may be acknowledged to her Castruccio Castracani of Lucca was one of this sort who in respect of the times in which he lived and the place in which he was born performed great things for in his beginning he was neither more happy not more eminent than the rest as you shall understand in my description of his life which I have thought good to transmit to Posterity having observed many things in it both for virtue and event of extraordinary example and to you it seemed most proper to direct it as persons more delighted with honourable and heroick actions than any I know besides I say then the Family of the Castracani is reckoned among the most Illustrious Families in the City of Lucca though at present according to the fatality of all worldly things it seems to be extinct Out of this house there was born in former times one Antonio who entring himself into Orders was made a Canon of Saint Mitchel in Lucca and in token of Honour called Messer Antoin He had no kindred but one Sister who was married long before to one Buonaccorso Cinami Buonaccorso being dead and she being a Widow she lived with her Brother with resolution to marry no more Behind the house in which he dwelt Master Anthony had a Vineyard which bordering upon several Gardens was accessible from several parts and without much difficulty It hapned that one morning about Sun-rise Madam Dianora for that was the Sisters name walking out into the Vineyard to gather herbs for a Salad as women frequently do she heard a rusling under the leaves and turning towards it she fancyed it cryed advancing up towards it she saw the hands and face of a child which tumbling up and down in the leaves seemed to call for relief Madam Dianora partly astonished and partly afraid took it up very tenderly carried it home wash'd it and having put it in clean clouts she presented it to Master Antony who understanding the case and seeing
his design to Eight of his principal intimates amongst whom Don Michael and Monsignor d' Euna were two and appointed that when Vitellozzo Pagolo Ursini the Duke de Gravina and Oliverotto should come to meet him two of his Favourites should be sure to order it so as to get one of the Ursini betwixt them assigning every couple his man and entertain them till they came to Sinigaglia with express injunction not to part with them upon any terms till they were brought to the Dukes Lodgings and taken into Custody After this he ordered his whole Army Horse and Foot which consisted of 2000 of the first and 10000 of the latter to be ready drawn up upon the banks of the Metauro about five miles distant from Fano and to expect his arrival Being come up to them upon the Metauro he commanded out two hundred Horse as a Forlorn and then causing the Foot to march he brought up the Reer himself with the remainder Fano and Sinigaglia are two Cities in la Marca seated upon the bank of the Adriatick Sea distant one from the other about 15 miles so that travelling up towards Sinigaglia the bottom of the Mountains on the right hand are so near the Sea they are almost wash'd by the water at the greatest distance they are not above two miles The City of Sinigaglia from these Mountains is not above a flight shot and the Tide comes up within less than a Mile By the side of this Town there is a little River which runs close by the wall next Fano and is in sight of the Road So that he who comes to Sinigaglia passes a long way under the Mountains and being come to the River which runs by Sinigaglia turns on the left hand upon the bank which within a bow shot brings him to a Bridge over the said River almost right against the Gate before the Gate there is a little Bourg with a Market-place one side of which is shouldred up by the bank of the River The Vitelli and Ursini having concluded to attend the Duke themselves and to pay their personal respects to make room for his Men had drawn off their own and disposed them into certain Castles at the distance of six miles only they had left in Sinigaglia Oliveretto with a party of about 1000 Foot and 150 Horse which were quartered in the said Bourg Things being in this order Duke Valentine approached but when his Horse in the Van came up to the Bridge they did not pass but opening to the right and left and wheeling away they made room for the Foot who marched immediately into the Town Vitellozzo Pagolo and the Duke de Gravina advanced upon their Mules to wait upon Duke Valentine Vitellozzo was unarm'd in a Cap lin'd with green very sad and melancholy as if he had had some foresight of his destiny which considering his former courage and exploits was admired by every body And it is said that when he came from his house in order to meeting Duke Valentine at Sinigaglia he took his last leave very solemnly of every body He recommended his Family and its fortunes to the chief of his Officers and admonished his Grand-children not so much to commemorate the fortune as the magnanimity of their Ancestors These three Princes being arrived in the presence of Duke Valentine saluted him with great civility and were as civilly received and each of them as soon as they were well observed by the persons appointed to secure them were singled and disposed betwixt two of them But the Duke perceiving that Oliveretto was wanting who was left behind with his Regiment and had drawn it up in the Market-place for the greater formality he wink'd upon Don Michael to whom the care of Oliveretto was assign'd that he should be sure to provide he might not escape Upon this intimation Don Michael clap'd spurs to his Horse and rid before and being come up to Oliveretto he told him it was inconvenient to keep his Men to their Arms for unless they were sent presently to their quarters they would be taken up for the Dukes wherefore he persuaded him to dismiss them and go with him to the Duke Oliveretto following his Counsel went along with him to the Duke who no sooner saw him but he call'd him to him and Oliveretto having paid his Ceremony fell in with the rest Being come into the Town and come up to the Duke's Quarters they all dismounted and attended him up where being carried by him into a private Chamber they were instantly Arrested and made Prisoners The Duke immediately mounted and commanded their Soldiers should be all of them disarmed Oliveretto's Regiment being so near at hand were plundered into the bargain The Brigades which belong'd to Vitelli and Ursini being at greater distance and having notice of what had hapned to their Generals had time to unite and remembring the Discipline and Courage of their Masters they kept close together and marched away in spight both of the Country people and their Enemies But Duke Valentine's Soldiers not content with the pillage of Oliveretto's Soldiers fell foul upon the Town and had not the Duke by the death of several of them repressed their insolence Sinigaglia had been ruined The night coming on and the tumults appeased the Duke began to think of his Prisoners resolved Vitellozzo and Oliveretto should die and having caused them to be guarded into a convenient place he commanded they should be strangled but they said nothing at their deaths that was answerable to their lives for Vitellozzo begged only that the Pope might be supplicated in his behalf for a plenary indulgence Oliveretto impeached Vitellozzo and lay'd all upon his back Pagolo and the Duke de Gravina were continued alive till the Duke had information that his Holiness at Rome had seized upon the Cardinal Orsino the Arch-bishop of Florence and Messer Iacopo da Santa Croce upon which News on the 18th of Ianuary they also were both strangled in the Castle of Piene after the same manner THE STATE OF FRANCE IN An Abridgment written by Nicolo Machiavelli Secretary of FLORENCE THE Kings and Kingdom of France are at this time more rich and more powerful than ever and for these following Reasons First The Crown passing by succession of Blood is become rich because in case where the King has no Sons to succeed him in his paternal Estate it falls all to the Crown and this having many times hapned has been a great corroboration as particularly in the Dutchy of Anjou and at present the same is like to fall out to this King who having no Sons the Dutchy of Orleans and State of Milan his hereditary Countries are like to devolve upon the Crown So that at this day most of the good Towns in France are in the Crown and few remaining to particular persons A second great Reason of the strength of that King is That whereas heretofore France was not entire but subject to
several great Barons who were able not only to expostulate but to contend with the King as the Dukes of Guienn and Burbon did formerly the said Barons are now most obsequious and dutiful A third reason is because formerly all the neighbouring Princes were ready upon every occasion to invade the Kingdom of France the Dukes of Burgundy Britannie Guienne or Flanders being always tempting them thereunto and giving them access passage and reception as it hapned when the English had Wars with France by their Confederacy with the Duke of Britagne they got admission into that Country and gave the King of France his hands full and in like manner the Duke of Burgundy was as troublesom by means of the Duke of Bourbon But now Britagne Guienne the Bourbonois and greatest part of Burgundy being united to that Crown and very loyal and faithful Those neighbouring Princes do not only want their old Confederates to invite and assist them but they have them for their Enemies so that the King of France is more strong and his Adversaries more weak Another reason may be That at this day the richest and most potent of the Barons are of the Blood Royal so that upon defect of those who are before them the Crown may come to them upon which score they are firm to it hoping that some time or other it may fall either to them or their posterity whereas to mutiny or oppose it might prejudice their succession as it hapned to this King Lewis when he was taken in the Battel of Britagne where in favour of the said Duke of Britagne he was personally in Service against the French Upon the death of King Charles the Crown being legally in Lewis it was disputed whether that fault and defection of his should not be a bar to his succession and had it not been that he was very rich by means of his frugality and able to bear the Port of that Dignity at his own expence and the next Heir Monsigneur d' Angolisme an Infant he had lost it but for these reasons and some favour which he had besides Lewis was created King The last reason is because the States of the Barons in France are not divided among the Heirs as in Germany and several parts of Italy but descend still to the Eldest Son who are the right Heirs and the younger Sons are left by some little assistance from their Elder Brothers to shift for themselves whereupon they betake themselves generally to the Wars endeavouring to advance themselves that way and raise themselves fortunes and hence it is the Frenchmen at Arms are better at this day and stand fair for preferment The French Infantry cannot be good for it being long since they had any War they must needs want experience Besides in the Country the Towns are full of Tradesmen and Mechanicks all of them so curb'd and cow'd by the Nobless that they are grown pusillanimous and base and therefore the King of France having found them unfit makes no use of them in his Wars unless it be of his Gascoigns who are something better than the rest and the reason is because bordering upon the Spaniards they are constantly upon duty or communicate something of their Nature But for some years since they have shown themselves better Theives than Soldiers nevertheless in defending and assaulting of Towns they do well enough but in the field they are but indifferent quite contrary to the Germans and Swizzers who are not to be dealt with in the field but in storming or defending a Town they are good for nothing and I suppose it proceeds from hence that they cannot in both cases keep the same order which they observe in the field Wherefore the King of France makes use of Switzers and Lanzknights because his men at Arms dare not rely upon his Gascoignes in time of Service And if his Foot were as good as his Men at Arms no doubt but the King of France would be able to defend himself against all the Princes in Europe The French are naturally more fierce and hot than dexterous or strong and if resisted handsomly in their first charge they slacken and cool and grow as timerous as Women They are likewise impatient of distress or incommodity and grow so careless by degrees that 't is no hard matter finding them in disorder to master and overcome them And of this Experience has been many times had in the Kingdom of Naples and last of all at Farigliano where they were twice as many as the Spaniards and it was expected every hour when they should have swallowed them up Nevertheless because winter came on and the weather grew bad they began to straggle into the Neighbouring Towns where they might be at more ease and thereby leaving their Camp weak and out of order the Spaniards fell upon them and beat them beyond all expectation And it would have been the same with the Venetians who had never lost the Battel of Vaila had they forborn following the French example but for ten days But the fury of Bartolmeo d' Alviano was too hot for them The same hapned again to the Spaniards at Ravenna who might have certainly ruined the French in respect of their ill Government and want of provisions which were intercepted on that side towards Ferrara by the Venatians and towards Bologna by the Spaniards themselves but by the rashness of some and the indiscretion of others the French got the Victory and though as it was it was bloody enough yet it had been much more had the strength of either Army consisted in the same kind of men but the French force lying in his Men at Arms and the Spaniards force in their Foot the slaughter was the less He therefore who would conquer the French must be sure to preserve himself against their first impetus and attack and in so doing he shall be sure to prevail for Caesar's character of them is true At first they are more than Men at last less than Women France in respect of its greatness and the convenience of its Rivers is opulent and rich for their Commodities and labour are worth little or nothing by reason of the scarcity of Money among the people which is so great it is with difficulty that they are able to raise so much as will pay the impositions of their Lords though they are generally but small the reason is because every body gathers to sell as he has occasion and no body can stay to finish his harvest as it should be So that if there should be any body which is seldom seen so rich as to be a bushel of Corn beforehand every body having of their own there would be no body to buy it and the Gentlemen of what they receive of their Tenants except it be for cloths spend little or nothing For Cattle and Poultry and Fish and Venison they have enough of their own so that all the Mony comes into the hands of the Lords and
