do feede vpon other delicate meates and daintâ—e confections with drinking of wine which doe more pamper the flesh and enflame the lust 3. This example of Daniel doth nothing at all fit their turne 1. Daniel kept this abstinence 3. yeares together 2. he abstained as well from eating of fish as flesh 3. neither did he drinke any wine all this time of abstinence let them goe now and imitate Daniels fast themselues which they would take to be a verie hard penance Polan 4. Controv. vers 20. What the wisemen of the Chaldeans were and whether the wisemen which came to Christ were kings Pintus vpon this place giueth this note that the wise men among the Chaldeans and Persians were called Magi which is a Persian word and was the same with a Philosopher among the Grecians and a Gymnosophist among the Indians and because the kings of the East were philosophers they were called Magi wisemen and so the wise men which came to Christ Matth. 2. are held by an auncient tradition of the Church to haue beene kings as Tertullian Hierome and Augustine affirme with other Pintus p. 24. Contra. 1. Hierome writing vpon the 72. Psalme calleth them not reges but regum typos kings but types of the kings Augustine saith monente subdolo sermone regis alacres eunt beeing craftely warned by the king they goe cheerefully not as it is corruptly read reges alacres eunt the kings goe on cheerefully 2. Tertullian indeede saith nam Magos reges fere oriens habuit in the East they had for the most part the Magi or wisemen for their kings c. But this can hardly be prooued the wise men were of great authoritie with the Persian kings and did vsurpe the kingdome a while before Darius was chosen king but the Magi were not kings 3. And if this be such a firme tradition of the Church that these 3. wisemen were kings what tradition haue they for the rest that these three kings lie buried at Collen and that their names were Gaspar Melchior Balthasar which three names written in parchment and hung about the necke they say are auaileable to driue away any disease from the bodie 4. If they had beene kings Herod would haue beene afraide to haue entertained them beeing iealous of his kingdome neither is it like that the Euangelist would haue omitted it it beeing much for the honour of Christ that he was adored of kings in his infancie see Beza in his annotat Matth. 2. 1. 5. Controv. v. 20. Of the Magicians among the Chaldeans and how that such were alwaies opposite to the true Church of God as diuers of the Popes were such 1. The word chartummim is a strange and forren word and is taken properly as Aben Ezra for the Magician or Genethliake the caster of mens natiuities 2. In the beginning the tearme of Magicians was honourable among the Persians for they were such as professed the knowledge both of diuine and humane things and were assistant vnto Kings they were the same among the Persians with the Priests or Prophets in Egypt the Philosophers in Greece among the French the Druidae among the Indians the Gymnosophistes among the Bactrians the Samanaei 3. But afterward these Magi fell to practising of vnlawfull artes to inuocate spirits and to confederate themselues with deuills of whome they learned their enchantments and coniurations as Theodoret alleadgeth out of Porphirie 4. Such were the Magicians and Sorcerers in Egypt of whome Iannes and Iambres were the chiefe which resisted Moses Most of the Heretikes were Magicians as Simon Magus and Menander his successor and Marcion as Iustinus witnesseth Apolog. 2. pro Christian. and one Marcus who by his magicall impostures deceiued many as Ireneus Many of the Popes were professed Magicians and by such Diabolicall practises obtained the Popedome as Sylvester the 2. Sylvester the 3. Gregorie the 6. Benedict the 9. Iohn the 12. who in playing at dice was wont to call vpon the deuill as Luitprandus and to offer wine vnto him as Fasciculus temp Gregorie the 7. did vse to carrie about with him a booke of Necromancie and was condemned as a Magician and Sorcerer in the Synod at Brixia as Abb. Vrspergens and Benno Cardinal write Polan Thus in the aduersarie Church Magicians haue beene had in great reputation as here they were accounted of among the Chaldeans But as Daniel by his godly wisdome obscured them all so the light of Gods truth and Gospel hath preuailed agrinst all such abominations 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. v. 2. That victorie and conquest is to be vsed moderately V. 2. With part of the vessells of the house of God Although this was especially wrought by Gods prouidence that Nabuchadnezzar caried away onely part of the vessels of the Temple that some might still remaine for the seruice thereof yet in this victorious king is set forth an example of moderation who is contented to take part of these holy vessels and carieth away part of the chiefe men into captiuitie he maketh not hauocke and spoile of all which teacheth that Princes should not vse their victorie to make desolation and lay all wast but rather to helpe to bring things to better order Bulling 2. Observ. Princes can doe no more then God permitteth Herein also euidently appeareth Gods worke Nabuchadnezzer had no power to carie away more of the men or vessels then God gaue into his hand for the text saith God gaue Iehoiakim into his hand c. with part of the vessels of the house of God If God had giuen all into his hand he had taken all but now he is limited he taketh no more then God would he should take Papp So like as though the Sea rage and the waues thereof rise yet the Lord keepeth it within the bounds and bindeth as it were with swadling bands Iob. 38. 9. So the Lord staieth the rage and furie of the mightie men of the earth they haue no power to doe any thing but from God as Iesus said vnto Pilate Thou couldest haue no power at all against me except it were giuen thee from aboue Ioh. 19. 11. 3. Observ. The Lord punisheth by degrees At this time Nebuchadnezzer onely caried away part of the holy vessells and some few Daniel with other persons but afterward he tooke Iechonias the king himselfe and caried him into captiuitie and last of all he put out Zedekiahs eyes burnt the Temple and made hauocke of the citie and remooued the most of the inhabitants into captiuitie Thus the Lord proceedeth by degrees to see if he can draw the people by his smaller corrections to repentance till he powre out the whole viole of his wrath at once vpon them Osiand This manner of the Lords proceeding in his iudgements by degrees is well expressed Levit. 26. v. 18. 21. 24. how the Lord still punisheth his people seauen times more that is with more grieuous iudgements when they doe not profit by the former 4. Observ. God
and hath made thee ruler ouer in C. them all thou art this head of gold 39. And after thee shall rise an other kingdome inferiour to thee of siluer L. G. but this is inserted by way of exposition and an other third kingdome shall be of brasse which shal beare rule ouer all the earth 40. And the fourth kingdome shall be strong as yron for as yron breaketh in peices and subdueth all things and as yron which bruiseth as yron bruiseth L. V. G. B. here the relatiue which is omitted all these things so shall it breake in peices and bruise 41. Where as thou sawest the feete and toes part of potters clay and part of yron the kingdome shall be deuided but there shall be in it of the strength I. V. G. of the planting L. A. of yron for so much as thou sawest yron mixed with clay and earth 42. And as the toes of the feete were part of yron and part of clay so shall the kingdome be partly strong and partly broken 43. And whereas thou sawest yron mixed with clay and earth they shall mingle themselues with the seede of men but they shall not ioyne one with an other this with that C. as yron cannot be mixed with clay 44. And in the dayes of these kings not kingdomes L. shall the God of heauen raise vp a kingdome which shall neuer be destroyed and this kingdome shall not be left giuen ouer B. G. deliuered ouer L. to an other people but it shall breake and destroy all these kingdomes and it shall stand for euer 45. Whereas thou sawest that a stone was cut out of the mountaine which was not with hands I. without handes caeter see before vers 34. and that it broke in peices the yron the brasse the clay the siluer and the gold so the great God hath made knowne to the King what shall be hereafter and the dreame is true and the interpretation thereof faithfull V. L. I. sure B. G. 46. Then king Nebuchadnezzar fell vpon his face and bowed himselfe G. B. worshipped L. V. I. vnto Daniel and charged oblations V. sacrifices L. meate offrings G. rewards B. gifts I. the word is mincah which signifieth gifts and oblations offred and sweet odors to be offered to be ordained B. vnto him 47. Also the king answered vnto Daniel and said Of a truth it is that I know of a truth G. of a truth your God c. L. B. but here the word translated that is omitted your God is the God of gods and the Lord of kings reuealing secrets seeing thou wast able to reueale this secret 48. So the king made Daniel a great man magnified him C. I. and gaue him great gifts very many and made him gouernour ouer the whole prouince of Babel and chiefe of the rulers aboue all the wisemen of Babel 49. Then Daniel requested of the king and he set ouer the businesse I. L. P. the charge B. G. V. of the prouince of Babel Shadrach Meshach and Abednego But Daniel was ruler in the kings gate I. sat in the kings gate B. G. was in the kings gate L. was in the court V. 1. The questions discussed Quest. 1. vers 1. How the second yeare is to be counted wherein Nebuchadnezzar had this dreame 1. Theodoret thinketh that it was the second yeare from the beginning of his raigne but that cannot be for Nebuchadnezzars raigne beganne in part of the 3. and 4. yeare of Iehoiakim cap. 1. 1. and Ierem. 25. 1. and 3. yeares after that were appointed for Daniels education c. 1. 5. while those 3. yeares were expired there was no proofe or triall had of Daniels wisedome therefore it can not be that the storie in the first chapter is set downe by way of recapitulation as Theodoret thinketh for till the three yeares were past they were not brought before the king 2. Some thinke that this was the second yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne by himselfe alone who also raigned after a sort with his father who also was called by the same name Caluin Geneuens But this cannot stand because the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzar his sole raigne was in the 3. and 4. raigne of Iehoiakim Ierem. 25. 1. after which three yeares must be counted for Daniels education this then could not be the second yeare of his raigne alone 3. Some vnderstand here two Nebuchadnezzars the father mentioned before cap. 1. 1. and his sonne brother to Euilmerodach who beeing the younger was preferred before the other and the Elder because of his wickednesse was put by the gouernment ex Lyran. so also Emmanuel Sa. But this Nebuchadnezzar could not be sonne to Nebuchadnezzar the great and brother to Euilmerodach for the Lord had giuen the kingdomes of the earth but vnto Nebuchadnezzar and his sonne that is Euilmerodach and his sonnes sonne which was Balthazar the sonne of Euilmerodach but if there were a Nebuchadnezzar brother to Euilmerodach then should there be three beside Nebuchadnezzar the great and not two onely as Ieremie saith there were indeede two Nebuchadnezzars one called Nebuchadnezzar priseus the auntient the other Nebuchadnezzar magnus the great who beganne his raigne the same yeare Daniel went into captiuitie in the 3. and 4. yeare of Iehoiakim 4. The vsuall interpretation is that it must be vnderstood of the second yeare of Nebuchadnezzars absolute Monarchie after the subduing of Egypt so Iosephus lib. 10. cap. 11. of the same opinion is Hierome and of the later writers Lyranus Hugo Cardi who thinketh it was the 26. yeare of his whole raigne and the second of his Monarchie Peter also Pintus Bullinger Pellican are of the same opinion But this cannot stand for Nebuchadnezzar conquered Tyrus before he subdued Egypt for Egypt is giuen him for his wages for his seruice against Tyrus Ierem. 24. 18. 19. but Daniel was famous for his wisedome which was not knowne till he had expounded Nebuchadnezzars dreame before Tyrus was destroyed for he is celebrated for his pietie and therein ioyned with Noah and Iob Esek 14. and for his wisdome Esek 28. 3. And then immeadiately in that chapter followeth the prophesie of the destruction of Tyrus 5. Wherefore this second yeare must be counted from the time when Daniel first stood before the king in the second yeare then of his seruice and ministrie Nebuchadnezzar had this dreame but where it is added in the raigne of Nebuchadnezzer these words are not to be ioyned with the former in the second yeare as appeareth by the Hebrew distinction rebiah set ouer the word shetaim second this then happened in the raigne of Nebuchadnezzar which is mentioned by way of distinction because in the last words of the former chapter it is said that Daniel was to the first yeare of King Cyrus least any should thinke that this was done in the second yeare of Cyrus direct mention is made of the raigne of Nebuchadnezzar Inn. Polan Pappus Quest. 2. What Nebuchadnezzar this was and whence he was so called 1. Some
in two respects 1. because they both issued out of the kingdome of Alexander which after his death was diuided as also because one of these two kindomes was of greater strength and had the chiefe superioritie which was the kingdome of the North. 2. it is euident in the text that diuerse states and regiments are comprehended in this fourth Monarchie for it is said ver 43. in the plurall number they shall mingle themselues with the scede of men and they are said to be Kings ver 44. in the dayes of these kings c. 3. Obiect Alexanders kingdome was diuided into 4. parts as is before shewed but here by the two legges two kingdomes onely are signified Answ. 1. Though Alexanders kingdome were diuided among his foure chiefe captaines Cassander Antigonus Seleucus Ptolome yet soone after Seleucus vanquished and killed Antigonus and Cassander of Macedonia was not of like power vnto the rest 2. wherefore these two kingdomes are onely spoken of as the mightiest and because they two onely had to doe with the people of God oppressing them continually and keeping them vnder 4. Obiect The Empire of the Romanes is held of all to be the fourth Monarchie of the world and the most flourishing This image therefore representing the foure great Monarchies of the world is to be extended to the Romane state Answ. It is not denied but that the Romane dominion maketh the fourth generall Monarchie of the world yet this remaineth to be prooued that in this vision the generall state and condition of the world is described the argument therefore followeth not Foure principall kingdomes and Monarchies are set fourth in this vision therefore the Romane is one of them for onely these kingdomes are here described which then had to deale with the people of God and which did beare sway vntill the comming of Christ and then determined Iun. annotat But seeing we are fallen to make mention of these 4. generall Monarchies it shall not be amisse briefly to shewe the beginning and continuance of them Quest 51. Of the beginning and continuance of the foure generall Monarchies of the world 1. The Babylonian Empire which is made one with the Assyrian tooke beginning from Ninus of whom the citie Niniue is thought to haue beene so called and it continued aboue a 1000. yeares yet it neuer flourished more then vnder Nebuchadnezzar the great who subdued vnto his kingdome all Syria Phoenice Iudea Idumea Egypt Lybia with other countries And this his large dominion began in the first yeare of his raigne when he besieged Ierusalem but it was not at the height till the 23. yeare of his raigne in the 38. Olympiad and so it held 60. yeares vnto the raigne of Cyrus which was in the 55. Olymp. The Persian Monarchie beginning in Cyrus flourished about 230. yeares as Pere 228. as Bullinger and was dissolued by Alexander in the 112. Olympiad 3. The Grecian Empire was first founded by Alexander who held the same 6. yeares then it was diuided into foure kingdomes which were soone turned to three the Syrian kingdome whereunto was annexed also all Asia Minor which Seleucus possessed continued in that house vnto Olympiad 175. and afterward was held by Tygranes king of Armenia 12. yeares and then in the 179. Olympiad was by Pompey subdued to the Romane Empire The second kingdome which was of Macedonia in the 150. Olympiad was made subiect to Rome with Perseus the last king thereof The third kingdome of Egypt held out vnto the 187. Olympiad and then Antonie who had married Cleopatra Queene of Egypt was ouercome of Augustus Caesar. 4. The Romane kingdome simply beganne from the building of Rome in the 7. Olym. but it was not an absolute Monarchie vntill the 44. Olympi after the ende of the second Punike warre for then all Italy Spaine Sardinia Sicilia and Carthage were brought vnder the Romane obedience And their dominion was much enlarged in the 147. Olympi when Antiochus the great was vanqâ—ished by the Romanes but most of all in 179. Olympiad when Pompey subdued the East countries So that Asia the lesse which was before the bounds of the Romane Empire was then but counted in the middes In this glorie it continued the space of 500. yeares from the second Punike warre till it was taken of the Gothes vnto which time froÌ„ the first building of the citie were a 1164. yeares or thereabout Varrâ— writeth lib. 18. Antiquat that Vectius the Augur by those 12. vulturs which Romulus coniectured by when he built Rome did forespeake that Rome should continue so many hundred yeares but this may worthily be held to be a fable ex Pere Quest. 52. vers 43. Of the meaning of these words they shall mingle themselues with the seede of men 1. Vatablus vnderstandeth it of the diuerse nations and people which should be admitted into the commonwealth and were donati ciuitate priuiledged with the immunities of citizens but the phrase of mingling themselues with the seede of men signifieth more 2. Osiander thus expoundeth it that the princes of the Romane state iuncturi essent affinitates cum Regibus should ioyne in affinitie with other kings but the text sheweth that the kings of this fourth Monarchie should be ioyned in mariage among themselues 3. Pappus with others interpret it of the affinitie betweene Caesar and Pompey who maried Iulia Caesars daughter and when she was dead he would haue giuen him in mariage Octauia his sisters daughter and desired also to haue maried Pompeys daughter so Augustus gaue vnto Antonie his sister Octauia But Caluin calleth this frigidum a weake conceit to ayme at some speciall mariages he thinketh it was the continuall practise of that state to combine and linke themselues together by mutuall mariages But this matrimoniall coniunction here spoken of is between diuerse kings not in the same slate and common-wealth 4. Some vnderstand it of the societie and league betweene the Romanes and Macchabees which first beganne vnder Iudas Macchabeus but the phrase as is before shewed doth signifie a league and coniunction by mariage 5. Some referre it to herod who beeing a stranger would haue maried one of the Macchabees daughter that his sonne might peaceably enioy the kingdome but the maide killed her selfe for griefe and he is said to haue abused her beeing dead ex Lyran. But the kingdome of the Iewes was no part of this fourth Monarchie 6. The true meaning then is that these two kingdomes signified by the two legs that is the kings of the South and North should linke together in mariage as is shewed before Quest. 46. argum 4. Quest. 53. vers 44. What manner of kingdome the Propâ—et speaketh of which God shall set vp 1. Porphyrius and the Hebrewes doe interpret this of the kingdome of the Iewes which in the ende of the world shall as they dreame be most mightie and subdue all other kingdomes it seemeth also that Iosephus had some such conceit for when he commeth to make mention
among the Medes in the meane time Niglasar and his sonne Labosardach after him a while vsurped the kingdome and after that Balthazar was restored So that Balthazar was in deede the right nephew of Nabuchadnezzer yet called his sonne according to the phrase of Scripture see before quest 2. Quest. 22. Of the Queenes oration to the King It consisteth of 4. parts 1. the salutation O King liue for euer whereby shee doth insinuate her selfe 2. the proposition which containeth the drift and scope of her speech that he should not be troubled v. 10. 3. The narration followeth containing a reason why he should not be troubled because there was a man found in his kingdome who was able to reueale this secret In this narration three things are expressed 1. a description of Daniel by his gifts 2. the experience of his gifts in the daies of Nabuchadnezer which were three light or illumination by Gods spirit vnderstanding in the apprehension of those things which were reuealed and wisdome in wisely and fitly applying the same 3. then the approbation of his gifts and publike testification by his aduancement he was set ouer all the wise men 4. The fourth part is the conclusion that Daniel might be sent for to interpret the kings vision with a repetition of the argument taken from his sufficiencie and abilitie which consisted either in his gifts which are the three before named an excellent spirit called before light vnderstanding and knowledge called before wisdome or els in the exercising and vse of these gifts specially in the expounding of dreames more generally in declaring hard sentences and most generally of all in declaring any manner of doubts or hidde matters v. 12. Quest. 23. Of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene 1. In that shee came in vpon this occasion to the banket not hauing beene there before therein shee was an example of great temperance and sobrietiâ— in not beeing present at this riotous seast Polan 2. her wisedome appeareth in the whole course of her speach she saluteth the king with louing words to insinuate her selfe therein also giuing an example of due reuerence to be yeelded vnto kings Bulling 3. she is sola admiratrix viriutum Danielis found to be the onely admirer of Daniels gifts Oecolamp and setteth him forth as one excelling all other in the gifts of wisedome and vnderstanding 4. And beside in making mention of Nebuchadnezzar a prince of great wisedome and iudgement who aduanced Daniel for his excellent wisdom ostendit eum nimis crasse arrare she sheweth that he greatly erred in neglecting such an excellent man in his kingdom and seeking satisfaction of others where it was not to be found Calvin herein then appeareth her faithfulnesse in giuing such good aduice vnto the king 5. And the Queene whom Herodotus calleth Nitocris is by the same author commended for a woman of great wisedom whereof he giueth this experiment she caused her tombe to be made in an high and conspicuous place ouer one of the gates of the citie with an inscription to this effect that if any of the kings of Babylon wanted money if he opened that sepulchre he should finde enough Afterward Darius of Persia opened the tombe wherein he found nothing but a writing to this effect that if he had not an vnsatiable minde he would not haue raked in the tombes and ashes of the dead 6. This woman for her great age and experience like to haue beene the wife of Nebuchadnezzar was of great wisedome she was not Balthazar 's wife as is before shewed quest 20. And therefore Porphyrie his scoffe that the wife here shewed her selfe wiser then her husband is soone answered Quest. 24. Of Balthazar 's speach to Daniel v. 13. Art thou that Daniel c. 1. he vpbraideth him with his captiuitie which art of the children of the captiuitie c. Iunius and Polanus following him thinke that he mooued this question to be certaine of his person but there beeing no more of that name or of those excellent parts it is rather to be imputed to his pride as insulting ouer the poore captiues and vaunting of the victorie which his predecessours had gotten the Queene wisely concealed this hoc vnum commemorat gloriosus rex but the king remembreth this one thing more then the rest Oecolamp so also Bulling The gloss saith that he asked this question because the Prophets were onely of the nation of the Iewes But if the king had held such an opinion of the Iewes he would not haue relied vpon his Chaldean Soothsayers therefore these questions rather spirant superbiam regis doe breath out the pride of the king Osiand 2. The kings simplicitie appeareth that saith no other thing then was put before into his mouth as vnwise and simple Princes vse to speake vnto their people conceptis verbis in aurem suggestis in a set speach and suggested as it were to their eares Bulling 3. Detegitur eius socordia his carelesnesse appeareth that hath nothing but by heare-say Calvin that he did not take knowledge himselfe of so worthie and excellent a man as Daniel was 4. Dubitanter loquitur he speaketh doubtfully v. 16. if thou canst c. he had yet more confidence in his Chaldees Oecolamp 5. Non quaerit consilium c. he doth not require any counsell how he might escape this danger but onely to knowe the meaning of the dreame Pellican Quest. 25. Of Daniels answer to the king and the seuerall parts thereof It consisteth 1. of the exordtum or preface and 2. of the narration 1. In the preface there is 1. a refusall of the kings rewards then a promise and vndertaking to interpret the dreame 2. In the narration there is first a redargution and reprehension of the king shewing the cause why the Lord sent this strange sight v. 25. then the interpretation of the vision In the reprehension 1. there is a commemoration of that which happened to Nebuchadnezzar to v. 22. 2. an application thereof to the king In the commemoration 1. the benefits are rehearsed which God had bestowed vpon Nebuchadnezzar a kingdome maiestie authoritie and honour v. 18. 2. his vnthankfulnesse is shewed that abused his authoritie and power to crueltie iniustice and tyrannie v. 19. 3. his punishment is declared 1. in his depriuation and deposing from his kingly estate 2. in the miserie that befell him liuing and dwelling among bruite beasts to v. 22. In the application the reprehension is set forth first negatiuely that he was not mooued with an example which was so neare him euen in his grandfather who is here called his father Then affirmatiuely he had lift vp his heart which is described by fowre effects 1. in that he had brought forth the vessels of Gods house 2. he had profaned them in that he his princes wiues and concubines drunke in them 3. he praised their idols which are described 1. by their matter they were made but of siluer brasse and
God who was the principall author and chiefe worker in the plurall it is vnderstood of Gods iustruments in this worke the Medes and Persians Polan 2. And in the word pheres there is an euident allusion vnto the word paras which signifieth the Persian 3. It is also put in the preter tense he hath deuided to shewe the certanitie thereof before the Lord it was as alreadie done 4. Two things are here prophesied that this kingdome should be deuided and between whom the Medes and Persians for so Darius and Cyrus did as it were deuide the kingdome betweene them Darius had Babylon and Cyrus Assyria leauing Babylon to Darius himselfe going in expedition against the Scythians 5. This Isaiah prophesied of aboue 200. yeares before as Pererius rather an 170. yeares as Polanus that the Medes should be sent against the Chaldeans Isay. 13. 17. behold I will stirre vp the Medes against them Quest. 36. Of the tropologicall that is the morall application of this vision 1. By the hand writting vpon the wall is signified the iustice of God which both praescribit supplicia suo tempore infert prescribeth aforehand punishments due vnto mens sinnes and in due time bringeth them forth and inflicteth them it also may be applyed vnto the iudgement of the conscience wherein are written and as it were scoared vp the sinnes which one committeth as Iob saith c. 13. 26. thou writest bitter things against me and makest me to possesse the sinnes of my youth 2. And by the three words may be signified the three last things which shall come vpon sinners the remembrance whereof vseth to be most grieuous vnto them death finall iudgement and bell By the numbring of the dayes and the fulfilling of them men are brought to thinke of their ende as Iob saith c. 14. 5. are not his dayes determined the number of his moneths is with thee by weighing in the balance is signified the most perfect iudgement of God in the last day And by diuision the punishment of hell where the wicked and reprobate shall for euer be diuided and separate from Gods presence Perer. Quest. 37. Why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes 1. Iosephus giueth this reason that although Daniel had told heauie things vnto the king yet he kept his promise and seemed not much to be mooued thus thinking with himselfe quod non bona audierat sui fati culpani esse non prophetâ— that it was his owne fate and destinie not the Prophets fault that he heard no better newes the Prophet did but discharge his dutie But it is not like that the king had any such thought or so equall consideration 2. Hierome giueth two other reasons hereof aut post long a tempora credidit futura he did thinke that these things might come to passe long after or in honouring the Prophet he might thinke to obtaine pardon of his sinne But the citie beeing now besieged if the king had not beene altogether besotted might haue put the king in minde of his present danger and it seemeth by his securitie that he had no such good thought as to thinke how his sinne might be forgiuen him 3. Some thinke the king kept his promise ne coram hominibus mendacij argâ—eretur leaft he might before men haue beene found in a lie Lyran. And it was the constant vse and custome of the kings of Persia to keepe their word intelligebat proprium esse regis veritatem seruare he vnderstoode it was the propertie of a king to keepe the truth Pintus so also Occolampadius sanctissima esse c. the things which the kings promised were most sacred 4. The king might haue some care of his credit to keepe his princely word as Herod had to performe his wicked oath But this the king did rather beeing caried with great admiration of the diuine wisedome which was in Daniel Osiand And herein the king shewed his carnall securitie incolume regnum sibi promisit he still promised vnto himselfe a safe estate and prosperous kingdome Bulling Caluin thinketh that although Balthazar were somewhat mooued with this commination yet he caused Daniel to be honoured to set a good face vpon it ne signum aliquod praeberet timiditatis that he should not seeme to shewe any signe of fearefulnesse But it rather shewed his stupiditie and great securitie as before is noted Quest. 38. Of the honours bestowed here vpon Daniel The honours and fauours here conferred vpon Daniel are either the ensignes of honour or the gouernement it selfe vpon which the other ornaments attended 1. The ornaments of honour are two purple raiment and a chaine of gold Lyranus here noteth that there were fowre kind of ensignes and ornaments of estate the purple to be or other pretious garment a chaine a ring of gold and a crowne all these things concurring together did signifie the regall dignitie but beeing more or fewe and not all designabant participationem honoris regij they did but shewe the participation of the kingly honour as Ioseph had three of them when he was aduanced of Pharaoh a ring costly raiment and a chaine of gold Gen. 41. 42. but he had not the crowne or diademe So Mordecai was honoured with princely raiment and a diademe but mention is not made of the kings ring and chaine of gold Esther 6. 9. 2. The honour it selfe which is bestowed vpon Daniel is to be the third man in the kingdome which Iosephus expoundeth that the third part of the kingdome should be giuen vnto him but that is not like that the king would giue away any part of his kingdom Hierome thinketh he was made one of the three which was set ouer the kingdome as cap. 6. 2. But if Daniel had beene in that place before then Darius needed not to haue aduanced Daniel againe to be one of the three rulers Therefore Theodoret taketh it he was the third man in honour and authoritie next to the king so also Lyran the king was the first the Queene or heire of the kingdome might be the next and Daniel the third Quest. 39. Whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours 1. Though Daniel were vnwilling to receiue these honours yet seeing they were forced vpon him he is content to accept of them least if he had refused still in suspitioneÌ„ proditionis veniret he might haue beene brought into suspicion of some treason or practise against the king Polan 2. And beside foreseeing that the kingdome should come vnto the hands of the Medes and Persians he accepted of them vt postea notiâ—r fieret Persiâ— in solatium filiorum Dei that he might thereby be better knowne vnto the Persians for the comfort of the children of God gloss ordinar Oâ—â—â—lamp 3. And beside these ornaments beeing a signe of freedome and of dignitie it was fit that Daniel to whom the king had obiected before his serâ—itude and captiuitie should not refuse them whereby he was now made free and honourable
