For that which I had before learned by Fame only and Hearsay of your Wisdom being then present I understood by Experience and that your Lordship was indued not only with very great Skill and Insight in the weighty Affairs of State but also in these light and literary Controversies with an incredible sharpness and an excellent Facility and Plenty joined with a wonderful Obligingness while you are disputing and arguing c. He concludes his Letter with a Protestation of intire Obedience to his Lordship's Order however he should determine for or against his Desire and that he would submit to his Authority being the Authority of a Reverend Prelate and a very Learned Chancellor From hence I date the Respect and Love Smith gained with this Bishop This must be Remembered to this Bishops Commendation among the many evil Things that asperse and blacken his Name to this Day Nor must the like favour or a greater be forgotten by him shewn to such another Learned and grave Protestant Friend and Contemporary with Smith I mean Roger Ascham which I must have leave to mention here Whom the Bishop of Winchester did not only spare but called to Court and preferred to be Secretary of the Latin Tongue to Queen Mary Whom for his Learning in the Languages and incomparable faculty of a clean Stile and beautififul Writing he greatly loved and obliged with many Benefits And when Sir Francis Englefield Master of the Wards and Liveries a fierce Papist had often cried out upon Ascham to the Bishop as an Heretick and sit to be rejected and punished as such he never would hearken to him either to punish him or remove him from his Place Thus Lived two excellent Protestants under the Wings as it were of the Sworn Enemy and Destroyer of Protestants Ascham and Smith to whom we now return again Nay and bloody Boner who had a personal Pique against him since the last Reign as was shewn before let him alone tho' he were in his Diocess admiring the Man and dissembling his Anger Nee Bonerus eum non admiratus amici Vultum hominis tantas inter simulaverat iras But tho' he thus escaped this Man yet another of his Name who was also a Retainer to him at Eaton when Provost there fell into his Hands whom he left not till he had reduced him into Ashes Namely Robert Smith who was burnt at Uxbridge in the Year 1555. This Robert belonged to the Church of Winsor and had a Clerkship there of 10 l. a Year Of Stature he was tall and slender active and very ingenious for many Things chiefly delighting in the Art of Painting which for his Minds-sake rather than for a Living or Gain he practised and exercised He was smart and quick in Conversation and fervent in Religion wherein he was confirmed by the Preachings and Readings of Mr. Turner Canon of Windsor and others In his Examinations before Bishop Boner he spake readily and to the purpose and with no less Boldness and gave that Prelate his own He was also a good Poet according to the Poetry of those Times Some Pieces whereof remain in Fox's Monuments And his Parts and Elegancy of Stile as well as his Piety Godward may be judged of by his Sententious Letter to his Wife from Prison a little before his Death Which may be seen in Fox beginning Seek first to Love God Dear Wife with your whole Heart and then shall it be easie to Love your Neighbour Be friendly to all Creatures and especially to your own Soul Be always an Enemy to the Devil and the World but especially to your own Flesh. In hearing of good Things join the Ears and Heart together Seek Unity and Quietness with all Men but especially with your Conscience For he will not easily be entreated Hate the Sins that are past but especially those to come Be as ready to further your Enemy as he is to hinder you c. It was remarkable at his Death that his Body well night half burnt and all in a lump like a black Cole he suddenly rose upright and lifted up the stumps of his Arms and clapped the same together and so sunk down again and Died. And this was the more to be remarked because he had at the Stake said to those that stood about him that they should not think amiss of him or his Cause tho' he came to that End and that they would not doubt but his Body tho' so to be consumed presently to Ashes yet Dying in that Quarrel should rise again to Life everlasting and added that he doubted not God would shew some Token thereof Smith in these Days of Queen Mary was removed off the Stage of Action being now but a silent Stander by And here he saw the pitiful Burning of poor Men and Women for Religion the Marriage with Spain the Loss of Calais and the Reduction of the Kingdom to the lowest Ebb both in Wealth and Reputation that it had been in for some hundreds of Years before Which Things went close to his Heart and out of the Love he had to his native Country filled him with Vexation nay and shame to behold Hear his own Words reflecting upon these Times in one of his private Discourses framed in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign We kept Calais 200 Years and odd in the French Ground in spight of all the French Kings which have been since that Time in all the Civil Wars and the most pernicious Dissensions that ever were either in King Henry the Fourth the Sixth Richard the Third or Henry the Seventh their Times In King Henry the Eighth's Time we wan also to it Bouloign and Bouloignois I do assure you for my part if I may say what I think I question if I should have lived through Five hundred Years heretofore past I should have seen England at any time weaker in Strength Men Money and Riches than it was in the time when we wrote King Philip and Queen Mary King and Queen of so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionates For all those wily Titles our Hearts our Joy our Comfort was gone As much affectionate as you note me to be to my Country and Countrymen I assure you I was then ashamed of both What decay came that Time to the substance of the Realm and Riches both publick and private it should be no less Pity than needless to tell I am sorry I can retrieve so little of this worthy Man during these five Years of Queen Mary which he spent in Leisure and Retirement However I have retrieved a Paper wrote by him in the Year 1557. that deserves here to be set down Intitled Advertisements and Counsels very necessary for all Noblemen and Counsellors gathered out of divers Authors both Italian and Spanish 1. TEll not all that you think nor shew all that you have nor take all that you desire nor say all that you know nor do all that you can For lightly shall
that which was gotten by her Ancestors and had been kept by the English so long But because we shall better and more near at hand see the Advantage of heaping Realms together King Edward III. and the Black Prince goâ— almost all France His next Successor therefore must needs have his Power marvellously encreased So may it appear For tho' he were confessâ—d the riâ—ht Heir yet a Nobleman of this Realm of England bereaved him of both France and England King Henry V. again drove the Dâ—uphin to a very streight Room in France Wherefore by your Reason his Power must be marvellously augmented which he did leave to his Son Did not a Duke of his Realm dispossess him of his Crown for all the help that Queen Margaret his Wife and Daughter to Reigner Duke of Anjou and King of Sicily Naples and of Ierusalem could bring from her Father and all those four Realms to the Aid of her Husband or the Prince her Son So that for that Matter the Italian Proverb seemeth true â—hi troppe abbraccia poco stringe He that embraceth too much holdeth fast but a little Now for Encrease of Riches let us go as near Many would judge that the getting and keeping of Bulloâ—gn and Bullâ—â—gnâ—is in France now in the Time of King Henry VIII and the obtaining and holding of â—addingtâ—n and the Pâ—ethes and a great Part of the Lowdian in Scotland should have brought in great Riches to this Realm It was that almost bâ—ggered England For thereby our fine Gold was conveyed away our good Silver appâ—arâ—d not our Mâ—ssy and old Plate was mâ—â—lâ—d And every man seeth that not only our good â—â—n was wonderfully consumed but that which was leâ—t pitiously altered and mâ—dâ— worse The Gold much debased and at the lâ—â—t for Sterling Silver we had two 〈◊〉 oâ— Copper and scarce the Third part 〈◊〉 metal remaining in the Coin Which now without any such Revenues either out oâ— France or Scotland thanks be to God and the Queens Highness beginneth well to amend again Whether think you King Henrâ— IV. which had but England left his Kingdom richer to his Son King Henry V. than he with all his Conquests to his Son King Henry VI. who hâ—d nothing in France but Câ—lais Did not King Henâ—y VII leave more Riches in his Coâ—â—râ— to King Henry VIII who Conquered both in France and Scotland than he lâ—ft to King Edward VI. And do yoâ— not perceive that Qâ—eâ—n Mary who wrote that she was Queen of so many Kingdoms Dutchess of so many Dukedoms Marchioness and Countess of so many Marchionâ—s and Earldoms c. did not â—ave lâ—ss â—ichâ—s in her Coâ—â—â—rs and â—â—alth in the â—â—alm at the Time of her Death than ever any of her Pâ—oâ—â—nitoâ—â— did My Mastâ—â—â— say wâ—at you will and call me as it plâ—ase you â—ithâ—r Enemy to Sâ—ranâ—â—râ— the Pattern or â—dâ—a of an old English mâ—n Fam. friend or what you â—iâ— I say and see that it is ENGLAND alone that shall make her Highness strong ENGLAND and no other her true Patrimony Riches Power and Strength whereto she must trust ENGLAND her Highness native Country alone being well tilled and Governed shall be better to her Majesty in the End than all those Empires Kingdoms Dukedoms and Marchionates and other Rabblements of gay Titles which are but Wind and Shadows and Makers of Cares and Costs Which are no Profit but rather Hindrance and Loss as at last will be proved