France is in no apprehension because it is washed by the Sea on that side and accommodated with Ports always full of Ships partly of the Kings and partly of other petty Princes sufficient to defend their Coasts from any sudden impression and against any thing premeditated they will have time enough to prepare for it requires time to make a solemn invasion and the preparation will be discovered by some body besides for further security there are always parties of Men at Arms scowring upon the Coasts Their expence in keeping of their Towns is not so great for the French Subjects are very dutiful and the fortresses are not kept at the charge of the Kingdom and on the borders where Garisons and by consequence expence would be more necessary those flying bodies of Men at Arms save them that charge for against any extraordinary insult there will be time enough to provide for that requires time to be fitted and more to be executed The people of France are very humble and obedient and have their King in mighty veneration They live at very little expence by reason of their great plenty and every body hath something of his own their clothing is course of very cheap stuff and they use no kind of Silks neither the men nor the women for if they should they should be obnoxious to the Gentry who would certainly be even with them The Bishopricks in France according to modern computation are 146 and the Arch-Bishopricks 18. The Parishes are reckoned a million and 700 and the Abbies 740. Of the Priories there is no account Of the ordinary and extraordinary Entries of the Crown I could get no exact account I inquired of several and all told me they were as the King pleased to require Yet some persons told me that that part of his ordinary Revenue which arises out of his Gabels upon wine and bread and flesh and the like amounts to a million and seven hundred thousand Crowns and his extraordinary by Taxes amounts as he pleases but in case they fall short he has another string to his bow and that is by way of loans which are seldom repaid The Letters to that purpose do commonly run thus Sir The King recommends himself to you and having at this time pressing occasion for mony He desires you would furnish him with the sum contained in this Letter which sums are paid in to the next Receiver and there are of them in every Town who receives all the profits and revenue accrewing to the King by Gabels Taxes Loans or otherwise Those Towns which are subject to the Crown have no rules or orders but what His Majesty is pleased to set them for raising of mony either by Taxes or otherwise The authority of the Barons over their Subjects and half their Revenues consists in bread and wine and flesh as abovesaid and so much a year for hearth-mony but it must not exceed six pence or eight pence a hearth to be paid every three months Taxes and Loans they cannot require without the consent of the King which he grants very rarely The Crown receives no other advantage from them than in the revenue for salt and never taxes them but upon extraordinary occasion The King's order in his extraordinary expences both in War and Peace is to command the Treasurers to pay the Souldiers which they do by tickets of assignment The Pensioners and Gentlemen repair to the Generals with their tickets from month to month where they are entred and having received a new policy from three months to three months the Pensioners and Gentlemen go then to the Receivers of the respective Provinces where they live and are paid immediately The Gentlemen belonging to the King are 200 their pay 20 Crowns a month and paid as abovesaid each hundred has a Captain The Pensioners are no set number and their Pensions are as uncertain being more or less as it pleases the King they are in a way of preferment and therefore there is no exact rules for them The office of the Receivers General of France is to receive so much for fire and so much for taxes by consent of the King and to take care that both ordinary and extraordinary expences be paid at the time and discharges given as aforesaid The Treasurers have the keeping of the mony and pay it according to their orders from the Generals The office of the Grand Chancellor is judicial land definitive he can pardon and condemn as he pleases and that even in Capital Causes without the consent of the King In Causes where the Clients are contumaciously litigious He can prefix them a day for the determination of their Suit He can confer Benefices but that must be with the King's consent for those grants are pass'd by the King's Letters under the Broad-Seal wherefore that Seal is kept by the said Chancellor His salary is 10000 Franks per an and 11000 more for his Table which Table is intended for the repast and entertainment of such Gentlemen Lawyers and Counsellors as follow in his train when they think fit either to dine or sup with him The sum which the King of England received annually from the King of France was fifty thousand Franks in consideration of certain disbursements by the present King of England's Father in the Dutchy of Britagne but the time of that payment is expired At present there is in France but one Grand Seneschal when there are more I do not mean Grand Seneschals for there is never but one their authority is over the Militia both in Ordinary and Extraordinary whom for the dignity of their Office they are obliged to obey The Governors of the Provinces are as many as the King pleases and have their Commission for life or years and their Salaries great or little as he thinks good to appoint the other Governors to the very inferior Officers in every little Town have all their Commissions from the Kings for you must know there is no office in that Kingdom but is either given or sold by that King Of the quantity of distributions for the Gentlemen and the Pensioners there is no certain account but as to them the King's warrant is sufficient for they are not liable to the Chamber of Accounts The Office of the Chamber of Accounts is to view and audit the accounts of all such as have any thing to do in the King's Moneys as the Generals the Treasurers and the Receivers The University of Paris is paid out of the Rents of the Foundations of the Colledges but very narrowly The Parliaments are five of Paris of Roan of Tholose Burdeaux and Douphine from either of which there is no appeal The Universities first were but four at Paris Orleans Bourgi and Poictiers to which these at Tours and Angiers have been added since but they are very inconsiderable The standing Army is a great both for number of Men and Artillery as the King pleases and are quartered and disposed according to orders from
him Yet every great Town upon the Frontiers have Artillery and Ammunition of their own and within these two years several more have been cast in several places of the said Kingdom at the charge of the Town where they were made and to re-imburse themselves the are allowed a Toll of a penny an head for all Cattel and as much for every bushel of Corn whilst the Kingdoms is under no danger of invasion The standing Force is divided into four Bodies which are disposed into four several Posts for the security of the Country that is to say into Guienna Piccardy Burgundy and Provence but not precise number is observed in any for they are lessened or encreased and removed from one place to another as they have occasion to suspect I have with some diligence inquired what moneys were assigned every year for the charges of the King's Houshold and his privy Purse and I find it is what he pleases himself His Archers are four hundred design'd for the Guard of his Person among which there are two Scotch Their Salary is three hundred Franks a man every year and a Coat of the King's Livery But there are 24 constantly at the King's elbow and their Salary is 400 Franks per an His German Foot-Guards consisted formerly of three hundred men with each of them a Pension of ten Franks a month and two Suits of Apparel a year that is Coats and Shooes one for Summer and the other for Winter but of these Foot there were 100 particularly near the King their Salary being 12 Franks per mens and their Coats of Silk which was begun in the time of King Charles The Harbingers are those who are sent before to take up Lodgings for the Court they are 32 in number and each of them has a Salary of three hundred Franks every year and a Coat of the King's Livery Their Marshals or chief Officers are four and have each of them 600 Franks per an In taking up their Lodgings their method is this they divide themselves into four parties one Marshal or his Lieutenant in case he cannot wait himself stays where the Court departed to see all things rectified betwixt the followers of the Court and the Masters of the Houses another of them goes along with the Court a third where the King lies that night and the fourth where he lies the next by which means they keep so exact an order that they are no sooner arrived but every man knows his Lodging and is furnished with every thing got ready to his hand The Provost del Hostel is a person who follows always the person of the King and his office is judiciary where-ever the Court goes his Bench is the first and in all Towns where he comes the people may appeal to him as to their Lieutenant His ordinary Salary is 6000 Franks He has under him two Judges in Civil Causes paid by the King each of them 600 Franks per an he has likewise under him a Lieutenant Criminal and 30 Archers paid as abovesaid Those who are taken by this Provost upon any criminal account cannot appeal to the Parliament He dispatches all both in Civil and Criminal affairs and if the Plaintiff and Defendant appear once before him it is enough their business is determined The Masters of the King's Houshold are eight but there is no certain rule for their Salary for some have 1000 Franks per an some more some less at it pleases the King over whom there is a Grand Master with a Salary of 11000 Franks per an and his authority is only over the rest The jurisdiction of the Admiral of France is over all the Fleet and Ships and Ports belonging to that Kingdom He can seize and make what Ships he pleases and dispose of them as he thinks good when he has done His Salary is 10000 Franks The Knights of the King's Order have no certain number depending wholly upon the King's pleasure When they are created they swear to defend the Crown and never upon on any terms to be engaged against it they can never be degraded or deprived of their Dignity but by death The highest of their Pensions is 4000 Franks per an some have less for all are not equal The Chamberlains office is to wait upon the King to see to his Chamber and to advise him and indeed his Chamberlains are persons of the principal reputation in his Kingdom their Pensions are six eight and ten thousand Franks per an and sometimes nothing for the King does often confer those Places upon some great and rich stranger whom he has a mind to oblige but though they have no Pensions they are exempted from all Gabels and have their diet in Court at the next Table to the King 's The Master of the Horse is to be always about the King his authority is over the 12 Quieries and the same that the Grand Seneschal the Grand Master and the Grand Chamberlains is over those who are under them He has the care of the King's Horses and Harness helps him up and down and carries the Sword before him The Lords of the King's Council have Pensions of betwixt six and eight thousand Franks Per an at the pleasure of his Majesty their names at present are Monseigneur di Parigi Mons. di Buonaglia the Baylif of Amiens Mons. du Russi and the Grand Chancellor but Rubertet and Mons. di Parigi govern all There is no Table kept for them since the death of the Cardinal of Roan for when the Grand Chancellor is absent Parigi does that office for him and takes them with him The Title which the King of France pretends to the State of Milan is thus His Grand-father married a Daughter of the Duke of Milan who died without Heir males Duke Giovanni Galeazzo had two Daughters women grown and I know not how many Sons Of the Ladies one was called Madona Valentina and was married to Lewis Duke of Orleans Grand-father to this present King descended lincally from King Pipen Duke Iohn Galeazzo being dead his Son Philip succeeded him who died without legitimate issue leaving only one natural Daughter behind him Afterwards that State was usurped illegally by the Sforzeschi as is reported because they pretend it fell to the Heirs of the said Madona Valentina and that from the very day in which the Duke of Orleans married with the House of Milan he added to the three Lillies in his Coat of Arms the Snake which is to be seen at this day In every Parish in France there is a person called a Frank Archer who is paid by the Parish and is obliged to be always ready with a good Horse and Arms to wait upon the King when ever they are required whether abroad in time of War or at home upon any other occasion they are bound likewise to ride up and down for the security of such places as are liable to in-roads or any ways suspected and according to the number of the Parishes they are
1700000 men Their Lodgings are appointed by the Harbingers according to every mans office and usually the richest men quarter the greatest Courtiers and that neither the Lodger nor Landlord may have reason to complain the Court has appointed a rate or rule to be observed generally for all people and that is a sous or penny a day for their Chamber in which there is to be bed and chairs and stools and all things that are necessary There is an allowance likewise of two pence a day to every man for linen as towels and napkins and for vinegar and verjuice their linen is to be changed at least twice every week but there being great plenty in that Country they change oftner as Lodgers desire it besides which they are obliged to keep their beds made and their chambers swept and clean There is allowance likewise of two pence a day for the standing of every man's horse they are not bound to provide any thing for them only to keep their stalls clean and carry out the dung Some there are who pay less as their Landlords are good natured or they can make any shift but this is the ordinary rule of the Court. The English Title to the Crown of France upon my best inquiry I find to be thus Charles the sixth of France married his lawful Daughter Katharine to Henry the fifth Son and Heir to Henry the fourth King of England In the articles of Marriage no notice being taken of Charles the seventh who was afterwards King of France besides the Dower that was given with Katharine Charles the sixth Father to the said Katharine instituted Henry the fifth of England his Son in Law and to be married to the said Katharine Heir to that Kingdom of France and in case the said Henry should die before the said Charles and the said Henry leave Sons that were legitimate behind him that then the Sons of the said King Henry should succeed to the said Kingdom of France upon the death of the said Charles the sixth which was contrary to Law because Charles the seventh was prejudiced thereby and was afterwards of no validity or effect against which the English pretend that Charles the seventh was illegitimate The Arch-Bishopricks in England are two The Bishopwricks two and twenty and The Parishes 52000. THE STATE OF GERMANY IN An Abridgment written by Nicolo Machiavelli Secretary of FLORENCE OF the power of Germany no body can doubt because it a bounds so exceedingly in Men and Money and Arms. As to its wealth there is not a Free Town in the whole Country but has a publick stock aforehand of its own and some say Argentina Strasburg alone has a Million of Florens constantly in bank The reason of their opulence is because they have nothing to exhaust them but their Fortifications and furnishing their Magazines for reparations and recruits cost them but little In the latter they have a very good way for they have always in their publick Stores Meat and Drink and Firing for a Twelve-month Besides to entertain the industry of their people they have wherewithal to set the poor on work in case of any Siege a compleat year together so as they may subsist upon their own labour without being burthensom to the Town Their Souldiers are but little expence to them for they are always well arm'd and well exercised and on their Festival days instead of the Common recreations one takes his Musket another his Pike one one sort of Arms another another and practising among themselves they grow very ready and dexterous and after they are arrived at some degree of perfection they have certain Honours and Salaries conferred upon them which is the greatest part of their charge So that in every free Town the publick Treasury is rich The reason likewise why the private persons are rich is this because they live with great parsimony and indeed little better than if they were poor for they are at no expence in their Clothes their Buildings nor the furnishing of their Houses If they have