for their wisedome and other gifts are worthy to be aduanced which are not esteemed of according to that obseruation of the preacher cap. 10. 7. I haue seene seruants on horses and princes for their knowledge and gifts walking as seruants on the ground 5. Observ. That it is a dangerous thing not to profit by the example of others v. 22. And thou his sonne O Belthassar hast not humbled thy selfe His sinne was so much the greater because he had his fathers example before him whom God had humbled for his pride and yet would not be warned as Lamechs profanenesse is set forth for that he threatned to kill a young man in his rage flattering himselfe in his impunitie yet hauing before his eyes such a fearefull example of Gods seueritie vpon Cain for the like sinne 6. Obseru The tyrannie of the wicked shall haue an ende v. 26. God hath numbred thy kingdome The people of God endured much sorrowe vnder the hard bondage and seruitude of Babylon but now their tyrannie is at an end So when the Israelites were most cruelly oppressed in Egypt the Lord looked vpon their affliction numbred Pharaohs kingdome So the tyrannie of the Romane Emperours was numbred which for 300. yeares had persecuted the Church of God and God raised vp Constantine to be their deliuerer And in this latter age of the world when the Pope had a long time raged against Christs members the Lord brought him to number and account and hath freed his Church in many famous kingdomes from his Tyrannie CHAP. VI. 1. The Methode and Argument IN this chapter is set forth the miraculous deliuerance of Daniel from the lyons with the occasion thereof going before and the effects that followed It hath three parts 1. a narration of Daniels dignitie and honour 2. the enuie thereupon raised against him with the effects to v. 21. 3. the deliuerance of Daniel whereunto he was brought thorough enuie 1. Daniels dignitie is described 1. by the efficient cause and author of his aduancement the king v. 1. 2. by the degrees of his honour 1. he was one of the three set ouer the 120. gouernours 2. he was made the first and cheife of the three v. 3. 3. the king purposed to set him ouer the whole kingdome 2. Hereupon Daniel is enuied enuie bringeth forth malitious practising against Daniel which is of two sorts 1. they practise but preuaile not v. 4. 2. they practise against Daniel and preuaile where first is set forth their consultation v. 5. 2. the putting the same in practise where these three things are shewed 1. the enacting of a law to entrappe Daniel v. 11. 2. the vrging of the lawe to v. 16. 3. the execution of the lawe in the condemnation of Daniel with the effects thereof 1. In the making of the lawe there is 1. their petition to the king to make a lawe v. 5. and to ratifie it 2. the kings condescending v. 9. 2. The law is vrged where 1. is set forth the matter of their accusation they found Daniel praying the manner of whose prayer is described v. 10. see quest 12. following 2. the manner of their accusation which containeth a generall repetition of the law made v. 12. a particular accusation against Daniel with false suggestions v. 13. 3. the kings endeauour to deliuer Daniel v. 14. 3. The execution followeth 1. with the cause thereof the vrging of the Princes v. 15. 2. the manner the kings commandement goeth before in the instant the king vseth comfortable words v. 16. and afterward to make all sure he and the princes seale the stone of the lyons caue or denne v. 17. 3. then followe the effects 1. the kings heauines shewed by three effectâ— the refusing of his meate of his delight and of his sleepe v. 18. 2. the kings earely rising 3. and friendly salutation of Daniel Then followeth the third part Daniels deliuerance with the manner thereof see afterward quest 23. And the effects which followed which were fowre 1. the king reioyceth v. 23. 2. Daniel is deliuered without any hurt at all v. 23. 3. his accusers are cast into the lyons denne the manner is expressed who were cast into the lyons denne and how it befell them their bones were broken in peices before they came at the ground v. 24. 4. the kings decree concerning the worship of Daniels God the parts and order where of see qu. 29. 2. The text with the diuerse readings 1. And it pleased before C. Darius to set and he set C. ouer the kingdome an hundreth and twentie gouernours which should be ouer the in the. L. C. whole kingdome 2. And ouer these he set three rulers of whom Daniel was the chiefe one V. L. S. G. B. but one signisieth here the first as the next verse sheweth that the gouernours might giue account vnto them and the king should haue no damage not be troubled L. but the word nazik signifieth rather to sustaine losse then trouble 3. Now Daniel was preferred excelled V. was superior L. aboue the rulers and gouernours because the spirit of God L. B. ad was excellent in him and the king thought to set him ouer the whole realme 4. Wherefore the rulers and gouernours fought were seeking C. to find occasion against Daniel on the behalfe on the side C. in the businesse V. in the administration I. of the kingdome but they could finde none occasion not fault for he was so faithfull that there was no blame nor fault found in him 5. Then said these men we shall finde no occasion against this to this C. L. Daniel except we finde it against him concerning in C. the lawe of his God 6. Then these rulers and gouernours went together craftely assayled V. L. thronged tumultuously A. so the word pagash signifieth as Psalm 2. 1. to the king and said thus vnto him king Darius liue for euer 7. All the rulers of the kingdome the officers and gouernours the counsellers and dukes haue consulted together to make a regal statute a statute of the king C. for the king G. B. and to confirme an edict that whosoeuer shall aske a petition of any god or man for thirtie dayes saue of thee the king I. of thee O king V. L. B. G. should be cast into the lyons denne 8. Now O king ratisie the edict and signe seale G. B. describe or write C. the writing that it be not changed according to the lawe of Medes and Persians which faileth not passeth nâ—t C. 9. Therefore king Darius signed the writing and the decree 10. Now when Daniel vnderstood that the writing was signed that 〈◊〉 sealed the writing B. G. he went into his house and his windowe beeing open in his chamber the word signifieth an vpper chamber Polan towards Ierusalem he three times in the day kneeled vpon his knees and prayed and praised confessed C. before his God as he did aforetime 11. Then these men thronged together and found Daniel praying and making supplication
Persians is vrged v. 8. Darius was then in Media not at Babylon 3. after the dissolution of the Chaldean Monarchie Babylon was no longer the seate of the kingdome but Shushan Nehem. 1. 1. Esth. 1. 1. 4. The places of doctrine 1. Doctr. That order is necessarie in a kingdome v. 1. Darius set ouer the kingdome an 120. gouernours c. This prudent Prince knew that no Commonwealth could stand without order for like as in families where confusion is and no order all things goe to ruine so much more in the great familie of the Common-wealth without order all things soone come to decay Therefore Iethro gaue wise counsell vnto Moses that there might be captaines ouer thousands hundreds fifties one to be vnder an other And the Queene of Saba comming to Salomon wondred at nothing more then to see the order of his house 1. king 10. So here the king first setteth a certaine number of gouernours ouer his whole kingdome then he appointeth three to take account of them whereof Daniel was one Bulling 2. Doctr. Of the ende of Civill administration and gouernment which must be for the common good v. 2. That the king might haue no damage Darius was carefull that the treasure of the kingdome should be maintained not therein respecting his owne priuate gaine but his principall care was to vphold and support the charges of the kingdome for the kings purse and treasure is for the maintenance of the Commonwealth the Crowne can not want but the whole Commonwealth will soone feele it Though Princes may by their reuenues and receipts maintaine their princely dignitie and employ part thereof vpon their pleasure and bestow it as they see cause yet they must haue care that there be sufficient to support the burthens and charges of the Commonwealth and to remember that their subsidies are ipsum sudorem sanguinem populi the very sweat and blood of the people and therefore must be sparingly vsed Polan as Nehemiah had that respect vnto the people in respect of their present poore estate that he did forbeare to eate the bread of the gouernour Nehem. 5. 14. 3. Doctr. How praier should be made v. 10. He praied and praised his God Daniel onely was not a petitioner vnto God for the obtaining of good things and the turning away of euill but he also together giues thanks for the benefits receiued Men then must learne not onely to be beggers of God but to offer vp the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiuing also as S. Paul exhorteth that not onely prayers be made and intercessions but giuing of thanks 1. Tim. 2. 1. And the Apostle followeth his owne rule Rom. 1. 9. First I thanke my God then he commeth to his prayer v. 10. Alwaies in my prayer beseeching c. 4. Doctr. Of kneeling in prayer v. 10. He kneeled vpon his knees Though a man may pray in his heart vnto God without any outward gesture as Moses did Exod. 14. 15. when the Lord said vnto him Why criest thou vnto me when as Moses was not heard nor his praier perceiued by any gesture but he cried vnto God in his heart yet when as opportunitie serueth as it doth most fitly in priuate houses and in publike places of prayer then it becommeth vs to humble our selues vpon our knees thereby to stirre vp our deuotion and to expresse our humilitie Thus our Sauiour fell vpon his face when he prayed in the garden and Daniel here praieth vpon his knees If subiects humble themselues vpon their knees to their Prince how much more should we vse all humblenes and lowlines in gesture before God 5. Doctr. Of the ministerie of Angels v. 22. My God hath sent his Angel c. God could at his becke haue staied the rage of the lyons as he commanded the Whale to cast vp Ionas but it pleaseth him for his owne glories sake and the comfort of his children to vse the ministerie of his holy Angels and blessed spirits as the Apostle saith Are they not all ministring spirits sent forth to minister for their sakes that shall be heires of saluation Heb. 1. 14. And in three things doth it please the Lord to vse the ministerie of Angels in preseruing and defending of his children as Iacob saw the Lords host when he was afraid of his brother Gen. 32. 1. or in the destruction of their enemies as Senacheribs host was smitten by an Angel 2. king 19. or in conueying blessings as Manna is called Angels foode which was ministred vnto the people by the Angels 6. Doctr. How farre the Prince is to be obeyed v. 22. Vnto thee O king haue I done no hurt Hereupon Melancthon well noteth that although Daniel did goe against the kings Edict and decree yet he had committed no euill against him So if Princes commaund vniust and impious things they are not hurt if their precepts be not obeyed neither must they thinke themselues despised if God be preferred before them As the Apostles resolution was when they were forbidden to speake in the name of Iesus Whether it be right in the sight of God to obey you rather then God iudge yee Act. 4. 19. And hereby Melancthon iustly excuseth the Protestants of Germanie for refusing to obey the Emperours edicts made against the profession and professors of the Gospel 7. Doctr. Of true miracles v. 23. No manner of hurt was found vpon him Hence Polanus well inferreth divina miracula non esse praestigias that diuine miracles are not counterfeit tricks such as are the iugling feates of Magicians but the Lords workes are wonderfull in deede the three seruants of God which were cast into the fierie ouen had not so much as the smell of fire vpon them And Daniel hath no hurt by the lyons at all God onely maketh true wonders But the power of Satan and his ministers is by false signes and lying wonders as the Apostle calleth them 2. Thess. 2. 9. 8. Doctr. That the beasts and other creatures are readie to execute Gods will v. 22. And hath shut the lyons mouth The vnreasonable creatures as here they doe spare Daniel so at other times they are readie to execute vengeance as the lyon that slue the Prophet that was disobedient to the word of God 1. king 13. 25. and an other was slaine by a lyon for not obeying the Prophet 1. king 20. 36. And the Lord sent lyons vpon the Samaritans because they feared nor the Lord 2. king 17. 25. So whether it be to shew mercie or to execute iudgement the creatures are readie to performe the will of God Polan 9. Doctr. Of the force and efficacie of faith v. 23. Because he beleeued in him Daniel here by his faith was deliuered from the lyons because with a firme and assured trust he reposed himselfe vpon God So S. Iames saith c. 5. 15. The prayer of faith shall saue the sicke and as Clemens Alexand. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 faith is effectuall and auaileable to saluation But though euery
Bulling so also Pintus Sa Oecolamp Perer. But all these are deceiued 1. in taking this number of tenne for a number indefinite for seeing this number is diuided as after mention is made of three kings which shall be pulled away a certaine and finite number must be signified and if tenne did not betoken a certain number the time should not be known when the little horne the last of the ten should be expected 2. The kings doe not signifie kingdomes but so many kings out of one kingdome as it is expounded v. 24. the tenne hornes out of this kingdome are tenne kings that shall rise they must rise out of one kingdome 3. neither can these tenne kingdomes which they vnderstand be raised after the dissolution of the Empire for the beast is not destroyed that is the kingdome dissolued vntill the little horne came vp v. 11. 2. Of the second sort also there are diuerse opinions 1. Some by tenne hornes vnderstand so many kings which in the end of the world shall diuide the Romane Empire among them and then shall the eleuenth horne rise vp which they suppose to be Antichrist of this opinion is Hierome whom Lyranus followeth Hugo gloss ordinar interlin But as Oecolamp noteth we finde this to be otherwise for one part of the Romane Empire onely which is in Europe we see to be diuided into tenne kingdomes as Portugall Spaine England Fraunce Denmarke Suecia Polonia Bohemia Hungaria Naples the other parts of the Empire were deuided into more kingdomes 2. Some vnderstand the 10. Prouinces which were subiect to the Romane Emperour gouerned by Consuls as Strabo lib. 17. reckoneth tenne of them But the Proconsuls and Deputies were not kings and though they were as kings they had their seueral prouinces as their kingdomes but these kings must come out of one kingdome 3. Some doe here number tenne seuerall kingdomes into the which the Romane Empire was diuided as some doe reckon these Italie Spaine Fraunce Germanie Illyricum Grecia Africa Egypt Asia Syria Melancthon Some doe for Illyricum put England numbring the rest which are before rehearsed Osiand Some doe name the tenne kingdomes in Europe before specified ex Pap. But it is euident that more then ten kingdomes are risen out of the Romane Empire seeing so many are found onely in Europe 4. Some then leauing this conceit of the Romane Empire doe finde these tenne hornes that is so many kings in diuerse kingdomes putting together Macedonia Egypt Syria this was the opinion of Porphyrie rehearsed and refuted by Hierome for these kings must rise out of the same kingdome as these tenne hornes came out of one and the same beast 5. Wherefore these tenne hornes were indeede tenne kings of Syria which the Seleuciaâ—s held one succeeding another and these they were 1. Seleucus Nâ—canior 2. Anâ—iochus Soter who was in loue with Stratonica his fathers wife whom he enioyed by the meanes of Erasistratus his Physitian and raigned his father yet beeing aliue 3. Antiochus called Theos God of the Milesians for deliuering them from the tyrannie of Timarchus him his wife Laodice the daughter of Ptolâ—me Philadelphus poisoned 4. Seleucus Callmicus whom Ptolome Euergetes expelled his kingdome 5. Pâ—olome Euergetes 6. Seleucus Ceraunus Ptolome Euergetes being expelled 7. Antiochus the great the brother of Ceraunus who had warre with the Romanes and draue them out of Asia 8. Ptolome Philopator who inuaded Syria Antiochus the great beeing otherwise occupied and busied and held the kingdome a while 9. Then Philopator beeing expelled by Antiochus and his sons Seleucus Philopator succeeded 10. And Seleucus beeing slaiâ—e then Antiochus Epiphanes the younger brother inuaded the kingdome who was the little horne here spoken of and did rage most cruelly against the people of God Iun. ann there were after him other of the Seleucians that held the kingdome of Syria but they had not that power ouer Iudea which the other had for Antiochus Eupator and after him Demetrius the sonne of Seleucus attempted in vaine to subdue Iudea vnto their kingdome Polan 6. But here is some defference betweene Iunius and Polanus account of these tenne kings Iunius maketh Ptolome Euergetes the fift who expelled Seleucus Callâ—nichus and Seleuchus Ceraunus the sonne of Callinicus the sixt But Polanus omitting Ptolome Euergetes maketh Ceraunus the sonne of Callinicus the fift and the sonne of Ceraunus the sâ—xt who beeing but a child and not able to gouerne the kingdome after he had raigned two yeares was poisoined But I rather followe Iunius for these reasons 1. seeing Polanus confesseth that Euergetes expelled Callinicus and held the kingdome he is as well to be counted among these tenne kings as afterward Ptolome Philopator who inuaded the kingdome vnder Antiochus the great 2. Seleucus Ceraunus raigned himselfe but three yeares and next vnto him succeeded Antiochus the great no mention is made in some Chronicles of Ceraunus sonne comming betweene Bullinger 7. But against this interpretation of the tenne kings of Syria thus it will be obiected 1. Lyranus saith that these kings must not be vnderstood per successionem vnius post alterum by the succession of one after another but they were all at one time as the Angell expoundeth afterward Contra. 1. The contrarie appeareth by the Angels exposition that these kings shall one succeed another as v. 24. the Angel saith tenne hornes out of this kingdome are tenne kings that shall rise now in one kingdome there cannot be tenne kings at once euerie king hath his kingdome 2. as the three kings which shall be subdued are vnderstood successiuely so are the tenne but these followed one an other by succession as Andreas whose opinion Hugo reporteth thus expoundeth alios duos sibi succedentes similiter occidet he shal likewise kill two other kings succeeding one another 2. Pererius obiecteth that in the Syrian kingdome there were but eight kings in all vnto Antiochus Epiphanes Contra. There were but eight of that line but two kings of Egypt Ptolome Euergetes Ptolome Philopator which held the kingdom by conquest are to be numbred among them 3. This fourth kingdome shall be more fierce and mightier then any before it but the kingdome of Syria was not mightier then Alexanders Perer. Contra. It is not said simply to be mightier or stronger but in respect of the Iewes whom they carried a more strong and terrible hand ouer then did Alexander who fauoured them 4. It may be obiected that this fourth beast shall deuoure the whole earth and shall tread it downe and breake it in peices v. 23. but the kingdome of Syria did not subdue the whole earth Contra. By the whole earth is here vnderstood the whole land of Iudea as is expounded v. 25. he shall consume the Saints of the most high and so thinketh R. Saadia that the whole earth is taken here for Iudea which was brought into such subiection vnto the kings of Syria that Memnon in his Chronicle lib. 13. 14. calleth Antiochus warring with
Eupator Demetrius Soter Alexander Epiphanes Demetrius Nicanor Antiochus Sedetes Antiochus Gryphus Antiochus Cyzicenus Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus Antiochus Pius whom Tigranes expelled Antiochus Asiaticus whom Pompey depriued And further whereas the kingdome of the Seleucians continued 270. yeares as Appianus and Antiochus beganne to raigne in the 137. yeare and died in the 149. yeare 1. Macchab. 6. 16. there remained yet after Antiochus death an 120. yeares of the raigne of the Seleucians Antiochus Epiphanes then could not come in the ende of that kingdome 3. Lyranus making Antiochus a type of Antichrist vnderstandeth the finall end and dissolution of the Greeke Empire when the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes beganne for the kingdome of Antichrist quodam modo pertinet ad regnum Romanum belongeth after a sort to the kingdome of the Romanes But seeing it is confessed of all that historically this vision and prophesie was first fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes though typically it be referred vnto Antichrist then first this must historically be applyed to the time of the rising vp of Antiochus 4. Bullinger here vnderstandeth the ende of the Macedonian kingdome for so Antiochus Epiphanes beganne to raigne in the 4. yeare of Perses the last king who raigned a 11. yeares in the last whereof he was ouercome and taken by P. Aemilius and Macedonia was brought to be a Prouince But this interpretation agreeth not with the text which saith that in the ende of their kingdome c. a king of fierce countenance shall stand vp it is euident then that he meaneth that kingdome out of which this fierce king should come which was the kingdome of the Seleucians 5. Calvin thus interpreteth in the ende of their kingdome that is vbi ad summum peruenerint when they are come to the height and begin to decline for after Antiochus Epiphanes the glorie and power of that kingdome begunne to decay But that is not said properly to be the end of a kingdome when the power thereof is somewhat altered onely the regall authoritie still remayning 6. Therefore the best reading is posteris temporibus in the latter times of this kingdom so is the word acharith taken Gen. 49. 1. c. 2. 28. see before c. 2. quest 31. cum regna illa aliquantum temporis constiterint when those kingdomes haue continued some while and the better part of the time of their continuance was past for Antiochus came in the 137. yeare which was toward both the latter and the decaying times of that kingdome for there remayned an 120. yeares of that kingdome not so much time as was alreadie fulfilled Iun. commentar Quest. 32. The description of Antiochus and of his doings He is described 1. by the time of his rising vp 2 his qualities 3. condition and state 4. his acts and exploits 5. by his ende 1. The time is expressed when the iniquities or defection or falling away is perfited which some vnderstand generally when the iniquities of the people were encreased Lyran. Hugo then God would raise vp one to punish them Some referre it to the professed enemies of the Church of God when they should be multiplied But there is speciall reference had to the generall defection and falling away from religion vnto gentilisme as is declared 1. Macchab. 1. v. 12. v. 43. and c. 2. v. 15. And the ringleaders of this apostasie were Iason who bought the high Priests place of Antiochus for money and Menelaus who by the like briberie obtayned it Iason beeing expelled which wicked men procured the Greeke playes to be set vp in Ierusalem and sent money to Tyrus for a sacrifice to Hercules and followed the abhominable fashion of the heathen as it is more at large shewed 2. Macchab. 4. 2. He is set forth by his adiuncts 1. he shall be of an hard countenance that is of an impudent face a shamelesse man 2. he shall vnderstand darke sentences which some expound thus he shall cause by his doings this darke vision to be vnderstood as beeing fulfilled in him Hugo But hereby rather is signified his craft and cunning he should be most subtile and politike to contriue his purpose 3. His state is set forth his power shall be mightie but not in his strength which some expound 1. his strength shall not be like Alexanders Genevens 2. or astutior erit quam potentior he shall be more craftie then powerfull grassabitur per fraudes he shall proceede by craft not by strength Calvin so also Iun. annot 3. Hugo following the interlin gloss giueth this sense not in his owne strength but of Gods for he could not so haue prospered vnlesse Gods will had beene so for the punishment of his people 4. not in his owne strength sed Satanae virtute but by the power of Satan gloss ordinar ex Gregor 5. But the meaning rather is this he seduced others quorum viribus abuteretur whose power he should abuse to helpe himselfe for both he was helped by the treacherie of the high Priests Iason and Menelaus Bulling and he had also the helpe of forren kings Eumenes and Attalus as Appian in Syriacis Polan 4. His acts and exploits are of two sorts either against men or against God himselfe Against men 1. he shall destroy wonderfully which Hugo referreth to Antiochus obscure beginning that he suddenly should rise to so great power Oecolampadins vnderstandeth it of his wonderfull crueltie who in three dayes slue 80. thousand in Ierusalem 40. thousand were put in bands and as many sold But it may more fitly be vnderstood of his deceit and craft whereby he wonderfully prospered for he procured the death of his father Antiochus and then of his elder brother Seleucus and then defeated also Seleucus sonne of the kingdom 2. he shall destroy the mightie and holy people Gregorie vnderstandeth here mente inuictos those which were strong and inuincible in minde whom he corporally ouercame as the mother with the seuen children and other of the Saints Lyran. Hugo vnderstandeth the Iewes which were strong and mightie auxilio dei by the strength of God before this sheweth rather that he should not onely prosper against the people of God but subdue other strong nations also as the Egyptians with other people Calv. Polan 3. A third effect is that he should so by his policie and craft preuaile winning some by flatterie and bribes others by fraud and deceit that he should thereby wax wonderfull insolent and proud aboue measure in so much as that he should thinke to command the floods and to weigh the mountaines in a ballance 4. He shall in peace destroy many 1. some reade in copia rerum in the abundance of things which Hugo vnderstandeth of his gifts Lyran of his power giuen him of God 2. but the word shalvah signifieth peace Calvin expoundeth that he shall per quietem quasi per ludum by peace and at his ease and as in sport without any difficultie preuayle some giue this sense that he shall set vpon men