and as you may perceive by these Discourses her Predecessors have proved Now Mr. Philoxenus or Lewelyn or Lovealien for I thank my Godfather neither you nor I can lack Names I have sufficiently as methinketh answered you to your Six Parts Causes or Occasions which you make of Marriage You see that for Succession that Prince shall be to the Realm most loving most tender and most natural which hath both his Parents mere English And such an one hath England most cause to Love who is mere Hâ—rs of whom no other Region may claim any part You see that for Plâ—asure Comfort and Ioy which in Matrimony the one should have of the other the English man for Likeness of Manners for naturalness of Education yea and because he is most tryed and best known is most likely to be more kind loving and natural than the Stranger who is both different in Tongue and Manners rather stumbled on by Fortune than chosen by certainty You see how it is to the Realm most Honourable and to her Grace most allowable not to despise and contemn or to reckon inferiour to any other Country men those which her own Region and Country bringeth up Ye see that Strength which Foreign Princes bring is rather a Weakning than a Strengthening rather to be suspected than trusted Ye see also that the Stranger ever is like to have and also more like to impoverish than to enrich the Realm And that the Realm it self by good Government both is able enough to enrich the Princes thereof and hath enriched them when they have been contented alone with it rather than when they have sought and gotten great Augmentations of other Countries Which things if you will weigh in a just Pair of Ballances without being affected so much as you are to Strangers I do not doubt but ye will condescend now at the last to my Opinion and Judgment and think as ever I have thought that for all Purposes it were better for the Queens Majesty if it could stand with her Pleasure to Marry an English man than any other Stranger whatsoever he be NAY said he whom they called Mr. Godfather stammering after his manner speak to me Man that am indifferent never speak to him For ye are not so far in with England and English men as he is with Strangers or to this our Host here Let him give judgment For he hath been attentive enough I am sure he hath born away all that hath been spoken Come on quoth he to me what â—say you to the Matter Mary quoth I it were a Presumption indeed to speak before my Prince without Commission I trust her Highness shortly will give sentence her self and not with Words but with Deeds shew who took the better Part to the great Contentation of us all But yonder hath one stood a good while to call us to Supper I have caused him to stay whilst all were ended Why is it Supper time so soon quoth one of them it may be so by the Day but methought the Time was very short So it appeared to me quoth I But Supper tarrieth for you Well we must obey our Host said they and so walked in fair and softly jesting one with another at their new Names NUM IV. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of Thomas Smith Esquire Uncle and Heir of Edward Smith Esquire deâ—eased Son and Heir of Sir William Smith the Younger and Heir of Sir William Smith the Elder who was Nephew and Heir of Sir Thomas Smith Kt.
THE LIFE Of the Learned Sir Thomas SMITH K t. Doctor of the CIVIL LAW Principal SECRETARY of STATE to King EDWARD the Sixth and Queen ELIZABETH WHEREIN Are discovered many Singular Matters relating to the State of Learning the Reformation of Religion and the Transactions of the Kingdom during his Time In all which he had a great and happy Influence With an Appendix wherein are contained some Works of his never before published LONDON Printed for A. Roper at the Black Boy over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street and R. Basset at the Mitre within Temple-Bar Mâ—â—Xâ—VIII S r. THOMAS SMITH K t. Born March 28. 1512. Deceased â—uâ— 12. 1577. in y â— 65 â— year of his 〈◊〉 TO Sir EDWARD SMITH OF HILHAL IN ESSEX Baronet SIR THE Regard I have ever born in my Mind towards Men of Eminency in Times past born and bred among us especially when with their Qualities and Places they have been adorned with Learning Wisdom or Integrity led me at my leisure-Hours to make cursory Collections out of my Books and Papers of their Lives and Actions And many such men there were in the Last Age when Learning and Religion after a long Eclipse began again to enlighten our Horizon Whereof some however useful they were in their Times and made a fair Figure to the World are now in effect quite forgotten and tho' the Names of others of that sort are better known yet but slight and imperfect Characters remain of them Whenas they were perhaps the great Pillars of the State or Church and whose Counsils and Assistances the Prince made much use of in the weighty Transactions of his Kingdom Of these I confess I cannot read or hear but I am drawn with an Inquisitive Humour to know more of them as whence they sprang their Country their Parentage their Education their Tempers and Inclinations and remarkable Actions and what Events fell out to them over and above what is commonly known or vulgarly told of them And when by searching a little out of the ordinary Way as it were I mean in the By-corners of old rejected Papers or Letters and other Journals Records Registers c. I gain further Notice of these ancient Patriots there is wont to arise thence a great Complacency to my mind And the Thoughts that it may be as delightful to others as to my self to revive the Memory of such and represent as much of them as can be retrieved hath moved me to make publick some of my Collections of this nature And moreover I reckon it a Matter of Equity and Gratitude due from Posterity to preserved the Names and Remembrances of all worthy men that have served God their Prince or Country by their Learning or other Abilities And God himself seems to take care of this when he saith that the Memory of the Iust shall be Blessed as their due Reward These Sir are some of the Reasons why I have now brought that to pass which I formerly made you privy to namely the Publishing what I could retrieve of the Life of your most Laudable and Accomplished Ancestor Sir THOMAS SMITH He was a Person that lived in very Critical Times occasioned by Court-Factions and the frequent Alterations of Religion and the various Dispositions and Interests of the Princes whom he served So that he could hardly keep himself always upâ—n his Legs but by his great Wisdom and Moderation tho' he sometimes fell he fell softly and fell to rise again with more Glory This may make his History the more pleasant and useful Especially being mixed with many Occurrences in his Time wherein he bore a great Part both in the University in the Church and in the Commonwealth Where such things may be read which perhaps are not to be met with elsewhere Your said Ancestor Sir was the best Scholar in his Time a most admirable Philosopher Orator Linguist and Moralist And from thence it came to pass that he was also a very wise Statesman and a Person withal of most unalterable Integrity and Justice which he made his Politicks to comport with and lastly a con stant Embracer of the Reformed Religion and therein made a Holy and good End And therefore the English Soil which he so adorned would be ingrateful if she should let the Memory of such a man born in her pass away and lie for ever in obscurity But as he was all this to the Publick so Sir let me add he is and ever will be an Ornament to your ancient House and Family to your â—â—den Mount where the Noble Seat erected by him will be his lasting Monument and finally to the County of ESSEX where he was Born and Educated whither he gladly retired as often as publick Business permitted him and where he quietly resigned his last Breath to God This Great man is the Subject of this Book which therefore deserves to have been writ by an abler Pen. I am conscious to my self that I have omitted many remarkable Passages of his Life which could they have been retrieved would have shewn him still more resplendent to the World But it is impossible to recover all What I have collected together in these Papers from various and sundry Books and Original Writings are sufficient to give a fair tho' not a full Account of him And that which I value my present Undertaking for is that I have done it impartially For it is not of the nature of a Rheâ—orical Panegyric wherein more Care is taken to Praise than to speak Truth To which last I have had a very tender Regard being born out in every thing I have writ by the Authority of indubitable Monuments that is either of Smith's own Letters Books and Papers or of others his Friends and Contemporaries One thing more Sir seems requisite to have been done to render this Work more perfect namely together with this to have published his Manuscript Exercitations and Discourses which being the Fruits and Products of his Learned Brain no question would have been very acceptable to all such as have a Value for him Two of these that is His Dialogues concâ—rning Queen Elizabeth's Maâ—riage and his Tables of the Valuation of Coins I have now brought to Light But alas what Pity is it that all the rest of his brave Philosophical Astronomical Moral Political and Divine Thoughts digested by him into divers Tracts are now t is to be feared except his Common-wealth and his Books of Pronuntiation utterly lost together with all his other Papers except some Letters of State that lie in the Kings Paper-hâ—use and those rough Writings Sir in your Hands and a few others elsewhere But where are now his University Exercises his Learned Readings his Eloquent Orations exhortatory of Vertue Morality and found Knowledge his Correspondences with the best Wits of his Age and many Elucubrations upon ingenious Subjâ—â—â—s which his busie Head was always employed in I am affraid I must say they are perisht irrecoverably So that this poor Book