bread and flesh and any thing to keep them from the cold they are well enough and he that wants them is contented and makes some shift or other without them Two Florens will serve them in Clothes ten years and according to his degree every man lives at this rate they do not trouble themselves for every thing they want but only for those things that are absolutely necessary and by that means their necessities are much fewer than ours The result of which Custom is this their Mony goes not out of their County they contenting themselves with their own Native productions whil'st in the mean time every man is permitted to bring in what Treasure he pleases into Germany to purchase their Commodities and Manufactures which in a manner supplies all Italy and their gain is so much the more by how much a small part of the profit of their labours recruits them with Materials for new Thus do they live at liberty and enjoy their own humors for which reason they will not be got to the Wars but upon extraordinary pay and that will not do it neither unless they be commanded by their own Magistrates Wherefore an Emperor has need of more Mony than another Prince because if men be in a good condition already they are not easily allured to the Wars As things stand now the free States must unite with the Princes before any great exploit can be undertaken by the Emperor or else they must enterprize it themselves which they would be able to do But neither the one nor the other desires the greatness of the Emperor for if ever he should get those Free States into his hands he should be strong enough to overpower the Princes and reduce them to such a degree of subjection that he would manage them as he pleased himself as the Kings of France have done formerly in that Country and particularly King Lewis who by force of Arms and the cutting off some few Persons brought them to their present obedience The same thing would happen to the States if the Princes should be cajoled they would lose their freedoms be wholly at the disposition of the Emperor and be forced to be satisfied with what he would vouchsafe to afford them The distance and division betwixt the free States and the Princes is supposed to proceed from the different humors in that Country which in general are two The Swissers are become Enemies to all Germany and the Princes to the Emperor It may seem strange perhaps that the Swissers and free States should be at variance and enmity seeing the preservation of their liberty and securing themselves against the Princes is the common interest of both But their discord is from this that the Swissers are not only Enemies to the Princes but to all Gentlemen whatever and in their Country they have neither the one nor the other but live without distinction of persons unless in their Magistrates in
close to the short Swords of the Enemy and may be wounded both themselves and Horses in those disarmed places and it is in the power of every Foot man to pull them off on their Horses and rip their Guts out when they have done and then as to the manage of their Horses they are too heavy to do any thing at all Their Foot are very good and very personable men contrary to the Swiss who are but small rough hewn and not handsome at all But they arm themselves unless it be some few only with a Pike and a Sword that they might be the more dexterous and nimble and light and their saying used to be that they arm themselves no better because they feared nothing but the Artillery against which no Breast-plate or croslet or Gorget would secure them other weapons they despise for it is said their order is so good and they stand so firm to one another 't is impossible to break into them nor come near them if their Pikes be long enough They are excellent in a Field sight but for the storming of a Town they are good for nothing and but little to defend one and generally where the Men cannot keep their old orders and manage themselves with room enough they are worth but little Of this experience has been seen where they have been engaged with the Italians or assaulted any Town as at Padua where they came off very ill though on the other side in the Field they had done well enough For in the Battel of Ravenna betwixt the French and the Spaniards if it had not been for their Lanceknights the French had been beaten for whil'st the Men at Arms were confronted and engaged with one another the Spanish had the better of the French and had disordered their Gascoigns so that had not the Germans came in and relieved them they had been utterly broken and the same was seen lately when the Spanish King made War upon the French in Guienna the Spaniards were more fearful of a Body of 10000 German Foot which the King of France had in his Service than all the rest of his Army therefore they declined coming to a Battel with all the Art they could use THE DISCOURSES OF Nicholas Machiavel UPON THE FIRST DECADE OF TITUS LIVIUS Faithfully Englished LONDON Printed for Iohn Starkey Charles Harper and Iohn Amery in Fleetstreet 1680. NICOLO MACHIAVELLI TO ZANOBI BUOND ELMONTI And COSIMO RUCELLAI I Send you a Present which though not answerable to my obligations is doubtless the greatest that Nicolo Machiavelli was able to send having expressed in it whatever I know or have learned by a long practice and continued reading of the affairs of this World than which neither you nor any body else being to expect more I am not to be blamed if my Present be no better You may complain indeed of the poverty of my parts my narrations being so poor and of the weakness of my judgment having perhaps mistaken in many places of my Discourses if so I know not which of us is less obliged to the other I to you for having forced me to write against my own inclination or you to me for having perform'd it no more to your satisfaction Accept it then in the same manner as things are accepted from friends among whom the intention of the giver is always more considered than the quality of the gift and believe that as oft as I think of it I am satisfied in this that however I have been mistaken in many other circumstances I have done wisely in this having chosen you above all others for the dedication of my Discourses both because in not doing it I should have shewn my self in some measure ingrateful for the benefits received and in doing it I have transgressed the common custom of Authors who for the most part direct their Works to some Prince and blinded with ambition and avarice applaud and magnifie him for all the virtuous qualities when perchance they ought rather to have reproached him with all the vices imaginable To avoid that error I have made choice not of those who are actually Princes but of such as by their infinite good parts do merit to be so not of those who are actually able to advance me to Honours Employments and Wealth but to those who though unable would do it if they could for to judge right men are rather to esteem those in whose nature than those in whose power it is to be liberal and those who understand how to govern a Kingdom than those who do govern it without that understanding Accordingly Authors do commend Hiero the Syracusan though but a private person above Perseus of Macedon though a great King because to Hiero there was nothing wanting to be an Excellent Prince but a Principality and Perseus had nothing but a Kingdom to recommend him to be King Accept then whether it be good or bad what you commanded your selves and if you be so far in an error as to approve my opinions I shall not fail to pursue the rest of my History as I promised in the beginning Farewel THE DISCOURSES OF Nicholas Machiavel CITIZEN and SECRETARY OF FLORENCE Upon The First Decade of TITVS LIVIVS TO ZANOBIVS BONDE MONTVS AND COSIMVS RVCELLAIVS LIBER I. COnsidering with my self what honour is given to Antiquity and how many times passing by variety of instances the fragment of an old Statue has been purchased at an high rate by many people out of curiosity to keep it by them as an ornament to their house or as a pattern for the imitation of such as delight in that art and with what industry and pains they endeavour afterwards to have it represented in all their buildings On the other side observing the most honourable and heroick actions describ'd in History perform'd by Kingdoms and ancient Common-wealths by Kings great Captains Citizens Legislators and others which have not only tired but spent themselves in the service of their Country are rather admir'd than imitated and indeed so far shun'd and declin'd in all places there is scarce any impression or shadow to be seen in this age of the virtue of our ancestors I could not at the same time but admire and lament it and the more by how much I observed in all civil and personal controversies in all diseases incident to mankind recourse is continually had to such judgments and remedies as have been derived to us by our predecessors for to speak truth the Civil Law is nothing but the sentence and determination of their fore-Fathers which reduc'd into order do shew and instruct our present Lawyers which way to decide nor is the art of the Physitian any thing more than ancient experience handed down to our times upon which the Practiser of our age founds all his method and doctrine Nevertheless in the ordering of Commonwealths in the conservation of their several members in the Government of Kingdoms in the regiment of armies in
them their friends confirm'd the ill opinion which they had of their adversaries before Several examples might be produced to this purpose but I shall only instance in one The Florentine Army was encamped before Lucca under the Command of Giovanni Guiccardini their Commissary By his ill fortune or conduct the Town was not taken which of the two soever it was Giovanni was aspersed as having been brib'd by the Luccheses which calumny being propagated by his enemies netled Giovanni and almost brought him to despair and though in order to his justification he offered to put himself into the hands of the Captain yet all was to no purpose for in that Commonwealth there was no body qualified to clear him from hence arose great contentions betwixt Guiccardin's friends who were the greatest part of the Grandees in that City and those who studied novelty which contentions and others of the like nature encreasing daily upon their hands brought that poor Commonwealth into a most deplorable condition Manlius therefore spreading these false reports of the Senators about Rome was a calumniator not an accuser and the Romans in his case gave manifest instruction how such people are to be punished that is that they be obliged publickly to accuse and when their charge is made good that they be rewarded or encouraged but when it cannot be proved that they be punished like Manlius CHAP. IX How much a single person is necessary for the establishment of a new common-wealth or the reformation of an old IT may seem to some that I have run too far into the Roman History having made no mention of the Founders of that Commonwealth nor of the Orders which they observed either in matters of Religion or War To ease them therefore of their suspence who are desirous to hear something to that purpose I say that many perhaps may think it of ill example for the Founder of a State as Romulus was to kill his own Brother and afterwards consent to the death of Titus Tatius Sabinus who was chosen his companion in the Government supposing that according to that president any of his Citizens that were ambitious of Command might make away their adversaries or competitors and remove any obstucle that opposed them and it were reasonable enough were it not to be considered to what end and upon what motives that murder was committed This is to be taken for a maxim and general rule that it is impossible for any Government either to be well founded at first or will reformed afterwards unless by a single person by whose direction all Orders all Laws are to be made and promulged He therefore who is the founder of a Common-wealth if he be an honest man and aims not at his own interest and the raising of his Family more than the advancement of his Country must endeavour to get the power into his single hands nor will any wise man ever accuse him for any action extraordinary that he shall do in order thereunto or if the fact be to be blamed the effect will excuse it especially if be good as it was in Romulus his case for it is destructive and pernicious violence that is to be reprehended not that which tends to settlement and reformation He is also to be so prudent and vertuous as not to leave the authority which he assumed in inheritance to another because men being more prone to evil than good his success or may employ that power to the prejudice of the State which he in his wisdom made use of to its benefit and advantage Moreover though one be fittest to make Laws yet when once made they cannot hold long if left upon the shoulders of a single person but when the care and execution of them is transfer'd upon many and many are concerned to maintain them it is much better for though many be not so proper in laying the foundations of a Government because their diversity of opinions keeps them from discerning what is absolutely for its good yet when things are once setled and they have found it that very diversity will be a means to preserve it And that Romulus was excusable for what he did to his Brother and Companion and that what he did was more for the common good than his own private ambition or revenge appears by this that he had no sooner made them away but he constituted a Senate by whose advice he acted in every thing reserving to himself only the power of calling them together and commanding the Armies when they should resolve of a War and of this we cannot have better evidence than that which followed after the expulsion of the Tarquins there being nothing innovated or altered by the Romans only in stead of one perpetual King they created two annual Consuls which shews that Romulus in his first Institutions aimed rather at the election of a civil and a free than an absolute and tyrannical State Many more examples might be produced to fortifie what is said as those of Moses Lycurgus Solon and other Founders of Kingdoms and Commonwealths who by assuming a Monarchical authority were able to frame and impose such Laws as were for the benefit of the publick but being so well known it would be superfluous I shall add only one not so famous perhaps yet worthy to be considered by those who are desirous to be good Legislators and it is this Agls King of Sparta observing his Citizens had lost much of their ancient virtue and by consequence were decayed both in their power and Empire imputing it in part to their deviation from the Laws of Lycurgus desired very earnestly to reduce them again but before he could bring it to perfection he was slain by the Spartan Ephori as one who designed to make himself absolute but Cleomenes succeeding him in the Government having the same inclination and perceiving by some Records and Writings which Agis had left behind what was his intention he found that he could not do his Country that service any way but by making himself absolute for by the ambition of some persons he found that he could not do the good which he designed to the generality by reason of the malevolence of a few wherefore he caused the Ephori and who-ever else he thought likely to obstruct him to be killed and revived the Laws of Lycurgus which noble act might have recovered that State and have made Cleomenes as venerable as Lycurgus himself had it not been for the power of Macedon and the weakness of other Commonwealths for not long after that reformation being invaded by the Macedonians it proved unable to defend it self and having no body to sustain it was overcome and that just and honourable design was unhappily laid aside Considering therefore what has been said I conclude that a single person is best for the institution or regulating of any sort of Government and that for the death of Remus and Tatius Romulus was not to be blamed CHAP. X. As they are