The meaning of those words which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god 15. qu. Of the land of Shinar or Shingar 16. qu. Of the god and idols of the Chaldes 17. qu. v. 2. What is to be commended what discommended in Nabuchadnezzer in carying part of the vessels of the Temple 18. qu. Why it pleased God to suffer that the vessels of the Temple should be carried away 19. qu. Of Ashpenaz the master of the Eunuches his name and office 20. qu. Whether Daniel may be prooued froÌ„ hence to haue beene an Eunuch in the first sense 21. qu. Who are vnderstoode here by the Princes 22. qu. Why the children of the Princes and nobles were taken captiues 23. qu. How the Lord performed his promise to Dauid that his kingdome should be established for euer 2. Sam. 16. seeing lehoiakim was giuen into Nabuchadnezzers hand 24. qu. Whether it were lawfull for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans 25. qu. Of the Chalde language and the difference betweene it and the Hebrew 26. qu. Of the necessarie institution of schooles and the manner and order thereof 27. qu. Why other names were giuen them 28. qu. Of the signification of their names both the new and the old 29. qu. v. 8. Why Daniel refused to eate of the kings meate and of the diuers kinds of abstinence 30. qu. The causes which mooued Daniel to forbeare the kings meate 31. qu. v. 8. How Daniel should haue beene defiled with the kings meate 32. qu. whether Daniel euer after abstained from the kings meate 32. qu. v. 9. What fauour it was which Daniel found with the chiefe of the Eunuches not obeying his request 33. qu. Of Daniels request to the butler 34. qu. Whether Daniel tempted not God in setting a certaine number of daies 35. qu. Why Daniel did chuse rather to eate of pulse then of the kings meate 36. qu. vers 15. Whether the beautie and strength in Daniel and the rest feeding on this course foode were a naturall worke 37. qu. v. 17. Of the knowledge and vnderstanding which God gaue vnto Daniel and the other three whether it were naturall or supernaturall 38. qu. Whether Daniel and the rest learned the curious arts of the Chaldeans 39. qu. Whether it be lawfull to vse the arts and inuentions of the heathen 40. qu. Of the dreames and visions which Daniel had vnderstanding of 41. qu. Whether this gift of vnderstanding visions and dreames were in Daniel as an habit permanent and remaining alwaies in him 42. qu. Of the diuers kinds of dreames 43. qu. Whether there be any diuine dreames 44. qu. Whether there be any truth or certentie in dreames 45. qu. Of the causes of true dreames 46. qu. How diabolicall and diuine dreames may be discerned 47. qu. Why it pleased God by visions and dreames to instruct his seruants 48. qu. Why visions and dreames are often shewed vnto simple and vnlearned men 49. qu. Why dreames are not alwaies cleare and manifest but darkely and obscurely propounded 50. qu. what dreames may be obserued and by whome 51. qu. Whether in diuine dreames there is a free vse of reason and the will and the same acceptable to God 52. qu. v. 21. How Daniel is saide to haue beene vnto the first yeare of king Cyrus Questions vpon the second chapter of Daniel 1. qu. v. 1. How the second yeare is to be counted wherein Nabuchadnezzer had this dreame 2. qu. What Nabuchadnezzer this was and whence he was so called 3. qu. v. 1. Why he is said to haue dreamed dreames 4. qu. What manner of dreame this was which Nabuchadnezzer had 5. qu. Why it pleased God to send this dreame vpon Nabuchadnezzer 6. qu. v. 1. Of the meaning of those words And his sleepe was vpon him 7. qu. Of the foure kind of wise men whome the king sendeth for 8. qu. Why Daniel was not called and sent for among the rest of the Chaldeans 9. qu. v. 4. Of the Aramites language whether it differ from the Hebrew and be all one with the Chalde 10. qu. Why the Chaldeans spake in the Aramites language 11. qu. v. 8. Why the king saith they would gaine or redeeme time 12. qu. v. 10. Of the Chaldeans answer vnto the king 13. qu. Of the impostures and falshoods in the answer of the Chaldeans 14. qu. what the Chaldeans meane in these words Except the gods whose dwelling is not in the flesh 15. qu. v. 12. Of the kings rash sentence in commanding all the wise men of Babylon to be slaine 16. qu. v. 13. whether the wise men indeede were slaine 17. qu. what office Arioâ—h had to whome Daniel maketh this motion v. 14. 18. qu. v. 15. How Daniel was ignorant of the kings decree against the Soothsaiers 19. qu. v. 19. How this secret was reuealed vnto Daniel in the night 20. qu. Of the forme and order of Daniels thanksgiuing 21. qu. v. 19. How Daniel is said to haue blessed the God of heauen 22. qu. vers 21. How the Lord is said to change times and seasons 23. qu. v. 22. what secret things the Lord is said to discouer 24. qu. v. 22. How light is said to dwell with God wheras it is said Psal. 18. 11. he made darkenes his secret place 25. qu. v. 24. whether Daniel did well in staying the execution of the kings sentence vpon the wise men 26. qu. v. 25. whether Arioch lied vnto the king in saying I haue found a man 27. qu. v. 25. why Arioch named Daniel to be one of the captiues rather then of the wise men 28. qu. v. 26. How the king is said to answer no question being demanded 29. qu. v. 27. why Daniel denieth that any of the wise men could expound this dreame 30. qu. v. 28. whether God onely be the reuealer of secrets and things to come 31. qu. v. 28. What Daniel meaneth by the latter daies 32. qu. v. 29. whether Nebuchadnezers thoughts were the cause of his dreame 33. qu. v. 29. why it pleased God to impart vnto Nebuchadnezer this dreame 34. qu. v. 30. This secret is not shewed me for my wisdome whether Daniel by any naturall wisdome could haue obtained the knowledge of this dreame 35. qu. v. 30. why Nebuchadnezer could not vnderstand the dreame which he saw 36. qu. v. 30. Of the two ends why it pleased God to reueale vnto the king his dreame 37. qu. v. 31. of the vision which the king saw in his dreame the manner parts therof 38. qu. of the diuers kinds of signes of things to come and of which kind this image was 39. qu. what kingdoms of the earth are not comprehended in this vision 40. qu. v. 8. why the Chaldean Monarchie is compared to the head of gold 41. qu. Of the largenes of the Empire and dominion of Nebuchadnezer 42. qu. whether Nebuchadnezers dominion were at that time the greatest in the world 43. qu. v. 39. Of the second Monarchy described by
resurrection of the Lord or the Lord taking reuenge came Nebuchadnezzer king of Babel not into Ierusalem L. for at the first comming he entred not into the citie and besieged it 2. v. And the Lord gaue into his hand not in his hand L. into his power V. Iehoiakim king of Iudah and part of the vessells of the house of God which he carried that is the vessels not the persons as Iun. Polan for he spake onely of Iehoiakim before into the land of Shinar into the house of his God not the house Polan for the whole land was not the house of his god I. his gods V. and he brought the vessels into the treasure house of his god his gods V. the treasurie G. 3. v. And the king had said to Ashpenaz the master of the Eunuches the master of the pallace V. of the Courtiers for so saris signifieth as Potiphar is so called Gen. 37. 36. who had a wife but properly it signifieth an Eunuch so called of keeping the chamber of the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a chamber and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to keepe Elias Levita noteth that onely the ministers or Courtiers of the Kings of Egypt Babylon Medes and Persians were so called that he should carie away I. P. rather then bring G. or bring in L. V. for the same word is vsed in the same sense to carie away v. 2. and this charge was giuen at the taking of Ierusalem some of the children of Israel and of the kings seede and of the Princes of the tyrants L. but that word though sometime it were taken in the better part is now out of vse the word is partemim which Kimhi taketh for the princes about Euphrates but Mercerus thinketh rather thereby to be signified the chiefe princes and gouernours of the Prouinces 4. v. Children in whome there was not any blemish and well fauoured heb good to the sight and instructed in all wisdome and skilfull in knowledge and endued with much vnderstanding and in whome there was facultie that they might stand in the kings palace I. P. better then which were able to stand in the kings palace for the distinction comming betweene doth diuide the sentence and that they might teach them the learning heb letters I. P. L. and tongue of the Chaldeans 5. v. And the King appointed them prouision for euery day heb the thing of the day in his day of a portion of the Kings meate and of the wine which he dranke heb of his drinks and so to nourish them three yeares that at the ende thereof they might stand before the King v. 6. Now there was among these of the children of Iudah Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Hazariah v. 7. Vpon whome the master of the Eunuches imposed other names for he imposed vpon Daniel he called Daniel G. but the word shum in the originall signifieth to put on or impose the name Belteshazzer and on Hananiah the name Shadrach and on Mishael the name Meshach and on Hazariah the name Abednego v. 8. But Daniel had purposed in his heart heb put it in his heart that he would not defile himselfe be defiled L. V. but the word is in hithpael and hath a compound signification with the portion of the Kings meate not with the Kings table L. and with the wine which he dranke heb of his drinks therefore he required of the chiefe of the Eunuches not the chiefe of the Eunuches G. for then the Hebrew preposition should be omitted that he might not defile himselfe v. 9. Now God had brought heb gitten Daniel into fauour and tender loue heb rachamim with the chiefe of the Eunuches or prince of the Eunuches I. master of the palace V. v. 10. And the chiefe of the Eunuches said vnto Daniel I feare my Lord the King who hath appointed your meate and your drinke for wherefore who if L. V. G. but asher is here put for a causall for and lammah signifieth not if but wherefore should he see your faces worse liking leaner L. but the word properly signifieth sadder heauier because they which are leane are sadde and heauie then the children which are of your sort G. your companions L. equals heb which are according to your revolution that is of like time and standing and are appointed likewise three yeares for their education and so ye should make me loose my head G. condemne mine head L. make me subiect vnto a capitall sentence V. make me guiltie of my head I. heb endebted for my head vnto the King 11. Then said Daniel to the butler I. Pol. not to Melzar L. V. A. G. for it is was a propername as appeareth by the article ha set before it hamelzar whom the chiefe of the Eunuchs had set ouer Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Hazariah 12. Trie I beseech thee thy seruants tenue daies and let them giue vnto vs of pulse that we may eate and water that we may drinke 13. Then let our countenances be looked on before thee and the countenances of the children that eate of the portion of the kings meate and as thou seest deale with thy seruants 14. So he hearkned vnto them in this thing and tried them tenne daies 15. And at the ende of tenne daies their countenance appeared fairer and they were better liking more corpulent L. heb fatter in flesh then all the children which did eate of the portion of the kings meate 16. Then the butler not Melzar see before v. 11. tooke away the portion of their meate heb was taking away and the wine that they should drinke and gaue them pulse heb seede 17. And vnto these fowre children children L. fowre is omitted God gaue knowledge and vnderstanding in all learning sepher in bookes or letters and wisdome also he gaue Daniel vnderstanding heb made Daniel to vnderstand in all visions and dreames 18. Now when the daies were expired heb in the ende of the daies which the king appointed heb said to bring them in the chiefe of the Eunuches brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar 19. And the king communed with them and there was not found of them all like vnto Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Hazariah therefore stood they before the king 20. And in euery matter of wisdome and vnderstanding which the king enquired of them he found them by tenne parts tenne fold L. tenne times G. better heb aboue or superiour then the Magicians and Astrologers that were in all his kingdome 21. And Daniel was vnto the first yeare of king Cyrus 3. The questions and doubts discussed 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the third yeare of Iehoiakim which is called the fourth Ier. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled 1. Polanus saith that the prophet Ieremie there speaketh not of the captiuitie of Iehoiakim as here Daniel doth but onely of a certaine prophesie deliuered by Ieremie in the fourth yeare so that he thinketh the third yeare here named and the fourth yeare there mentioned not to concure together But that the same time and
Iupiter I haue taken the earth to my selfe take thou heauen c. with which picture Alexander was so delighted that he proclaimed none should take his picture but Lysippus 6. Such was his celeritie also that in the space of 13. yeares he conquered more nations then one would haue thought he could haue trauelled ouer in so short a time Apelles therefore pictured Alexander with a thunderbolt signifying his great swiftnes and agilitie in his exploits 7. Alexanders great â—ame also may be counted among other parts of his greatnes by the which he subdued more nations then by warre for the very terrour of his name made many Kingdomes submit themselues vnto him and at the same time when he died he expected Embassadours from all the Nations of Europe from France Spaine Italie Sicilie and from Africa for if he had not then died he had taken order to prouide him a great navie to haue compassed Arabia and Africa and so to haue surprised Spaine and Italie 8. The acts and monuments of Alexander are to be counted among other memorable things as first the Cities which he built which Plutarke nameth to haue beene 70. then he brought the barbarous nations to ciuilitie he taught the people Hyrcani the vse of mariage the Arachosians tillage and husbandrie the Sogdians that they should nourish and not kill their parents the Persians to honour their mothers and not to vse them for their wiues the Scythians that they should not eate the dead but burie them 9. Adde hereunto his singular vertues his constancie and patience in induring of labour his clemencie toward those whome he conquered the same day he tooke and restored againe to the king of India his kingdome Darius mother he honourably entertained as a Queene his continencie was singular Darius wife and his most beautifull daughters he touched not but preserued their chastitie neither would he see them But his liberalitie and magnificence exceeded his other vertues he gaue 23. thousand talents among his souldiers to pay their debts he bid to one feast 9. thousand ghests and gaue vnto euery one a cuppe of gold to one that asked a reward of him he gaue a citie which he refusing as too great a gift for him Alexander said Non quaero quid to decet accipere sed quid me decet dare I stand not vpon it what it is meete for thee to take but what it is fit I should giue And to conclude this point Plutarke saith that those vertues for the which seuerally certaine worthie men haue beene commended did all concurre in him as the valour of Achilles the chastitie of Agamemnon the pietie of Diomedes the courage of Cyrus the policie of Themistocles the boldnes of Brassida the wisdome of Philip his father 10. This was also part of his terrene happines that as he counted Achilles happie because he had Homer to set forth his praise so he had diuers excellent writers to register his acts as Ptolome King of Egypt Hecataeus Aristobulus Callisthenes Onesicratus Diodorus Siculus Trogus Pompeius Iustinus Q. Curtius with others Quest. 49. vers 40. Whether this fourth kingdome must be vnderstoode to be the Romane Empire There are here two opinions some take the Romane Empire to be vnderstood by this fourth kingdome which is compared to yron and the same to continue after the comming of Christ to the ende of the world as Lyranus interpreteth the two legges of the diuision of the Romane Empire into the Occidentall and Orientall at Constantinople of the same opinion are Rupertius Hugo Cardinal Pintus and of our writers Bullinger Pellican Geneuens Caluin Melancthon Osiand Some doe here comprehend the Romane Empire but vntill the comming of Christ as Pererius in vers 32. We will examine their reasons 1. Vers. 28. Daniel saith that the Lord shewed the king what should come to passe in the latter dayes therefore all the Monarchies to the ende of the world are here signified Contra. The word acharith as is before shewed doth not onely signifie the latter or extreme dayes but the time following as it is taken Gen. 49. 1. and the Prophet expoundeth himselfe vers 29. what is meant by the latter dayes that which should come to passe hereafter 2. It is not like that the Lord would conceale this thing from his Prophet and that Daniel speaking of three of the Monarchies should omit the fourth which was the greatest of all neither would the Lord leaue his Church without comfort herein Contra. 1. As God reuealed not his whole minde vnto the rest of the Prophets so neither had Daniel a cleare vision of all which should happen in the world 2. he toucheth all these foure kingdomes and gouernments which should be the chiefe oppressors and afflictors of his people vntill the rising of Christs kingdome vntill which time they had not endured much at the Romanes hands but by their owne procurement Daniel therefore speaketh of those kingdomes onely which medled most with the people of God then it much belonged not to their present comfort to heare of those kingdomes which should come afterward 3. Daniel prophesieth of the kingdome of Christ which should still encrease vnto the ende of the world vers 44. And cap. 12. 2. he euidently speaketh of euerlasting life and of the resurrection Contra. 1. The Prophet doth but touch that by occasion in a word to shewe the perfection and consummation of Christs kingdome it followeth not that therefore he should describe all the Monarchies to the ende of the world 4. But the euent of things answering to this prophesie sheweth that it is most fitly applyed to the Romane Empire 1. Because as yron the Romane Empire subdued all other kingdomes for whereas Alexanders kingdome was diuided into foure Prolome had Egypt Seleucus Syria Antigonus Asia the lesse and Antipater Macedonia who also obtained Antigonus regiment all these foure dominions were dissolued and dissipated by the Romanes Paulus Aemilius ouercame Perseus king of Macedonia and led him with his two sonnes Philippui and Alexander in triumph Lucullus and Pompeius subdued Mithridates and Tygranes and brought vnder the Syrian kingdome and Augustus Caesar ouercame Antonie with Cleopatra his wife and made a Prouince of Egypt And all the East countries Pompey the great subdued and ioyned to the Romane Empire as Asia Pontus Armenia Paphlagonia Cappadocia Cilicia Syria with others waging battell with them 30. yeares together hauing slaine put to flight or taken an 121. thousand and 83. thousand and taken 846. shippes and a 1538. cities and castles Plin. lib. 7. cap. 26. Bulling Pap. and Lyranus sheweth 3. wayes whereby they became such conquerours sapientia exercitio armorum bonâ— regimine by their wisedome exercise of warlike feates and good discipline and gouernement 2. The two legges doe signifie the diuersitie of gouernement which was euidently seene in the Romane common wealth first they were gouerned by Kings then by Consuls afterward by Tribunes they had their decemviri their Dictators for a
time then they came to their triumviri when three did beare the greatest sway as Augustus Antonie Lepidus and then the gouernement fell to dunmviri into the hands of two Augustus and Antonie and at the last one had the Soueraigntie and so it continued vnder one Emperour vntill Marcus Antonius Verus then there began to be associates and diuers Emperours at once Perer. 3. The feete partly of yron partly of clay signifie the diuision and dissention of the kingdome which is manifest in the Romane gouernment for there were foure notable diuisions among them first betweene the Senatours and ordinem Equestrem the gentrie of Rome concerning the authoritie and power in matters of iudgement there was also bellum sociale the sociall warre or of confederates whereof Drusus was the author and bellum seruile whereof Seriorius was the beginner then followed the most deadly ciuill warres betweene Sylla and Marius Caesar and Pompey betweene Octavius with Mar. Antonius and Brutus and Cassius and betweene Octavius and Antonie 4. Whereas the feete were partly of yron partly of clay which is expounded to signifie that the kingdome should be partly strong and partly broken this also is thus applyed to the Romane state because they were sometimes conquerers sometime they were conquered As the French brake in to the verie Capitall Pyrrhus king of Epyrus did afflict the Romanes with fierce warre and ouercame them at Trebia and Trasimenum Hannibal made a great slaughter of them at Cannas Crassus was ouercome of the Parthians and the Romane ensignes taken Bullinger Some vnderstand the yron and clay feete of the kingdomes which did spring out of the Romane Empire as of France Spaine Germanie the Turkes whereof some were more victiorious warlike and yron-like then others Melancthon Some apply it to the Emperours of Rome whereof some were valiant some cowardly and slouthfull Osian 5. Whereas the mingling and tempering of the yron and clay together is expounded of their mariages they shewe likewise how this was accomplished and fulfilled in the Romane Empire for Pompey tooke to wife Iulia daughter to Iulius Caesar and Antonie married Octauia Augustus Caesars sister whom he did afterward repudiate and married Cleopatra Queene of Egypt so that those coniunctions did not hold Bullinger Pere Pin. Contra. 1. True it is that the Romanes did subdue vnto their Empire all other nations of any fame or power but it is not so much to be considered how they were yron-like towards other nations but how they were affected towards the people of God toward the comming of the Messiah But vntill then the Iewes had not felt such hard seruice vnder the Romanes as they had vnder other cruell Lords for the innouations which were made in the Iewish state by Crassus and Pompey were done rather by the consent of the Iewes themselues and their kings striuing about the kingdome then by conquest and the interest that Antonie had there was by the right and title of the Ptolomies whose daughter and heyre Cleopatra he married But of all other the Syrian tyrannie vnder Antiochus was most cruell and yronlike towards the Iewes and therefore to that state this description rather agreeth as shall afterward be shewed 2. The diuision of the kingdome signified by the two legges cannot be vnderstood of the diuerse regiments and gouernements one succeeding another for it was still the same kingdome and beeing the same it cannot be said to be diuided into two diuerse parts as the legges are perpetually diuided and are not ioyned together againe 3. And for the same reason the diuision of the kingdome cannot be vnderstood of the Ciuill and domesticall dissentions for there was a reuniting of it againe after these sturres and tumults were appeased but these kingdomes here spoken of as two legges were diuided and kept a sunder still 4. The yron and clay signified that the kingdome should be partly strong and partly weake but this respect of their strength and weakenesse must not haue reference to other forren nations but to the people of God for whose comfort this propheticall vision was sent But toward the Iewes the Romane state was not partly strong partly weake vntill the comming of Christ that sometime the one had the better sometime the other But thus the case stood betweene them and the Seleucians in Syria and Ptolomies in Egypt that sometime they preuailed against the people of God sometime God gaue them victorie against their enemies as is euident in the storie of the Macchabees 5. The coniunctions in marriage must be of diuerse kings betweene themselues after the diuision of the kingdome not of the same kingdome within it selfe and therefore that interpretation of the mutuall mariages betweene Caesar and Pompey Octauian and Antonie can here haue no place for it is euident vers 44. that diuerse kings and at the same instant are vnderstood who ioyned in mariage Reasons shewing that the Romane Empire cannot be here vnderstood 1. In the ende of this fourth yronlike Monarchie the Messiah should come and his kingdome be set vp but Christ came not in the ende but in the beginning of the Romane Monarchie Polan 2. At the comming of the Messiah all these kingdomes must be dissolued and broken in peices vers 44. Now the Romane Empire ended not at Christs comming But it will be answered that Daniel speaketh of the second comming of Christ when all these kingdomes should be destroyed Contra. That cannot be for after the dissolution of these kingdomes that stone which dashed them in peices shall growe into a mountaine and fill all the earth ver 35. which cannot be otherwise vnderstood then of the propagation of Christs kingdome which must be before his second comming 3. This kingdome here spoken of was diuided into two signified by the two legges but the Romane Empire continued one vntill the time of Constantine after whom it was diuided among his three sonnes bot into two but three parts 4. They cannot shew in the Romane state such coniunction in mariage betweene diuerse kings and kingdomes but they of whom they giue instance for such matrimonill coniunctions were of one and the same kingdome 5. That fourth kingdome must continue vntill the comming of Christ but if they vnderstand this prophesie of Christs second comming the Romane Empire hath beene dissolued long since 6. These kingdomes were one to succeede another and to possesse the others dominions the Persian obtayned all that was vnder Babylon Alexander gained all which the Persian had but the Romanes had onely Syria and Egypt of the Babylonian Empire and onely Asia minor of the Persian Monarchie whereas there were vnder the Persians an 127 prouinces from India to Aethiopia Ester 1. therefore this last ktngdome cannot be the Romane state for it must make one bodie with the rest as in the image of a mans bodie is represented Polanus 7. In this vision the speciall intention of the Prophet is to describe such kingdomes as were aduersaries to the Iewes
and pressed them most but the Iewes endured not much affliction vnder the Romanes till the comming of Christ they endured more vnder the kings of Syria and Egypt especially the first as is euident in the bookes of the Machabees that kingdome which was most cruell and yron-like toward the Iewes is here vnderstood but so was not the Romane Empire therefore that is not here comprehended Iun. annot Pappus answereth 1. that it is false Iudaici tantum populi conditionem hac visione describi that the condition onely of the people of the Iewes is described in this vision 2. he saith it is likewise false à Romanis Iudaeos nihil passos that the Iewes suffered nothing at the Romanes hands Contra. 1. But seeing that the ende and vse of this prophesie was for the comfort of Gods people it must needs follow that such alterations and changes of kingdomes are here described which most nearely concerned the people of God thus then we may reason The end of these prophesies as also of all Scripture is for the comfort of Gods people Rom. 15. 3. but the prophesie of such things as concerned not the people of God was not for their vse and comfort therefore such prophesies are not contained here 2. It is not affirmed that the Iewes endured nothing of the Romanes but that their gouernement was nothing so hard and yron-like as was the tyrrannie of the kings of Syria 8. The vision of an humane image signified one vnited bodie consisting of diuerse kingdomes one succeding another as the parts of the bodie doe one ioyne vnto another the beginning and head of which bodie was in Babylon but the Romane Monarchie beeing distant at the least a 1200. miles from Babylon could not make one vnited bodie with it therefore that Monarchie cannot here fitly be vnderstood Polan Quest. 50. That this fourth Monarchie diuided into two kingdomes resembled by the two legges of the image was the kingdome of Syria and Egypt When Alexander was dead which happened in the 33. yeare of his age his kingdome was diuided into foure parts Seleucus had Babylon and Syria Ptolome Egypt Cassander Macedonia and Antigonus held Asia but the two first were the mightiest kingdomes and did most afflict the people of God which are here shadowed forth by the two yron legges as thus may be shewed 1. The occasion of Nebuchadnezzars dreame is an argument thereof which was to knowe what should become of his kingdome after him the greatest part whereof fell vnto the share of these two Seleucus that obtained the kingdom of Syria and Ptolome of Egypt 2. The scope and ende of this vision was to describe vnto the Iewes their state and condition vnder these kingdomes vntill the comming of the Messiah which was most hard and yron-like vnder the tyrannicall command of these two houses the Seleucians and the Ptolomies so the captiuitie and bondage of the Israelites in Egypt is compared to an yron fornace Deut. 4. 20. and now vnder Egypt againe they endure an other yron fornace 3. This vision is opened and expounded by other visions and prophesies afterward cap. 7. 8. but most euidently cap. 11. 4. where the kingdome of Alexander is foretold shall be diuided into 4. parts and that among the rest the king of the North which is Babylon and Syria and the king of the South namely of Egypt shall be the chiefe But the Romanes could neither be this king of the South nor of the North. 4. The euent in these two kingdomes answereth to the prophesie for here 4. things are foreshewed 1. the condition and manner of gouernment towards the people of God which should be yron-like ver 40. and so indeede were the kings of the North and South hard as yron and cruell towards the people of God 2. The constitution of these kingdomes is set forth vers 42. which as two legges did issue forth of the brasen bellie and thighs that is Alexanders Monarchie the strength whereof remained in them 3. Then the inconstant and variable state of these two kingdomes is described they should be part of yron part of clay sometime one should be the stronger sometime the other as Ptolomeus Euergites had the better against Seleucus Callinicus and Ptolomie Philadelphus to reuenge his daughter Berenice her death against Antiochus Megas but for the most part the king of the North was the stronger 4. The matrimoniall league betweene these kingdomes is also foreshewed which yet should not hold Ptolome Philadelphus gaue his daughter to Antiochus Theos to make perfect agreement betweene them but this bond could not hold for Antiochus had a former wife Laodicea who caused Berenice to be poysoned whereupon ensued great warres betweene these two kings likewise Antiochus surnamed the great gaue his daughter Cleopatra to Ptolome Epiphanes and thus euerie part of this prophesie was truely fulfilled in these two kingdomes as shall be shewed more at large in the opening of the 11. chap. Iunius 5. The prophesie of Ezekiel against Gog cap. 38. herein concurreth with this vision which is there ver 15. expounded to be the kingdome of the North that vsed the helpe of the Persians who were tributarie vnto Antiochus Epiphanes 1. Mac. 3. 31. and of the Arabians ver 5. against the people of God 6. It is well obserued by some learned men that the Romanes are but thrice mentioned in all the prophesie of Daniel once cap. 11. 18. where it is said a Prince shall cause his shame the Romanes sent their Consul against Antiochus Megas againe in the same chapter vers 30. the shippes of Cittim shall come against him the Romanes sent Popilius to stay Antiochus Epimanes and chap. 9. 26. where it is said the people of the prince which shall come and destroy the citie the Romanes are vnderstood In other places of his prophesie no mention is made of them this prophesie then is not extended vnto them But it will be thus obiected on the contrarie that this last Monarchie cannot be interpreted of these two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt 1. Obiect It is said that in the dayes of these kings the kingdome of the Messiah should be set vp but these kingdomes were destroyed and dissolued by the Romanes before the Messiah came Pappus Answ. The kingdome indeede of Syria was before subdued by Pompey and the house of the Seleucians was then extinguished which might be about 70. or 80. yeares or thereabout before the birth of Christ but the kingdome of Egypt continued still vntill the raigne of Herod vnder whom Christ was borne who was confirmed in his kingdome by Antonie and Cleopatra the daughter of the last Ptolomie surnamed Piper so that Egypt had some part of the Images toe vntill the Lords birth 2. Obiect This last Monarchie is called a kingdome it was then but one but these were two kingdomes one of the South the other of the North they therefore cannot be vnderstood to be the fourth Monarchie Answ. 1. It is called one kingdome