and Intelligencers whereof he had both Scots and French Of these was De Rege whom in August he gratified with 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. and in October following with the like Sum. Of these French were also La Selle La Fere Le Meilleur Le Gras. To whom he gave Monthly to some 4 l. to some 3 l. and to some 40 s. In this Embassy Sir Thomas Smith's only Son was with him Whom he took along with him to learn Accomplishments in a foreign Court. In the Month of August he came to Secretary Cecil his Father having sent him over with a Message to the said Secretary Who let his Father know that he was very welcome to him and that he liked him well wishing that he were with him again For that he seemed to have well prositâ—d in Observation of many things there In October the said young Gentleman went back to France with Letters from the Secretary to his Father Sir Thomas seemed now to be near the accomplishment of his earnest Desires For the Queen in October determined the Secretary's Brother-in-Law Mr. Tho Hoby should go in Sir Thomas Smith's place Tho' he it seems had no great Stomach to it For when it was moved to him by the Secretary he took it unkindly at his Hands The Queen understanding it willed the Earl of Leicester to let him understand peremptorily her Majesty's Pleasure Of this the Secretary advised Sir Thomas adding that this tho' unwillingly he knew his Brother would not deny And that the Earl had promised him to send for his Brother but yet it was not done And that he the Secretary therefore meant to have my Lady Sir Thomas's Wife either to speak or send to his Lordship to press the Business After the Winter was past and gone on the 26th day of March Mr. Hoby took his leave of her Majesty in order to his Embassy promising to be at the Sea-side within Ten Days So that in the beginning of the Year 1566. Sir Thomas seems to have come home from his long Embassy in France To take up a few further Remarks of this Embassy at the French Court Smith was apprehensive of the Difficulty of performing this his Negotiation to the Approbation of others knowing the ticklish Station wherein he stood and that his Absence might give occasion to some to Slander or Misrepresent him On which account and being willing to know what Reports went of him he desired his Friend Dr. Haddon Master of the Requests to inform him what Opinions his Friends of Sway and Authority had of his Discharge of the Affairs committed to him and what he heard in his Doings that pleased or displeased And the Reason Smith gave was because it was a very difficult thing for one that was concerned in the Managery of publick Affairs so to perform his Actions in one and the same constant Tenor as to be always applauded Sir Thomas had the Opportunity in the Pursuit of his Embassy for the Service of his Mistress to travel through many Parts of France that King going in Progress in the Year 1564. and our Ambassador attending the Court He was at Avignion whither the Court seemed to remove chiefly for the Plague that raged very sore now in that Kingdom as it had done the last Year in Newhaven and in London In April he was at Bourdeaux as he had been at Tholouse before At Bourdeaux he was taken with a Fever or Ague Which creeping on him at first came at length to that Violence that he despaired of his Life And on a sudden it abated And then he let Blood Whereby in little more than a Day he felt himself to grow towards Recovery both in Body and Mind The next Day he hunted the Hare that he might enjoy a more free Air. Which Exercise he continued for some Days And from the 1st of March to the 12th he writ it to some of his Friends as his Diversion his Dogs caught nineteen Hares While he was in these Southern Parts of France his Friends wrote him word of the Queen's intended Progress into the North and that she would take a sight of Cambridge in her way to visit that University and to hear the Scholars Disputations When Smith heard it he heartily wisht to be among them Not to Feast or Hunt or to indulge his Genius on this splendid Occasion he was above those things but to see as he said his Royal Mistress a Spectator there in a Place so dearly by him affected and to partake of the Specimina of those Wits and to take notice what new Men of Learning and Ingenuity were sprung up in that University since he left it At Tholouse in his leisure Hours he wrote three Books of the English Common-wealth mentioned before which he Intitled De Republica Anglorum Wherein he described in effect the whole Form of it Especially in those Things wherein it differed from others And it differed almost in all Things So that the Work grew greater than he thought of He wrote it in our Language in a Stile between Historical and Philosophical after that Form as he conceived Aristotle wrote concerning divers of the Gracian Common-wealths Which Writings are now perishâ—d Of this he wrote to his Learned Friend Haddon in his Correspondence with him in the Year 1564. Adding that he had yielded a very copious Argument to such as would dispute in a Philosophical way of the single Questions and whether is better that which is held for Law in England or that which in France is so held and in other Provinces which are governed by the Roman Laws For almost all as he said were different And that he had in gross and in sum examined both This he drew up in the Year 1564. And as these Writings were as yâ—t but in rough Draught when written fair he promised Haddon he would send them to him And the value himself had of this his Labour may appear in those Words of his 〈◊〉 to the before-mentioned Lâ—â—â—ned 〈…〉 will see your self certainly as I 〈…〉 you have read it over that 〈…〉 â—â—â—lesly conversant in our Couâ—â—â—â— Common-wealth Some vacant spaces he had left in his Manuscript here and there because he had not with him one Book of the English Laws nor had he there Lawyers to consult with Therefore he wrote so much as the memory of things seen and read by him on the sudden suggested to him And what was imperfect he intended when he returned home at leisure to supply While the Learned Smith was in Paris he could not forbear to enquire for the Learned Men there to enjoy their Conversation at his spare Hours Here he met with Peter Ramus the Philosopher and â—udovicus Regius an Historian and other Professors of Science who were the King's Readers To Ramus's Acquaintance Haddon had particularly recommended him But the Wars proclaimed between Princes and the Times were such that Smith could not so frequently converse and hold
doth bring to th one and so much more Hatred and Displeasure the Denying doth bring unto thother As for Example sake it K. Philip desired most earnestly we should make War with the Frenchmen and Q. Mary desired no less to live in Quiet and to have Peace with them the Husband and the Wife in most contrary Appetites the Granting extremely grieved th one the Denyal should as extremely have offended thother Of the Event what followed we know But ye wil say this was when a Foreign Prince did marry the Queen who having War of his own with the Frenchmen must needs desire his Wifes Country for Loves-sake to joyn with him And this Realm having Wounds enough at home had good Cause to mislike War abroad But if her Grace marry one of her own here at home there shall be no such Occasion you wil say but their Minds shall be al one whom th one loveth thother loveth also and whom the one misliketh so wil thother also This is wholly assured if it were always so but seeing never Man was always in one Mind himself continually nor yet Woman but that which at one time we love another time we hate what we like being Children we mislike being Men and Women and much more when we be old How can we think that any Man or Woman may be always of one Opinion Mind Judgment or Desire with another where he is not so with himself Conveniet nulli qui secum dissidet ipse saith the old Verse And what Mischiefs those Break may bring we have too many Examples both amongst the Graecians Romans and â—arbarians And first I will begin with the Goths when they were Lords over Rome and Italy Amula Suinta or as some do write her Amala Suenta the Daughter of K. Theodoricus King of Rome and al Italy and so rightfally Heir of that Kingdom to govern the Realm the better took to her Husband Theodotus a Nobleman of the â—oths who belike afterwards dissenting with her in Opinion of Matters of the State first found the means to exile her into a little Island in a Lake besides Vossinana in Italy and afterwards there caused her to be most cruelly slain Philippe Vicecount of Milain being at a very low Ebb by Marriage of Beatrice wife to Fantino Cane had the Lordships and Seignories of Vercelli Alexandria Navarra Cortana four goodly Cities a great number of Riches Thereby he recover'd again the State of Milain and Lumbardy which was before lost This man to recompence her Kindnes and al these Benefits within a short while after caused her to be convicted of Adultery and cruelly to be put to death Iane the 2d Queen of Naples did otherwise She took to Husband Iaques Countie de la Nardy of the French Kings Blood with whom she indented that he should be contented to be called Prince Tarento and to leave to her not only the Name but also the Government of the Kingdom of Naples This liked not he or els his Counsillors and so removed her from Administration and kept her almost as a Prisoner She like a wise Woman feigned to rejoyce thereat and to bear it well until such time as she had compassed all her Device and shut him clean out of Naples For which Cause altho' he made War yet was he sain at the last willed he nilled he to live as