ultio in quaestu habetur 'T is more natural to return an injury than a courtesie because courtesies are burthensom but revenge is sweet But if this ingratitude either in Prince or People proceeds not so much from avarice as suspicion in that case it is somewhat excusable and of that kind we read of good store as when a General has conquered a Province or Empire for his Master when he has exterminated his Enemies enriched his Army and gain'd himself a great Name 't is impossible but he must be so acceptable to his own Soldiers and so dreadful to his Enemies as must beget a jealousie in the Prince for the Nature of man being jealous and ambitious and not to be confined within the bounds of his fortune it cannot be but if the Prince has taken a fancy that the glory of his General is a diminution to his the General must by some vain-glorious or discontented action establish and confirm it and then what has the Prince to do but to secure himself either by causing him to be murthered by taking away his Command lessening his reputation with the Soldiers and People and by all ways of industry possessing them that the Victory was not obtained by any Conduct of his but by the kindness of Fortune vileness of the Enemy or prudence and good management of the rest of the Officers After Vespasian being in Iudea was declared Emperor by his Army Antonius Primus being at the same time in Illyria with another Army declared for the Emperor and marched into Italy against Vitellius who was then Paramount in Rome and having beaten him in two pitch'd Battels he enter'd the City in the Name of Vespasian So that Mutianus being sent against Vitellius by Vespasian he found the Enemy broken the Town taken and all things done by Antonius to his hand And how was he requited Why Mutianus took away his Commission removed him from the Army and by degrees so lessened his Authority in Rome that Antonius going into Asia to make his Complaints to Vespasian was received so coldly that in a short time he was stript of all kind of authority and died very miserable and of this Nature examples are very frequent in History every body knows how in our times Gonsalvo Ferrante being the King of Arragon's General in the Kingdom of Naples against the French behaved himself so well that by his singular Conduct he conquered it and put it wholly under the obedience of his Master who coming afterwards to Naples himself took from him the Command of his Army dispossessed him of many strong places which he held in that Country and carried him with him into Spain where not long after he died in obscurity But there is no remedy these kind of jealousies are so natural to Princes that it is almost impossible for them to be grateful to any man who has performed any great thing for them And if it be so with Kings no wonder if it be so with the people for in a free State they have always two principal ends one is to enlarge their Dominions the other to keep what they have got and their eagerness to both these makes them so often guilty of ingratitude As to the first point we shall speak elsewhere the errors in preserving their liberty to disgust such persons as ought to be rewarded and to suspect such as ought to be trusted and though such practices are the occasion of great mischiefs in a corrupt Commonwealth and Tyranny does many times ensue as in Rome by Caesar who took that by force which the ingratitude of the people denied to his merits yet in a Town that is entire and incorrupt they do very well and add much to the duration of their liberty to enforce great and ambitious men for fear of punishment to comport themselves better In my judgment of all the Commonwealths that ever had Empire Rome was the least ingratful for the reasons abovesaid there being never an Example of its ingratitude but in the case of Scipio For Coriolanus and Camillus were banished for their injuries to the people and though one of them remaining obstinate was never recalled yet the other was not only recalled but so restored to the affections of the people that all his life after they adored him as a Prince But their jealousie of Scipio was of such a sort as had never been known before proceeding from the Ornaments of his body and the endowments of his mind His youth his wisdom his excellent qualifications had render'd him too admirable the powerfulness of his Enemy the danger and tediousness of the War which he had concluded in a very short time his deliberation in resolving and his quickness in Execution had gained him a greater reputation than was ever got by any General before him insomuch as the Senators Pretors and all the chief Magistrates in the City began to fear and respect him This was no pleasing sight to the graver sort because it had not been formerly the Custom in Rome whereupon Cato a man of great esteem for his piety and justice took up the Cudgels against him and complained publickly that the City could not be called free whil'st the Magistrates were in awe of any particular Citizen if then in a thing so nearly importing their liberty the people followed the opinion of Cato in my judgment they were in some measure to be excused In short my opinion is as I said before that it is avarice and suspicion which makes men ingrateful To the first of which the people are not naturally addicted and to the last with much less propensity than Princes as having less occasion which shall be proved hereafter CHAP. XXX What rules are to be observed by a Prince or Commonwealth to avoid this Vice of ingratitude and how a General or great Citizen is to demean himself to elude it TO avoid the necessity of living always in suspicion and being ingrateful to his Ministers a Prince ought to go personally with his Armies as was done at first by the Emperors of Rome as the great Turk does now and as all they do and have done that are valiant and couragious for in so doing the honor and profit of their Victories accrews to themselves but where they are not present at their Conquests themselves the honor redounds upon their Officers and they have not any compleat enjoyment of their successes till they have eclipsed if not extinguished that glory in other people which they durst not venture for themselves so that their ingratitude and injustice to their Officers does them more mischief than their Conquests do them good But when out of negligence or imprudence they lie at home idle themselves and send their Generals in their stead know no better precept to give them than what they know already themselves As to the General if he finds that jealousie inevitable he has his choice of two things As soon as the War is ended he is voluntarily to lay
reported all over Tuscany that there were arm'd men seen fighting in the air over the Town of Arezzo and that the clashing of their arms in the conflict was heard by the people It is generally known in Florence that before the death of the old Laurence de Medici the Duomo or chief Church in that City was struck with lightning and the people destroyed and before Piero Sodermi who was made Gonfaloniere for his life by the people was banished and degraded the Palace was burn'd by lightning likewise many other instances might be produced which I omit for brevity sake I shall only add one which is mentioned by Livy before the coming of the French to Rome Marcus Ceditius a Plebeian acquainted the Senate that passing one night about twelve a clock thorow the Via-nova he heard a voice bigger than a mans which advised him to let the Senate know the French were upon their march to Rome How these things could be it is to be discoursed by persons well versed in the causes of natural and supernatural events for my part I will not pretend to understand them unless according to the opinion of some Philosophers we may believe that the air being full of intelligences and spirits who foreseeing future events and commiserating the condition of mankind gives them warning by these kind of intimations that they may the more timely provide and defend themselves against their calamities But what-ever is the cause experience assures us that after such denuntiations some extraordinary thing or other does constantly happen CHAP. LVII The multitude united is formidable and strong but separated is weak and inconsiderable THe Romans being overthrown and their Country much wasted upon the coming of the French many of them contrary to an express Order and Edict of the Senate transplanted to Veii and left Rome Whereupon by a new Proclamation the Senate commanded that by a precise day and upon a certain penalty they should return to their old habitations when the news of this Proclamation was first brought to Veii it was despised and laugh'd at by every body but when the day appointed for their return arrived there was not a man but pack'd up his goods and came back as was required and as Livy says in the case Ex ferocibus universis singuli metu suo obedientes Not one of them who were so contumacious together but apart began to fear and that fear made him obedient And certainly nothing can give us a more lively description of the nature of a multitude than this case They are bold and will speak liberally against the decrees of their Prince and afterwards when they see their punishment before their faces every one grows fearful of his neighbour slips his neck out of the coller and returns to his obedience So that it is not much to be considered what the people say either of their Princes good management or bad so they be strong enough to keep them in their good humour when they are well disposed and provide which they are ill that they do them no hurt But this ill disposition of the people I mean all ill dispositions but what arise either from the loss of their liberty or the loss of some excellent Prince still living upon whom they had setled their affections For the evil dispositions proceeding from these causes are transcendently dreadful and strong remedies are to be applyed to restrain them In other cases their anger is nothing especially having no body to head them for as there is nothing so terrible as their fury in one case so there is nothing so vain and inconsiderable in the other because though they have betaken themselves to their Arms they are easily reduced if you can but avoid the first heat of their fury for by degrees they will cool and every man considering it is his duty to return will begin to suspect himself and think of his security either by making his peace or escape Whenever therefore the multitude is in a mutiny their best way is immediately to choose themselves a Head who may correct keep them united and contrive for their defence as the Romans did when leaving Rome upon the death of Virginia for their protection and security They created twenty Tribunes from among themselves and if this course be neglected it happens to them as Livy presaged in the foregoing Sentence That as nothing is more couragious than the multitude united so nothing is more abject when they are separate and divided CHAP. LVIII That the multitude is wiser and more constant than a Prince THat nothing is more vain and inconstant than the multitude Titus Livius and all other Historians do agree You shall many times find them condemning a man to death and lamenting him when he is dead and wishing for him again This hapned in the case of Manlius Capitolinus who being suspected to design against their liberty was by the people thrown headlong down the rock and in a short time exceedingly regretted The words of our Author are these Populum brevi posteaquam ab eo periculum nullum erat desiderium ejus tenuit When their fear of him was over their affection revived And in another place where he shows the accidents which hapned in Syracuse after the death of Girolamo Nephew to Hierone he says Haec natura multitudinis est aut humiliter servit aut superbe dominatur The nature of the Multitude is to be servilly obedient or insolently Tyrannical Things being thus I know not whether I shall not seem too bold to undertake the defence of a thing which all the world opposes and run my self upon a necessity of either quitting it with disgrace or pursuing it with scandal yet methinks being to maintain it with arguments not force it should not be so criminal I say then in behalf of the multitude that what they are charged withal by most Authors may be charged upon all private persons in the world and especially upon Princes for whoever lives irregularly and is not restrained by the Law is subject to the same exorbitancies and will commit as bad faults as the most dissolute multitude in the world And this may be easily known if it be considered how many Princes there have been and how few of them good I mean of such Princes as have despised and broke thorow those Laws which were intended to restrain them The Kings in Egypt were not anciently of this sort for they were govern'd by Laws in those Provinces from the very beginning and the Kings of Sparta were the same Nor need we look back so far for examples we have the Kings of France in our own days whose Kingdom in my judgment is at this time the most regular and best govern'd in the world Those Princes therefore who are born under such Laws and Constitutions and obliged to live by them are not to be reckoned or compared with the dissolute and mutinous multitude but they are to be considered with a multitude
they kept themselves upon the defensive part and expected their enemies at home were always victorious but when they began to make war at a distance and send Armies into Sicily they lost their liberty and everything else They produce also the Fable of Antius King of Lybia who being invaded by Hercules the Egyptian was invincible whilst he kept himself within his own borders but being inveigled out by the subtility of his enemy he lost both his Kingdom and Life upon which occasion that story was raised of Antius that being born of the earth as they pretended so oft as he touch'd it so oft he received new vigour from his Mother which Hercules perceiving got him up in his arms crush'd him to death They produce likewise more modern examples Every body knows that Ferrand King of Naples was esteemed a wise Prince in his time and hearing two years before his death that King Charles viii of France was preparing to invade him he let him alone but falling sick afterwards as he lay upon his death-bed he called his Son Alphonso to him and among other things charged him that he should expect the King of France upon his Frontiers and fight him there but that by no means he should be tempted beyond them and it had been better for Alphonso to have follow'd his Counsel for neglecting it afterwards and sending an Army into Romagna he lost both Army and Kingdom without striking a blow But besides these arguments on both sides it is urged in behalf of the Aggressor that he invades with more confidence and courage than his Adversary receives him which is a great advantage and enhancement to his Army That he brings many inconveniences upon the person whom he invades to which he would not be liable if he expected him at home For when the enemies Country is wasted and their Houses plunder'd his Subjects are not much to be trusted nor can any more Taxes be laid upon them without great difficulty by which means as Hanibal said their Magazines will be spent and their fountain dryed up that was to supply them with all Provisions for War Besides if your Army be in the Enemies Country it will be under a greater necessity of fighting and by consequence will fight more desperately than at home But to this it is answered on the other side That it is more for your advantage to attend your enemy in your own Country than to seek him abroad for thereby you may furnish your self with Victuals and Amunition and all other necessaries without any inconvenience and distress him by driving the Country You may likewise with much more ease incommode and frustrate his designs by your better knowledge of the Country and what places are more proper to attack him in as also you may