fourth kingdome and the fift cannot stand together 6. Argum. The Romane Empire yet in some sort continueth therefore this fift is not the kingdome of Christ which must not be raised vntill the other be destroyed Contra. The Romane Monarchie is long since dissolued and there remaineth nothing but an image and shadowe thereof therefore this reason concludeth not Quest. 58. That this kingdome of Christs is a spirituall no temporall kingdome 1. Some thinke that Christ was the temporall king of the Iewes and that the kingdome of Dauid descended lineally vnto him by right of inheritance which they would further confirme by that prophesie of Iaacob Gen. 49. 10. the scepter shall not depart from Iudah till Shilob come c. whence they inferre that the kingdome of Israel shall be restored by the Messiah Contra. 1. It can not be shewed that Christ descended by such a right line as that the kingdome came vnto him by lineall descent for the line which Matthew and Luke set downe are of Ioseph not of Marie which sheweth that they were both of the same tribe but that lineall descent wil deriue the temporall kingdome rather to Ioseph then to Marie 2. The contrarie rather is inferred vpon that prophesie that the scepter should then and not before depart from Iudah when the Messiah should come and he saith not that he should be expectatio Iudaeorum the expectation of the Iewes but the expectation of the Gentiles as the Latine translator readeth or the people or nations not the Iewes should be gathered vnto him Pintus 2. Now that Christs shall be no temporall but a spirituall kingdome neither that he had any temporall kingdome by succession from Dauid it may thus appeare 1. Iehoiachin the last king of the Iewes beside Zedekiah whose sonnes were killed before his face had none of his seede to sit vpon the throne after him Ieremie 22. 30. but if the kingdome of Christ were lineally deriued from Dauid it must be counted from him 2. Christ refused to be made a king and when he perceiued the people had such an intent he conuaied himselfe from among them Ioh. 6. 15. he likewise refused to entermeddle with the office of a king as to be a iudge in ciuill causes Luk. 12. 14. 3. No temporall kingdome is eternall but the kingdome of Christ is eternall therefore it is no temporall kingdome 4. What manner of kingdome Christs is the Prophet Zacharie sheweth Behold thy King commeth vnto thee c. poore and riding vpon an asse if Christs were a temporal kingdome where is the pompe riches and glorie of his kingdome 5. As Christs kingdome is so was the oyle wherewith he was annointed and the sword wherewith he was girded but he was annointed with spirituall oyle and the sword of his kingdome is also spirituall Psal. 45. 3. 7. therefore so is his kingdome Pintus 59. Quest. v. 44. In the daies of what kings Christs kingdome should be raised vp 1. The Latin interpreter readeth in the daies of these kingdomes which Lyran. Pint. with others vnderstand of the Romane Empire which is called kingdomes in the plurall quia multa regna continebat sub se because it contained many kingdomes vnder it and they giue this sense that while the Romane Monarchie yet continued the kingdome of Christ should begin Pappus 2. Bullinger somewhat diuerslly by these kings vnderstandeth â—â—iuers princes of the Romane Empire as Augustus and Antonius betweene whom Herod went vnto the Capitol beeing by them confirmed in his kingdome Contra. But that these times can not be vnderstood of the Romane Empire at all hence it is euident because this 5. kingdome must be raised vp in the ende of the other Now the Romane Empire most of all flourished when Christ was borne it was not then the fourth kingdome here spoken of See other arguments against this opinion question 49. 3. The Iewes do vnderstand this fourth kingdome of the Turkish dominion they confound the Macedonian and Romane Empire together making them both one because they say the Romanes had their originall from the Grecians and this is their deuise that they should not be forced to finde the beginning of Christs kingdome vnder the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes Contra. 1. The fourth kingdome cannot be the Turkish segnorie which came 600. yeares at the least after the other 3. kingdomes were dissolued but by Daniels description the fourth kingdome must followe immediately vpon the dissolution of the other 2. Though the Romanes had their beginning from Troy in Asia minor yet that was destroyed a 1000. yeares well nie before the ende of the three first Monarchies therefore the Romanes could not then be counted one kingdome with the Grecians 3. Likewise the Turks came from the mount Caspian and out of the greater Asia then by this reason they might as well confound the Turkish gouernement with the Babylonian or Persian Monarchie which had their chiefe dominions in the greater Asia 3. Therefore the times of these kings must be referred vnto the last kings of the fourth kingdome which consisted of Syria and Egypt as the two legges thereof as is before shewed quest 50. And so Hugo verie well expoundeth in diebus vnius ex illis in the dayes of these kings or kingdomes that is one of them and in the ende of them as the word is taken Ezech. 7. 12. the time is come that is the ende to the same purpose gloss ordinar his regnis pracurrentibus these kingdomes going before as beeing forerunners the kingdome of Christ was both prophesied of and came This beeing agreed vpon that this time is the ende of these kingdomes yet there is this doubt Iunius seemeth to vnderstand this king to be Herod who was an Arabian and so of the kindred of the kings of Syria who vsurped the kigdome of the Iewes and in his time Christ came But this cannot be so fit to find this forth kingdom among the people of God in Iudea it must be a forren kingdome that was cruell and yron-like towards that nation And the kingdome of Syria was dissolued a good while before by Pompey before Herod was king Therefore I rather consent to them which vnderstand this time to be the ende of Ptolomies house and race for vntill Herod the house of Ptolomie continued for Antonie who confirmed Herod in his kingdome married Cleoptra the daughter and heire of Ptolomie Piper 60. Quest. How Christs kingdome is said to destroy other kingdomes 1. Seeing that three of these Monarchies and kingdomes were destroied before Christs birth how is Christs kingdome saide to destroy them and seeing kingdomes are set vp by God and the Apostle saith that the powers that be are ordained of God how is Christ said to destroy that which he setteth vp Answ. 1. Though those kingdomes were in act dissolued before Christs comming in the flesh yet because Christs kingdome is euerlasting and beganne not with his incarnation those kingdomes were destroied by the power of Christs
eternall kingdome for as the Lord saith concerning Cyrus I guided thee though thou knewest it not Isa. 45. 5. As the Lord Christ was the founder and setter vp of Cyrus kingdome to deliuer his people so the same kingdome when it opposed it selfe against Christ and his Church was by the same power of Christ pulled downe 2. Christ indeede setteth vp kingdomes in respect of the power and authoritie giuen vnto them which is of God and he maintaineth vpright and iust kings as the wise man saith Prov. 8. 15. By me kings raigne and Princes decree iust things But vniust kings and tyrannicall kingdomes Christ destroyeth not that he is an enemie to the place and gouernment but he setteth himselfe against all such kingdomes as oppose themselues to the Church of God so it is true conteri comminui a Christo terrena imperia accidentaliter that as it were accidentally Christ doth diminish and breake in pieces terrene kingdomes as they are aduersaries to the kingdome of Christ. Calvin 61. Quest. Whether Christ at his comming did in deede destroy the temporall dominions 1. Pererius thinketh that Christ is said to destroy them non eversa temporali dominatione sed sublata idololatria not in ouerthrowing their temporall dominion â—ut in taking away their idolatrie Contra. But this can not be the meaning for the idolatrie of the heathen gouernours was not abolished till the time of Constantine which was 300. yeares after Christ beside the three first Monarchies were dissolued of the Chaldeans Persians Grecians and yet they were not purged of their idolatrie 2. Therefore the destruction of these kingdomes must be vnderstood of the outward ruine and fall of them as both in fact was euident that the foure kingdomes described by the image were so dissolued and this was best answerable to the vision wherein the image was seene to be broken all to pieces and dashed together by the stone cut out of the mountaine 62. Quest. How Christ is said to be the stone cut out without hands 1. Augustine by this mountaine vnderstandeth the people of the Iewes de quo monte exciditur nisi de regno Iudaeorum out of what mountaine is he cut but out of the kingdome of the Iewes Tractat. 9. in Ioann but at what time Christ was borne the kingdome of the Iewes beeing fallen into the hands of a stranger when according to Iaakobs prophesie the scepter was gone from Iudah could not be compared to a mountaine 2. Ambrose reading in stead of the stone cut out of the mountaine the mountaine cut out of the mountaine without hands expoundeth it of the eternall generation of Christ of the father mons de monte sine manibus hoc est filius de patre sine aliquo creationis accessu the mountaine cut of the mountaine without hands that is the sonne of the father without any creation c. Sermon 7. So also Iustinus Martyr vnderstandeth it of the eternall generation of Christ. But Daniel here speaketh of a kingdome to be raised vp by God it had then a beginning but the kingdome of Christ as he is the sonne of God had no beginning this therfore must be vnderstood of Christs kingdom as he is the Mediatour both God and man 3. Hyppolitus referreth it to Christs second comming and that clause without hands signifieth secundum Christi adventum fore improvisum that the second comming of Christ shal be sudden c. so also Osiander it signifieth that Christ the rocke subito superventurum shall come suddenly to iudgement but this cannot be vnderstood of Christs second comming as is before shewed Qu. 51. because this stone after it is cut out shall grow into a mountaine and fill all the earth but the knowledge of Christ shall haue filled all the earth before his second comming 4. But most interpreters doe interpret it of the miraculous generation of Christ of the virgin Marie so Hierome Theodoret Lyran. Vatab. and without hands signifieth sine operatione humana without the helpe of man and the virgin Marie is compared to a mountaine propter excellentiam virtutum because of the excellencie of her vertue Pintus 5. Bullinger putteth these together vnderstanding by the word mountaine partim locum excelsum c. partly the high place of heauen partly the people of the Iewes because he was borne of the virgin Marie c. Contra. 1. But this cannot be so applied to the virgin Marie for shee in no sense can be said to be a mountaine in respect of Christ and he to be a small stone in respect of her Marie was no waies greater then her sonne 2. Although Christ was borne of Marie without the companie of man yet his naturall generation was not altogether without the helpe of mankind because he was borne of a woman and therefore Iustinus better applieth these words to Christs eternall generation which was altogether without hands it was non humanum opus sed diuinae voluntatis propositum no humane worke but the decree and purpose of the diuine will 3. The words are not as they are vsually read cut out without hands but cut out of the mountaine which is not in hands that is which stone is not at all guided or framed with hands that is Christs kingdome and gouernment is not administred by any humane policie this is then to be vnderstood not of the manner of Christs birth but of the administration of his kingdome 6. Wherefore the meaning is he was cut out of the mountaine that is è coelis loco Dei altissimi he was sent from heauen from the place of the highest Iun. Polan divinitus missus est he was sent from God Calvin And therefore it is here said the God of heauen shall set him vp Our blessed Sauiour also to the same purpose saith Ioh. 3. 13. No man hath ascended to heauen but he which descended from heauen the sonne of man which is in heauen 63. Quest. In what sense Christ is compared to a little stone and how it filled the earth 1. Christ is resembled to a small stone in diuers respects 1. in regard of his incarnation in taking mans nature vpon him he abased himselfe and made himselfe of no reputation Philip. 2. 7. 2. His smalnes was in the opinion of the world who made no reckoning of Christ but dispised and contemned him Isa. 53. 3. he is despised and reiected of men 3. His life was poore without any pompe or worldly glorie he was hungrie and thirstie and others ministred to him of their substance who giueth vnto all abundantly 4. He was small in respect of his small and little flocke and of that small number which beleeued in him 5. Likewise in regard of his bitter passion and ignominious death he seemed to be litle 2. But yet the small stone encreased and grew into a mountaine filling the whole earth 1. with the preaching of the Gospel which was published through the world 2. in illuminating the world with
all things and reuealeth secrets and from heauen he sendeth all good things Angels and Saints haue no such title they are not gods of heauen they neither create it nor can they from thence reueale secrets or send downe heauenly graces therefore they are not to be inuocated or called vpon Polan Bulling 3. Controv. That prayer is not meritorious but grounded onely vpon Gods mercie v. 18. For grace or mercie in this secret All our prayers then must lay their foundation in Gods mercie that he would first forgiue vs our sinnes and then freely and gratiously conferre vpon vs such things as we aske Polan then the seruants of God doe not place any merit or worthines in their prayers Bulling which is the opinion of the Romanists that the prayers of the Saints are meritorious for first our prayers tend altogether vnto our good God receiueth nothing thereby as Iob. 33. 11. Elihu saith If thou be righteous what giuest thou vnto him or what receiueth he at thine hand there can not be any desert where he is not benefited or furthered at whose hands we should deserue Againe that which should merit at Gods hand must be perfect and absolute but in our prayers there are many wants and imperfections Rom. 8. 26. We know not what to pray as we ought 4. Controv. That matrimonie is no sacrament v. 18. Whereas the word raza is by the Septuag here translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a mysterie or secret and so also read P. A. V. I. with others the Latine translateth a sacrament and yet in the next v. he retaineth the word mysterie whereupon it is euident that in the vulgar Latine translation the word sacrament is diuersly taken not alwaies for the sacramēts of the church properly so called but for any mysticall or secret thing as here the interpretation of this dreame which Daniel prayeth for he calleth a sacrament that is a secret or mysterie Therefore it is but a weake collection of the Rhemists and of other Romanists vpon the Latine text which readeth Eph. 5. 32. This is a great sacramēt to inferre thereupon that mariage is a sacrament for they might as well conclude here that this Image which Nabuchadnezzer saw in his dreame was a sacrament 5. Controv. That the Saints merit not v. 23. O thou God of my fathers c. Pintus hereupon giueth this note that Daniel in his thanksgiuing maketh mention of his fathers Abraham Izaak and Iaakob that he should not seeme to attribute this thing onely to himselfe which he obtained of God sed potius illorum insignium virorum meritis institiae but rather to the merits and iustice of those excellent men c. Contra. Whereas Daniel maketh mention of his fathers he doth it not as relying vpon their worthines or merits for he groundeth his prayers onely vpon Gods grace and mercie v. 18. but for these two causes 1. he remembreth the promise and couenant which God had made to and with their fathers to be their God and the God of their seede which promise the Lord gratiously performed now in granting Daniel his request Polan 2. because they were worshippers of the true God hereby he excludeth all false gods whome they worshipped not Genevens 6. Controv. v. 21. That the Pope hath no power committed vnto him to put downe Kings v. 21. He taketh away Kings This beeing here by Daniel ascribed vnto God as his peculiar worke to remooue Kings from their thrones and to plant others in their place the arrogancie of the proud Bishop of Rome is made manifest to all the world who taketh vpon him Gods office to depose and set vp kings at his pleasure Polan As Platina writeth of Gregorie that he vttered these presumptuous words Nos nos imperia regna principatus quicquid habere mortales possunt auferre dare posse c. That we euen we haue power to take away and giue Empires Kingdomes principalities and whatsoeuer mortall men haue Thus Iulius 2. gaue the kingdome of Navarre to the Spanish king because he tooke part with Lewes the 12. king of France likewise the Bishop of Rome stirring vp Matthias king of Hungarie against the Hussites of Bohemia promised him quicquid Boemiae etiamsi totum regnum caperet suae fore ditionis that whatsoeuer in Bohemia though it were the kingdome should belong vnto him This sheweth the presumptuous insolencie of that proud Sea to challenge that right and power which belongeth onely vnto God 1. Kings onely are to be deposed by him from whome they receiue their power and authoritie but that they haue from God as the Apostle saith The powers that be are ordained of God not of the Pope therefore by him they are not to be deposed 2. The Pope himselfe is subiect to the Emperour as the same Apostle saith Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers he therefore hath no superioritie ouer them 7. Contr. That the Pope can not be Christs Vicar generall in earth v. 44. The God of heauen shall set vp a kingdome This kingdome of Christ is no visible but a spirituall and vniuersall kingdome thorough the world wherein though he vse Ministers as Apostles Prophets Pastors Doctors to reconcile men vnto himselfe by the preaching of the Gospel yet Vicar generall he hath none 1. The embassage which Christ hath committed to his Ministers in his stead is to reconcile men by the preaching of the word as the Apostle saith We are Embassadors for Christ c. we pray you in Christs stead to be reconciled vnto God But the Pope can not in Christs stead reconcile men vnto Christ but this is the dutie of seuerall Pastors and Ministers who are in Christs stead and as his vicars to beget men vnto the faith Polan one man alone vnlesse he were of infinite power can not suffice to execute this embassage of reconciliation through the Church 2. Christs kingdome is eternall the kingdome of the Pope is temporall he therefore can not be Christs Vicar in his eternall kingdome Osiander 3. Christs kingdome is spirituall the Popes is externall he therefore can not be Christs Vicar in his spirituall kingdome 8. Controv. That the time of Christs comming to iudgement can not be gathered from Daniels prophesie v. 44. Some doe make this coniecture that seeing the kingdome of Christ should be raised vp toward the ende of the fourth Monarchie which they suppose to be the Romane Empire which is now decaied and almost at an ende they would hence gather that the comming of Christ is at hand Contra. 1. If their meaning be that Christs comming is nearer at hand then before that is most certen if that a small time remaineth in respect of Christs euerlasting kingdome it is confessed but if they would hence prooue that the comming of Christ is now presently to be expected because the Romane Monarchie is at an ende they are deceiued because they build this collection vpon two vncertenties 1. this fourth Monarchie is
euerlasting kingdome and his dominion is from generation to generation with generation and generation 4. I Nebuchadnezzar beeing at rest happie V. in mine house and flourishing like the spreading boughes C. in my palace 5. I sawe a dreame which made me afraide and the thoughts vpon my bed and the visions of mine head troubled me 6. Therefore I set forth a decree to bring before me all the wise men of Babel to make knowne vnto me to shewe vnto me caeter the interpretation of the dreame 7. So came the magicians astrologians Chaldeans and Soothsayers and I told the dreame before to them G. B. but they could not make knowne vnto me the interpretation thereof 8. Till at the last Daniel Daniel the collegue L. S. but acharin beeing onely found in this place as R. Kimhi is better interpreted here at the last came before me whose name was Belteshazzar according to the name of my God which hath the spirit of the holy gods in him and before him I told the dreame 9. O Belteshazzar chiefe of the Magicians because I knowe that the spirit of the holy gods is in thee and not any secret puts thee to businesse is impossible vnto thee L. or escapeth thee V. or troubleth thee G. B. or oppresseth thee I. the word anas signifieth to trouble to put to businesse tell me the visions of my dreame which I haue seene that is I. and caeter but it is not here a coniunction copulatiue for he desireth onely the interpretation of his dreame ver 15. he declareth his dreame himselfe the interpretation thereof 10. Thus were the visions not vision L. of mine head in my bed I did behold and loe a tree in the middes of the earth and the height thereof was great 11. A great tree and strong and the height thereof reached vnto heauen and the sight thereof to the ende of all the earth 12. The boughes thereof bough C. the singular is put for the plurall not the leaues thereof L. were faire and the fruit thereof much and in it was meate for all the beasts of the field tooke shade I. B. not it made shade G. or the beasts dwelt vnder it and in the boughes thereof dwelt the foules of heauen and all flesh fedde of it 13. I sawe in the visions of my head vpon my bed and behold a watchman and an holy one came downe from heauen 14. And cried aloud with strength C. and said thus Hewe downe the tree and breake off his branches shake of his leaues and scatter his fruite that the beasts may flee from vnder it and the foules from his branches 15. Neuerthelesse leaue the stumpe not the budde of his rootes in the earth and with a band of yron and brasse bind it among the grasse of the field not which is without and let it be wet dipt C. with the dewe of heauen and with the beasts beast C. let his portion be among the grasse of the field 16. Let his heart be changed let them change C. from a mans from a man and let a beasts heart be giuen vnto him and let seauen times be passed changed L. ouer him 17. The sentence is according to the decree of the watchmen and the request according to the word of the holy ones B. I. V. not and the word of the holy ones and the request and is but once in the originall nor according to the word of the holy ones the demaund was answered G. for this last word is not in the originall to the intent that vntill L. the liuing may knowe that the most high hath power ouer the kingdome of men man C. and giueth it to whom he will and appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men 18. This is the dreame that I king Nebuchadnezzar haue seene now thou Belteshazzar tell the interpretation thereof for all the wisemen of my kingdome are not able to make knowne the interpretation but thou art able for the spirit of the holy gods is in thee 19. Then Daniel whose name was Belteshazzar was amazed I. stood as astonished V. held his peace L. B. G. S. but the word shamam signifieth properly to be astonished amazed to wonder by the space of an houre and his thoughts troubled him and the king spake and said Let neither the dreame nor the interpretation thereof trouble thee then Belteshazzar answered and said The dreame be to them that hate thee and the interpretation thereof to thine enemies 20. The tree which thou sawest which was great and mightie whose height reached vnto the heauen and the sight thereof through all the earth 21. Whose leaues were faire and the fruit thereof much and in it was meate for all vnder the which the beastes of the field dwelt and the foules of the heauen did sit 22. It is thou O king that art great and mightie for thy greatnesse is growen and reacheth vnto the heauen and thy dominion is to the ende of the earth 23. Whereas the king sawe a watchman and an holy one that came downe from heauen and said Hewe downe the tree and destroy it yet leaue the stumpe of the rootes thereof in the earth and with a band of yron and brasse bind it among the grasse of the field and let it be wet with the dewe of heauen and let his portion be with the beasts of the field till seauen times passe ouer him 24. This is the interpretation O king not of the king I. and this is the decree of the most high which is come vpon my Lord the king 25. That they shall driue thee from men and thy dwelling shall be with the beasts of the field and they shall make thee â—ate grasse like the oxen thou shalt â—at L. and they shall wet thee with the dewe of heauen till thou knowe that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdome of men and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will 26. And whereas they said not he said L. that they should leaue the stumpe of the tree rootes thy kingdome shall be stable vnto thee or remaine vnto thee L. B. G. after thou shalt haue knowne hast learned to knowe L. that the heauens beare rule 27. Wherefore O king let my counsell be acceptable vnto thee and breake off thy sinnes by righteousnesse I. G. B. not redeeme thy sinnes V. L. by almes deeds L. for pharach signifieth to breake off as it is taken Gen. 27. 40. and the other word tzidecah signifieth righteousnesse if so be thy peace may be prolonged I. A. P. V. better then that there may be an healing of thine error G. B. or God may forgiue thy sinnes L. S. 28. All these things came not shall come G. or touch B. vpon the king Nebuchadnezzar 29. At the ende of twelue moneths he walked in the palace of the kingdome of Babylon 30. And the king spake and said Is not this great Babel that I haue built for the house of the kingdome by the might of my power and for the honour of