a Man banished out of that Realm I have read of many being Sole Inheritors and Princesses of many Countrys which after took unto them Husbands who had no better success tho' not all so evil Even in our days Q. Mary took K. Philip to her Husband a Noble Prince Wise Discreet and Fortunate Yet many Men think that thereby she lost the Hearts of the most number of her Subjects And it is too manifest that immediately upon it in a very short space an incredible number of her Subjects were by order of such Law and Justice as was used in those Days most cruelly put to Death And God for his part whether offended that she so living Sole and as may be thought a Virgin did so suddenly choose to marry or rather that she finding the Light of the Gospel abroad in her Realm did what she could to Extinguish it and put it out did so punish the Realm with Quartan Agues and other such long and new Sicknesses that in the two last years of her Reign so many of her Subjects were made away what with the Execution of the Sword and Fire and what by Sicknesses that the third Part of the Men in â—ngland was consumed Ye see I do pass oâ—e◠〈◊〉 thinâ—s liâ—htly and do not Amâ—lify thâ—◠〈◊〉 Oratoâ—◠〈◊〉 Bu◠〈◊〉 â—â—ould have evâ—ry Piece rathâ—â—â—o 〈◊〉 â—eighed of you deâ—per than that you 〈◊〉 think that I should with words overlade the â—atter I comâ— to the Third that is what is best for the Realm and her Subjects And surely in this matter methinks for many Reasons it is best as it is now And here I will not over-slip this Advantage I pray you what Fault is there to be found with the Governance now Wherein do we lack or want an Husband for the Queen Compare both Q. Maries Time married and the Q. Highnesses Time that now is unmarryed Then was Burning and Hanging at Home Wars and Losing of Strong Holds Abroad Most Men discontent except a few of her Sect with Subsidies and Loans Sicknesses and Promooters as well th' one as th' other throughly vexed War we saw and felt and other Mischief was feared which whether it was to come or no few know Now for War we have Peace for Fear Security So tho' even the Papists altho ' otherwise they lost for their Stiffness yet they be more sure of their Lives now by the Clemency of the Time than they were then by the importune Favour of the Prince For Scarcity we have reasonable Plenty for Brass-Mony good Silver For Servitude Liberty What can a Common-wealth desire more than Peace Liberty Quietness little taking of base Mony few Parliaments their Coin amended Friendship with their Neighbours War with no Man either to follow the Gospel or Security of Life if they will be Papists Except peradventure we should seem to do as Aesop's Frogs did which not content with the King which Iupiter gave them knowing them to need none were weary of their Liberty and would not rest till they had also the Stork and Hearn for their Kings From whom now with all their Cryes these many Thousand years they cannot be delivered Well yet for the Wars and such Martial Feats it is most convenient to have a Man who should Govern abroad take upon him the Spear and Shield be there in Presence himself which is marvellous Encouragement to the Souldier to Fight in the Sight of the Prince where he thinks his Reward shall be according to his Deserts And as a great Warrior said I had rather have an Army of Harts their General being a Lyon than an Army
generally afterwards received a late Learned Professor of that Language in Basil named Witstein made an Oration in that University lately Printed to confute it and to revive the old exploded Sounds And as he was thus useful to Learning in the University so he was also to Religion He was bred up in the Protestant Doctrine a pretty rare matter in those Times and he never flinched from it All his Kindred of his Father's side were neither Neutrals nor Papists as he wrote somewhere of himself all enclining to the Truth and Gospel Old and Young and so known and noted This he wrote to some because certain Backbiters in King Edward's Days had charged him to have been a Neutral The Reason whereof seemed to be because he did not run so fast in the Reformation under that King as some Hot-spurs would have him who knew not what the matter meant For he was publickly known to be a Protestant in the time of King Hâ—nry VIII living then in Cambridge and being there in place of Eminence when the Bishop of Winchester the Chancellor of that University was severe towards those that professed the Gospel and threatned Fire and Faggot-bearing Smith publickly defended them and opposed those rigorous Methods and staved off many And this he did before all Cambridge and all the Justices of Peace in the Shire and saved many and so continued He stood up and pleaded for the Professors and Profession of the Gospel publickly both in the University before all the Learned Men and not only so but in the Convocation before all the Bishops and in the Parliament-House before the Lords and Commons as he writ in Vindication of himself And being a Man of Reputation among them the University made use of him once as their Messenger and Advocate to the Court to address to Queen Katharine Par to whom he brought their Letters beseeching her Intercession to the King on their behalf being now as they apprehended in imminent Jeopardy For the Parliament in the 37th that is that last Year of that King's Reign had given him all the Colleges in the Kingdom whereat the University was sore afraid Dr. Smith repaired to that good Queen entreating her to prevail with his Majesty that not withstanding the late Act they might enjoy their Possessions as before And she did as she was a true Lover and Patroness of Learning and Religion effectually apply to the King and had her Request in that behalf granted and to that purport she wrote her Letters to the University of which Smith was also the Bringer wherein she called him their Discreet and Learned Advocate and having admonish them that she would have their University to be an University of Divine Philosophy as well as of Natural or Moral she let them understand that she had according to their Desire attempted her Lord the King's Majesty for the stay of their Possessions And That notwithstanding his Majesty's Property and Interest through the Consent of the High Court of Parliament his Highness was such a Patron of good Learning that he would rather add and erect new occasion therefore than confound those their Colleges So that Learning might hereafter ascribe her very Original whole Conservation and sure Stay to our Sovereign Lord as she expressed her self In his publick Academical Performances he acquitted himself with wonderful Applause and Admiration of all the Hearers And at a Commencement which happened as near as I can guess this Year being now the King's Professor both his Disputations and his Determinations were such that Haddon as good Judge in a Letter to Dr. Cox giving him some Account of that Commencement told him That had he been there he would have heard another Socrates and that he caught the forward Disputants as it were in a Net with his Questions and that he concluded the profound Causes of Philosophy with great Gravity and deep Knowledge Dr. Smith's Places and Preserments in Cambridge and elsewhere as they brought him in tolerably fair Incomes so they together with his Eminent Vertue and Learning reconciled him great Respect For he had the Lecture in the Civil Law bâ—ing the King's Professor in that Science for which he received 40 l. per Annum He was Chancellor to the Bishop of Ely which was worth to him 50 l. per Annum Besides he had a Benefice viz. of Leverington in Cambridgeshire which came to the Value of 36 l. per Annum So that his Preferments amounted to 120 l. a Year and upwards And such a good Husband he was that he made some Purchases before and some soon after his leaving the University as we shall hear by and by And this was the Port he lived in before his leaving of Cambridge He kept Three Servants and Three Guns and Three Winter Geldings And this stood him in 30 l. per Annum together with his own Board CHAP. IV. Smith is removed into the Protector 's Family His Preferments under King Edward Made Secretary Goes an Embassie Doctor Smith was often at King Henry's Court and taken notice of by that King and was growing so dear to him as to be received in Place and Office under him had he lived a little longer But soon after K. Henry's Death he was removed from Cambridge into the Duke of Somerset's Family where he was employed in Matters of State by that Great Man the Uncle and Governour of the King and Protector of his Realms Into whose Family were received many other very Learned and Pious Men. Long he had not been here but the University earnestly address'd to him to stand their Friend in some certain weighty Matter wherein not any single Cause of theirs was in hazard but themselves and their All. Which without Question was the Danger the University was in upon the Bill in Agitation in the Parliament-House for giving the King the Chauntries Hospitals Fraternities and Colleges which last Word took in the Societies of the Universities At which they look'd about them and made all the Friends they could at Court to save themselves And as they applied now to Cheke so to Smith also in this elegant Latin Epistle which was drawn up by the exquisite Pen of Ascham their Orator wherein may be observed what a general Opinion there went of his compleat Learning Si tu is es Clarissime SMITHE in quem Academia haec Cantabrigiensis universas vires suas universa Victatis jura enercuecrit si tiki uni omnia Doctrinae sâ—ae genera omnia Reipub. Ornamenta licentissimè contulerit si fructura gloriae suae in te uno jactaverit si spem Salutis suae in â—â—â—otissimùm reposuèrit Age ergo mente-ic cogitatione tua complectere quid tu vicisson illi debes quid illa quid Literae quid Respublica quid Deus ipse pro tantis Vietatis officiis quibus sic Dignitas tua efflorescit justissime requirit Academia nil debet tibi imo omnia sua