attack him with your whole force at once or give him battel as you please which out of your own Confines is not to be done Moreover if Fortune should be adverse and it be your chance to be beaten more of your Men will escape where their refuge is so near and you will sooner rally them again In short if you fight at home you venture your whole force and not your whole fortune but if you fight abroad you venture your whole fortune with but part of your force Others there have been who with design to weaken the Enemy and fighting him afterwards with more ease and advantage have suffered him quietly to march several days Journey into their Country and possess himself of several Towns but whether they did well or not I will not determine only I think this distinction is to be considered whether my Country be strong in Fortresses and Men as the Romans were of old and as the Swizzers at this day or whether it be weak and unfortified as the Territory of the Carthaginians formerly and France and Italy now In this case the Enemy is by all means to be kept at a distance because your chief strength lying in your Mony and not in your Men whenever you are interrupted in raising or receiving of that your business is done and nothing interrupts you so fatally as an Enemy in your Country And of this the Carthaginians may be an example who whilst they were free at home were able by their Revenue and Taxes to wage War with the Romans themselves whereas afterwards when they were assaulted they were not able to contend with Agathocles The Florentines when Castruccio of Lucca brought his Arms into their Country could not support against him but were forced to put themselves under the Dominion of the King of Naples to procure his protection but Castruccio was no sooner dead but they were agog again and had the confidence to invade the Duke of Milan and to attempt the beating him out of that Province so couragious were they in their foreign War and so abject at home But when Countries are in a posture of defence and people Martial and well disciplin'd as the Romans of old and the Swizzers at this day 't is better to keep off for the nearer they are to their own Country they are the harder to overcome because they can raise more force to defend themselves than to invade another people Nor does the opinion of Hanibal affect me at all for though he persuaded Antiochus to pass into Italy he did it as a thing that would have been more for his own and the Carthaginian than for Antiochus his advantage for had the Romans received those three great defeats which they received of Hanibal in Italy in the same space of time in France or any where else they had been ruined irrecoverably for they could neither have rallyed nor recruited so soon I do not remember any foreign Expedition by the Romans for the Conquest of any Province in which their Army exceeded the number of 50000. But upon the invasion of the Gauls after the first Punick war they brought 118000 Men into the Field for their defence Nor could they beat them afterwards in Lombardy as they did at first in Tuscany because it was more remote and they could not fight them with so much convenience nor with so many men The Cimbri repulsed the Romans in Germany but following them into Italy they were defeated and driven out again themselves and the reason was because the Romans could bring more forces against them The Swizzers may without much difficulty be over-powered abroad because they seldom march above 30 or 40000 strong but to attack and beat them at home is much more difficult where they can bring into the field 100000 and more I conclude therefore that that Prince whose people are in a posture and provided for War does wisely if he expects a Potent and dangerous Enemy at home rather than to invade him in his own Country But that Prince whose Country is ill provided and whose Subjects are ill disciplined does better if he keeps the War as far off as he can and by so doing each of
them in his several degree will defend himself best CHAP. XIII That from mean to great fortune people rise rather by fraud than by force I Have found it always true that men do seldom or never advance themselves from a small beginning to any great height but by fraud or by force unless they come by it by donation or right of inheritance I do not think any instance is to be found where force alone brought any man to that Grandeur but fraud and artifice have done it many times as is clear in the lives of Philip of Macedon Agathocles the Sicilian and several others who from mean and inconsiderable extraction came at length to be Kings Xenophon in his History of Cyrus insinuates the necessity of fraud when he represents in his first Expedition against the King of Armenia how all Cyrus his actions and negotiations were full of fallacy and deceit and that it was that way he conquered his Kingdom and not by bravery and force by which he implyes that no Prince can do any great matters without that art of dissembling Besides he represents him jugling and playing of tricks with his own Unckle by the Mother-side the King of the Medes and shows that without that excellence he had never been King and indeed I am of opinion that from a mean and base fortune never any man came to be very great by down-right generosity and force but by fraud alone there have been many as particularly Iohn Galeazzo who by that alone wrested the Government of Lombardy out of the hands of Messer Bernardo his Unckle And the same courses which Princes are forced to in the beginning of their authority the same courses are taken by Commonwealths at first till they be settled in their government and have force sufficient to defend themselves Rome which either by change or election took all ways to make it self great was not without this and what greater cunning or artifice could it use in the beginning of its greatness than what it did take and is mentioned before For by their fair carriage and insinuation they got several Cities into consideration and under that name they subjected them insensibly and made them their slaves The Latins and other Neigbouring people were of this sort by whose Arms and Alliance the Romans having conquered their Enemies they were rendered so powerful that they began to handle them now not as Associates but Subjects nor could the Latini be convinced of their servitude till they saw the Samnites twice over-thrown and forced to accept of their Conditions Which Victories though they gain'd the Romans great reputation abroad among remote Princes who understood more of the name than the power of the Romans yet they created envy and jealousie among those who were nearer and more sensible of their greatness and this jealousie and apprehension was so great that not only the Latins but the Colonies in Latium and Campagnia which had been sent thither not long before confederated against the Romans and resolved to make War upon them And this War was commenced in the same manner as I have said before most other Wars are commenced Not by down-right denunciation of War against the Romans but by defending the Sidicins against the Samnites who made War by allowance from the Romans Nor was there any other reason of their Conspiracy but because the Conferates began to smell out their cunning and to be sensible that under that false title of Allies they were in great danger of being made slaves which Annius Selinus a Latin Praetor in an Oration to the Counsel expressed very properly in these words Nam si etiam nunc sub umbra faederis aequi servitutem pati possumus quid obest quin proditis Sidicinis non Romanorum solum sed Samnitium dictis pareamus For if even now under the shadow of an equal Confederacy we can endure servitude What hinders but that we betray the Sidicins and put our necks under the feet not only of the Romans but the Samnites Which things being so it is manifest the Romans wanted not at the beginning of their rise that dexterity of cheating that is so necessary to all people that are ambitious of raising themselves to a great height from an inconsiderable beginning which artifice is always the less scandalous by how much he that does practise it understands better how to disguise it by some honorable pretence as the Romans did very well CHAP. XIV Many People are mistaken who expect with meekness and humility to work upon the proud IT falls out many times that humility and modesty towards such as have any picque or prejudice to you is so far from doing good that it does a great deal of mischief and of this the debate and consultation of the Romans about the preservation of their peace with the Latins is an example from whom they were in expectation of a War For the Samnites complaining to the Romans that the Latins had invaded them the Romans unwilling to exasperate them more who were already too prone to be quarrelling return'd this answer that by their league with them the Latins were not tyed up from making War as they pleas'd The Latins were so far from being satisfied by the mildness of their answer that it made them more insolent insomuch that not long after they profess'd themselves their Enemies as appears by that speech of the aforesaid Annius in the Council aforesaid where he tells the Latins Tentâstis patientiam negando militem Quis dubitat exarsisse eos Pertulerunt tamen hunc dolorem Exercitus nos parare adversus Samnites foederatos suos audiêrunt nec moverunt se ab urbe Unde haec illis tanta modestia nisi a conscientia virium nostrarum suarum You tried their patience before in refusing them supplies who doubts but they were netled yet they swallow'd it They had notice of our preparations against the Samnites their Confederates and stirred not in their defence Whence comes this mighty modesty and good nature from nothing but a sence of the disparity betwixt our strength and their own From hence it is clear the patience and civility of the Romans augmented the arrogance of the Latins and that it is the interest of all Princes to be very cautious of condescending from their dignity or stooping willingly to any thing that may give the Enemy an opinion of his weakness or pusillanimity for it is better to lose any thing bravely and by open War than to part with it poorly in hopes to prevent it and it many times happens that those who part so easily with their Lands or Monies to prevent a War do rather excite than satisfie the Enemy whose nature commonly is such that upon the discovery of their impotence or fear his desires encrease and new things are successively demanded nor will your friends be so ready to assist if they find you timorous and irresolute But if as soon as you have notice of the designs
contrary receive Money from it 't is as infallible a sign of its weakness If one reads the Roman History he shall find the Massilians the Edui the Rhodians Hiero of Syracuse and Massiâ—issa as they were Neighbors so they were Tributaries to the Romans contributing to their expences and Taxes as there was occasion without expectation of any other recompence but protection Where a Prince or Commonwealth is weak it is otherwise as it appeared by our own City of Florence which in former times when it was in its greatest reputation paid annual stipends to most of the little Governments in Romania besides what was received by the Perugians Castellans and all their other Neighbors whereas had it been strong and well Armed it would have been quite otherwise and all the rest would have given Florence Money for her protection Nor were the Florentines singular in this case the Venetians did the same and so did the King of France who notwithstanding the greatness of his Kingdom was tributary to the Swizzers and the King of England which proceeded from his having disarmed the people and preferring a present opportunity of squeezing them and avoiding an imaginary danger before the doing those things that might have secured his State and made it happy for ever which practice though for some time it may produce quiet and repose yet the end is troubles and losses and ruine without remedy It would be too tedious to recount how often the Florentines the Venetians and the Kingdom of France have bought off their Wars and submitted to such dishonorable terms as the Romans could never be brought to but once It would be too tedious to recount how many Towns the Florentines and the Venetians have brought with their Mony which have been the occasion of great disorders afterwards and prov'd that what is gotten by gold is not to be kept with iron This point of generosity and this manner of living the Romans observed very punctually whilst they were free but after they fell under the Government of Emperors and those Emperors grew bad they began to degenerate too and prefer the shadow before the Sun They began to be Pensionaries first to the Parthians then to the Germans and by degrees to all their Neighbors which was the first step to the ruine of that great Empire and â—ll these inconveniences proceeded from the disarming of the people and neglecting to train them up to Military Discipline from whence a greater mischief does arise and that is That the nearer the Enemy approaches the weaker and more unable he finds you and therefore not being strong enough of your self to repel the Enemy from your borders you are forced to pay tribute to your Neighbors to undertake it for you which being to be raised and extorted from your Subjects renders them more feeble and impotent By which means it happens sometimes that those States which are in this condition may perhaps make some little resistance upon the Frontiers but if the Enemy passes that all is gone without remedy But all this is disorderly and unnatural for as nature in all animals has fortified the vital and principal and not extream parts of the body because the body can subsist without the one but not without the other So 't is in all Governments the heart and center is to be fortified rather than the Frontiers But this was very ill observed by the Florentines for whenever an Enemy had past our borders and took his way towards the City there was no body in a condition to oppose him It was the same with the Venetians not many years since and had not their City been as it were swadled with the Sea it had been certainly destroyed This indeed has not been seen so frequently in France because it is so great a Kingdom and too strong for most of its neighbours nevertheless when in the year 1513 they were invaded by the English the whole Kingdom trembled and the King of France himself and many others were of opinion that if he lost one Battel the whole Kingdom was gone With the Romans it was quite contrary the nearer the Enemy approached the City the stronger he found it this was evident in Hanibal's invasion though he had forc'd his way into Italy fought three great Battels with the Romans and beat them in every one though they had lost so many brave Souldiers and Officers yet they were not only able to continue the War but to conquer them atlast and all by fortifying the heart and center of their Country and leaving the extremities to shift for themselves for the vitals and fundamentals of their State was the People of Rome the Country of the Latins the neighbouring Cities that were in League and their Colonies from whence they drew so many Souldiers as were able to fight and entertain the whole World And this Hanno the Carthaginian understood very well for when after the Battel at Cannas Hanibal sent Mago to Carthage to give them an account of the particulars of the Victory Mago having exceedingly magnified the exploits of his Brother and debased the Condition of the Romans Hanno interrupted him and enquir'd whether any of the Roman Cities or any of their Confederates had revolted whether any of their Senators were come in to Hanibal or whether they had sent any Embassadors to him to treat and when Mago denied that any thing of all this had passed Hanno replyed Hostium ergo multum superest bellum tam integrum habemus atque habuimus qua die Annibal Italian est ingressus There is work enough behind and the War is as entire as when Hanibal passed first into Italy It is apparent therefore both by what is said in this Chapter and what has been said often before that there is great difference betwixt the present and ancient methods of the Romans and if we seriously consider it we shall not wonder that so many Towns are taken and lost and so many Governments subverted as we have seen in our days for where discipline is neglected and military virtue laid aside all things are committed wholly to Fortune which being various and unconstant produces various mutations and this vicissitude and unconstancy of affairs will continue till some excellent person arises to restore the ancient discipline and restrain fortune from giving such evidences of her power every hour of the day CHAP. XXXI How dangerous it is to believe Exiles too far I Think it not amiss in this place to shew how much it imports all persons not to give too much credit to those who are banished for many times they are but the practices and stratagems of Princes and States We have a memorable example of their inconstancy in Livy though something improper When Alexander the Great passed into Asia with his Army Alexander of Epirus his Kinsman and Unckle passed with another into Italy invited by the Exiles of Lucca who put him in hopes that by their means he should be Master of that whole