hath an other exposition that hereby is signified that Nebuchadnezzar was aduanced from low degree vnto the kingdome and that he was per humilitatem restitutus restored againe by humilitie 3. But the vse is rather more generall that by this deposing of Nebuchadnezzar so great a king men might learne that all kingdomes are at Gods disposing seeing many times most base men haue beene aduanced to the kingly dignities and so as Caluin well noteth hoc non tantum in vno Rege contigit c. this hath not fallen out onely in one king It is notorious that among the Romane and Greeke Emperours some had beene â—eateheards as cruell Maximinus some swineheards as Iustinus the father of Iustinian Quest. 20. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre Diuerse reasons may be yeelded of this silence of Daniel 1. Some thinke that in this space Daniel praied vnto God for the interpretation of the dreame as Theodoret saith prime ostendenda erat humana infirmitas c. first humane infirmitie was to shewe it selfe and then inspired grace to be manifested c. so thinketh Dyonis Carthusi intra hanc horam fuisse ei ostensam c. that in this space was shewed vnto him the interpretation of the dreame se totum ad Deum extulit cum pijs precibus he lifted vp his prayers vnto God Pint. feruids Dominum orauit c. he earnestly besought the Lord. Bulling 2. But this seemeth not to haue beene all the cause for it is said Daniels thoughts troubled him not because he was afraide of the king â—â—d dolebat pro eo he grieued for him of whom he had receiued such honour Hierome so also Lyran. Iun. Polan for the holy prophets had a double affection when they declared Gods iudgements ex vna parte condolebant miseris hominibus on the one side they pitied those miserable men to whom the iudgements were denounced deinde intrepide pronuntiabant yet they pronounced them without feare Caluin And this seemeth to haue beene the cause of this pause which he made the greatnesse of the iudgement which was determined and for that it greiued him for the king of whom he had beene so honoured because the king encourageth him to proceede whatsoeuer the dreame was 3. Vtilis etiam fuit regiscunctatio c. and in this behalfe also this stay of Daniel was profitable to the king that he might be more desirous to heare the truth Oecolampaid Pelli This vse the king might make thereof but this was not the cause which mooued Daniel Quest. 21. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies Daniel should seeme herein to pray against the will of God which had so decreed against Nebuchednezzar and beside it might be thought against charitie to wish such things vnto those whome he knewe not who might some of them be better then Nebuchadnezzar 1. Some thinke therefore that Daniel by this speach onely sheweth the great calamitie which should befall him such as we vse to say a man wisheth to his enemie Bulling which was the cause he was so loath to open the dreame because it pretended such heauie things but it is euident by Daniels troubled thoughts that he was indeede sorie for the king and wished that euill farre away from him 2. Dyonis Carthusian answereth that this euill which he wished vnto the kings enemies might ad salutem animae proficere be profitable vnto them for their soules health and therefore this wish was not vncharitable But it might as well haue beene for the health of Nebuchadnezzars soule he should not then haue wished it from him 3. Some thinke that it was rather ciuilis salutatio then precatio ex fide a ciuill kind of salutation then a prayer of faith which it was necessarie Daniel should vse to insinuate himselfe Iun. in commentar 4. But it was more then a ciuill salutation for indeede Daniel desired averti tam horriâ—ilem poenam à regis persona such an horrible punishment to be turned away from the king Caluin whereupon Polanus also noteth that we should euen pray for our enemies as Daniel did for Nebuchadnezzar who was an enemie to the people of God and held them in captiuitie 5. But Daniel herein went not against the decree of God for he thus prayeth praesupposito beneplacito diuino presupposing if it were Gods good pleasure Dyon Carthus so also Pintus he knew Dei minis promissionibus haerere suas conditiones that certaine condions were annexed to the threatnings and promises of God Iun. for otherwise Daniel in vaine afterward had giuen counsell vnto Nebuchadnezzar here to preuent this calamitie see further quest 29. Quest. 22. That at yrannicall gouernement is better then an anarchie or no gouernement V. 19. It is thou O king that art great and mightie 1. though Nebuchadnezzar were a Tyrant as both appeareth by his crueltie against the Iewes in destroying their citie both burning the Temple and putting the people to the sword as also by his fierce rage shewed against the Chaldeans whom he vniustly caused to be killed cap. 2. because they could not tell him his dreame which he had forgotten yet he is compared to a goodly tree which gaue meat and shadowe vnto the foules and beasts So that although Tyrants and cruell gouernours seeke to extinguish all equitie and iustice Deus retinet illos incomprehensibili modo God holdeth them in after a secret manner that some profit commeth by their gouernement Caluin As the heathen Emperours of Rome though they were cruell yet ordained good politike lawes as may appeare by the constitutions of Alexander Diocletian and the rest as are extant in the Code 2. Whereas when there is no gouernement but euery one doth what they list there is a confusion of all things a corruption both of manners and religion as appeareth in the time of the Iudges when as there was no king in Israel they followed what religion they would Iudg. 17. 6. and they liued as they would themselues without either feare of God or man as appeareth by the sinne of the men of Gibeah against the Leuites wife Iudg. 19. Quest. 23. v. 10. What is meant by hewing downe the tree 1. If but one or two branches had beene cut off yet the rest remaining would haue flourished still and so the losse should not haue beene so great As in a commonwealth when one noble man of account or one of excellent learning or vertue dieth and is taken away though it be a losse or hinderance yet the countrey is not vndone others may rise vp in his place as when Sulpitius that eloquent orator among the Romanes was slaine yet Cicero succeeded in whom that want was supplied And if a king loose one citie in his kingdome yet he may comfort himselfe in the rest But Nebuchadnezzar at once should loose all his great and large dominion and be stripped of his regall dignitie The Duke of Florence gaue for his ensigne a
great tree with many spreading boughes one of them beeing cut off with this posie vno avulso non deficit alter one beeing pulled away the other faileth not but here all the boughes and branches are pulled away at once Pintus 2. If it had beene told him that he should onely loose his regall dignitie and liue as a common person it had not beene so grieuous but now when he heareth that he should be throwne downe from such an high estate into such an ignominious life as to be matched with beasts it must needes trouble him Caluin Quest. 24. 22. How Nebuchadnezzar was driuen from men and dwelt with the beasts 1. Theodoret sheweth how this came to passe for both because he was rabie correptus taken with furie and so might haue done much hurt if he had still conuersed among men as also for that he was hated of all for his former tyrannie and crueltie they expelled and draue him away from the companie of men 2. And beeing thus driuen out among beasts and lying in the wet and cold his garments rotted and his haire grewe hard like eagles quilles and his nailes waxed long like vnto birds clawes he was neglected of all euen of his wife and children and kindred Gods iustice so prouiding that as he had shewed himselfe in his tyrannicall and cruell gouernement as a beast toward others so ferina vitae damnatus est he was condemned to a beastly life in whom may be verified that saying in the Psal. 49. 12. Man shall not continue in honour but is like vnto the beasts that perish Quest. 25. How Nebuchadnezzar did eate grasse like an oxe It may seeme strange that a king beeing so delicate a person should fall to eat grasse like an oxe which seeming vnto some to be verie vnlikely and improbable they therefore would turne this histore into an allegorie but this doubt may diuerse wayes be answered 1. First it is no vnnaturall thing for men to liue of grasse and herbes as Plinie writeth of a certaine people of the Ethiopians which liue of rawe Locustes some onely of herbes and rootes others doe eate of any thing that commeth to hand and therefore are called pamphagi eaâ—nals which eate of any thing As also Ecclesiasticall histories make mention of diuers Heremites which liued onely of rootes and such other wild fruite of the earth 2. And further the imagination of his minde which was now become phrantike and bruitish might bring him to eate such meates which otherwise he in his right mind would haue abhorred as Hierome saith multa sunt furentibus facilia qua sunt sanis intolerabilia many things are easie vnto madde men which are intolerable to them of right minde and as Theodoret obserueth we see by experience that furious and mad men doe put into their mouthes and teare with their teeth whatsoeuer commeth to hand 3. Beside â—he temperament and constitution of his bodie was altered and changed by the distemperature of his mind and so it might be made fit and applyable vnto such bruite beasts 4. But most of all Gods power here was secret in preseruing the life of Nebuchadnezzar by such meates that he might be an example to all ages of Gods iustice and that thereby his pride might thoroughly be tamed Quest. 26. How the kingdome of Babylon was gouerned in the time of Nebuchadnezzars absence 1. Some thinke that it might be gouerned by Euilmerodach his sonne who afterward succeeded which is not vnlike Perer. But whereas Lyranus addeth that Nebuchadnezzar at his returne put his sonne in prison where Iechonias was for his misgouernement while his father was thus humbled and thereupon Euilmerodach when he came to raigne aduanced Iechonias and tooke him out of prison 2. king 24. 27. it hath no probabilitie 2. Or the nobles might take vpon them the gouernement of the kingdome in the meane time seeing they knewe by Daniel that the king was to be restored to his kingdome and Iosephus addeth further nemine audente toto septennio inuadere dominium none durst inuade the kingdome all those seauen yeares and because Nebuchadnezzar had been a valiant king and much enlarged his hingdome this might be a reason that they expected his returne with patience Lyran. which made them to be the more willing to receiue him againe and to seeke vnto him because God had so ordained Quest. 27. ver 22. What is vnderstood by seauen times 1. Some thinke that by 7. times no certaine but an indiffinite time is vnderstood ex Bulling but that is not so for it is said ver 31. that in the end of these dayes c. there were then certaine dayes appointed 2. R. Leui and Aben Ezra leaue it vncertaine and indifferent whether we vnderstand here moneths or yeares or the parts of the yeere but it is certaine that in a prophesie some one speciall thing is signified 3. Theodoret enclineth to thinke that hereby the halfe yeares must be counted for the times as the Persians generally diuide the yeare into two parts Summer and Winter and so these 7. times should make three yeares and an halfe But no where in the Scripture is a time taken for halfe a yeare 4. Bullinger by these 4. times vnderstandeth the 4. times of the yeare the Spring Summer the Autumne Winter and so these 7. yeares should come out in a yeare and three quarters but we refuse this sense also for the former reason time is not so taken in Scripture 5. Wherefore the receiued interpretation is best by seauen times to vnderstand 7. yeares so Iosephus Iun. Osiand Oecolampad Caluin Perer. Vatab. Lyranus giueth this reason because cap. 12. ver 7. a time two times and an halfe are so taken for three years and an halfe which make 1290. dayes as it is expounded v. 12. Iunius giueth instance in a more direct place cap. 11. 13. in the ende haghittim shanim of the times of yeares Pererius further yeeldeth this reason quia omnis nota temporis varietas c. because euery notable varietie and change of time is contayned in the compasse of a yeare as Sommer Winter heate cold c. 6. Hence also is manifest the error of Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius in vitâ— Danielis whom the author of the scholasticall historie followeth that 7. yeares were determined but at the prayer of Daniel they were changed into 7. moneths for the contrarie is euident v. 31. that Nebuchadnezzar did not come to himselfe till the full time was expired In the ende of these dayes I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eies to heauen c. And so Daniel had prophesied before ver 22. seuen times shall passe ouer thee till thou knowe that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdomes of men Quest. 28. Of Nebuchadnezzars transmutation but first in generall of the diuerse kinds of transmutations 1. Their is one kind of transmutation which is a fabulous and poeticall fiction rather then any true alteration and change such as is the
well vnto vs yet it would not follow that therefore we should pray vnto them Oecolampad see hereof Centâ—r 2. err 8. 4. Controv. That the Pope is not the distributer of kingdomes v. 22. Till thou know that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdomes of the earth and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will This Soueraigne power belongeth vnto God to dispose of kings and kingdomes to pull downe and set vp then it is presumptuous arrogancie in the Pope to challenge vnto himselfe any such supereminent power ouer kings vnto whome he himselfe ought to be subiect according to S. Pauls rule Rom. 13. 1. See before chap. 2. controv 6. 5. Controv. Against satisfaction by workes v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnesse The Latine interpreter readeth redeeme thy sinnes by righteousnes whereupon Pererius with other Romanists doe collect that workes of righteousnes and mercie doe satisfie for sinne and are auaileable ad expianda peccata venialia to expiate veniall sinnes And to that purpose he vrgeth that place Prov. 16. 6. By mercie and truth iniquitie shall be forgiuen Contra. 1. It is before sufficiently declared Quest. 30. that the true reading here is not redeeme but breake off thy sinnes 2. Though that other reading be retained the meaning onely is that he should redeeme and satisfie men whome he had wronged 3. And this had beene impossible for him to doe to make recompence to so many whome he had cruelly handled the space of 40. yeares 4. And if he would not make satisfaction vnto men much lesse vnto God 5. Wherefore in these words non exponitur modus redimendi peccata sed modus potius agendi the way of redeeming his sinne is not declared but the way rather of working such as becommeth those that are truly penitent first then his sinnes must be forgiuen by faith before he can bring forth the workes of repentance Iun. 6. Further as Nabuchadnezzer could not satisfie for his sinne no more can any man for our best works are imperfect our righteousnes is as a stained clout Isa. 6. 6. but that which must satisfie before God ought to be perfect and absolute it is therefore the most perfect righteousnes of Christ and none other that is able to satisfie Gods iustice for our sinnes 7. And concerning that place vrged out of the Proverbs either it may be vnderstood not of mercie which we shew which is called an actiue mercie but of mercie shewed vnto vs from God which is a passiue mercie by the which our iniquitie is forgiuen as Iunius prooueth by the words following by the feare of the Lord they depart from euill or els the meaning is by the works of mercie we are assured our sinnes are forgiuen vs Genevens as in the like sense our Sauiour saith Many sinnes are forgiuen her because shee loued much Luk. 7. 47. her great loue was not the cause but the signe rather and effect of the forgiuenes of her sinnes And so the Apostle saith 1. Ioh. 3. 14. We know that we are translated from death to life because we loue the brethren he saith not we are translated but we know we are But of the question against satisfaction by workes see more Synops. Papism Centur. 4. err 78. 6. Controv. Of the certentie of remission of sinnes v. 24. The Latine readeth It may be God will forgiue thee thy sinnes whereupon Pererius inferreth nemini liquido cognitam remissionem peccatorum that remission and forgiuenes of sinne is not certenly knowne vnto any Contra. 1. It is shewed before Quest. 31. that the word here vsed is not a particle of doubting but rather it serueth to exhort and stirre vp to haue further confidence in God and to take away carnall securitie 2. But that by faith we are vndoubtedly assured of the remission of sinne the Scripture euidently sheweth Rom. 5. 1. Beeing iustified by faith we are at peace with God but our conscience can not be setled or at peace vnles it be assured of Gods fauour in the remission of sinnes likewise Rom. 8. 16. The same spirit beareth witnesse to our spirit that we are the children of God but how can we be assured that they are the children of God if their sinnes be not forgiuen them See further hereof Centur. 4. err 56. 7. Controv. Which be the good workes of Christians v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnes c. Here good workes are defended to be the workes of righteousnes and mercie Among the Romanists these are counted their good workes suscipere peregrinationes erigere statuam c. to vow and take in hand pilgrimages to set vp an image to found crosses Calvin But these are not the workes which God is pleased with those are the works acceptable vnto him not which mans curiositie hath inuented but such as God himselfe hath appointed for vs to walke in Eph. 1. 10. The hypocrites say Wherewith shall I come before the Lord c. will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams or with ten thousand riuers of oyle c. But the Lord maketh answer what workes he requireth To doe iustly to loue mercie to humble thy selfe c. Mich. 6. 7. 8. Controv. That Gods prouidence is not onely a bare prescience or permission v. 32. According to his will he worketh in the armie of heauen c. Polanus hence refelleth that error of certaine Lutherans who affirme providentiam Dei nihil aliud esse nisi praescientiam that the prouidence of God is nothing els but a certain prescience formul concord fol. 249. for here it is euident that God is not a foreâ—eer but a doer that all things in heauen and earth fall out according to his will as Psal. 135. 6. Whatsoeuer pleased the Lord that did he in heauen and earth c. And Luther himselfe was of an other iudgement whose words are these Deus omnia infallibili voluntate praevidet proponit facit c. that God by his infallible â—ill doth foresee propound and doe all things c. Polan Calvin further vrgeth this place against those which make a distinction betweene the will of God and permission As though he suffered some things which he would not haue done which should argue impotencie and weaknes in God as though he should suffer some things against his will A voluntarie permission there is in God in leauing men vnto themselues and suffering things to worke according to their kind but an inuoluntarie permission there is not in God to suffer any thing which he would not haue done He suffereth sinne to be done though he will it not to be done yet it is his will it should be done because he knoweth how to make it serue vnto his glorie yet he is no way the author of sinne nor yet accessarie vnto it 9. Controv. Against the presumption of the Pope who would be without checke and controlement v. 32. None may say vnto him What doest thou This prerogatiue and priuiledge this great king giueth
he put downe 20. But when his heart was lifted vp and his minde spirit C. hardened in pride he was deposed caused to descend C. from his kingly throne and they tooke his glorie from him 21. And he was driuen from the sonnes of men and his heart became as a beasts was put vnto the beasts C. and his dwelling was with the wild asses they fedde him with grasse like oxen and his bodie was wer with the dewe of heauen till he knewe that the most high God bare rule ouer the kingdome of men and he appointeth ouer it whomsouer he pleaseth 22. And thou his sonne O Belshatzar hast not humbled thine heart though thou knewest all this 23. But hast lift thy selfe vp against the Lord of heauen and they haue brought the vessels of his house before thee and thou and thy princes thy wiues and thy concubines haue drunke wine in them and thou hast praised the gods of siluer and gold and brasse yron woode and stone which neither see neither heare nor vnderstand 24. Then was the part palme B. G. knuckles B. ioynts V. L. see before v. 5. of an hand sent from his presence and so this writing was written C. hath written this writing G. B. 25. And this is the writing that is written mene mene tekel vpharsin 26. And this is the interpretation of the words of the things B. G. Mene God hath numbred out thy kingdome and hath finished it 27. Tekel thou art weighed in the balance and art found wanting too light G. 28. Peres diuided I. and so he interpreteth the other words before but first the words are set downe as they were written and then the interpretation thy kingdome is deuided and giuen vnto the Medes and Persians 29. Then Belshatzar gaue charge said C. and they cloathed Daniel with purple and put a chaine of gold about his neck and made proclamation concerning him that he should be the third ruler in the kingdome 30. The same night was Belshatzar the king of the Chaldeans slaine 31. And Darius Dariaves C. the Mede tooke the kingdome beeing threescore and two yeare old 3. The questions and doubts discussed Quest. 1. Why this chapter is transposed and not set downe according to the order of time 1. It is euident by the last verse of this chapter that this historie fell out in the last yeare of Balthazar 's raigne for at this time Babylon was taken but the prophesies and visions contained cap. 7. 8. were shewed vnto Daniel before the one in the first yeare c. 7. 8. the other in the third cap. 8. 1. 2. The reason hereof is this because Daniel would set downe together all the matters of fact and historie vnto the 7. chapter and then followe the propheticall visions together which onely were reuealed to Daniel from cap. 7. to the ende beside this chapter hath a very fit coherence with the former for as there it is shewed how Nebuchahnezzar was punished for his pride so the like is set forth here in the fall of Balthazar 3. It is like that many other memorable acts fell out in the raigne of Nebuchadnezzar his sonne Euilmerodach and this Balthazar but Daniel onely toucheth such things quorum vtilis futura erat posteris memoria the memorie and knowledge whereof might be profitable to posteritie as were these miraculous workes of God which were shewed vpon these kings Theodoret. Quest. 2. Of the kings of Chaldea which succeeded after Nebuchadnezzar 1. Iosephus setteth them downe in this order after Nebuchadnezzar he nameth his sonne Abilomarodachus then Niglisar his sonne and Labosardachus his sonne the father of Balthazar the same order followeth Eusebius differing somewhat in names he calleth these four Amilmathapacus Egressaâ—ius Labosardochus Balthazar so also Hierome and Lyran. 2. Metasthenes as Pintus alleadgeth him saith that Euilmerodach had three sonnes which succeeded one another the first Niglazar or Regassar who raigned 2. yeares then Lab-assar-dach who raigned 3. yeares and the third was Balthazar 3. But all these are deceiued for it is euident out of the Sâ—â—â—pture Ierem. 27. v. 5 6 7. that after Nebuchadnezzar succeeded onely his sonne and his sonnes sonne there were not then 4. descents but onely three from Nebuchadnezzar who was the grandfather not the greatgrandfather of Balâ—hazar for after Nebuchadnezzar succeeded Euilmerodach 2. king 25. 27. and after him his sonne Balthazar thus Hugo Vatab. Inn. Oecolamp Calvin 4. But hereupon riseth this difference that this Ncega-letzer or Niglazar did depose Euilmerodach his kinsman who together with his sonne Balthazar liued in exile among the Medes and in the meane time Neegaletzer or Niglazar possessed the kingdome and so indeede there were fower in all but one of them was an vsurper Polan see more hereof afterward quest 20. Quest. 3. Of the diuerse names of this Balthazar 1. He is here called Belshatzar which signifieth a searcher of treasure of belash scrutatus est he searched and atzar treasure he is called of Metasthenes Balt assar and in the vulgar Latine Balsasar of the Septuag Baltasar 2. He was also called Nabobonidus or Naboan with Iosephus or Nebonidachus in Eusebius or as others Nebonidus which signifieth a prince expelled 3. Herodotus calleth him Labynetus or Labunitâ—s the sonne of Nitocris whom he maketh more famous then Semiramis but here Herodotus falleth into great error making these two famous Queenes but fiue ages or generations one before another whereas from Semiramis to Nitocris there were runne a 1500. yeares Peter 4. Pererius thinketh that this Balthazar was called Merodach because Ieremie saith cap. 50. 2. Bel is confounded Merodach is broken downe where Merodach which signifieth sceptrifer a scepter bearer is there vnderstood rather of their idol Bel as appeareth by the phrase is broken downe which title also they gaue vnto their kings Iun. annot some thinke that Euilmerodach was so called as to say prince of Merodaciâ— the name of a region of Babylon which Ptolomie calleth Amordacia Polan Quest. 4. In what yeare of Balthazar 's raigne this historie fell out 1. Pererius thinketh it was in the 17. yeare of his raigne Hugo Cardinal in the 18. yeare Metasthenes giueth vnto Balthazar 's raigne 5. yeares Calvin saith he raigned 8. yeares and this happened in the last yeare of his raigne 2. But it was rather in the third and last yeare of his raigne as Oecolamp Bulling for if so many as 17. or 18. yeares be allowed vnto Balthazar 's raigne there will be more then 70. yeares of captiuitie which now were expired at the taking of Babylon and Cyrus entrance for 37. yeares were gone of the captiuitie before Euilmerodach beganne to raigne 2. king 25. 27. then Euilmerodach raigned as some account 30. yeares Bulling others giue him but 23. Oecolampad Calvin they that giue the least reckon 18. yeares Iosephus there could not then be yet 18. yeares remayning And that it was in the third yeare rather then in the 5. or 8. this may be
vaine is the defense of the Papists which alleadge that they doe not worship the image but as it hath relation to him that is represented thereby Poaln See further of this controversie Synops. Centur. 2. p. 402. 2. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be retained though they be not worshipped Like as they onely doe not worship God which doe pray vnto him and fall downe before him but they also which doe fight for him So they are not onely worshippers of images which doe bowe vnto them but they also which doe maintaine them and striue still to haue them retained In this place they are not said to worship the gods of siluer and gold but to praise them So they are praisers of images which thinke they may be retained as ornaments in their Churches for the verie making of such images for any religious vse is accursed before God and abominable and therefore defileth Gods house it can be no ornament vnto it As Deut. 27. 15. Cursed is the man that shall make any carued or molten image which is an abhomination to the Lord c. God did not onely forbid the Israelites to make them any such images but he commanded them to breake downe and deface the images of the Cananites Deut. 7. 5. they might with as good pretense haue kept them for ornaments as the Lutherans doe popish images in their Churches But as Augustine saith Deus istarum omnium superstitionum euersionem iussit permissit exhibuit God hath commanded permitted exhibited vnto Christians the subuersion and ouerthrowe of all such superstitions 3. Contro That no Protestants but Papists are the profaâ—ers of holy things v. 23. They haue brought the vessels of his house before thee Pererius taketh here occasion p. 399. to enueigh against protestants whom he falsly and contumeliously calleth heretikes quires sacras Iudiâ—rio contemptui habeant c. which doe contemne and make a mocke of holy things which they take away from sacred places and persons and put them to impure and wicked vses Contra. 1. We denie that Church vessels and implements taken from idolaters are sacred things they were neuer consecrate vnto God but to superstitious vses and therefore it can be no sacriledge to conuert such things to ciuill vses 2. If any haue abused such things notwithstanding to riot and excesse they are not to be excused 3. But the Papists are the profaners of holy things indeed they profane the Scriptures not suffering them to be read to the peoples vnderstanding and the Sacraments in polluting them with their owne inuentions they baptise bels and make an idol of bread in the Eucharist 4. the Church maintenance by tithes they first tooke away from the Churches and translated them to their Abbeys where their fatte bellied Monkes wasted and consumed them in riot as all the world knoweth 4. Controv. That there are no certaine periods of kingdomes Pappus here noteth that concerning the periods of kingdomes they are for the most part quingentorum annorum of fiue hundreth yeares or halfe so much as the Assyrian Empire continued 520. yeares from the going out of Israel are counted 480. yeares and thence to the captiuitie of Babylon 430. yeares from thence to the comming of Christ 490. yeares the kingdome of Athens from Cecrope to Codrus continued 490. yeares and so long the commonwealth of the Lacedemonians from Lycurgus to the ende and subuersion thereof Some kingdomes continued but halfe the time of this periode as the kingdome of Israel in Samaria 262. yeares the Persian Monarchie 230. the kings among the Romanes raigned 245. yeares Contra. 1. First they can define no certaine periode of kingdomes some will haue 500. yeares the periode some 700. some an 120. yeares and here before diuerse examples are alledged of vnlike continuance 2. The examples are impertinent the Assyrian Empire is held to haue continued aboue a 1000. yeares the state of the Iudges exceeded not 300. yeares the 490. yeares till the comming of the Messiah take not beginning from the captiuitie but from the reedifying of Ierusalem after the captiuitie as is euident Dan. 9. and in that time there were great alterations in the commonwealth of the Iewes 3. But many contrarie examples may be produced the Romane state after the kings were expelled vnder Consuls and Dictators eudured aboue 600. yeares The dominion of the Turkes hath borne sway a 1000. yeares the kingdome of France hath continued a 1200. yeares the state of Venice 800. And for short continuance the Monarchie of the Athenians exceeded not 50. yeares nor the Chalde Empire many aboue 70. This therefore is a vaine obseruation of any such certaine and definite periode of kingdomes 4. Further in that this Chaldean Monarchie was dissolued because of their iniquitie two other errors are met withall 1. of them which thinke that the alteration and change of kingdomes is ruled by the constellations and aspects of planets the Chaldeans were very expert in such contemplations who could foresee no such thing that their Monarchie was so neere vnto an ende 2. they are also here confuted which thinke there is a fatall destinie of kingdomes that by an ineuitable necessitie which dependeth vpon the connexion and concurrence of certaine secundarie causes commonwealths come vnto their fatall ende We see in this place that no such second causes here concurred but it was Gods decree and the writing of his owne hand which dissolued the Babylonian state for the iniquitie thereof 6. Morall obseruations 1. Observ. Of the dangerous sinne of drunkennesse v. 2. Whiles Balthazar tasted the wine c. The king beeing intoxicate here with wine casteth off all care of God and man he falleth to profanenesse and blasphemie such are the fruites of drunkennesse It made Noah discouer his nakednesse Lot to commit incest it caused Benhadad with his 30. kings to be ouercome of a fewe 1. king 20. And Simon the Macchabe beeing filled with good cheare was slaine at a banket Alexander the great killed more of his friends when he was drunke then he did enemies in battell Pythagoras therefore well said ebrietatem brenem esse in saniam that drunkennesse is a short kind of madnesse And Anacharsis his saying was primum poculum vini esse sanitatis alterum voluptatis tertium contumeliae the first cuppe of wine was for health the next for pleasure the third was raging and contumelious c. the Apostle therefore exhorteth be not drunke with wine wherein is excesse Ephes. 5. 18. yea he sheweth that drunkards shall not inherite the kingdome of God 2. Cor. 6. 10. what madnesse then is it for so short and a beastly pleasure to loose Gods inheritance at the least to put it in hazard 2. Observ. Against carnall securitie This Balthazar being so neere vnto his destruction gaue himselfe to banqueting and feasting to drinke and to be drunken So the wicked and vngodly many times are most secure when their iudgement is at hand according to that saying in the Prouerbs 16.