he lose the Favour of his Prince that followeth the Commandment of his Lusts and restraineth not them with the Bit of Reason 2. Beware you put not Fortune in trust with those Things that appertain to your Person Honour Substance or Conscience For the Nobleman which is wise will not hazard himself in hope to have relief at her hands as often as he shall need 3. Altho' all Men promise to help you if you had need yet nevertheless trust not too much thereto Many of them which now do offer to take Armour for your sake if occasion be offered will be the first to strike you to give you the Overthrow 4. In other Mens Cases meddle not too much nor in your own enforce not Time For governing you so you may remain in the good Estate you be or else may easily happen to utter what you were 5. The Danger of Noblemen is like to them that be in the top of high and sharp Mountains whence they cannot descend but fall Wherefore procure unto your selves such faithful Friends as will rather stay you from falling than such as will reach unto you their hands to help you up when you be down 6. Do good while you have power thereunto and never do hurt tho' you may For the Tears of the Offended and the Complaints of the Grieved may one Day have place in the sight of God to move him to Chastise you and also be occasion to make the Prince to hate you 7. Bestow your Benefits and Offices rather upon the Good than upon your Friends For among your Friends it is lawful to depart your Goods but not your Conscience 8. In that you Counsel be not affectionate in that you Discounsel be not passionate Whatsoever you do do advisedly For altho' in the Courts of Princes every Man beholdeth the Worthiness and Nobility of the Person Yet the more noble a Man is the more is he noted marked amd hated of others 9. If you will not err in your Counsels nor stumble in your Actions embrace them that tell you Truth and hate them that flatter you For much more ought you to love them that advise you than those that will seem to pity you when you are in Danger 10. Have always in memory the Benefits you have received of others and enforce your selves to forget such Injuries as others have done unto you 11. Esteem much that Little of your own and regard not the Abundance of others 12. Endeavour your self to do good to all Men and never speak evil of them that be absent 13. Jeopard not the Loss of many things for the Gain of one thing neither adventure the Loss of one thing certain for many things doubtful 14. Make much of your dearest Friends and do not procure any Enemies 15. Exalt not the rich Tyrant neither abhor the Poor which is rightous This hath a Line drawn through it by the Pen of Sir Thomas Smith Thimself as it seems fearing perhaps some misconstruction of his Words which might draw him into danger under this jealous Government of Queen Mary 16. Deny not Justice unto the Poor because he is poor neither pardon the Rich because he is rich 17. Do not good only for Love neither chastise only for Hatred 18. In evident Cases abide not the Counsel of others and indoubtful Cases determine not of your self 19. Suffer not Sin unpunished nor well-doing without Reward 20. Deny not Justice to him that asketh nor Mercy to him that deserveth it 21. Chastise not when thou art Angry neither promise any thing in thy Mirth 22. Do evil to no Man for malice neither commit any Vice for Covetousness 23. Open not thy Gate to Flatterers nor thy Ears to Backbiters 24. Become not proud in thy Prosperity nor desperate in thine Adversity 25. Study always to be loved of good Men and seek not to be hated of the Evil. 26. Be favourable unto the Poor which may be little if thou wilt be aided of God against them that be Mighty CHAP. VII Smith called for to Queen Elizabeth's Court. Concerned in the Settlement of Religion His Iugement of the Queen's Marriage WHEN Queen Elizabieth's Turn came to sway the Scepter Sir Tho. Smith was presently called to the Court and made use of And assisted in settling the publick Affairs both in Church and State The first thing he seemed to be employed in was in preparing a Reformed Office of Religion For when a Deliberation was soon had of changing the Religion set up under Queen Mary in a Device offered to Sir William Cecil who was now admitted Secretary of State for the doing of it it was advised that before an whole Alteration could be made which would require some longer time and study a Platform or Book of Divine Service should be framed to be shewn to the Queen and being by her approved to be put up in the Parliament-House For which purpose seven Men were Nominated Dr. Bill the Queen's Almoner and Master of Trinity-College in Cambridge and after Dean of Westminister Dr Parker late Dean of Lincoln soon after Archbishop of Canterbury Dr. May late Dean of St. Paul's and soon after Elect of York Dr. Cox late Dean of Westminster and Christ's-Church Oxon after Bishop of Ely Dr. Pilkington late Master of St. Iohn's-College Cambridge and after Bishop of Durham Grindal late Chaplain to Bishop Ridley and soon after Bishop of London and Whitehead a grave and elderly Divine highly esteemed by Archbishop Cranmer These four last having been Exiles in the last Reign And our Knight Sir Tho. Smith his Office was to call them together and to be among them And after Consulation with these other Men o Learning were to be drawn in being grave and apt Men to give their Assents And accordingly these Men met it being now Winter at Sir Thomas's House which then was in Chanon-Row Where was laid in a sufficient quality of Wood Coals and drink for their use And here was Sir Thomas Assistant with the rest in the reviewing of King Edward's Book of Common Prayer to be again received and established in the Church and in several other things to take place in the intended Reformation And when in the beginning of the Queen's Reign viz. Decemb. 23 the several publick important Affairs of the Kingdom were committed to the Cares of divers Noble Persons and Courtiers in five distinct Committees as I. The Cares of the North Parts II. The Survey of the Office of the Treasurer of the Chamber III. For Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight IV. For Enquiry into what Lands had been granted by the Late Queen Mary from the Crown V. For the Consideration of such Things as were necessary for the ensuing Parliament For this last Sir Tho. Smith was one of the Committee together with the Keeper of the Great Seal the Judges and some others In the first Year of the Queen he was also by her employed to give the Treasurer and Chamberlains of his
him divers Books which where not to be had at home Thus once he conveyed over Onuphrius and Polydore and certain French Books of Genealogy and Chronology for the Secretary There had been a dangerous Book wrote in Latin and lately printed abroad against the present State of Religion in England An Answer to which in the same Language the Secretary had procured and wanted nothing but to have it printed abroad as the other was In a Letter wrote to the Ambassador dated November 28th he wished he had a sight of it and that he would give his allowance thereof by some Commendatory Epistle to be added and if he could by some good means procure it to be well printed in France without peril of the Book he would send him the Copy Or if he could get it Printed at Strasburgh or Basil by some means from thence he would also send it him but if he could not he would send by some of his Men to Christopher Mount the Queen's Agent in Strasburgh for him to take care for the Publishing of it But to relate a few particulars of this Book which made no small stir in these Days Hieronymus Osorius a Portugal then a private Man afterwards Bishop of Arcoburge or Sylvane wrote an Epistle to Queen Elizabeth in an elegant Latin Stile being nothing in effect but an Admonition to Her to wheel about to Popery In this Epistle he imagined many monstrous Errors to be nurselled in our Church and with much reproachful Language depraved the Professors of the Gospel This Libel was soon after printed in France both in Latin and French as it was also printed in English at Antwerp Ann. 1565. Translated by one Richard Shacklock M. A. and Student of the Civil Law in Lovain and Intituled A Pearl for a Prince This the State thought necessary to have an Answer to because it reflected much upon the Justice and Wisdom of the Nation Dr. Walter Haddon one of the finest Learning and of the most Ciceronian stile in England was imployed to answer this Foreigners Book which he finished in this Year 1563. Beginning Legi Hieronyme tuam Epistolam c. It is extant in the said Haddon's Lucubrations Published by Hatcher of Cambridge In the Beginning Haddon shewed the Cause of his answering of Osorius and of his publishing the same namely that Osorius had indeed writ his Epistle separately to the Queen yet it seemed to be intended for all because it was published in Print and was open to the Eyes of all Men. He added that this Author had taken much upon him that he being a private Man and at a great distance both by Sea and Land unacquaintâ—d also with English Affairs should so considently take upon him to speak to the Queens Majesty that he diminished the Dignity of the Laws of England and that in general he madâ— the Nation guilty of a wicked and malicious kind of Novelty Haddon in his Answer studied Brevity and they were only some particular Points whereunto he thought good to Answer although not to the full neither Because he supposed as he wrote in his Apology that Osorius might be deluded by some malicious Reports of our Adversaries Haddon's Book being thus prepared the care was to get it