ought rather to have had a care that the end of his intentions might have appeared for the good and benefit of his Country and not out of any particular ambition and to have provided that whoever succeeded him afterwards in his dignity should not be able to employ that authority to the ruine of the State which he was forc'd to take upon him to preserve it But the good man was mistaken in his first opinion as not understanding that the malice of mankind is not to be extinguished with time nor appeased with presents for could he have imitated the severity of Brutus he had preserved his own dignity and the liberty of the State But as it is a difficult thing to preserve the liberty of a State so it is no less difficult to preserve the authority of a King as shall be shewn in the next Chapter CHAP. IV. A Prince is never safe in his new Conquests whilst they are in being whom he dispossessed THe death of Tarquinius Priscus by the Sons of Ancus and the death of Servins Tullius by Tarquinius Superbus shews how dangerous it is to disposses any man of a Kingdom and suffer him to live though you endeavour by all means possible to cares him Tarquinius Priscus thought his Title unquestionable being made King by the People and confirmed by the Senate nor could it enter into his thoughts that the malice and indignation of the Sons of Ancus should be so great as to keep them from submitting to that wherewith the whole City of Rome was contented Servius Tullius was mistaken in the same manner in thinking with new favours and obligations to have pacified the Sons of Tarquin So that from the first example a Prince may take warning and not delude himself with an opinion he is safe whilst any of them are living whom he dispossessed and from the second he may inform himself that old injuries are never cancelled by new favours especially if the favours be not equivalent to the injury And without doubt Servius Tullius was ill advised to believe that the Sons of Tarquin would be content to be his Sons-in-Law when it was their due to be his King And this ambition and impatience to govern is so great and insatiable in mankind that it not only affects those persons who have some right and expectation to govern but those likewise who in reason can have no such expectancy as in the example of Tullia the Daughter of Servius but married to one of the Tarquins which Tullia was so enflamed with a desire of governing that not contented with being a King's Daughter transported with rage contrary to all silial duty and affection she incited her Husband against her Father and forc'd him into a conspiracy not only against his Kingdom but Life Whereas if Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius had known how to have secured themselves against those they had supplanted they had neither lost their Kingdoms nor Lives But Tarquinius Superbus was expell'd for not observing the Laws and Practices of the ancient Kings his Predecessors as shall appear in the next Chapter CHAP. V. How a King may lose his Kingdom though he comes to it by inheritance TArquinius Superbus seemed to have secure possession of the Kingdom upon the death of Servius Tullius who dying without heirs left him nothing of that trouble and vexation which his Predecessors encountred For although the way by which he came to the Government was irregular and abominable nevertheless had he followed the steps of his Predecessors and observed their old rules he would not have run himself so fatally in to the displeasure of the Senate and People nor have provoked them to have been so diligent in his expulsion Nor is it to be believed that his Son Sextus his deflowring of Lucretia was the chief cause that he lost his Kingdom but his infraction of the Laws his tyranny his usurpation upon the Senate and his ingrossing all authority to himself for he had brought things to that pass that those affairs which were formerly debated publickly by the Senate and according to their sentiment and order were put in execution were now transacted and determined privately in his own Palace with great dissatisfaction and offence so that in a short time Rome was deprived of the liberty which it injoyed under other Kings nor was it enough for him to disoblige the Senate but he run himself into the odium of the people harassing them out by mechanick and servile imployments to which they had never been used in the days of his Predecessors by which cruel and insolent actions he had so incensed and inflamed the minds of the Romans against him that they were ready for rebellion the first opportunity that offered it self and if that accident had not hapned to Lucretia as soon as any other had fallen out it would have had the same effect And if Tarquin had governed and lived according to the example of his Ancestors and his Son Sextus had committed that error Brutus and Collatinus would have addressed themselves to Tarquin and not to the people of Rome for justice against his Son Let Princes therefore observe that they begin to ruine their own dignity and power when they first go about to transgress and violate the old Laws and Customs of their Ancestors and if after they are removed and dispossessed of their authority they should grow so wise as to understand the felicity of governing a Kingdom with good Counsel their loss would be more insupportable and they would condemn themselves to a greater punishment than any body else would condemn them for 't is easier to be beloved by good people than bad and to obey Laws than to command them and to understand the way by which this is to be done they have no more to do but to observe the lives of good Princes as Timoleon the Corinthian Aratus Sicionius and others in which they will find so much ease and security to him that governs and them that are governed that they will be tempted to imitate them if for nothing but the easiness of it For when men are governed well they desire no other liberty as it hapned to the people who were governed by the two persons above named whom they compelled to continue their Princes whilst they lived though they endeavoured several times to have laid down and betaken themselves to a private condition And because in this and the two precedent Chapters we have discoursed of the hatred contracted against Princes and the Conspiracy of the Sons of Brutus against the State and others against Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius I think it not amiss to speak of Conspiracies more largely in my next Chapter as being a subject well worth the observation both of Princes and private Persons CHAP. VI. Of Conspiracies I Did not think it inconvenient in this place to discourse something of Conspiracies seeing they are things of such consequence and danger both to Princes private Persons for
Pistoia which 15 years since as it is now was divided into the Panciatichi and Cancellieri only then they were at open defyance which now they are not After many contests and disputes among themselves they proceeded to blood to the plundering and demolishing one anothers houses and committing all other hostilities imaginable The Florentines whose business it was to unite them used this third way which rather encreased than mitigated their tumults so that weary of that way and grown wiser by experience they made use of the second banished some of the Ring-leaders and imprisoned the rest whereby they not only quieted their differences then but have kept them so ever since But doubtless the safest way had been to cut them off at first and if those executions were forborn then by us or have been since by any other Commonwealth it is for no other cause but that they require a certain generosity and greatness of spirit that in weak Commonwealths is hardly to be found And these are the errors which as I said in the beginning are committed by the Princes of our times when they are to determine in such great controversies for they should inform themselves how others have comported in the same cases before them but they are so weak by reason of the slightness of our present education and their unexperience in History that they look upon the examples of the ancients as inhumane or impossible So that our modern opinions are as remote from the truth as that saying of our wise men was upon a time Che bisognavatener Pistoiacon le parti Pisacon le fortezze That Pistoia was to be kept under by factions and Pisa by a Citadel but they were mistaken in both What my judgment is about Citadels and such kind of Fortresses I have delivered elsewhere so as in this place I shall only demonstrate how unpracticable it is to keep Towns in subjection by fomenting their differences and factions and first it is impossible to keep both parties true to you be you Prince or Commonwealth or whatever for men are naturally so inconstant it cannot be that those parties which favour you to day should be affected to you always for they will still look out for some new Patron and Protector so that by degrees one of the parties taking some disgust against you the next War that happens you run a great hazard of losing your Town If it be under the Government of a State the City is in more danger than in the other case because each party looks out for friends among the great ones and will spare no pains nor mony to corrupt them From whence two great inconveniences do arise One is you can never make them love you because by reason of the frequent alteration of Governors and putting in sometimes a person of one humour and sometimes another of another they can never be well govern'd And then the other is by this fomenting of Factions your State must be necessarily divided Blondus speaking of the passages betwixt the Florentines and Pistoians confirms what we have said in these words Mentreche i Florentini disâ—gnavano de riunir Pistoia divisono se Medesimi Whilst the Florentines thought to have united the Pistoians they divided themselves In the year 1501. Arezzo revolted from the Florentines and the Valleys di Tenere and Chiana were entirely over-run by the Vitelli and Duke Valentine Whereupon Monsieur de Lant was sent from the King of France to see all that they had lost restored to the Florentines Wherever Monsieur de Lant came observing the persons that came to visit him did still profess themselves of the party of Morzocco he was much dissatisfied with their factions and more that they should declare themselves so freely for said he if in France any man should pronounce himself of the King's party he would be sure to be punished because it would imply that there was a party against the King and it was his Masters desire that his Kingdom and Cities should be all of a mind If therefore a Prince believes there is no way for him to keep his Towns in obedience but by keeping up Factions it is a certain argument of his weakness for being unable by force and courage to keep them under he betakes himself to these pernicious arts which in peaceable times may palliate a little but when troubles and adversity come will assuredly deceive him CHAP. XXVIII A strict eye is to be kept upon the Citizens for many times under pretence of Officiousness and Piety there is hid a principle of Tyranny The City of Rome being distressed for want of provisions and the publick stores being unable to supply it it came into the thoughts of Spurius Melius a rich Citizen of those times to furnish the Common people gratis out of his own private stock whereby he wrought himself so far into the favour of the people that the Senate suspecting the ill consequences of his bounty began to conspire his destruction before his interest became too great to which purpose they created a Dictator who put him to death from whence it may be observed that many times those actions which seem charitable and pious at first sight and are not reasonable to be condemned are notwithstanding cruel and dangerous for a State if not corrected in time To make this more clear I say a Commonwealth cannot be well governed nor indeed subsist without the assistance and ministry of powerful and great men and yet on the other side that power and reputation of particular Citizens is the occasion of tyranny To regulate this inconvenience it is necessary that seeing there must be great men things should be so ordered that they may have praise and reputation by such things as are rather useful than prejudicial to the State Wherefore it is carefully to be observed what ways they take to acquire their reputation and they are usually two either publick or private The publick way is when they arrive at their reputation by some good counsel or some great exploit which they have atchieved for the benefit of the publick and this way of reputation is not only not to be precluded to the Citizens but to be opened by such promises of reward for their good counsels or actions as may both dignify and inrich them and when a reputation is gained by these plain and sincere ways it is never to be feared But when their courses are private which is the other of the two ways they are dangerous nay totally pernitious Those private ways are by obliging particular persons by lending them mony by marrying their relations by defending them against the Magistrates and doing several other particular favours which may encourage their Clients to violate the Laws and vitiate the Commonwealth for which cause it ought to be so well fortified with good Laws that the endeavors of such ambitious men may be either discouraged or defeated and on the other side rewards proposed to such as