before his God 12. So they came and spake vnto the king concerning the kings decree Hast thou not signed the decree that euerie man that shall aske of any God or man for thirtie dayes saue of thee O King should be cast into the denne of lyons The king answered and said The thing or the word is true according to the law of the Medes and Persians which faileth not 13. Then answered they and said before the king This Daniel which is of the children of the captiuitie of Iudah hath no respect putteth no respect C. to thee O King nor to the decree which thou hast signed but maketh his petition three times a day 14. When the king heard these words he was much displeased or grieued I. L. much euill was C. with himselfe about it V. and set his heart on Daniel to deliuer him and he laboured till the Sunne went downe to deliuer him 15. Then these â—â—en assembled vnderstanding L. vnto the king and said vnto the king Vnderstand O king that the lawe of the Medes and Persians is that no decree or statute which the king confirmeth may be changed 16. Then the king gaue charge said C. and they brought Daniel and cast him into the denne of Lyons now the king spake and said vnto Daniel Thy God whom thou seruest continually he will deliuer thee 17. And a stone was brought and laid vpon the mouth of the denne and the king sealed it with his owne signet and the signet of his Princes that the purpose should not be changed not nothing should be done against L. concerning Daniel 18. Then the king went into his palace and remained fasting passed the night or continued all night without his supper C. V. not he slept L. for the contrarie is expressed afterward that his sleepe wont from him neither were the instruments of musicke such things as might cheare him I. not meates L. or the table V. brought before him and his sleep went froÌ„ him 19. Then the king arose in the morning by breake of day B. with the light C. and went with all hast to the denne of lyons 20. And as he came nigh vnto the denne he cried with a piteous B. lamentable B. voice vnto Daniel and the king spake and said to Daniel O Daniel the seruant of the liuing God is not thy God thinkest thou not that L. ad able to deliuer thee from the lyons 21. Then Daniel said to spake with C. the king O King haue for euer 22. My God hath sent his Angel and hath shut that is the Angel the lyons mouthes that they haue not hurt me and therefore I better then for L. B. G. as though it were a reason of his deliuerance integritie is found in me before him and before thee O King haue I done no mischiefe I. L. V. hurt C. I haue done thee no hurt G. neuer offended thee B. 23. Then was the king exceeding glad for him and spake that they should take Daniel out of the denne so Daniel was brought out of the denne and no manner of hurt was found vpon him because he beleeued G. or trusted B. in his God 24. Then the king commanded and the men were brought which had found accusations accused accusations C. which were against Daniel and into the denne of the lyons were they cast their children and their wiues and they were not yet at the ground of the denne when the lyons had mastrie ouer them and brake all their bones in peices 25. Then Darius the king wrote vnto all people nations and languages that dwell in all the earth world G. lands B. Peace be multiplied vnto you 26. I make a decree a decree is propounded before me C. that in all the dominion of my kingdome men tremble and feare before the God of Daniel for he is the liuing God and remaineth for euer and his kingdome is incorruptible shall not be corrupted C. and his dominion shall be euerlasting 27. He rescueth and deliuereth and he worketh signes and wonders in heauen and in earth who hath deliuered Daniel from the power hand C. denne L. of the lyons 28. So this Daniel prospered in the raigne of Darius and in the raigne of Cyrus the Persian I. C. of Persia. B. G. 3. The questions and doubts discussed 1. Quest. What Darius this was which tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 1. The author of the scholasticall historie reporteth this to haue beene the opinion of some that this Darius should be Balthazar 's grandfather by the mothers side the sonne of his daughter who seeing that Balthazar had no children he thought by this attempt to cut off Balthazar and so to possesse the kingdome of Babylon But this is very vnlike seeing Darius was so well affected vnto Cyrus beeing but his nephew that he should be so vnnaturall to his grandchild 2. Theodoret thinketh that this Darius was grandchild to Nabuchadnezzer by his daughter and so he was a Chaldean by his mother and a Mede by his father and this he would thus prooue because the kingdome was promised to Nabuchadnezzer to his sonne and his sonnes sonne Ierem. 25. 6 7. now Balthazar was Nabuchadnezzers sonne the kingdome then must according to that prophecie descend yet a degree further to some of Nabuchadnezzers stocke namely vnto this Darius Contra. 1. Balthazar as hath beene shewed before was not sonne but sonnes sonne to Nabuchadnezzer for Euilmerodach was his sonne which next succeeded in the kingdom 2. king 25. 27. 2. seeing the kingdome was promised to his sonne and sonnes sonne this prophecie could not be fulfilled in Darius who is supposed to haue beene his daughters sonne not his sonnes sonne 3. the kingdome descended not to Darius by inheritance but was taken by conquest Perer. 3. A third opinion is that this Darius was he which was called Darius Hystaspis who did warre with the Chaldees and tooke their citie Babylon and spoiled it of this opinion was Porphyrius as Hierome saith in 9. Daniel and Tertullian lib. advers Indae Cyril Hierosol catech 12. Ioan. Ioannes Lucidus de emendat tempâ—r Gerardus Mercator in annalib But these are greatly deceiued 1. because betweene this Darius the Mede and Darius Hystaspis there was great difference for the first was a Mede the sonne of Assuerus the king c. 9. 1. and raigned before Cyrus the other was a Persian not the sonne of a king and he raigned the third after Cyrus 2. And herein is their error Babylon was twice taken once by Darius and Cyrus together and afterward by Darius Hystaspis by Zopyrus meanes 4. Some other were of opinion that this Darius was the same with Cyrus because the Greeke historians ascribe this victorie and taking of Babylon onely vnto Cyrus which Daniel giueth vnto Darius Theodoret maketh mention of this opinion in the beginning of his sixt oration vpon this booke But this opinion hath no probabilitie 1. Darius was a Mede but Cyrus was of Persia. 2. Darius was now 62. yeares old and
is thought to haue raigned but a short time after not aboue a yeare or two but Cyrus was neither so old held not then to be aboue 40. and he raigned diuers yeares after 3. And c. 6. 28. Darius and Cyrus are named as two diuers persons 5. It was the opinion of some as Hierome writeth vpon the 5. chap. of Daniel that this Darius was the same who in Herodotus is called Astyages of which opinion Eusebius seemeth to be who maketh Astyages the last king of the Medes And this seemeth to be fauoured by the Apocryphal storie of Susanna v. 65. that when Astyages was put or laid vnto his auncestors Cyrus of Persia tooke his kingdome But this opinion may thus be refelled 1. because none of the forren writers doe make any mention that Astyages had any warre with the Chaldeans or that he tooke Babylon 2. And this Apocryphal storie may be doubted of for according to Xenophon Cyaxares raigned after Astyages and as Herodotus writeth Cyrus expelled Astyages out of his kingdome and sent him to Carmania and so tooke vpon him the kingdome while he liued the storie of Susanna agreeth with neither of these reports 6. The most generall receiued opinion is that this Darius called Cyaxares was as Xenophon writeth the sonne of Astyages and vncle by the mothers side to Cyrus which Cyaxares was king of the Medes after Astyages this opinion followeth Iosephus Hierome Lyranus Pintus Oecolampad Osiander with others But this is obiected against this opinion that Astyages had no sonne but a daughter Mandane the mother of Cyrus whome Astyages commanded to be slaine because the Astrologers told him that he should haue dominion ouer all Asia And this is affirmed by diuers authors that Astyages had no sonne as Valerius Maxim lib. 1. cap. de somnijs Herodot lib. 1. Severus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr histor And therefore Iunius vnderstandeth Xenophon to speake not of Astyages naturall but of his adopted sonne 7. Iosephus Scaliger in the 8. booke of that exquisite worke which he hath written de emendat tempor is of this opinion that be which is called Balthazar is the same who is named of other writers Labosardach the sonne of Niâ—octis Nabuchadnezzers daughter who was slaine by the Babylonians and then this Darius the Mede the same who is called Nabonidus was by a common consent chosen king in his place who when he had raigned 17. yeares in Babylon was ouercome by Cyrus and the citie taken Iunius also in his annotation vpon this verse saith that this Darius the Mede is the same who is called by the historians Labonidus or Labynitus Contra. 1. If Labosardach and Balthazar were the same beeing the sonne of Nabuchadnezzers daughter then was not the prophecie fulfilled that the kingdome should be giuen to Nabuchadnezzers sonne and his sonnes sonne for it was to his daughters sonne 2. when Balthazar was slaine Darius tooke the kingdom by force it is not like they would haue chosen him beeing a stranger vnto it 3. after Balthazar was slain the kingdom was deuided betweene the Medes and Persians it did not then quietly descend vnto the Medes 4. The Prophet Isai saith c. 13. 17. Behold I will stirre vp the Medes against thee the Medes then assaulted Babylon and tooke it by violence a Mede came not vnto it by election 5. This Darius was king of the Medes and Persians as it appeareth in the 6. chapter how could that be if he raigned in Babylon and was ouercome by the power of the Medes and Persians 6. Concerning Iunius opinion I preferre his iudgement in his commentarie vpon v. 11. 12. c. 5. that Balthazar is the same whome Herodotus called Labunitus or Nebonidus which signifieth a Prince expulsed because he with his father were both expelled by Niglazar Then Darius the Mede could not be that Nabonidus or Labynitus as he hath in his annotation 8. This then is the most probable opinion that this Darius called also Cyaxares was not the sonne but the brother of Astyages and great vncle to Cyrus the sonne of Cambyses and Mandane Astyages daughter this then was their genealogie Assuerus or Cyaxares the Elder had two sonnes Astyages and Cyaxares the younger the same is this Darius who is said to be sonne of Assuerus c. 9. 1. not of Astyages Xenophon calleth Cyaxares Astyages sonne because he adopted him to succeede in the kingdome to preuent Cyrus Iun. Polan The author of the scholasticall historie much disagreeth not who saith that Cyaxares was not the sonne but the kinsman of Astyages whome he adopted to be his heire This Darius was also father in law to Cyrus to whome together with his daughter he resigned the kingdome of Media Iun. 2. Quest. Of the diuers names which Darius had 1. Pererius obserueth that he was called by 4. names by Daniel he is named Darius by the Septuag as Hierome saith he was called Artaxerxes by Xenophon Cyaxares and in the storie of Susanna he is the same there called Astyages the three first names may be acknowledged to be giuen vnto him but Astyages he is not called either by Herodotus or Xenophon it is rather an error in that Apocryphal storie 2. The names Cyaxares and Assuerus are in effect all one for Chu in the Persian language signifieth a Prince and so doth achash whence is deriued the word achashverosh or Assuerus which the Greekes pronounce Axares or Oxuares Cyaxares then signifieth a prince of princes or a chiefe prince 3. He is called Darius the Mede by way of distinction from Darius the Persian Ezr. c. 4. 5. who was the third that raigned after Cyrus 3. Quest. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 1. Xenophon writeth that Darius was the chiefe author of the warre against Babylon and therein vsed the helpe of Cyrus who beeing sent with the greatest part of the armie to the siege Darius himselfe staied in Media to whome Cyrus came afterward when he had setled the Babylonian affaires to whome Darius offered the kingdome of Media together with his daughter and Cyrus againe gaue vnto Darius the gouernment of Babylon with the goodly palace and other edifices there this report followeth Iunius in his commentarie But it is not like that Darius was now absent seeing it is saide that immediately after Balthazar was slaine Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome 2. R. Levi thinketh that Darius was present and that he afterward continued in Babylon and raigned not a full yeare there and then Cyrus succeeded him 3. But Iosephus whose opinion is more probable thinketh that Darius certaine moneths after the taking of Babylon returned into Media and caried Daniel with him where in Eâ—batane Daniel builded a goodly tower for the sepulture of the kings which remained vnto Iosephus time and then seemed as if it had beene newly built And he left Cyrus behind him to set the Babylonian affaires in order this Bullinger thinketh more probable and Oecolampadius seemeth to encline to the same opinion
for Daniel when he was cast into the lyons den was then among the Medes and Persians as may be gathered c. 6. 12. The thing is true according to the law of the Medes and Persians 4. Now it beeing agreed that both Darius and Cyrus were both at this siege and taking of Babylon some thinke that Cyrus had the dominion sed pro sua modestia cessit titulo regni but in his modestie gaue vnto Darius the title of the kingdome beeing his vncle and father in law Oecolampad Lyranus thinketh that Cyrus compounded with Darius vpon this condition it a vt post eum regnaret so that he might raigne after him But seeing Cyrus when he had expulsed Astyages king of the Medes established Cyaxares his vncle in the kingdom for his life time Iun. ex Xenoph. who now held the same and was taken for the king of Medâ—s Cyrus was contented that Darius as in the right of his kingdome who also was the chiefe author of this warre should haue the honour of this victorie and the dominion of Babylon and thus thinketh Hierome that not onely ordo aetatis propinquitatis sed regni seruatus est that not the order of age or affinitie but of the kingdome was kept herein because then the kingdome of the Medes was greater then the kingdome of the Persians And this best agreeth vnto the Prophets who make the Medes the chiefe enemies and assaulters of Babylon Isa. 13. 17. and Ierem. 51. 11. Iosephus also maketh Darius the chiefe man in the siege and sacking of Babel he did take it adiutus à Cyro cognato beeing assisted by Cyrus his kinsman 5. And herein more credit may be giuen to Iosephus in the histories which concerne his owne nation then vnto Herodotus or Xenophon vnto whome these two exceptions may be taken 1. Herodotus is thought to haue many fabulous reports and therefore is commonly called pater mendaciorum the father of lies and Xenophon in the praise of Cyrus is found somewhat to exceede 2. These two historians in diuers points are one contrarie to the other Herodotus maketh Astyages the last king of the Medes Xenophon nameth Cyaxares king after him the first saith Astyages had no sonne but a daughter the other saith Cyaxares was his sonne the first writeth that Cyrus expelled Astyages out of his kingdome the other that he died and left it to his sonne Herodotus saith that Cyrus was borne of obscure parentage that he was miserably slaine by Thomyris Queene of the Messagetes that he raigned 29. yeares Xenophon saith that Cyrus was nobly borne of a Prince of Persia that he died peaceably at home and raigned but seauen yeares 6. The resolution then of this question is that neither this Darius was chosen king by the Babylonians as Ioseph Scaliger whose opinion is rehearsed before nor yet was he altogether rex beneficiarius a king by courtesie as Iun. but as king of the Medes which kingdome indeede he held by Cyrus fauour he ouercame Babylon and translated the kingdome from the Chaldeans to the Medes and Persians 4. Quest. When Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of the Chaldeans 1. Iunius in his commentarie vpon the â— ch v. 29. seemeth to be of opinion that Cyrus first spent a whole yeare in the setling of the Babylonian affaires and after a yeare resigned the title of that kingdome to Darius so the first yeare of Darius raigne was the second of Cyrus which may be the cause why mention is made onely of the first and third yeare of Cyrus and not of the second So his opinion is that Darius and Cyrus first yeare concurred not together but that Darius first yeare was Cyrus second But this seemeth to contradict the text c. 6. 28. where Darius raigne is set before Cyrus it is vnlike that Darius raigne then began after Cyrus 2. Some are of opinion that Darius the Mede raigned diuers yeares in Babylon before Cyrus tooke the citie of which iudgement is Iosephus Scaliger as we haue seene before qu. 1. 8. But this can not be for as soone as the Babylonian Monarchie was dissolued it was diuided presently betweene the Medes and Persians the Medes did not possesse it before 3. R. Levi thinketh that Darius raigned the first yeare immediatly after the taking of Babylon but he raigned not the whole yeare Cyrus succeeded the same yeare which opinion Oecolampadius fauoureth because if Cyrus raigned not the first yeare then the manumission and deliuerance of the Iewes should haue beene deferred after the 70. yeares were expired 4. But the more probable opinion is that Darius and Cyrus raigne concurred together and that the first yeare of the Persian Monarchie is indifferently ascribed to Cyrus and Darius for it is euident that immediatly after the dissolution of the Babylonian state Cyrus raigned and it is called the first yeare of his raigne as c. 1. 21. Daniel was vnto the first yeare of Cyrus that is he continued in Babylon till that state was altered and the kingdome was translated to Cyrus Beside the 70. yeares of captiuitie and the Babylonian Monarchie ended together then immediatly after the 70. yeares expired Cyrus in his first yeare maketh an Edict for the returne of the Iewes Ezr. 1. 1. Now that this was the first yeare also of Darius is as euident c. 9. 1 2. in the first yeare of Darius Daniel vnderstood that the 70. yeares were accomplished but if Darius first had not beene likewise Cyrus first the yeares were accomplished before So they both raigned together as Calvin faith they did regnare in commune raigne in common because the Medes and Persians are ioyned together c. 6. 8. and the Edict for the returne of the Iewes was made by them both as Iun. noteth 2. Chron. 36. 23. and therefore Ezr. 6. 14. it is called the commandement of Cyrus and Darius 5. Quest. Of the officers which Darius appointed and the reason thereof 1. Darius appointed an 120. gouernours according to the number of the Prouinces which were numbred afterward to an 127. Esth. 1. 1. Some thinke that the odde number of seauen is here omitted to make the number euen Genevens annot Esth. 1. 1. But it is more like that either more Prouinces were added afterward to the Persian Monarchie or els all the 127. were diuided among these 120. gouernours All these might be diuided into three parts each of them containing 40. gouernours And ouer all these were three other chiefe ouerseers set to take account of them to euery one there might be assigned 40. Bullinger Iosephus is deceiued who trebleth this number and saith that Darius appointed 360. gouernours whome Freculphus in his Chronicle followeth tom 1. lib. 3. c. 18. 1. The reasons why Darius made choice of these gouernours were these 1. Because Darius was old 62. yeares of age and therefore he did appoint them to be his assistants in the kingdome Iun. 2. Because all things in the Commonwealth must be done in order intellexit
absque ordine nullum regnum he knew that a kingdome could not continue without order 3. Their office was to see that the king sustained no damage to see that the lawes were obserued and the kings reuenues were not wasted The Latine interpreter readeth vt rex non sustineret molestiam that the king might not be troubled but that were as though the king gaue himselfe to his ease and had care of nothing which is not like that a king of so many Prouinces could be without care of the gouernment 6. Quest. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel beeing a stranger ouer the whole realme v. 3. 1. Though it ordinarily be more safe for such gouernours to be appointed which are of the same nation because both the hearts of the people will be more inclined vnto such and the care and loue of such officers will be greater toward their countrey yet in two cases it may fall out to be better to appoint a stranger 1. when as there are any singular and extraordinarie parts of wisdome in such an one as there was in Daniel more then is to be found in any other 2. where countries are subdued by conquest it is not safe to commit the gouernment to men of the same nation least they might rebell This was the Romane policie to make their owne citizens Proconsuls and Leiftenants ouer their Prouinces And in the same policie it was sometime enacted here in England that no Irish man should be made a Bishop in Ireland least such beeing then popishly affected might haue beene instruments to corrupt the people in religion and so mooue them vnto rebellion 2. Likewise it is more safe for the Prince to haue his Senate and assemblie of Counsellers where many may be found trustie and faithfull but otherwise it is not amisse to preferre one prudent and faithfull man before many vnwise and vnfaithfull as Pharaoh committed the gouernment of the whole realme vnto Ioseph and here Darius vnto Daniel Polan 7. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in taking vpon him to beare office in an idolatrous kings court 1. Two conditions beeing obserued it is not vnlawfull to beare such an office 1. Daniel did not here ambitiously seeke this place of gouernment but it was cast vpon him 2. he kept himselfe pure from their idolatrie as Ioseph did likewise in Egypt 2. Neither was it vnlawfull for Daniel to haue the chiefe charge of the kings accounts and to be as chiefe Treasurer vnder him and to be a faithfull steward for the kings profit as Ioseph was a meanes that the kings reuenewes were greatly augmented and encreased But such must haue care that they seeke not the kings profit with the oppression of the subiects and laying hard impositions vpon them As Haman by oppressing the Iewes promised to bring ten thousand talents of siluer into the kings treasure Esth. 3. 9. 8. Quest. How the Rulers failed in their purpose finding no fault at all in Daniel 1. There are three words here vsed they found no occasion blame nor fault the first word is ghillah which the Septuag translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second shal◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the third shachitha which the Septuag interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first Polychrâ—nius vnderstandeth of capitall offences the second of faults not capitall the third of corruption in receiuing of gifts or misgouernment Oecolamp Lyranus thus distinguisheth they found no fault in facto in deede not any occasion or suspition in signo in the least signe 2. Whereas the words are they sought occasion ex latere regni on the part or side of the kingdome Lyranus readeth ex latere regis on the side of the king giuing three interpretations thereof that they practised to remooue him from the kings side from beeing so neare vnto him or to accuse him that ambiret aequalitatem regis as though he sought to be equall to the king and to goe as we say side by side with him or they sought to picke out matter concerning the Queene which lay at the kings side as though Daniel had beene too familiar with her But all these gloases are grounded vpon a false text the words are on the side or behalfe of the kingdome malcutha not of the king that is they sought to find some fault concerning the administration of the kingdome 9. Quest. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel the occasion thereof and iniustice therein 1. Some thinke that these gouernours wrought vpon the kings ambitious humour who thought that Cyrus would obscure him as Xenophon writeth that Cyaxares which was this Darius would say with teares that Cyrus was more glorious then he therefore they knew that this decree would content the king that none should be praied vnto for 30. daies but himselfe But they beside pretended the kings profit that it was necessarie by this decree to trie the obedience of his subiects especially the Chaldeans which were lately subdued Calvin that by this meanes Darius might be established in his kingdome Not much vnlike vnto this was the practise of Gryslerus gouernour of Austria who to trie the affections of the people to the nobilitie caused a cappe to be hung vpon a pole that they which passed by should doe obeisance thereunto for reuerence to the nobilitie and magistrates But whatsoeuer their pretence was to the king they intend the destruction and ouerthrow of Daniel 2. Now how vniust this decree was diuersly appeareth 1. herein they first dishonour the God of Israel whose power they had experience of though they knew him not in denying that honour which was due vnto God to be inuocated and called vpon and giuing of it vnto a nortall man 2. They are iniurious to their owne gods whome they would not haue worshipped for 30. daies for enuious and ambitious men contemne all religion both true and false to compasse their owne desire Polan 3. they abuse and deceiue the king Rex non perspiciens eorum malitiam c. the king not perceiuing their malice giueth consent Ioseph and so Daniel whome the king most fauoured is entrapped 4. They limit this decree vnto the space of 30. daies whereupon Chrysostome well noteth si hoc bonum â—pertebat semper facere if it were a good thing it ought alwaies to be done if euill it was not fit to continue 30. daies 5. Beside they vrge a generall consent of all the nobles whereupon Chrysostome againe if it were good quid tantam multitudinem pratexitis why doe ye pretend such a multitude for it ought to be approoued without such a multitude and if it were euill â—e toto mundo praecipiente parere fas erat it was not lawfull to obey though all the world commanded it 6. Beside in barring all men to make petition to any saue the king they doe wrong vnto Cyrus by whose fauour and benefit Darius held the kingdome Iun. in comment 7. And lastly it was a most bloodie decree vnder paine
rage against kings against God against his people and how long v. 25. Then the iudgement is set forth by the two effects thereof the destruction of all other kingdomes and the aduancing of the kingdome of Christ v. 26 27. The conclusion followeth which sheweth the effect of this vision in Daniel by these three operations 1. his perplexed cogitations 2. the change of his countenance 3. his deepe meditation I kept it in mine heart 2. The text with the diuerse readings 1 In the first one C. yeare of Belshatzar king of Babel Daniel saw a dreame and visions of his head were G. B. vpon his bed then he wrote the dreame and declared the summe the head C. of the matter 2 Daniel spake and said L. det I saw in my vision by night and behold the foure winds of heauen stroue did fight C. vpon or in I. the great Sea 3 And foure great beasts came vp from the Sea diuers one from an other this from that C. 4 The first was as a Lyon lyonesse L. cor and had eagles wings I beheld till the wings thereof were pluckt off and it was lifted vp from the earth V. A. B. G. better then taken away from the earth L. S. for the Chaldean Monarchie hereby expressed was not vtterly dissolued or by the which wings it was lifted from the earth I. Pol. for the decaying state of this Monarchie is signified and the meaning is that whereas it had before eagles wings and did soaâ—e aloft it could now scarce heaue or carrie it selfe from the ground and set caused to stand C. vpon his feete as a man and a mans heart was giuen him 5 And behold an other beast the second was like vnto a beare and it stood vpon one side it stood on part L. det it erected one dominion I. B. but the other reading is the better see qâ— 14. following and he had three ribbes three orders L. three morfels V. in his mouth betweene his teeth and they said thus vnto him Arise and deuoure much flesh 6 After this I beheld I was seeing C. and lo there was an other like a leopard and it had foure wings of a foule vpon his backe vpon him L. and dominion was giuen him 7 After this I saw in the visions of the night by night B. G. and behold the fourth beast was fearefull and terrible and exceeding maruelously B. very G. too strong L. strong and it had great yron teeth it deuoured and brake in pieces and stamped the residue vnder his feete and it was diuers from vnlike to L. B. G. but the preposition min signifieth from the beasts that were before it and it had tenâ—e hornes 8 I considered the hornes and behold the last horne beeing little I. an other little horne caeter but achari signifieth the last as well as an other did come vp among them and three of the first hornes were pluckt away before it and behold eyes as the eyes of a man were in this horne and a mouth speaking presumptuous things great things C. 9 I beheld till the thrones were set vp taken away I. V. but the words following which describe Gods glorious sitting in his throne doe confirme rather the first reading and the Ancient of daies did sit whose garment was white as snow and the haire of his head like pure wooll his throne was like the flame of fire and the wheeles thereof that is of his throne for so the vse was for Princes thrones to be set vpon wheeles as burning fire 10 A streame of fire issued and came forth from before him thousand thousands ministred vnto him and ten thousand times tenne thousand not tenne thousand thousand B. G. or tenne thousand times an hundred thousand L. S. the word is rhibo which signifieth tenne thousand in the which sense rebobah is taken Levit. 26. 8. stood before him the iudgement was set and the bookes opened 11 Then I beheld from the time that the voice of presumptuous words begunne I. V. from the voice of presumptuous words C. because of the voice of presumptuous words caeter but the preposition min signifieth from which the horne spake I beheld vntill not because L. the beast was slaine and his bodie destroied and giuen to be brent in the fire B. vnto the burning of the fire C. 12 And of the rest of the beasts there dominion was taken away they had taken away C. but their liues were prolonged a length or space in life was giuen them for a time and season a time and time L. A. but there are two diuers words vsed in the originall 13 I beheld in the visions of the night and behold with the in the. V. B. G. but the preposition signifieth with cloudes of heauen one like the Sonne of man comming and he approched vnto the Auncient of daies and they presented him before him 14 And dominion was giuen him I. V. S. he gaue him dominion L. B. G. but the verbe is of the passiue signification and honour and a kingdome that all people nations and languages should serue him his dominion is an euerlasting dominion which shall not faile passe away C. shall not be taken away L. B. G. and his kingdome is that which shall not be destroied corrupted C. 15 My spirit was troubled pierced C. yea I Daniel in the middes of my bodie V. I Daniel was troubled in spirit in the middes B. G. L. and the visions of my head made me afraid 16 I came then vnto one of the standers by and asked him the truth of all this so he told me and shewed me made me to vnderstand C. the interpretation of these things 17 These great beasts which are foure are foure kings not kingdomes L. S. yet that is the meaning which shall arise out of the earth 18 And they shall take the kingdome of the most high Saints not the most high Saints shall take the kingdome L. V. and it is better read the most high Saints V. I. then Saints of the most high L. B. G. for the word high is in the originall in the plurall number and they that is the Saints see qu. 48. shall possesse the kingdome for euer yea for euer and euer 19 After this I desired or wished I. to know the truth concerning the fourth beast which was so diuers from vnlike to B. G. all these exceeding fearefull whose teeth were of yron and his nayles of brasse he deuoured and brake in pieces and stamped the residue vnder his feete 20 Also concerning the tenne hornes which were in his head and of the last Iun. the other caeter see before v. 8. which came vp and three hornes fell before it of this horne I say which had eyes and a mouth speaking presumptuous things whose looke was more stout great C. then his fellowes 21 I beheld and the same horne made battell with against L. B. G. the Saints and preuailed against them 22 Vntill the Auncient of daies came and iudgement was