published And because Osorius was printed in France both in Latin and French Cecil thought it convenient that Haddon's said Answer should be printed in the same Place and in both the same Languages Hereupon the said Cecil in Ianuary sent the Treatise to our Ambassador desiring him to procure the Printing of it and that with all Expedition And that he would add to it something by his own hand where and as he thought good and that he would procure it to speak French and to be published in that Language also And accordingly this Epistle Responsory of Dr. Haddon was so well considered over and weighed by Smith and had his Castigations that it might be reckoned to be Smith's Work as well as Haddon's For Haddon also had entreated him to ponder diligently his Answer that nothing might be in it but what was sit to be seen and read for the Vindication of the Queen and Realm Smith also spake to Robert Stephens the French King's Printer that he would take it in hand He desiring the Copy to see whether there were any thing in it which touched the State of that Kingdom as also to consider the Bulk of the Book and on Condition he had leave of the Queen undertook to do it But it received some stop by this means which probably enough might have been a thing plotted by Osorius's Friends or Queen Elizabeth's and the Nations Enemies One de Valla came to the English Ambassador and desired he might have the sight of this Epistle of Haddon's and whether he had the Ambassador's leave or no went to Stephens as from the Ambassador and took the Book from him to peruse it for a time But while it was in de Valla's Possession the Provost Marshal arrested the said de Valla upon pretence of some Crime and withal took this Book out of his hand and so it was brought to the Court and remained in the possession of the said Provost This created work for the Ambassador So he wrote to the Chancellor of France acquainting him with the whole matter relating to him how Osorius had in the Book traduced the Manners Lives and Religion of England not according to the truth of the thing as indeed it was but according to his Apprehension and as ignorant Men had out of Envy represented matters to him And that if he had kept his Book within its own Bounds and in the Shadow of his own Closet no matter would have been made of it But when he had made that publick Vaunt of his performance by setting it forth in Print and making a Boast of himself to the World in this new and unusual Argument what did he do but display to all not only how ignorant he was of the Institution Manners and Customs which we said he use at present in England but how little he knew of those Controversies and Questions which now exercised the whole Christian World and to the understanding whereof the minds of all were so intent Thus the Ambassador discoursed in his Letter Two things therefore in Conclusion he requested of the Chancellor one was that after he had read this Epistle of Dr. Haddon he would procure that the Copy might be restored to Stephens to Print it Cum Privilegio or if that were not allowed yet that he might not be hindred from printing it in Latin and French Or if yet that would not be granted at least to restore the Copy that it might be printed elsewhere This was written by Smith March 6th from Melum a place about twenty Miles from Paris To which the Chancellor gave this Answer That the French Queen was much offended with those Folks that presumed to print Osorius his Book in
the Queen was much offended In May Hales's Business came to be examined by the Secretary After Examination he was found to have procured Books in Defence of the Earl of Hertford's Marriage and likewise in Approbation of the Title of Succession for the Lady Katharine Upon this Occasion thus did Smith the Ambassador write As I am a Man I would not have any Man vexed I could wish Quietness to all the Race of Mankind and that whosoever would might Philosophize freely But every Man should mind his own Business He declared that he for his part was for a Liberty of Philosophizing But whereas it was urged that they Philosophized too much he said he thought what was done was done more out of Curiosity than Malice And whereas he saw so much Danger and Vexation Banishment from Court and Imprisonment of great Men happening upon the Occasion of the said Book some for Writing it and some for Reading it he made this Moral and wise Reflection I plainly perceive how dangerous a thing it is to be too forward in prying into the secret Affairs of King's and Kingdoms CHAP. XI Smith goes over Ambassador again to demand Calais His Employment at home Concerned in turning Iron into Copper SMITH being come home from his Embassy the Sight of his old Friends and the Enjoyment of his native Country was a great Joy to him Haddon still remained Ambassador at Bruges Who in the Kalends of Iune Anno 1566. wrote to him that he did almost envy him this his present Happiness You said he have now recovered your Country your Prince your Consort your Friends your Ease and with the rest the high Commendation of your Embassy Whereas it is my unhappiness alone to be deprived of all those Comforts of my Life And no doubt Smith returned with the same Praise for the management of his Negotiation in France as his Friends in England gave him while he was in the Execution of it as the same Haddon signified to him not long after his first going into France viz. That the most intelligent Men of the Court attributed much to his Wisdom and Moderation but above the rest their common Friend Cecil the Queen's Secretary Who ever made honourable and friendly mention of him Sir Thomas Smith spent this Year in England among his Friends He had not been above Twelve Months at home but he was sent again into France in Quality of the Queen's Ambassador Extraordinary to make a formal Demand of Calais from the French according to a Treaty at the Castle of Cambray Eight Years before and when the last Peace was made at Triers Calais being then excepted in express Words and to be restored to England the second Day of April now next ensuing Sir Henry Norris was at present the Ambassador in Ordinary there who went over in February 1566. Sir Thomas followed the next Month viz. in March Repairing privately to Calais to be there the third Day of April to demand the Town Not as tho' they thought the Governour would deliver it but to avoid all Cavillations which the French might invent for by Law it was to be demanded at the very Place and being not delivered the sum of 500000 l. was forfeited to the Queen Mr. Winter a great Sea-Officer past secretly with him to take Possession thereof if they deceived the Expectation of the English and there were not passing three of the Council knew of Winter's going Sir Thomas took his Son Mr. Smith along with him bringing him up in all generous and gentile Accomplishments that he might be fit to do Service afterward to his Queen and Country And often he sent him over with Letters and Messages as he did in the Month of May this Year 1567. with Letters from himself and Sir Henry his fellow Ambassador containing the Contents of this their troublesome Negotiation But to return to Smith his Managery of this his charge which he did in this Formality He demanded Calais first at the Gates of the Town next the Sea in a loud Voice in French by the sound of a Trumpet of which an Act was presently made by a publick Notary to which were Witnesses certain outlandish Merchants and others there happily present And next coming to the French King he demanded Calais again together with Sir Henry Norris the other Ambassador That King remitted the matter to his Council where Hospital his Chancellor and our Smith argued the Point largely and learnedly on both sides which may be read in the History of Queen Elizabeth This being done Smith comes over again and was at Court about the 12 th of May and thus did he continue employedby the Queen in her service both at home anâ—abroad And for his pains he justly waited for some Preferment as a gracious token of thâ— Queen's acceptance of his Services And when in the Year 1568. Sir Ambrose Cave aâ— old Friend of his deceased who had been Chancellor of the Dutchy and one of the Queenâ—punc Privy Council he solicited and laboured with Cecil to be admitted into his Room He told the said Cecil that if any thing came â—r whatsoever came he should and must thinâ— that it came by him and promised that hewould not be unthankful and that if the Queen were disposed to bestow this Place uponhim he should reckon himself not utterly abjâ—ct of her Majesty Which Words point to â—ome Discontent in Smith's Mind as tho' he had taken it somewhat to heart that no preferment had been conferred upon him during the ten years the Queen had Reigned Dr. Haddon the Master of Requests wrote also upon this occasion to the Secretary in Smith's behalf that he might succeed in his Suit But withal he wrote in that manner astho ' he conjectured his Suit was in effect desperate which he exprest with some trouble concluding that it was destined That as he Haddon was to grow old among Beggars for his Office was to present begging Requests and Suits to the Queen so Smith to spend his life among Turfs meaning the Country Life which he Lived in Essex But withal he wished the Queen â—o worse Counsellors than he And so it fel out Smith missed his Suit and Sir RalphSadleir became Chancellor of the Dutchy So that in the Years 1567 1568 1569 1570. Sir Tho Smith was much in the Country Living aretired Life During which time he servâ—d his Country in distributing Justice and aking care of the Peace and Quiet of the Queen's Subjects and Execution of her Laws in the Quality of Justice of Peace in that Division of Essex especially aâ—punc bout the Part of Ongar and Epping where he dwelt Among other Causes that came before him there happened certain Matters of supposed Witchcraft Which occasioned much Disturbance among â—is Neighbours Arising especially from tâ—o Women viz. One Malter's Wife of Theyron at Mount the Parish where Sir Thomas himself dwelt and