favour and if it will be no trouble to you to enlarge it will be none to us to attend but because the discourse is like to be long I desire I may have the assistance of my friends yet with your licence and permission wherefore they and I do make it our request that you would not take it a miss if we interrupt you sometimes with some importunate demand Fabritio I am very well contented that you Cosimo and these young Gentlemen your friends ask any thing of me because I believe the heat of your youth makes you inclinable to arms and by consequence more apt to give credit to what I shall say and these other Gentlemen shall have the same liberty because their grey heads and their cold blood makes them commonly enemies to warfare and incorrigible as people possessed with an opinion that it is the times not the ill customs which constrains men to live at that rate Question me then freely as you please 't is the thing I desire because I shall thereby have some respit and repose and withal the satisfaction of clearing your doubts and leaving nothing unanswered in your minds CHAP. II. A person of honour and condition is not to make War his profession Fabritio I Will begin my discourse with what you said that in matter of War which is my profession I never made use of any thing of the ancients To which I answer that War being a profession by which men cannot live honourable at all times it is not to be taken up as a trade unless it be by a Commonwealth or a Kingdom and if they be well constituted they will neither of them suffer any of their Citizens or Subjects or any other good man to make it his business for he will never be thought a good man who takes upon him an employment by which if he would reap any profit at any time he is obliged to be false and rapacious and cruel and to entertain several other qualities that are not consistent in a good man nor can any man great or small who makes war his profession be otherwise than vitious because that that trade being not to be followed in time of peace they are necessitated either to prevent or obstruct peace or in time of war to provide so for themselves that they may subsist in time of peace and neither of those two ways are practicable to an honest man for from the desire of providing for themselves against the evil day when the wars should be ended proceed the robberies and thefts and murders which are committed daily by such kind of people and that upon their friends as well as enemies And from the desire of obstructing the peace proceed all the frauds and jugling which the Officers use with those who pay them and all to continue the war but if by accident peace be concluded contrary to their endeavours and design it is to be feared that the Officers finding themselves destitute of pay and their old liberty and licentiousness will get together such Soldiers of fortune as have nothing to subsist upon and falling into some Province plunder and rifle it without any compassion Do you not remember that here in Italy we had several of these disbanded Souldiers which got together when the wars were done called themselves the Companies and went up and down ransacking Towns and pillaging the Country and all without remedy Have you not read how after the first Carthaginian War disbanded Souldiers united under the command of Matho and Spendius two of their Officers and in a tumultuous manner made a more dangerous War upon the Carthaginians than that which they had had with the Romans In the days of our Predecessors Francis Sforza not only betraid the Milanois who had made him their General but usurped upon their liberty and made himself their Prince and for what but that he might live in the same splendor when the Peace was concluded And all the rest of the great Officers in Italy were like him especially if War was their profession and though de facto they did not all make themselves Dukes of Milan by their treachery they were the more to be blamed because without the temptation of so great advantage their lives and exorbitances were as bad The Father of Francis Sforza being in the service of Queen Iane constrained her to cast her self into the protection of the King of Arragon having deserted her on a sudden and left her disarm'd in the midst of her enemies and all to satiate his ambition to satisfy his revenge or to have got her Kingdom for himself Braccio with the same industry endeavoured to possess himself of the Kingdom of Naples and had he not been defeated and slain at Aquila he had certainly effected it and these confusions proceeded from nothing else but from the employing of such men as were mercenary and had nothing to subsist upon but their pay Have you not a Proverb which confirms what I say and tells us that War makes Thieves and Peace brings them to the Gallows the reason is for that those persons who have no other way of livelihood nor so much temper and ingenuity as to take to any other course that may honestly sustain them are forced by necessity to rob upon the high-ways and then justice is forced to dispatch them Cosimo You have represented this trade and profession of a Souldier so vile and contemptible that to me it seems now to be worse than none at all whereas before I thought it one of the most noble and excellent things in the World so that unless you satisfie me better I shall never be contented for if it be so as you say I cannot imagin how it should come to pass that Caesar and Pompey and Scipio and Marcellus and so many other great Captains of the Romans should become so famous as to be worshipped like Gods Fabritio I have not yet thorowly examined those two things which I proposed in the beginning one is that a good man cannot take up that calling as his profession the other is that no well constituted Government whether Commonwealth or Kingdom will suffer its Subjects or Citizens to make War their whole business To the first I have spoke what I thought fit it remains now that I speak to the second in which I shall have occasion to reply to your last demand CHAP. III. How a Commonwealth ought not in prudence to permit any of its Citizens to make War their profession Fabritio TOuching the Romans which you mentioned it is true Pompey and Caesar and most of the great Captains who were at Rome after the last Carthaginian War arrived at great reputation but it was rather as brave and generous than good and virtuous men whereas those who were before them were famous as much for their virtue as conduct and the reason was because these made not War their profession and the others did Whilst the Roman Commonwealth was incorrupt and
the conflicts of the Winds and the Water and the elements and the enemy shall sooner make a good Land-Officer where he has nothing to fight with but men than a Land-Officer shall make a good Captain at Sea My Country-men the Romans who were so knowing at Land being at wars with the Carthaginian that was so potent at Sea never troubled themselves to entertain either Grecian or Spaniard into their service though they were both so good Souldiers at Sea but they committed that charge to their Land-Officers who fought the Carthaginians and beat them If the Venetians did it to prevent the usurpation of any of their fellow Citizens I think it was an unnecessary fear for besides the reasons aforesaid if a Citizen with his Sea-forces never made himself Master of any Sea Town he could have done it much less with any Land-force So that hence it may be seen that is is not putting the Citizens in arms that is the cause of tyranny but ill order and ill management in the Government for whilst good order is preserved there is no danger of their being arm'd wherefore their resolution in that point being imprudent has rob'd them of much reputation and happiness And as to the King of France's error in not keeping his subjects in discipline and prepared for the Wars which is by you urged for an example there is no body laying aside his private passion but must conclude that single neglect to be a great weakness to his Kingdom But my digression has been too great and perhaps beyond my design yet I have done it the more willingly to demonstrate to you that foreign force is not to be relied upon so much as ones own subjects nor can ones own subjects be prepared and adapted for the Wars any way so well as by training and exercise Nor can there be any better way of forming an army or establishing a Militia in any place than that which I have prescribed If you have read the orders of the first Roman Kings especially of Servius Tulliâ—s you will find his orders like ours and driving at nothing more than putting the Citizens into such a posture that upon any emergence they might be brought suddenly together and form'd into an army for the defence of the City CHAP. VIII Of what sort of people an army is to be composed Fabritio BUt to return to our levies I say again that being to recruit and old Army I would choose my men of about seventeen but to raise a new one that might be made fit for service in a short time I would take in any betwixt seventeen and forty Cosimo Would you in your election make any difference of their trades Fabritio Many Authors which have written on that subject have made a difference of their trades and will not allow of Faulconers Fowlers Fishers Ruffians or any persons who make sports their profession or are in any manner subservient to pleasure those who they recommend to be chosen are Labourers Husband-men Smiths Farriers Carpenters Butchers Huntsmen and the like But for my own part I should not so much consider the quality of the profession as the goodness of the man and which way he may be employed with most advantage For this reason I think your Plough-men and Day-labourers in the Country are more useful Generally than any other for they take more pains and do more service in an Army than all the rest After them are your Smiths Farriers Carpenters Joyners and such people to be chosen of which sort it is convenient to have good store because their arts are usefull in an Army upon several occasions and 't is a good thing to have Souldiers who have two strings to theri bow and yield you double advantage Cosimo How are those who are fit or unfit for the Wars to be distinguished and known Fabritio I shall speak of the manner of choosing a Militia to form it afterwards into an Army because we shall have occasion again of speaking of the election to be made upon the recruiting of an old Army I say therefore that the fitness of a person to be chosen for the Wars is to be known by experience in some great atchievment or by conjecture This proof and tryal of their courage is not to be found among new raised men it is necessary therefore where this experience is not to be had to have recourse to conjecture which is to be deduced from their age arts and stature Of the two first we have spoken before it remains that we speak now of the third and tell you that some persons as Pyrrhus have been altogether for large and tall men Others as Caesar would have them strong well knit and vigorous which is to be judged by the composition of their members and the quickness of their aspect Wherefore those who treat of that subject have recommended a lively and quick eye a nervous neck a large breast a musculous arm a long finger a small belly round and firm thighs and thin feet this kind of contexture does always import activity and strength which in a Souldier are two things principally to be desired But above all respect is to be had to their manners and that they be indued with honesty and modesty otherwise you choose an instrument of scandal and a beginning of corruption for no body can expect that with brutishness and dishonesty any laudable virtue should consist Upon this occasion it seems to me not impertinent for your better understanding the importance of this way of election to let you know the manner in which the Roman Consuls in the begining of their Magistracy made their elections for the Roman Legions In which levies by reason of their continual Wars being mix'd of new and Veteran Souldiers they could proceed in the Veterans by experience and by conjecture in the new You must know then these levies were made either for present service or to exercise them first and employ them afterwards as occasion was offered And although I have spoken already of what is to be observed in the election of such as are to be disciplin'd and employed afterwards yet my intention being to shew how an Army may be ordered in a Country where there is no military discipline and where men are not to be raised for immediate service I shall speak of it further But in those Countries where it is the custom to raise Forces by the Princes command there they may have them always ready for present service as it was anciently in Rome and is among the Swizzars at this day For if in these kind of levies there be new Souldiers there are many which are old and experienced which mingled with the new will make a good Army Notwithstanding this the Emperors after they began to keep standing Forces and Garisons upon the Frontiers appointed Masters for the training and instructing their new men whom they called Tyrones as may be seen in the life of Maximus the Emperor Which
told him what was pass'd That now it was at his Choice whether he would kill Alboino and injoy her and her Kingdom or be kill'd himself for vitiating his Wife Almachilde had no fancy to be slain and therefore chose the other Proposition of killing his Master but when they had kill'd him they found themselves so far from acquiring the Kingdom that they were afraid of being made away by the Lombards out of the affection they bare to the Memory of Alboino for which cause packing up with all the Jewels and Treasure they could make they marched off to Longinus at Revenna who receiv'd them honourably During these Troubles Iustinus the Emperour died and Tiberius was elected in his Place but being imploy'd in his Wars against the Parthians he was not at leasure to send Relief into Italy Which Longinus looking upon as an opportunity to make himself King of the Lombards and of all Italy besides by the help of Rosmunda and her Treasure he imparted his Design to her and perswaded her to kill Almachilde and take him afterwards for her Husband She accepted the Motion and having in order thereunto prepar'd a Cup of Poison she gave it with her own hand to Almachilde as he came thirsty out of a Bath who having drank off half finding it work and great Convulsions within him concluding what it was he forc'd her to drink the rest so that in a few hours both of them died and Longinus lost all hopes of making himself King In the mean time at a Convention of the Lombards at Pavia which they had made their Metropolis they created Clefi their King who re-edified Imola that had been destroyed by Narsetes He conquer'd Rimini and in a manner all up as far as Rome but died in the middle of his Cariere This Clefi behav'd himself so cruelly not only to Strangers but even to the Lombards themselves that the Edge of their Monarchical inclination being taken off they would have no more Kings but constituted Thirty they call'd Dukes to Govern under them Which Counsel was the cause the Lombards extended not their Conquests over all Italy nor dilated their Dominion beyond Benevento Rome Ravenna Cremona Mantua Padua Monfelice Parma Bolonia Faenza Furli Cesana some of them defended themselves for some time other never fell at all under their subjection For having no King they were first render'd unapt for the Wars and when afterwards they reassum'd their Old Government and created Kings again the small relish and taste the people had had of Liberty render'd them less obedient to their Prince and more contentious among themselves and not only put a stop to the Cariere of their Victories at first but was the occasion afterwards that they were driven out of Italy Things being in this posture with the Lombards The Romans and Longinus came to terms with them and it was agreed that Arms should be laid down on all hands and each enjoy what was in their proper possession About this time the Bishops of Rome began to take upon them and to exercise greater Authority than they had formerly done At first the Successors of Saint Peter were venerable and eminent for their Miracles and the holiness of their Lives and their Examples added daily such numbers to the Christian Church that to obviate or remove the Confusions which were then in the World many Princes turned Christians and the Emperour of Rome being converted among the rest and quitting Rome to hold his Residence at Constantinople the Roman Empire as we have said before began to decline but the Church of Rome augmented as fast Nevertheless untill the coming in of the Lombards all Italy being under the dominion either of Emperours or Kings the Bishops assumed no more power than what was due to their Doctrine and Manners in Civil Affairs they were subject to the Civil Power imploy'd many times by the Emperours and Kings as their Ministers and many times executed for their ill Administration But Theodorick King of the Gothi fixing his Seat at Ravenna was that which advanc'd their interest and made them more considerable in Italy for there being no other Prince left in Rome the Romans were forc'd for Protection