giuen vnto the most high Saints Saints of the most high L. S. see before v. 18. and the time approched that the Saints possessed the kingdome 23 Thus also he said The fourth beast shall be the fourth kingdome in the earth which shall be diuers from vnlike to B. G. greater then L. S. all the kingdomes and shall deuoure the whole earth and shall tread it downe and breake it in pieces 24 And tenne hornes out of this kingdome that is tenne kings shall arise and the last I. Br. an other L. S. V. see before v. 8. shall rise vp after them and he shall be diuers from the former not greater L. or shall ouer come all the euill that were before him S. and he shall subdue three kings 25 And he shall speake words against the most high better then on the side or behalfe of the most high A. or of diuine things V. the word letzad here signifieth against and shall consume not deceiue S. the Saints of the most high and he shall thinke that he may change times and the law lawes L. S. and they shall be deliuered into his hand V. L. by his hand I. vntill a time and times and the deuiding of time a long time or a short V. the halfe of time L. a part of time I. pelag signifieth a part or diuision 26 But the iudgement shall sit and they shall take away his dominion in consuming and destroying it I. to consume and destroy it B. G. vnto the ende 27 And the kingdome and dominion and the greatnes of the kingdomes not kingdome L. B. G. for the word is in the plural nor of the kings S. shall be giuen to the people of the high Saints A. V. B. the people of the Saints of the most high L. the most holy people of the most high G. but the word galonin is in the plurall and answereth to Saints whose kingdom is an euerlasting kingdome and all powers shall serue and obey it B. him G. that is the people before spoken of 28 Hetherto the ende of these words of this matter hetherto V. or this is the ende of the matter G. euen me Daniel many cogitations troubled V. troubled me C. Ã pleonasmâ—s better then as for me Daniel many cogitatious troubled me Pol. or I Daniel had many cogitations which troubled B. G. for here many words are inserted not in the originall and my countenance changed in me but I kept the words the matter G. in mine heart 3. The questions and doubts discussed 1. Quest. Of the order obserued by Daniel in the setting downe of these visions This vision contained in this chapter beeing shewed vnto Daniel in the first yeare of Balthazar who was the last king of the Chaldeans and before Darius vnder whome that miracle fell out in Daniels deliuerance from the lyons c. 6. is a manifest argument that the former storie is transposed this vision in time comming before it yet in order beeing placed after it the reasons hereof are these 1. Theodoret saith that in the former sixe chapters historico more prophetiam conscripsit he writ the prophecie after an historicall manner shewing what things happened vnder Nebuchadnezzer Balthazar Darius but in the sixe chapters following he setteth downe those predictions quasâ— per diuinam reuelationem doctus est which he was taught by diuine reuelation 2. Hierome doth adde further that in the former chapters Daniel historically setteth downe quid mirabilium signorum acciderit c. what memorable signes happened vnder these kings but in the rest of this booke he declareth such visions quarum solus propheta conscius est which the Prophet onely was priuie vnto himselfe 3. Hugo giueth this reason the things before historically rehearsed tempore suo impleta sunt were such as were fulfilled in Daniels time but these here following were visiones futurorum visions of things to come to passe afterward 4. Further in the former histories God had appointed Daniel interpretem magistrum profanis regibus an interpreter and teacher vnto the profane kings nunc praefecit Ecclesiae doctorem now he set him vp as an instructer of his Church Calvin 5. The former histories and miracles shewed the calling of Daniel and the confirmation thereof by signes and miracles in these chapters Daniel exerciseth his vocation and function in his propheticall visions Iun. 6. Lyranus beside the reason before touched that the former visions were partly historicall partly propheticall and therefore were set downe together but these visions are mere propheticae merely propheticall assigneth also this reason that the former visions belong vnto the first comming of Christ and therefore are set together these following concerne his second comming but this is not so for c. 9. there is a manifest prophecie of the first comming of the Messiah and the very time is described and though mention be made by the way as it were of the resurrection and the finall iudgement c. 12. yet the visions are principally intended to foretell such things as should befall the Church of the Iewes before the first comming of the Messiah 2. Quest. Of the visions which follow in generall 1. Bullinger reduceth all the visions following vnto fowre making the visions in the 3. last chapters but one for it is a continuance of the same prophecie wherein the condition of the Church is described vnder the state of the Persians and Grecians especially vnder Antiochus Epiphanes c. 11. 2. Lyranus maketh fiue visions of them thus distinguishing them the first c. 7. significat vltimae tribulationis totalem processum signifieth the totall proceeding in the last tribulation of that Church the second c. 8. which treateth of the combate between the Persians and Grecians designat â—iusdem tribulationis principalem conflictum doth designe the principall conflict of that tribulation the third c. 9. which prophecieth of the comming of the Messiah and so designat eiusdem tribulationis solatium it sheweth the comfort in the same tribulation the fourth vision is of the man which appeared prophecying of the deliuerance of the people designat eiusdem tribulationis terminum and sheweth the ende of that tribulation c. 10. the fift is of the victorie of Christ vnder the signe and figure of the king of the South and the king of the North designat eiusdem tribulationis triumphum it setteth forth the triumph ouer that tribulation c. 11. But as is shewed before the same vision is contained and continued c. 10 11 12. 3. This vision in this chapter is generall of the state of the foure Monarchies which afterward are particularly described like as Cosmographers in the description of the world doe first set forth a generall mappe of the whole world and then particular tables of seuerall countries the same order Daniel obserueth in these visions in the 7. chapter he is informed concerning the generall condition and state of the foure kingdomes then in the 8. followeth a particular narration of the Persian and
yeares but it is gathered that he raigned 35. yeares Bulling Papp 9. After him was Nabuchadnezzer the Great who raigned 45. yeares he carried away Iechoniah prisoner in the 8. yeare of his raigne and â—fterward tooke Ierusalem and put out Zedekiahs eyes and bound him in chaines 11. After him raigned Euilmerodach his sonne who tooke Iechoniah out of prison in the 37. yeare of his captiuitie and imprisonment 2. king 25. 27. 12. The last of this race was Belshazzar in the third yeare of whose raigne was Babylon taken by Darius and Cyrus Thus Bullinger and Pappus set downe the succession of the kings of Assyria and Babylon 4. But the Chaldean Monarchie in this vision reacheth not so high as either to the diuision of the Empire after Sardanapalus or the alteration of the kingdome vnder Berodach Baladan Daniel onely describeth the state of the Monarchie in his time beginning at Nabuchadnezzer the great as he expounded the like vision of the image c. 2. resembling Nabuchadnezzer to the head of gold 13. Quest. Of the second beast and why the Persian Monarchie is compared to a beare 1. Lyranus thinketh they are so resembled because the beare is lesse cruell and so the Persians were more equall toward the people of God but in this sense this vision should differ from the other c. 2. where the armes and breasts which signifie the Persian Monarchie appeared to be of siluer as inferiour to the first which was of gold 2. In diuers other respects then the Persian state is resembled to a beare as in their obscure beginning the Persians were at the first a nation of no fame or renowne like as the beare is at the first but a rude lumpe of flesh without any fashion which the damme by continuall licking bringeth to fashion Perer. Pintus 3. Beside the beare is most patient of labour and hunger all winter long they liue without food beeing nourished onely by sleepe as Plinie writeth of them lib. 8. c. 36. So the Persians 〈◊〉 a most frugall nation for the most part they liued onely of bread and they dwelt among the mountaines as wild beares seeking their food Perer. Hug. Card. 4. The beare is of a weake sight and of a tender head but of a vast and vnhansome bodie whereby is signified that the Persians did fight rather with their vast and huge numbers then with martiall stratagemes and policie Perer. as Cyrus was ouercome of the Massagetes and his head was cut off by Thomyris hauing 200. thousand men in his armie Pisistratus beeing expelled Athens for his tyrannie was sent against Grecia by Darius with an armie of an 100. thousand footmen and 10. thousand horsemen and was ouercome by Miltiades the Athenian captaine in the fields of Marathon onely hauing a 11. thousand men Xerxes with 10. hundred thousand men inuaded Greece and was ouercome by Sea of Themistocles and by land of Leonidas and Pausanias with a small number and he himselfe constrained to flee away in a small boate Leonidas at Thermopylae with 3000. men kept the streights against all the Persian armie and with 300. men set vpon their hoast of 500. thousand and slue of them 20. thousand where he himselfe also and all his companie was slaine 5. They were like vnto beares ob barbariem because of their barbarousnes Calvin they were a sauage and barbarous people brought vp in the mountaines like as the beare is to the sight a more vncomely and vnpleasant beaâ—t then a lyon 6. But herein the fittest resemblance is the beare is typus barbaricae ferinae crudelitatis a type of babarous and beastly crueltie Iun. Theodoret hath speciall reference here vnto the cruell torments which the Persians vsed in fleaing of men and pulling off their skinnes and hewing them into peices But generally rather is described the sauage and cruell nature of that nation as it followeth in the rest of the vision by the ribbes betweene the teeth and their deuouring of much flesh Quest. 14. Why the beare is said to stand vpon the one side 1. The vulgar Latine readeth in parte stetit it stood vp on a part but the true reading is it stood vpon one side which the Hebrewes expound that this Monachie was not so cruell against the Iewes as the other for diuerse of the Persian kings were beneficiall toward the people of God 2. Hierome giueth this sense they first rose vp on a part that is surprised the Chaldean kingdome that they might more easily subdue the rest 3. Theodoret referreth it to that part of the kingdome which the Persians held still vnder the Romane Monarchie though the dominion of Egypt and Asia minor and Syria were taken from them but in this vision the Persian Monarchie is described how it was in the time of the priâ—e and glorie thereof before it was dissolued by Alexander 4. Calvin and the Geneuens following him doe vnderstand it of the meane beginning of the Persians respicit obscura initia regni illius it respecteth the obscure beginning of that kingdome 5. Vatablus vnderstandeth it of the taking of Babylon that the Persians leaned on one side they onely set themselues against the Babylonians they spared the Iewes so also Pintus 6. But the best interpretation is it stood vpon one side ex duobus lateribus id est distinctis regnis vnum effectum est of the two sides that is two distinct kingdomes there was one side that is one kingdome made for the Medes and Persians ioyned together Iun. in commentar so also Bulling Iunius in his annotat followeth an other reading retayning the same sense dominatum vnum erexit he erected one dominion that is subdued all other nations and made but one dominion of them all so also Polanus the word satar with a pricke on the left side ouer shin signifieth a side also so D. Kimchi readeth but with a pricke on the right side shatar it signifieth rule and dominion the first reading seemeth to be the fitter because of the preposition lamed set before lishtar on the side which is omitted in the other reading 7. Oecolampadius thus interpreteth he stood vpon one side that is there was a place found for the Persians to be numbred among the cruel beasts but this sense is not so proper 15. Quest. Of the three ribbes in his mouth what they signifie 1. R. Saadia vnderstandeth three kings which succeeded Cyrus but Hierome refuseth this interpretation because there were more then three kings of Persia Osiander also expoundeth by these three long teeth three great kings of Persia Cyrus Darius Xerxes but it appeareth not seeing there were 10. kings of Persia or according to Hierome 14. kings why these three should be vnderstood beside therest Melancthon vnderstandeth other three Cyrus Darius Artaxerxes 2. Hugo interpreteth these three teeth which the Latine translateth three orders to be those three chiefe officers which were set ouer all the kingdome as we read cap. 6. 2. so also Apollinarius but these chiefe
rowes of teeth aboue and belowe with lyons feete and of bignesse and haire like to a lyon with mans eares a scorpions tayle it maketh a noise like a trumpet as swift as an hart so wilde that it can neuer be tamed it coueteth mans flesh most of all But both it may be doubted whether any such beast is to be found in the world and if there were seeing the spirit of God hath not expressed any particlar kind it were great presumption for vs to gesse at it 5. Wherefore those two reasons may be yeelded why no certaine beast is here named both in respect of this description here made propter infinit am varietatem for the great varietie of the parts borrowing of some beast one and of some an other it cannot be resembled to any certaine kind Iun. annot And in regard also of the signification no beast can be named so cruell quod posset naturam ostendere istius bestiae which can expresse the nature of this beast Calvin which can sufficiently portraite out vnto vs the crueltie of this fourth kingdome and gouernement Polan Quest. 20. Of the description of the fourth beast in generall It is described 1. by three adiuncts it was fearefull terrible and strong 2. by the effects which are three it deuoured brake in peices and stamped the residue vnder the feete 3. by the dissimilitude and vnlikenesse which it had to the other beasts it was vnlike the beasts that were before it 4. by the parts it had yron teeth and hornes the hornes are first set down in generall it had tenne hornes then there is a particular description of one horne which is expressed by fowre arguments 1. by the adiunct of the smalenesse it is called a little horne 2. by the manner of growing it came vp among the other 3. by the effects three of the other hornes were pluckt away before it 4. by the parts it had the eies of a man and a mouth which is described by the effects speaking presumptuous things Quest. 21. Whether the Romane or Turkish Empire be signified by this fourth beast 1. The Rabbines by this fourth beast vnderstand the Empire of the Turkes of which opinion are R. Ab. Ezra and R. Saadiah because mention is made afterward of one like the sonne of man to whom power and dominion was giuen which sheweth that the Messiah should raigne after this fourth kingdome should be dissolued whom because they hold not yet to be come they would haue this vision vnderstood of the Turkish Empire And to make their opinion more probable they ioyne the Greeke and Romane Empire together comprehending them both vnder the third beast And Ab. Ezra doubteth not to call Alexander king of the Romanes So by this deuise they would prooue Christ Iesus not to be the Messiah because he was borne vnder the third Empire Contra. 1. Herein the Rabbines shew their great ignorance in confounding the Greeke and Romane Empire vnlesse it be because Constantinople was called newe Rome and they finde that one of the Romane Emperours was called Alexander which are slender reasons to confound the two Empires 2. neither was Alexander knowne vnto the Romanes who yet at time were of great power and mightier then diuerse kings 3. this vision cannot be applyed vnto the Empire of the Turkes for it cannot be shewed how he hath 10. hornes that is so many kings nor what that little horne should be before the which three other were pluckt away 2. Some doe apply this vision to the Romane Empire alone and that but vnto the first comming of Christ as Calvin 3. Some doe vnderstand the Romane Empire that it shall continue to the ende of the world as Hierome saith that toward the ende of the world when the Romane Empire shall be destroyed there shall rise tenne kings which shall deuide the Empire among them But neither of these opinions can stand for whereas these kingdomes are described by the similitude of beasts whose crueltie they should imitate toward the people of God before the first comming of Christ the Romanes had not practised such crueltie against the Iewes as that therein they should haue beene vnlike to all which went before them neither yet is the Romane Empire to continue vnto the ende of the world which was long since dissolued 4. Pappus thinketh that both the Turkish tyranie and the proud iurisdiction of the Popes of Rome are described vnder this last beast shewing how all the properties of the little horne agree vnto them both in their small beginnings their subtiltie and hypocrisie their blasphemie against Christ and his gospel Neither neede it seeme strange saith he that two diuerse gouernements are signified by one horne because they both propound vnto them the same ende and scope the subuersion of the Church and vse the same weapons in generall crueltie and blasphemie Contra. 1. This fourth kingdome shall be destroyed by the comming of the Messiah in the flesh as was prophesied before in the vision of the image c. 2. 44. and here also v. 13. one like the sonne of man came in the clouds which is to be vnderstood not of his second commming to iudgement but of his first comming to finish the worke of our redemption as shall be shewed more at large when we come to that place now neither Turke nor Pope were then head of the world when the Sonne of man came in the flesh nor diuerse hundred yeares after 2. this fourth beast should be more cruell then any of the rest toward the people of God then for whose comfort this vision was reuealed to Daniel but the Romanes before the comming of Christ had beene more equall toward the Iewes then any of the other Monarchies 3. this horne came forth of the fourth beast the beast signifieth but one Monarch or kingdome as the other three before therefore two kingdomes and the same opposite the one to the other cannot be comprehended vnder one horne other reasons why the Romane Monarchie is not understood neither in this nor that other vision tending to the same ende c. 2. see at large c. 2. quest 49. 5. Seeing then that the Romane Empire is here excluded all that labour may be spared which Pererius taketh to shew wherein the Romane power consisted by what meanes they attained vnto their large dominion and whether iustly or vniustly as impertinent to this place yet it shall not be amisse to take a short viewe of that which is set downe by him touching these three questions 1. Their greatnesse consisted first in the largenesse of their dominion which extended Westward to Spaine Southward to Ethiopia and Eastward to Armenia in so much that Appian affirmeth that the other three Monarchies had not the half part of the Romane Empire Secondly in their prouision for warre the Romanes had alwaies in a readines 200. thousand footemen 40. thousand horsemen 300. Elephants for warre 3000. chariots amour in store for 300. thousand 2000. shippes 1500. gallies
tenebitur in manu accusatoris which shall be held in the accusers hand which is the deuill But 1. as Augustine saith non sic datur liber mortis c. there is not found to be a booke of death as there is of life onely they which are elected are said to be written and the reprobate not to be written in the booke of life 2. And whereas Pererius answereth that though there be no such booke of death with God yet the deuill may haue such a booke neither doth the deuill know who are saued who condemned and therefore he can haue no such booke neither is there any booke mentioned in Scripture but of the Lords writing as Moses saith Exod. 32. 32. Rase me out of the booke of life which thou hast written 3. Apoc. 20. 12. there are other bookes saide to be opened beside the booke of life then is not the booke of life here comprehended 2. Augustine by these bookes vnderstandeth the Saints which shall come with Christ to iudgement In whose godly life and conuersation the good will of God appeared and in them the wicked as in bookes may see what they should haue done But by the opening of these bookes not onely the wicked but the rightehus are iudged Apoc. 20. 12. The dead were iudged of those things which are written in the bookes 3. Beda by these bookes which shall be opened in the day of the Lord vnderstandeth the sacred Scriptures according to the which mens doings shall be examined and sentence giuen according to the same But the Scriptures are called a booke Apoc. 10. 9. not bookes 4. Calvin by the opening of the bookes would haue signified the manifestation of the knowledge of God vnto the world at the comming of Christ which before lay hid But here bookes are not opened for instruction vnto saluation but for triall and examination vnto iudgement 5. Therefore these bookes are better interpreted to be euery ones conscience wherein all their doings good and bad are written whereof S. Paul speaketh Their conscience also bearing witnesse and their thoughts accusing one an other or excusing in the day when God shall iudge the secrets of men by Iesus Christ Rom. 2. 15. And thus are those bookes interpreted Apoc. 20. 12. The dead were iudged of those things which were written in the bookes according to their workes So Hierome conscientiae opera singulorum in vtraque parte bona vel mala revelabuntur the consciences and works of euery one shall be reuealed whether good or bad c. To the same purpose also Rupertus As here the acts and workes of this fourth beast are examined before sentence giuen 6. But as Chrysostome well noteth these bookes are not opened that God should receiue information thereby to whome all mens hearts are opened like as in earthly tribunalls bookes are brought forth non soâ—um vt princeps in instruatur sed vt iudicium iustum appareat not onely to informe the Prince but that the iudgement may appeare iust c. So God openeth euery mans conscience that they may themselues see and confesse that their iudgement is most iust whether to life or death Oecolampad 38. Quest. Of the destruction of the fourth beast v. 11. v. 11. I beheld till the beast was slaine c. Hierome whome Lyranus followeth vnderstandeth this of the destruction of Antichrist in the ende of the world whome Christ shall destroy with the spirit of his mouth so also Vatablus Antichristus significatur eius membra Antichrist is signified and his members But in this sense this prophesie should not yet be fulfilled whereas it is euident that all this was fulfilled before the first comming of Christ. 2. Calvin applying this to the Romane Empire thinketh that the beast was destroyed when the Empire beganne to decay which was immediatly after Traiane the Emperours time for after that time well nigh these 15. hundred yeares nullus Romano potitus est Imperio none hath enioyed the Romane Empire But though the state of that Empire was somewhat empayred yet it was not then wholly destroied but continued in great power and glorie many hundred yeares after Traians time but here the beast is slaine and his body vtterly destroied 3. Bullinger expoundeth this of the ruine of the Papall kingdome 4. Osiander of the decay of the Turkish dominion togither with the Romane Empire so also Oecolampad expoundeth it of the destruction of the Pope and Turke togither by that prophesie Apoc. 19. 20. of the taking of the beast and the false prophet But these prophesies must be distinguished Daniels extendeth to the first comming of Christ Iohns Reuelation to the second 5. Iunius in his Commentarie applieth this prophesie vnto Antiochus Epiphanes his iudgement is set forth in three degrees 1. the beast is slaine the death of Epiphanes is foreshewed who hauing receiued euill tidings first at Persepolis then at Elymais fell into a grieuous and incurable disease as is set forth 1. Macchab. 6. 2. Macchab. 9. 2. his bodie is destroyed his armies were ouerthrowne and all his posteritie rooted out for Antiochus Eupator his sonne raigned not aboue 3. yeares and in him the whole familie of Epiphanes was extinct and the kingdome returned to the right heires 3. his bodie is giuen to the burning fire whereby is signified the grieuous torments of his disease which he endured 2. Macch. 9. 6. But seeing Antiochus Epiphanes is the little horne of the fourth beast and this iudgement belongeth to the whole beast here rather is described the ruine and destruction of the whole kingdome of the Seleucians the meaning then is this rather 1. that the power of the Seleucians after Epiphanes began to abate and their kingdome to be much â—olested by enemies without the Parthians and Armenians and by commotions within and so the beast was slaine then the bodie of the beast was destroyed the kingdome beeing taken from the house of the Seleucians and giuen to Tygranes king of Armenia as Iustine writeth lib. 40. And this bodie was giuen to the fire when Tigranes beeing taken the kingdome was dissolued and made a Prouince by Pompey Polan 39. Quest. v. 12. When the other beasts had their dominion taken away and how their liues were prolonged 1. Some doe interpret these words by the time past that before the destruction of this last beast the other three had beene destroyed so Calvin Vatablus ante interitum quartae bestiae evanueraÌ„t they had vanished away before the ouerthrow of the fourth beast Osiand And though mention be made hereof after the destruction of the fourth beast yet the other beasts were before remooued and taken out of the way Calvin But to what ende is it said that after the dominion of the other three beasts was taken away their liues were prolonged if there had not beene some remainder of the other Monarchies the Chaldean Persian and Grecian after their dominion ceased 2. Some on the contrarie hee thinke that here is
Christianitie decreaseth and is more and more empayred 2. That Christ is that little horne out of the fourth beast and so consequently not this fifth kingdome thus they obiect 1. this horne was little in respect of the obscure beginning so was Christs rising vp obscure 2. this horne speaketh proud things so Christ said he was without sinne that he was the sonne of God 3. this horne changeth times and lawes so Christ violated the Sabbath and abolished the ceremonies of Moses 4. and as this horne was to continue a time two times and an halfe that is three yeares and an halfe so Christ preached iust so many yeares Contra. 1. Their reasons vpon the first point are easily answered 1. It is denied that the Romane Empire is the fourth beast but rather the kingdome of the Seleucians in Syria which was destroyed before the comming of the Messiah 2. And so Christs kingdome was distinct from the fourth and from all other terrene kingdomes and dominions they are earthly and temporall Christs is spirituall and eternall the Christian faith is maintained vnder the Romane Empire yet it is farre differing from it the Iewes here imagine that this fift kingdome should be a temporall and externall kingdome in the world such as they dreame of their Messiah but therein they are deceiued for our blessed Sauiour himsefe saith that he came not to be ministred vnto but to minister Matth. 21. and he said to Pilate that his kingdome was not of this world yea the thiefe who was conuerted vpon the crosse vnderstood as much saying to Christ remember me when thou commest into thy kingdome therefore Christ had no temporall kingdome in this world but spirituall in which respect it was diuerse and distinct from all other earthly kingdomes See more hereof cap. 2. que 58. 3. And though this kingdome of the Messiah doth not alwaies shewe it selfe mightier in this world in externall power then other kingdomes yet the spirituall power thereof farre exceedeth all temporall dominion seeing euen those terrene powers which persecuted the gospel of Christ were by the power thereof subdued vnto the faith as Constantine the Empecour and other Christian Emperours and Kings which maintained the Christian faith according to the prophesie of Isay 49. 23. Kings shall be thy nursing fathers and Queenes thy nursing mothers 4. though the terrene bounds and limits of those kingdomes which profâ—sse the gospel of Christ may sometime be enlarged sometime empayred yet the spirituall kingdome of Christ is not conquered which triumpheth in the middes of the greatest trialls and afflictions of his seruants and it is most certaine though the Church of Christ may be translated from one kingdome to another yet it shall remayne as long as the earth endureth and after shall raigne in heauen for euer 2. Concerning the other obiection that Christ should be this little horne 1. The most of these arguments are answered before quest 27. 7. to the which place I referre the Reader 2. Christ violated not the Sabbath but taught the right vse of the Sabbath against the superstitious obseruations of the Iewes 3. though this little horne was to rage against the Saints 3. yeares and a halfe it followeth not because Christ preached no longer that he should be this little horne euerie meane Logician knoweth what an inartificiall kind of reasoning it is to conclude affirmatiuely in the second figure as thus this little horne shall rage 3. yeares and an halfe Christ preached 3. yeares and halfe Ergo he is this little horne Beside there is great difference betweene raging and tyrannizing against the Saints and preaching to the Saints so that beside the fayling in the forme of the argument they assume not right 4. But that Christ no wayes can be this little horne it is euident for these hornes must be kings and kings of the fourth kingdome or Monarchie and it must plucke away three kings before it but Christ was no king neither of the Syrian nor Romane kingdome neither can it be shewed how he remooued 3. kings before him 2. and after this horne is taken away it is said the Saints should haue the kingdome but after Christ was put to death the people of the Iewes were more afflicted then they were before and within fewe yeares their citie and Temple were destroyed by the Romanes Therefore this their assertion is most blaspemous and absurd that Christ should be this little horne 3. Those Rabbines are more reasonable which doe vnderstand this kingdome of the Messiah as R. Iesua Ab. Ezra R. Saadia though herein they fayle in dreaming of a temporall kingdome which should be raised by their Messiah Quest. 44. That this kingdome giuen to the Sonne of man shall not be in earth against the Chiliastes 1. Some of the auncient writers were of opinion that after 6. thousand yeares for so long they held the world should continue for euerie of the sixe dayes of the creation counting a thousand yeares Christ should come and raigne with his Saints a thousand yeares in all prosperitie in the earth they should be raised from the dead which they call the first resurrection and liue in peace and all happinesse marrying wiâ—es and begetting children And after these thousand yeares Sathan should be let loose and then should be the greatest persecution that euer was by Antichrist after which time the dead should be raised to life which they say is the second resurrection and then the Saints should raigne with Christ in heauen for euer 2. Of this opinion was Papias whom Ireneus affirmeth to haue beene one of Iohns disciples who for his antiquitie mooued others to embrace the same opinion as Iustinus dialog cum Tryphon Iereneus Tertullian also as Hierome thinketh lib. 11. in Ezekiel Victorinus in Apocalyps Lactantius also and Seruius Sulpitius But the simplicitie of Papias gaue occasion to this error who vnderstood literally those things which the Apostles spiriâ—ually meant of the glorie and peace of Christs kingdome and to Eusebius giueth this testimony of Papias that he was a man ingenij perquam tenuis of a verse slender wit as may appeare by his writings 3. The chiefe ground of this errour is by the mistaking of that place Apocal. 20. 2. that Sathan should be bound for a thousand yeares and that the Saints liued and raigned with Christ a thousand yeares this is the first resurrection But this place maketh nothing at all for this opinion as shall be shewed afterward 4. Cerinthus the heritike had the like conceite of Christs raigning in earth a thousand yeares as Eusebius testifieth lib. 3. histor Ecclesiast c. 22. But herein they differed Cerinthus thought that men vnder this kingdome of Christ should liue in carnall pleasure and voluptuousnesse This opinion Augustine alwaies misliked but he confesseth that sometime he approoued the other lib. 20. de ciuit dei c. 7. Contâ—a But now briefely it shall be shewed how vaine and false this opinion is 1. Our Blessed Sauiour himselfe saith