brake her Desire of a Marriage between Queen Elizabeth and her second Son the Duke D'Alenson asking Smith the Ambassador whether he knew how the Queen would fancy the Marriage with her said Son Madam said he you know of old except I have a sure ground I dare affirm nothing to your Majesty When she said again That if the Queen were disposed to Marry she saw not where she might Marry so well That as for those she had heard named as the Emperor's Son or Don Iohn of Austria they were both less than her Son and of less Stature by a good deal And if she would Marry it were pity any more Time were lost Smith liking well enough the Motion replied to this That if it pleased God that the Queen were Married and had a Child all these Brags and all these Treasons he meant of the Queen of Scots and her Party would soon be appalled And on condition she had a Child by Monsieur D'Alenson for his part he cared not if they had the Queen of Scots in France which was an Article propounded by the French King in the fore-mentioned Treaty but by no means allowed by the English Ambassadors For then he said they would be as careful and as jealous over her for the Queen of England's Surety as the Queen's Subjects or she her self was The Queen-Mother then subjoined That it was true and without this Marriage if she should Marry in another Place she could not see how this League and Amity could be so strong as it was Our Ambassador answered It was true the Knot of Blood and Marriage was a stronger Seal than that which was printed in Wax and lasted longer if God gave good Success But yet all Leagues had not Marriage joined with them as this might if it pleased God To which she joined her Wish and added That if it should so happen she would her self make a Start over and see the Queen the which of all things she most desired To which again the Ambassador said That if he had at that present as ample Commission as he had at the first for Monsieur D'Anjou the Matter should soon by God's Grace be at an End The Queen wisht he had And asked him If he should have such an one when he went into England whether he would not come again to execute it Yes Madam said he most gladly on so good an Intent I would pass again the Seas tho' I were never so Sick for it Another Day in the same Month of March the Queen-Mother met Smith the Ambassador in the same Garden and having Discourse concerning other Matters as of the Queen of England's danger from the Queen of Scots who now applied her self to Spain she thus brought in the Talk again of Marriage Asking him whether his Mistress did not see that she should be always in danger until she Married And that once done and that in some good House who dared attempt any thing against her Then said he he thought if she were once Married all in England that had any Traiterous Hearts would be discouraged For one Tree alone as he ingeniously explained the Matter may soon be cut down but when there be two or three together it is longer a doing And one shall watch for the other But if she had a Child then all these bold and troublesome Titles of the Scotch Queen or others that make such Gaping for her Death would be clean choaked up The Queen cryed merrily she saw she might have Five or Six very well Would to God said the Ambassador she had one No said she still merrily two Boys lest the one should die and three or four Daughters to make Alliance with us again and other Princes to strengthen the Realm Why then said Smith as jocularly you think that Monsieur Le Due shall speed With that she laughed and said she desired it infinitely And then she would trust to see threâ— or four at the least of her Race which would make her indeed not to spare Sea and Land to see her Majesty and them And if she could have fansied my Son D'Anjou said she as you told me why not this of the same House Father and Mother and as vigorous and lusty as he or rather more and now he beginneth to have a Beard come forth And as to his Stature she told the Ambassador that the said Duke her Son was as tall as himself or very near For that Matter said he again that for his part he made little account if the Queen's Majesty could fansy him Adding this Story That Pipin the Short Married Bertha the King of Almain's Daughter who was so little to her that he was standing in Aix in a Church there she taking him by the Hand and his Head not reaching to her Girdle And yet he had by her Charlemain the great Emperor and King of France who was reported to be almost a Gyant in Stature To which the Ambassador added the mention of Oliver Glesquin the Britain Constable which the French made so much of and lay buried among the Kings at St. Denys if he were no bigger than he was there pourtrayed upon his Tomb was very short scarce four Foot long But yet he was valiant hardy and courageous above all in his Time and did the English Men most hurt Thus ingeniously did Smith hold the Conference with the Queen-Mother But as to his Opinion of the Queen's Marriage wherein he perceived she was but backward and a Marriage he and the best Statesmen in those Times reckon'd the only Means for the Peace and Safety of the Queen and Kingdom against the Disturbances and Pretences of the Scotch Queen and her Friends the Ambassador was full of sad and uneasy Thoughts For so at this time he opened his Mind to the Lord Burghley That all the World did see that they wished her Majesty's Surety and long Continuance and that Marriage and the Issue of her Highness's Body should be the most Assurance of her Highness and of the Wealth of the Realm The Place and the Person for his part he remitted to her Majesty But what she meant to maintain still her Danger and not to provide for her Surety he assured his Lordship he could see no reason And so prayed God to preserve Her long to Reign by some unlookt for Miracle For he could not see by natural Reason that she went about to provide for it And soon after when Smith had sent Messages two or three for the Resolution of the English Court about the Marriage which the French were so earnest for and in great hopes of and no Answer came He lamented to the aforesaid Lord that he and his Collegue Walsingham could say nothing of it when they were asked And that they were sorry in their Hearts to see such uncertain so negligent and irresolute Provision for the safety of the Queen's Person and of her Reign Praying God Almighty of his Almighty and Miraculous Power to
they thought they might amend when they would by Adoption either of their own Bastards or other Folks lawful Children with the Consent of their Parents For al these Three this our Question doth not vary For either the Stranger or the English-man seemeth indifferent therunto and I make no Difference in them Then there be other Causes which be incident and as I might cal them Accidental as Honor Power and Riches Having first God and those three Causes which I called Essential of Matrimony principally in our Eyes these Things ought in this Consultation to have the highest Place And because I take al you here to be no Children and in this which I have said to be in the same Opinion that I am I wil make no further Proeme but go to and confer these together in the two Persons which you have brought in to be weighed here as in a Pair of Ballances that is the Stranger and the English-man And I say if the Queens Majesty have respect to Advancement and Honor can that be in Mariage of any within the Realm who being but her Subjects be they never so high shal be under her highnes a great Distance So for that purpose it shal not be Advancement but Disparagement Wherin I must commend the late Q. Mary who having more regard to her Honor than to her Age to th'advauncement therof than to any other Plesure which she could long have took to her Husband K. Philip Charles th' Emperours Son the greatest Prince of Birth and Possessions in al Christendom Wherby she gat the Sovereignty over so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionates Earldoms Baronies Countries and so forth that it would be more than an Hours Work to reherse them and to be the greatest Estate of a Woman in al Christendom And if it be honorable to a Prince to Conquer one Kingdom with Dint of the Sword with making of War with Spoiling Burning Wasting Death Destruction Fire and Sword Man slaughter and Effusion of Christian Blood how much more honorable ought it to be accounted to obtain and get not one but a great fort of Kingdoms and Dominions not with Violence and Oppression but with Amity and Love and that most godly sweet and pleasant Knot of Mariage So Mary the Daughter and Heir of Charles the hardy Duke of Burgundy by Marying her self to Maximilian Son to Fredericus of Austriche then Emperor hath made her Progeny the House of Burgundy to enjoy so many Realms and Seignories in Boheme in Hungary in Spain in Sicily in Naples and Italy in the High and Low Country of Germany and neer it went to have enjoyed also England and Ireland So Mary the Scottish Queen that liveth now if the Enterprize had had Success and she had had by her Husband any Son She should have left a double King I mean in France a King as wel as of Scotland and 〈◊〉 them both the greater King by her Purchase than else he should have been by his Mothers Inheritance So Claudia the Daughter of the Duke of Britain by Mariage with the French King hath made her Sons and Off-Spring not only Dukes of Britain but Kings and Possessors of al France when her Auncesters heretofore had much ado always to keep their own being but only Dukes of Britain much less could conquer or adjoyne to their Dutchy