to pay greater Allegiance to the Pope And yet their Authority advanc'd no farther at that time than to obtain the Preference before the Church of Ravenna But the Lombards having invaded and reduc'd Italy into several Cantons the Pope took the opportunity and began to hold up his head For being as it were Governour and Principal at Rome the Emperour of Constantinople and the Lombards bare him a respect so that the Romans by mediation of their Pope began to treat and confederate with Longinus and the Lombards not as Subjects but as Equals and Companions which said Custom continuing and the Popes entring into Allyance sometimes with the Lombards and sometimes with the Greeks contracted great reputation to their dignity But the destruction of the Eastern Empire following so close under the Reign of the Emperour Heracleus in whose time the Schiavi a people we mention'd before fell again upon Illyria and over-ran it and call'd it Sclavonia from their own Name The other parts of that Empire being infested first by the Persians afterwards by the Saracens out of Arabia under the Conduct of Mahomet and last of all by the Turks and having lost several Provinces which were members of it as Syria Africa and Egypt The Pope lost the convenience of the Emperours protection in time of Adversity and the power of the Lombards increasing too fast on the other side he thought it but necessary to address himself to the King of France for assistance so that the Wars which hapned afterwards in Italy were occasioned by the Popes and the several inundations of Barbarians invited by them which manner of proceeding having continued to our times has held and does still hold Italy divided and inâ—irm But in my description of Occurrences betwixt those times and our own I shall not inlarge upon the ruine of the Empire which in truth receiv'd but little assistance from the Popes or any other Princes of Italy till the dayes of Charles the 8th but discourse rather how the Popes with their Censures Comminations and Arms mingled together with their Indulgences became formidable and reverenced and how having made ill use both of the one and the other they have lost the one entirely and remain at the discretion of other people for the other But to reurn to our Order I say that Gregory the Third being created Pope and Aistolfus King of the Lombards Aistolfus contrary to League and Agreement seiz'd upon Ravenna and made War upon the Pope Gregory not daring for the reasons abovesaid to depend upon the weakness of the Empire or the fidelity of the Lombards whom he had already found false appli'd himself to Pepin the Second who from Lord of Austracia and Brabantia was become King of France not so much by his own
it as the Romans did upon the expulsion of the Tarquins not without reason for the people is like a wild beast which though naturally fierce disposed to live in the woods and to find out dens and converts to conceal it self yet having been always brought up as it were in prison servitude if by accident it breaks its bonds and escapes out into the field it is in a maze knows not whither to run where to sustain or where to conceal it self as having been accustomed to bondage and confinement by which means if worth the looking after it is easily recovered It is the same with a people which has lived always in subjection who understanding nothing of publick offence or defence and knowing as little of Princes as Princes do of them are with the greatest ease imaginable reduced to a yoke which is commonly more grievous than what they escaped from before and this happens to them where they are not totally debauched for where the Mass is corrupted they cannot subsist a moment I speak now of those where the malignity is not so diffused but that there are still left more good men than bad in which case another difficulty does likewise occur and that is when-ever the yoke of tyrranny is shaken off and liberty set up it follows continually that many enemies are created whose interest it is to subvert it and no friends made that shall have any advantage by supporting it By enemies I mean all those privado's and favourites of Princes who have enjoyed the perferments and wealth of their Master and cannot but be disgusted to find themselves dispossessed wherefore they are constantly ready to take any occasion of restoring their old Prince that they themselves might be restored to their authority and employment And for friends whose interest it is that upon the shaking off their Tyrant their liberty should be preserved they are not to be expected because in free States honours and offices are confer'd upon such as by their virtue some great atcheivment for the benefit of the Common-wealth or some other honourable action have seemed to deserve them and when a man receives no more than what he thinks he has deserved he ascribes it to his own merits rather than to the liberality of the State and holds himself not obliged Besides the common utility resulting from a free State though it be in their power it is not at all in their knowledg for who is it that considers or takes care that every man enjoys quietly what God has given him that their wives be not dishonoured their children abused nor their fellows oppressed For who is it that will think himself bound to any man for doing him no wrong and things being so a free State newly acquired never creates such friends as will be half so solicitous for its conservation as those enemies who have been dispossessed of their fortunes and preferment will be to undermine it and restore their old Master again and if it be enquired what course is to be taken against the inconveniences and disorders which follow thereupon there is not a more efficacious safer and more necessary remedy than to kill the Sons of Brutus who as History tells us entred into a conspiracy against the State with other young Gentlemen of Rome for no other reason but because they could not be so loose and licentious under the Consuls as under the Kings as if their freedoms were incompatible and the liberty of the people was servitude to them wherefore he who proposes to govern a people whether by the way of Monarchy or Republick and does not secure himself of those who are adverse to the change must never think to effect or at least to enjoy it long and on the other side it is convenient he should know the infelicity of those Princes who cannot secure their Dominion without murder and blood by which means the multitude is incensed and become mortally their enemies he who has but few enemies may secure it the better but where the multitude is provoked no security is to be had and the more cruelty is used the weaker the Government so that when all 's done the surest remedy is to indulge the people and make them your friends And now though I may seem something confused and immethodical in speaking sometimes of a Prince and then of a Republick I shall take the liberty to do it here briefly that I may have no occasion hereafter A Prince therefore who by usurping upon the liberties of the people has made them his enemies if he desires to reconcile himself is above all things to consider what the people affect and he shall find it to consist principally in two things one is revenge upon those who have been instrumental in their slavery and the other is restitution of their liberty In the first the Prince may gratifie them fully in the second but in part Of the first we have an exact instance Clearchus Governour of Heraclia being banished for his tyranny a controversie betwixt the Nobility and the Commons hapning afterwards in that Town it fell out that the Nobility finding themselves the weaker addressed to Clearchus and having entred into confederacy with him they gave him admission and overcoming the people he took away their liberties But Clearchus perceiving himself in the clutches of the Nobility and not only subject to their insolence which was neither to be satiated nor corrected but to the rage and fury of the multitude which could by no means digest his encroachments upon their liberty he resolved at one blow to rid himself of his Grandees and reconcile himself to the people and taking his opportunity he cut off all his Nobility with great satisfaction to the rest The other thing which they desire with so much favour is restitution of their liberty in which the Prince cannot totally comply without degrading himself he is therefore to examine upon what grounds the people are so fond of it and he will find that some few indeed are zealous for their liberty in hopes of office and preferment but the greatest part desire it only to be secure against oppression and to live comfortably and at ease For in all Governments whether Republick or Monarchical forty or fifty men go away with all the commands and offices of importance which number being small it is no hard matter for a Prince to secure himself against them by cutting them off or by such addition to their former advantages as may in some measure oblige them The rest whose aim is only to live quietly are easily satisfied by constituting such Laws and Ordinances as may make the power of the Prince consistant with the security of the people If a Prince does this and be observed upon no accident what-ever to violate their Laws the people will quickly be contented and believe themselves safe And of this the Kingdom of France is an example being quiet and at peace because the Kings are bound
by innumerable Laws which comprehend the security of the Subject for by the first institution of that Monarchy the Kings have the disposition of their Revenue and the management of their Armies but in every thing else they are circumscribed by the Laws That Prince therefore or Commonwealth which at its first erection secures not it self is obliged to do it at the first opportunity as the Romans did when they murdered the Sons of Brutus and he that slips it will repent when 't is too late for the people of Rome not yet entirely corrupted having recovered their liberty it was sufficient to maintain it that they made away the Bruti and extinguished the Tarquins which otherwise was not to have been done had the whole mass and body of the people been debauched as I shall shew in the following Chapter CHAP. XVII A people wholly corrupted in their manners may possibly recover their liberty but they will find insuperable difficulty to maintain it HAd not Kings been expelled as they were in Rome that City in my opinion must of necessity have declined and its ancient virtue the authority been lost for if the corruption of those Kings be considered had it been propagated but to the third succession it would easily have diffused it self among the people and that being infected nothing could have preserved the City much less have restored it to its former vigour and reputation but the trunk being entire and the distemper only in the head by taking off that the members were capable of being preserved and their liberty recovered And this may be laid down as a positive truth that a City accustomed to the dominion of a Prince if the manners of the people be corrupted can never make it self free though the Prince and his whole race be extinguished for some new Lord or other will always spring up unless by accident the courage and fortune of some good Citizen concurs to its preservation and even then its liberty will be continued no longer than the life of that person as it hapned in Syracuse which remained free during the lives of Dion and Timoleon though in different times but when they were dead it relapsed and fell under the same tyranny as before but the most evident example of all was in Rome which City having turned out the Tarquins found out a way of setting up and maintaining their liberty a long time yet when Coesar was slain and Caligula Nero and the whole race of the Caesars extirpated the Romans were so far from maintaining it that they could not so much as introduce the least form or appearance of liberty and the reason of that diversity in the same City was no other but because in the time of the Tarquins the people were not generally so vitious as afterwards in the reign of Caligula and Nero for at the expulsion of the Tarquins to possess the people then against tyranny it was sufficient to tender them an oath by which they engaged never to admit single person again in Rome whereas afterwards upon the death of Caesar and the rest neither the authority nor rigour of Brutus with all his Legions in the East was able to dispose the people to the assertion of that liberty which so happily had been set up by the first of Brutus his name So strangely had the Faction of Marius diffused their poison among the Commons of which Caesar being head he had opportunity of blinding the people and coaxing them into servitude so slily they could not perceive the yoke into which they were thrusting their necks Though this example of the Romans be pregnant enough yet it is not brought in for any want in our own times For in Naples and Milan the manners of the people being totally debauched nothing could do no opportunity could restore them to a condition of liberty 'T is true upon the death of Philip Viscâ—nti the Milaneses attempted but they could never effect it For which reason it was very happy for the Romans that their Kings discovered their depravity so soon for by that means they were driven out before their wickedness could dilate and spread it self among the people which if it had done the troubles and tumults which succeeded thereupon had never had so good end as to make rather for the advantage than prejudice of the City from whence it may be infer'd that where the multitude is not corrupt tumults and disorders do no very great mischief where it is corrupt Laws may be well constituted and provided and ye do no good unless executed by some person so severely that the people are compelled to observe them and by strict observation to become good which is a thing I can neither say has hapned hitherto or promise it ever will For it is clear as I said before that a City declining upon the corruption of the Mass can never recover unless it be by the virtue and magnanimity of some active Citizen who takes the administration of Justice into his own hands and sees every thing faithfully performed and even then that good man is no sooner in his grave but the people are in their old servitude again Thus it fell out with the Thebans Epaminondas by his virtue and conduct enabled them to keep up a form of a Common wealth whilst he was alive but alas at his death it was quickly dissolved the reason is because no man is sufficiently long lived to reclaim a City that has been long accustomed to licentiousness and to reduce it to be good So that though it happens to have such a good man among them and he lives a long time nay though there be two successions of good men if the third as I said before be defective all goes to wrack it must necessarily be ruined unless by many dangers and great effusion of blood it happens to be preserved because that corruption which renders it so unapt and indisposed to a free life proceeds from the great inequality in that City and to reduce things to an equality extraordinary ways must be used which few people know and fewer will take as shall be shewn more particularly in another place CHAP. XVIII A corrupt City having made it self free how its liberty may be maintained and not having made it self how its liberty may be procured I Think I shall not be extravagant if to what has been said already I add another quaery Whether in a corrupt City a free State may be maintained if by any accident it be set up or if there be no such thing already how it is to be obtained I answer both of them are hard and though a certain rule cannot be prescribed unless we knew the degrees of its corruption nevertheless it being good that every thing be fairly discust this question shall not be suffered to pass I shall presuppose that the City of which I speak is corrupt in extremity and in that case the difficulty encreases with proportion for no Laws nor