any thing of the rest of the Realm of France Now if Honor is to be desired and if it be a Glory to be made from a Baroness a Countess and from a Countess a Marchioness or Dutchess and from a Dutchess a Queen why is it not also as wel to be from a Queen an Empress or from a Queen of one Kingdom a Queen of two or three and so the more Honorable and the more to be sought and desired To the Encrease of which Honor if Men do apply and study themselves sometimes by Sword and sometimes by Mariage to attain why should not a Queen desire to do as wel as they especially by the better more sure and more amiable way Which thing ye see can be don either by no ways or by no ways better than by Mariage And this I have to say of Honor. Now I come to Power or Strength Which standeth in two Things Either for a Prince to keep his own Realm quiet from Rebellion or to make that the foreign Prince being Ambitious or desirous of War neither may dare invade him or els if the Prince be so minded to conquer and recover such Things which of old by Titles and just Reasons remain to be claimed The which the Prince heretofore either for lack of Power or Mony for shortnes of Time Civil Dissension their own Sloth or any Cause whatsoever it be hath omitted or foreslowed For these remain stil as Causes unto Princes when they be weary of Ease or desirous of Honor or when other just Occasion is offered to exercise themselves and their Subjects For any of those if her Majesty mary within the Realm what hath She gained All her own Subjects were her own before all their Powers are Hers already Not one Man hath She for the Mariage more than She had before Wheras if She mary a foreign Prince if he be an Emperor al the Empire is hers to aid her and her Husband at al Events If she mary a King likewise al his Kingdom if she marry a Duke Earl or Prince al his Vassals Kinsfolks Allies and Friends are united to her Realm and be taken al for Brethren to allow Strength and Aid both Offensive and Defensive as Occasion and Necessity shal serve For who can offend the Wife but he must offend the Husband also So that her Majesties Power must needs be encreased by so much as the Power of her Husband doth extend either by Authority Title Blood Alliance Friendship or Affinity Then if Princes be glad whensoever they invade or be invaded to ally themselves with the Princes their Neighbours manytimes by costly Leagues and much Suite and Entreaty of Ambassadors if that may be don by one final Act as chusing such a puissant Prince to her Husband as we would most desire to be our Friend or Aid in Necessity either of Defence or Invasion why should not I think that it were better for the Queens Majesty to take such an one wherby she may be backed and strengthened and her Power as it were double and treble than to take one by whom she shal have no more Power Help Aid nor Succour brought unto her than she had before And it is to be feared that she shal rather have less For when Envy naturally kindleth amongst Equals if the Queen take one of her higher and stronger Nobility all the rest it wil be doubted wil envy his Felicity and tho in Words they speak him fair yet in Heart hardly wil they love him For they shal be as Rivals and Candidati for one Office where commonly he that hath obtained if of the inferior sort al the rest shal
these lusâ—y and couragious Knights Strangers Kings or Kings Sons to be their Husbands Men of another Countrey Language and Behaviour than theirs I would not wish her Majesty but her Highness's Enemies such Aid Help Honour Riches and Contentation of Mind as those Noble Women had of those Marriages by the Description of the Poets Therefore Sophonisba wife to Syphax was worthy Praise as a wise and stout Lady who was content to put her self into the hands of Masinissa For so much as he was a Numidian born in the same Country of Africa that she was But rather than she would come into the Power and Hand of the Romans being to her Strangers the chose with a Draught of Poison to rid her self both from her Life and from her Care Well I had rather in this Matter Bene ominari And therefore I will bring no more Examples out of Histories as ye know well enough I can of the Successes of such Marriages But well I wot our Country by all Likelihood rather desireth that her Highness had one of this Realm than a Stranger It is not long ago Once there was a Stir for that Matter that cost a good Sort of Gentlemâ—ns Lives Do I forget think you what argument of Authority you used against my Friend here Mr. Spitewedd Do you then remember the Motion of our Speaker and the â—equest of the Commons House what they did and could have moved then and how they ran all one way like the Hounds after the Hare High and Low Knights and Esquires Citizens and â—argesses â—eeâ— as were of the Privy Council and others far and near Whom preferred they I pray you then if they should have had their Wish The Stranger or the English man And think you they did not consider her Majesty's Honour as well as you Do you suppose that they knew not as well what was Disparagement as you Whose Judgments if you would have to be esteemed so much as appears in your Argument you would and as I think you will even now Subscribe unto this Matter is concluded and your Disparagement is gone And where you said that the Marriage within the Realm should bring in Envy Strife Contention and Debate and for to prove the same you shew forth the Marriage that King Edward IV. made with the Lady Katharine Grey wherein followed such Dissension Cruelty Murther and Destruction of the Young Prince and his Brother the sequel I grant Mary if you do consider the Matter well ye do alledge Non Causam tanquam Causam As for the Stomach and Grief of the Earl of Warwick against the King I think indeed that Marriage was the Cause Not because the Queen was an English Woman but because the King having sent the Earl as his Ambassadour to conclude a Marriage for him Which the King did afterward refuse to accomplish And this the Earl thought not only to touch the Kings Honour but also his and fought therefore the Revenging Which he would as well have done and he had the same Cause if he had concluded it in England and after the King refused it So that it was not the Place or Person but the breaking of the Promise and disavouching of his Ambassage and the touching of the Earls Honour herein that made the strife between the Earl and the King For the rest for the Beheading of the Earl Rivers and others the Marriage was not the Cause but the Devilish Ambition of the Duke of Glâ—cester and the Duke of Buckingham Which may appear by the sequel For the one rested not till he had the Crown nor the other till he lost his Head And I pray you what Kin was the Lord Hastings to the Queen And yet he lost his Head even then King Henry VI. Married in France And did not that Marriage make Dissension enough in England And for all that the Queen was a French Woman was not her Husband and her Son by the Desire of the Crown which the Duke of York had both bereaved of their Crown and Lives So that you see that neither Marriage within the Realm maketh these Mischiefs nor yet the Marriages without can let them but Wisdom Foresight and good Governance and chiefly the Aid and Grace of God But it is a great thing to be considered the Riches Power and Strength which shall be by Marriage of a Foreign Prince as well for the Establishment and well keeping of her Highness against Insurrections and Conspiracies which might chance here within the Realm and for Invasions War Battle to be made by or against Princes abroad and without the Realm And here you seem to triumph as tho' all were yours and as tho' it were a thing clear and without all Controversie But I pray you let us weigh this Matter Do you think so much Riches and so much strength gotten unto the Realm when she shall Marry a Foreign Prince Do you praise so much Queen Mary for Marrying King Philip Indeed he is a Prince as you say as great in Birth and Possession as any Christian Prince is at this day But what was England the better for his Marriage We kept Calais above Two Hundred and odd Years in the French Ground in despight of all the French Kings which have been since that Time in all the Civil Wars and the most pernicious Dissension that ever was either in King Henry IV. Henry VI. Richard III. or King Henry VII their times And in King Henry VIII his Time we wan also Boloign and Boloignois And did the Encrease of Strength in his Marriage make us to lose in this Time I do assure you for my Part I never saw nor I think if I should have lived this Five Hundred Years heretofore past I should not have seen at any time England weaker in Strength Men Money and Riches than it was in the Time when we wrote King Philip and Queen Mary King and Queen of so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionats and Countries c. For all those jolly Titles our Hearts our Joy our Comfort was gone As much Affectionate as you note me to be to my Country and Countrymen I assure you I was then ashamed of both They went to the Musters with Kerchiefs on their Heads They went to the Wars hanging down their Looks They came from thence as men dismayed and forelorn They went about their Matters as men amazed that wist not where to begin or end And what marvel was it as my Friend Mr. Agamus saith Here was nothing but Fining Heading Hanging Quartering and Burning Taxing Levying and Pulling down of Bulwarks at home and beggering and loosing our Strong Holds abroad A few Priests men in White Rochets ruled all Who with setting up of Six foot Roods and rebuilding of Rood-lofts thought to make all Cock-sure And is this the surety we shall look for the Defence we shall find the Aid we shall hope of if the Queen's Majesty take a Foreign Prince to her Husband And what Decay came at that Time