that his kingdome is not of this world 2. Christs kingdom is perpetuall it is an euerlasting dominion which neuer shall be taken away v. 14. but this kingdome which they imagine shall be but for a thousand yeares 3. They which held this opinion thought that the last of the sixe thousand yeares was begunne many yeares since Augustine thought that in his time the last of the sixe thousand was entred following the erroneous account of the Septuag from the beginning of the world and Lactantius who liued in Constantines time thought that there were but 200. yeares remayning of the sixe thousand In their opinion then now the eight thousand yeare should be a foote and yet their supposed kingdome is not begunne 4. But as concerning that place in the Reuelation it is greatly mistaken by them there are diuerse expositions thereof 1. Pererius by the first resurrection vnderstandeth the deliuerance of the soules from the bodies their receiuing vp into heauen by the thousand yeares he would haue signified taking a finite number for an indefinite all that time which the soules of the Saints should reigne in heauen with Christ til his second comming But this cannot be the meaning for after these thousand yeares expired Satan shall be loose now at Christs comming Sathan shall be more bound then euer he was and receiue his euerlasting doome 2. Some doe vnderstand here the libertie which Christs Church shall haue in earth but by a thousand yeares they thinke no definite or certaine time to be expressed but in propheticall predictions numbers must be taken properly and literally especially where a time is limited as after these 1000. yeares Sathan must be let loose if now a certaine time be not defined before his loosing the Church should haue no certaine direction to expect it and so they should haue small vse of this prophesie 3. Some doe vnderstand here precisely so many yeares as are named and some beginne the account from Christs natiuitie and ende it in the time of Pope Siluester the second Genevens Some beginne in the 36. yeare after Christ and extend the 1000. yeares vnto the time of Hildebrand called Gregorie the 7. that forcerer whom Satan vsed as his instrument in oppressing the Church of Christ Iun. annot in Apocalyps But both these doe make the 300. yeares of persecution vnder the Romane Emperours a part of this thousand yeares when Sathan should be bound which cannot be for then Satan raged against Christ and his members 4. Therefore these thousand yeares for that reason must beginne after the 10. persecutions vnder the Romane Empire in the time of Constantine the great from thence Sathan was shut vp for a 1000. yeares vnto the time of Iohn Wickleffe and Iohn Husse then beganne againe the generall persecutions of Christs Church Fox Martyrolog p. 101. And by the first resurrection is vnderstood the renewing of the soule and the rising from dead workes by the preaching of the Gospell So S. Paul vnderstandeth this first resurrection Rom. 6. 4. Coloss 3. 1. and in diuerse other places Quest. 45. Of the excellencie of Christs kingdome beyond other kingdomes 1. It excelleth all other kingdomes in the continuance and diuturnitie the spirituall kingdome of our Blessed Sauiour hath alreadie continued 16. hundred yeares and shall indure vnto the ende of the world and be perfited for euer to remaine in the next Among earthly Monarchies the kingdome of the Assyrians was of the longest time but it reached not to a 1400. yeares but the kingdome of Christ shall be euerlasting 2. none of these terrene kingdomes was vniuersall ouer all the world but all nations and languages haue beene subdued to the spirituall kingdome of Christ. 3. It excelleth in force and efficacie other kingdomes haue but power ouer the goods and bodies of men but this kingdome of Christ worketh vpon the soule and conscience 4. Other kingdomes doe but intend the publike peace and maintenance of ciuill societie this kingdome deliuereth men from the dominion of sinne and Sathan and planteth in them true veritie and pietie 5. Other kingdomes haue beene enlarged by force and armes but Christs kingdome hath beene propagated by humilitie and patience Our Blessed Sauiour hath founded by his glorious passion and his faithfull seruants the Martyrs haue by their patient constant sufferings propagated the church 6. This kingdome in the excellencie of lawes and precepts farre surpasseth all other If the Prophet Dauid spake such excellent things of the lawe of Moses Psal. 19. 4. The lawe of the Lord is perfect conuerting the soule the testimonie of the Lord is sure and giueth wisedome vnto the simple much more excellent is the Gospel of Christ which is a perfect rule of righteousnesse which was first preached by the Lord himselfe 7. They differ in the ende Terrene kingdomes doe but procure the outward peace and welfare of the people but the gospel and kingdome of Christ doe bring the faithfull vnto euerlasting life 8. Lastly these kingdomes are diuerse in respect of their gouernours These terrene dominions are ruled many times by vnwise often by vniust but alwaies by infirme mortall and weake men But this spirituall kingdome of the Church hath a Prince most prudent most iust most mighty as the Prophet Esay describeth this Blessed Prince by sixe titles which may thus be sorted out to these properties before named two of them shewe his power he is wonderfull and mightie two of them his wisedome he is a counsellour and the Prince of peace by his heauenly wisedome procuring the euerlasting peace of his Church and for his iustice he is an euerlasting father not as an hard Lord ouer his people but gouerning them as a foster father And all these three his wisedome iustice and power are comprehended in that one title he is the mightie God Quest. 46. How the kingdome of Christ is said to be euerlasting seeing it shall be deliuered vp vnto God 1. Cor. 15. 24. 1. Whereas the Apostle saith then shall be the end when he hath deliuered the kingdome to God 1. Cor. 15. 24. and vers 28. And when all things shall be subdued vnto him then shal the sonne also himselfe be subiect vnto him that did subdue all things vnder him c. Some vnderstand this of Christ in his members Sancti in quibus viuit filius purissâ—me agnoscunt Regem ac dominum the Saints in whom the Sonne liueth shall hartily acknowledge their Lord and king and so Christ in his members shall be subiect vnto God Oecolampad But it is euident in the text that the Apostle speaketh of Christ in his owne person v. 24. He shall deliuer the kingdome to God the father when he hath put downe all rule c. But Christ himselfe and not his members doth subdue and put downe all rule c. 2. Some doe thus interpret the Apostle that Christ as man and head of his Church shall be subiect vnto God and deliuer vp the kingdome vnto
his father Geneuens who is said then to be subiect to his father as man not that he was not subiect before but because the Church which is his bodie which shall be also subiect is not yet perfect Beza This is most true that the Sonne as man is subiect vnto God as Augustine saith Christus vt Deus nos cum patre subiectos habet vt sacerdos nobiscum patri subiectus est Christ as God together with his father hath vs subiect vnto him as he is the Priest he is together with vs subiect to his father lib. 1. de Trinitat cap. 8. yet this doth not fully satisfie how Christ shall deliuer vp his kingdome for as he is the Sonne of man he is said here to haue aâ— euerlasting kingdom and he shall be adored and worshipped for euer as the king of his Church 3. Therefore this is to be vnderstood of the manner of his kingdome that it shall not be administred in the next world as now per ministerium verbi sacramentorum by the ministerie of the word and Sacraments Osiand And that part of Christs kingdome shall cease which is exercised in the subduing and vanquishing of his enemies for then there shall be no enemies at all to be subdued this execution of Christs kingdome shall cease yet Christ shall remaine king of his Church for euer to be adored of his Angels and of all his Elect. 47. Quest. v. 17. Of the rising of the foure beasts 1. Where it is in the text these foure beasts are foure kings Calvin following the vulgar Latine readeth kingdomes but the word is malchin kings malcutha signifieth a kingdome v. 18. But yet by Kings we must vnderstand kingdomes Iun. Vatab. for there were diuers kings in the second Monarchie of the Persians and in the fourth of the Seleucians 2. It is saide they shall arise by a synecdoche the greater part beeing taken for the whole for the Chalde Monarchie was alreadie not onely risen but almost at an ende the other three were yet to rise Polan 3. They shall arise out of the earth before it is said out of the Sea sed metaphorice posuerat nomen maris the name of the Sea he put metaphorically the earth in respect of the troubles thereof is compared vnto a turbulent and vnquiet sea Calvin 48. Quest. Who shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints v. 18. Some read they shall take the kingdome of the Saints of the most high 2. Some the most high Saints shall take the kingdome c. and possesse the kingdome for euer yea for euer and euer 3. Some referre the first clause to the beasts that they shall take the kingdome the second to the Saints who shall possesse it for euer 1. They which so vnderstand these words as though these foure kingdomes which should rise out of the earth shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints 1. Some by the kingdome vnderstand the earth which is due vnto the Saints and in Abraham was promised to the faithfull which these foure Monarchies shall possesse for euer that is till the world be restored by Christ. Genevens Iun. 2. Or it is said for euer in respect of the longing desire of the Saints that are afflicted who shall thinke the time very long before they be deliuered Calvin 3. Some doe thus interpret it for euer yea for euer and euer that is for diuers ages shall these Monarchies keepe the people of God in subiection for the Chaldeans held them and their countrey in bondage 70. yeares the Persians 207. yeares the Seleucians 148. yeares which make aboue 400. yeares foure complete generations Polan But all these expositions are confuted by these two arguments 1. because it seemeth an hard speech that the wicked should possesse the kingdome of the Saints for euer and euer whereas the kingdome onely of the Messiah shall be euerlasting v. 14. 2. the kingdome of the Saints is not here taken for any earthly inheritance but for a celestiall and spirituall dominion as is euident v. 22. 27. And therefore the other kingdomes are said to rise out of the earth to shew a difference betweene this kingdome and theirs as the ordin gloss well obserueth Whatsoeuer is earthly shall returne to the earth Sancti non accipient regnum terrenum sed coeleste the Saints shall not receiue an earthly kingdome but an heauenly 2. They which follow the second reading that the Saints shall take the kingdome 1. Some referre it to the euerlasting kingdome of heauen onely which they shall receiue at the comming of Christ hoc erit in iudicio finali this shall be in the finall iudgement Lyran. post regna mundi finita post mortem Antichristi after all the kingdomes are at an ende after the death of Antichrist gloss interlin But this fift kingdome the Saints shall receiue presently after the dissolution of the foure former kingdomes which were ended before the first comming of Christ. 2. Oecolampad likewise vnderstandeth this fift to be the celestiall kingdome where the faithfull shall raigne with Christ But it is euident v. 27. where it is said the kingdomes vnder the whole heauen shall be giuen vnto the people of God that this kingdome of the Saints shall begin in earth for the heauenly kingdome can not be saide to be the kingdome vnder heauen 3. Some thinke that this kingdome of the Saints shall take place while the other Monarchies doe yet stand as vnder the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes the Church of Christ was propagated ouer all the world Pellican So also Bullinger Ecclesiam per omnes istus Monarchias in mundo futuram that the Church shall be in the world during all these Monarchies which exposition in part is true that the Church of God the spirituall kingdome of Christ can not be extinquished or ouercome but shall still continue in the world the very gates of hell shall not preuaile against it yet herein it faileth that they suppose these Monarchies shall still haue dominion when this fift kingdome taketh place whereas the contrarie is euident v. 11 12. that the fourth beast shall be slaine and the dominion taken from the other three beasts before this kingdome should be giuen vnto the Saints 4. It remaineth then that the fift kingdome beeing the spirituall dominion of the Church shall then beginne when the other foure kingdomes are extinguished And for the more certen and euident demonstration hereof these positions shall be here affirmed 1. that the kingdome here spoken of though the foure beasts shall first take it yet in the ende shall be possessed of the Saints not that those Monarchies shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints so is it interpreted v. 22. The time approched that the Saints possessed the kingdome 2. this kingdome of the Saints is begun here in this world it is not deferred to the second comming of Christ though then it shall be perfited as Hugo well interpreteth ab hoc seculo in quo regnant per gratiam
Iewes Temple by the Romanes there are past aboue a 1500. yeares 2. Osiander applying this prophecie to the Turke by three yeares and an halfe which containeth in his estimate a 1178. daies but it commeth to a 1278. daies vnderstandeth so many yeares from the first rising of Mahomet in the yeare 613. so long he thinketh the Turkish tyrannie shall rage but it is not necessarie that all the halfe time should be fulfilled it sufficeth that the tearme exceede somewhat a thousand yeares But this can not hang together that if the account be of so many yeares an hundred or two should be cut off from the reckoning for this were to make the prophecies very vncerten 3. Now some precisely here would haue vnderstood three yeares and an halfe which time they limit for the tyrannie of Antichrist in the ende of the world Hierom. Lyran. Hug. But this is an vncerten and vnprobable opinion that Antichrist shall raigne iust three yeares and an halfe before the comming of Christ for 1. then it might be gessed at what time Christ should come to iudgement if we may come so neare as within 3. yeares and an halfe 2. S. Paul sheweth that the Romane Empire onely letted the comming of Antichrist 2. Thess. 2. 7. which beeing long since dissolued the Empire beeing translated to Germanie and the name thereof onely left Antichrist must be alreadie reuealed to the world 4. The historicall sense then is that the very time is here described how long Antiochus should be suffered to change the times and lawes in polluting the Temple and abolishing the sacrifices which was iust three yeares and tenne daies for this desolation beganne in the 145. yeare of the kingdome of the Seleucians the 15. day of the moneth Chisleu 1. Macch. 1. 57. and in the 148. yeare the 25. day of the same moneth Chisleu the true worship of God was restored and sacrifices offered And 80. daies after that which maketh in all 1290 daies on the 25. day of the moneth Xanticus the last but one in the same yeare 148. Antiochus confirmed the Iewes lawes and manner of worship 2. Macch. 11. 33. Iun. annotat The historie then beeing so correspondent vnto the prophecie we neede not search any further for the right meaning thereof 53. Quest. What is meant by the halfe or diuiding of time v. 25. The word properly signifieth a diuiding and so consequently a part phalag is deriued of phelag to diuide whence Peleg had his name because in his time the earth was diuided Gen. 10. 25. whereupon some doe read a part of time Iun. Polan Montan. or diuiding of time Genevens the Latine following the Septuag readeth dimidium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 halfe of time which reading because it is retained and vsed Apoc. 12. 14. is not to be refused 1. Some now by this diuiding of time vnderstand not any set tearme as Calvin who thereby thinketh to be signified that those daies should be diuided that is shortened for the Elect sake Melancthon thus interpreteth that when the Turke is come to the height of his power subita fiet inclinatio there shall be a sudden change and inclination But if time doe signifie a yeare according to the propheticall phrase as c. 11. 13. the times of yeares beeing expired then the halfe or part of time shall signifie the halfe or part of a yeare 2. Hierome by the halfe vnderstandeth iust sixe moneths and so 3. yeares and halfe maketh an 1260 daies Apoc. 12. 6. which is all one with 42. moneths Apoc. 11. 2. Pint. But 3. yeares and an halfe make iust 1278. daies counting 15. daies ouer in the 3. yeares and 3. daies ouer in sixe moneths therefore precisely there are not by this account 3. yeares and an halfe 3. Iunius whome Polanus followeth by this part of time noteth to be signified ten daies onely but that cannot be the diuiding or halfe of time which reading is before approoued because of that place Apoc. 12. 14. 4. Wherefore rather this place is expounded by that Dan. 12. 11. from the time that the daily sacrifice shall be taken away shall be a 1290 daies So that it is counted the halfe of time beeing much about it though it sometime come short as in the summe of a 1260 daies there want 18. daies of 3. yeares and an halfe and sometime shoote ouer as in 1290 daies there are 12. daies more then three yeares and an halfe 54. Quest. How this kingdome is said to be giuen to the holy people v. 27. which is said v. 14. to be giuen to the Sonne of man 1. Because first and principally this kingdome is giuen vnto Christ as the first borne of euery creature and in him communicated vnto the Saints his members there is no contradiction betweene these two places for so both the spirituall kingdome as likewise the Priesthood is in this life graciously communicated by Christ our head vnto his members as the Apostle saith Apoc. 1. 6. He hath made vs Kings and Priests to God euen his father As also through Christ his members are made partakers of his euerlasting kingdome as our blessed Sauiour saith Luk. 12. 32. Feare not litle flocke it is your Fathers will to giue you a kingdome 2. Here then that cauill of the Iewes may easily be remooued who by this would gather because the holy people are here mentioned to whome this kingdome is giuen that by the Sonne of man vers 14. the Messiah is not vnderstood but the whole posteritie of Abraham and so likewise here But whereas the Prophet saw one as the sonne of man that can not be applied to Abrahams posteritie who could not be said to be as man they were then men beeing and existing but Christ is said to be as the Sonne of man because he was not yet incarnate this vision was praeludium incarnationis c. a forewarning of his incarnation So then v. 14. the author and foundation of this spirituall kingdome which is giuen vnto the Church is signified for vnlesse Christ did sit at the right hand of God and had all power giuen vnto him the Church should haue no kingdome at all Calvin 3. An other cauill also of Barbinel may be answered who will haue this vnderstood of an earthly and terrene kingdome the kingdome vnder the whole heauen is giuen vnto them for this ignorant Rabbin maketh a difference betweene beeing in the earth and of the earth the spirituall kingdome of Christ is in the world though it be not of the world Ioh. 18. 36. 4. And whereas this kingdome is generall ouer all the earth it must be extended further then ad primum exordium to the first beginning for the Gospel of Christ was not at the first preached ouer all the world but was receiued onely of a few it was in processe of time propagated into all parts of the world Calvin 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doctr. Of the authoritie of Scripture v. 2. Daniel spake and said Daniels writing is here
called his speaking whereby we are giuen to vnderstand that the writings of the Prophets and Apostles ought to be receiued with no lesse reuerence then if we had heard them speake with their owne mouthes So S. Paul saith to Timothie that the holy scriptures were able to make him wise vnto saluation and they were able to make the man of God absolute and perfect to euery good worke 2. Tim. 3. 15. 17. Polan 2. Doctr. The Church in this world subiect to affliction Because all these Monarchies and kingdomes are described by these foure beasts which deuoure and destroy beeing therefore resembled to cruell and sauage beasts the lyon beare leopard hence it is euident that the portion of the Church of God in this world is to be subiect for the most part to the violence and rage of oppressors to the end that they should not looke for their kingdome or inheritance in this world but seeke for their peace and true comfort in Christ Ioh. 16. 33. In the world ye shall haue affliction but be of good comfort I haue ouercome the world Bulling 3. Doctr. The Sonne of God equall vnto his Father v. 13. He approched vnto the Auncient of daies By this kind of speach is signified that Christ the Sonne of man according to his humanitie is equall vnto the Father touching his Godhead as sitting together in the throne with him as Apoc. 5. 6. The Lambe stood in the middes of the throne And whereas the kingdome is here said to be giuen vnto the Sonne that is to be referred to the time of his dispensation and comming in the flesh which glorie and kingdome he receiued as man but it was his owne as God from the beginning as Ioh. 17. 5. our blessed Sauiour thus praieth Glorifie me thou Father with the glorie which I had with thee before the world was Bulling 4. Doctr. Of the vocation of the Gentiles v. 14. That all people nations and languages should serue him This is an euident testimonie that the Gentiles should be conuerted vnto the faith and knowledge of Christ and so be subiect and obedient vnto him as Tertullian by this inuincible argument sheweth that Christ is the true Mossiah in quem enim alium vniuerse gentes crediderunt quam in Christum vpon whome els haue all the nations beleeued then in Christ and he reckoneth vp the Parthians Medes Egyptians Germanes Britaines Scythians and many other nations in the remotest parts of the world toward the North and South and East countries which haue receiued the faith whereas all other kingdomes and dominions haue beene confined The kings of Babylon and Persia raigned from India to Aethiopia yet had limits and borders of their kingdome neither did Alexander conquer all Asia the Romane Empire was defended in their borders with garrisons But the kingdome of Christ is not limited or confined to any place according to that prophesie in the Psalm 2. 8. Aske of me and I shall giue thee the heathen for thine inheritance and the ends of the earth for thy possession to this purpose Tertull. l. 7. cont Iudaeos 5. Doctr. Of whome the kingdome of Christ consisteth v. 18. The high saints or the saints of the most high shall take the kingdome The Church of God then consisteth of the Saints and elect which are ordained to euerlasting saluation So our Sauiour calleth them his flocke for whome his Father had prepared a kingdome Luk. 12. 32. And againe he saith I pray not for the world but for those whome thou hast giuen me Ioh. 17. 9. they then which are of the world are not of the Church of Christ Hypocrites then heretikes misbeleeuers carnall liuers way well be in the Church but they are not of it as S. Iohn saith They went out from vs but they were not of vs for if they had beene of vs they would haue continued with vs 1. Ioh. 2. 19. 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. The Church is not discerned by the greatnes and bignes thereof v. 3. Foure great beasts came vp These foure beasts signifying foure kingdomes are said to be great they were large and mightie in dominion as the Persian Monarchie had vnder it an 127. Prouinces yet all these kingdomes were enemies to the people of God So then the Church of Christ is not to be measured by the bignes and greatnes of it our Sauiour calleth his flocke a little flocke Luk. 12. 32. and few there be that finde the way vnto life Matth. 7. 14. Vniuersalitie then and multitude is not a sure and infallible note of the Church as the Romanists would haue it Nicolaus the 1. thus wrote vnto Michael the Emperour Numerus pusillus non obest vbi abundat pietas nec multiplex prodest vbi abundat impietas a small number doth not hurt where pietie aboundeth nor a great doth not profit where impietie aboundeth See hereof more Synops. Centur. 1. err 20. 2. Controv. Whether the Saints shall iudge the world v. 9. The thrones were set Hence Pererius inferreth that beside Christ there shall be other quasi iudicis assessores as assistants of the Iudge as our Sauiour saith that his Apostles shall sit vpon 12. seates and iudge the 12. tribes of Israel But it is euident out of the Scripture that Christ onely shall be Iudge of the world for the Father hath committed all the iudgement to the Sonne Ioh. 5. 22. But the Saints are said to iudge the world not as Iudges to giue sentence sed iudicant vt testes they iudge as witnesses Bulling their life and doctrine shall be the condemnation of the world In this sense our Sauiour saith that his word shall iudge those which receiue it not at the latter day Ioh. 12. 48. that is it shall be a witnes against them Hugo hath here this distinction Deus pater indicabit per authoritatem filius per sententiae prolationem sancti per assensum approbationem God the father shall iudge by his authoritie the Sonne by pronouncing the sentence the Saints by their assent and approhation c. 3. Controv. The vulgar Latine translation not authenticall v. 10. Whereas it is in the originall ribo riban ten thousand times ten thousand the Latine translator readeth ten thousand times an hundred thousand Pererius would excuse it thus that the interpreter did not so much respect the words as the minde of Daniel which was to expresse an infinite multitude of Angels putting a finite number for an infinite Contra. But an interpreter is tied to the very words which he translateth It is one thing to interpret an other thing to expound or comment Interpreters must not take vnto themselues that libertie in following the sense to leaue the text and depart from the words of the originall 4. Controv. Of the diuers orders of Angels v. 10. Whereas it is saide a thousand thousand ministred vnto him and ten thousand thousand stood before him Hence Pererius would prooue that there are two sorts of Angels some that
church should be alway discerned by this marke and note 2. for euen idolatrous kingdomes as that of the Assyrians which is held to haue continued aboue a thousand yeares for diuturnitie may compare with any visible Church 8. Controv. That the dominion of the Pope is temporall rather then spirituall Whereas the Hebrewes to prooue the Romane Empire which they imagine to be the fourth and the kingdome of Christ to concurre together to auoid that the fift kingdome should not be Christs which was to destroy the other foure doe giue instance of the Bishop of Rome who receiued his authoritie and preheminence from Constantine and other Christian Emperiours and doth now crowne and confirme the Emperour Burgensis and Pererius concurâ—ing with him doe answer to auoide this obiection that the Pope non tam corporaliter quam spiritualiter totâ— orbe regnet doth raigne rather spiritually then corporally throughout the whole world as appeareth in his power of binding and loosing Contr. This answer is insufficient and vntrue 1. for the Popes dominion medleth more with temporall then spirituall things as in making warre in taking vpon him to depose and set vp kings and to dispose of their kingdomes 2. and though he challenge to himselfe the chiefe stroke in the censures of the Church as in suspending excommunicating he vseth them onely for the augmentation of his temporall dominion he intendeth not thereby mens saluation 3. So in effect though vnder an other colour the Pope exerciseth the Imperiall authoritie as beeing risen vp out of the ruines of the old Empire as it is saide in the Reuelation c. 13. 12. he did all that the first beast could doe before him 9. Controv. That Antichrist is alreadie come Bellarmine to auoid this vseth diuers euasions 1. he saith that before Antichrist should come there should be ten kings which should diuide the Romane Empire among them Contr. This appeareth to be false out of the text 1. these ten kings must beare rule ouer the Saints before the comming of the Messiah and the erection of the fift kingdome v. 25. they shall consume the Saints 2. their kingdome must be destroied before Christ come v. 11. 3. after the destruction of them the kingdome of Christ must be set vp thorough the world which was by the preaching of the Gospel but this is done alreadie 2. He saith that the little horne is Antichrist which should come before the ende of the world Contr. This also is confuted by the same reasons 1. this horne is one of the ten kings which should beare rule ouer the Saints v. 25. which then were vnderstood to be the Iewes the people of God 2. this horne must be destroied before the kingdome of Christ be erected v. 11. 3. this horne was Antiochus Epiphanes as is before shewed who prefigured and shadowed forth Antichrist 3. He saith that this little horne shall arise from the nation of the Iewes Contr. It ariseth among the other hornes which were interpreted to be kings of the fourth beast and Monarchie therefore not from the Iewes 4. He addeth that by fraud and deceit he shall obtaine the kingdome of the Iewes Cont. But the text sheweth v. 21. that he shall make warre against the Saints he shall then ouercome them by force rather then fraud 5. Further he saith that this little horne which he taketh for Antichrist shall ouercome three kings of Lybia Egypt Aethiopia Contr. It is euident in the text v. 8. that the three kings which shall be subdued shall be out of one and the same kingdome v. 22. 24. the tenne hornes out of this kingdome are tenne kings 6. Likewise he saith that this horne shall subdue also the other seuen after it hath ouercome the three Contra. But no such thing is affirmed in the text 2. neither can it be so seeing these tenne kings are to succeede one an other the tenth and the last could not rise vp at the same time with the other tenne 7. An other of Bellarmines positions is that this Antichrist should raigne but 3. yeares and an halfe v. 25. Contra. 1. This was literally and historically fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes as is before shewed 2. Antichrist which was to come into the world must rise immediatly after the dissolution of the Romane Empire which onely letted while it stood the manifesting and appearing of Antichrist 2. Thess. 2. 4. Therefore the Romane Empire beeing now long since dissolued Antichrist hath bin a good while manifested in the world 6. Morall obseruations 1. Observat. The bed must be kept vndefiled v. 1. There were visions in his head vpon his bed God vsed to reueale himselfe vnto his seruants vpon their bed as beeing the fittest place for heauenly meditation when the soule was sequestred from all worldly affaires Therefore must we take heede that the bed be not defiled with any vncleane pollutions as are the beds of adulterous fornicators and wanton persons we should with Dauid water our couch with teares there meditate vpon God not make it a place of wantonnes and vncleannes 2. Observ. The conscience must be carefully kept and watched ouer v. 10. And the bookes were opened These are the bookes of euery mans conscience which are Gods faithfull witnesses and records in man as the wise man saith The light of the Lord is the spirit or breath of man and searcheth all the bowels Prov. 20. 27. that is mans conscience is as the Lords lanterne whereby he searcheth our secrets let vs therefore take heede what we write in these bookes of our conscience for whether it be good or euill there it will appeare either to accuse or excuse vs. 3. Observ. The word of God and the ministers thereof to be resorted vnto for our instruction v. 16. As Daniel to vnderstand this dreame went to one of the Angels which stood by so now because we haue no such accesse vnto Angels we must haue recourse to the ministers of Gods word which are said to be Angels of the Churches Apoc. 1. 2. 3. So Christ sent Paul to Ananias for further direction Act. 9. and the Angel sent Cornelius to Peter Act. 10. 4. Observ. Of the terror of the day of iudgement v. 15. I Daniel was troubled in my spirit c. If Daniel was so perplexed seeing the manner of Christs iudgement but in vision how much more terrible shall be the iudgement it selfe then all things which are now hid and secret shall be brought to light like as packes and fardels of wares are not opened till they come vnto the faire or market then the things hid before are openly shewed so all secrets shall be reuealed in that day the terror of that day should perswade men to take heede what wares they lay vp in their heart and conscience for then all shall be disclosed CHAP. VIII 1. The Argument and Methode IN this Chapter is set forth 1. a vision of the Persian and Grecian Monarchie to v. 15. 2. the interpretation thereof thence to
doe and prosper 13 Then I heard one of the Saints speaking for one of the Saints spoke vnto phelmoni S. Br. B. that is to an excellent one V. to one that hath secret things in account or number I. to a certaine one G. L. the Hebrew word is better ioyned because of the ambiguous signification see qu. 22. saying How long shall endure the vision of the daily sacrifice and the iniquitie of desolation to giue both the Sanctuarie and host to be trampled vpon to be a trampling H. 14 And he said vnto me Vnto the euening and morning two thousand and three hundreth that is so many daies then shall the Sanctuarie be restored clensed B. G. L. S. be iustified H. 15 Now so it was B. G. det when I Daniel had seene the vision and sought for the vnderstanding that behold there stood before me as the similitude sight or shew H. of a man 16 And I heard a mans voice betweene Vlai that is betweene the banks of that riuer which called and said Gabriel make this man to vnderstand the vision 17 So he came where I stood and when he came I was afraid and fell vpon my face then he said vnto me Vnderstand O sonne of man for in the limited time not in the end after the captiuitie V. the sense rather then the words nor in the last times G. time of the end H. which is called v. 19. moghed ketz the appointed time of the ende shall be the vision 18 Now as he was speaking vnto me I was as in a slumber better then sleepe G. falling on my face to the ground but he touched me and set me vp in my place 19 And he said Behold I will shew thee what shall be in the last wrath or vnto the last or extreamitie of wrath I. for in the appointed time of the ende H. not the ende of the time appointed G. or the time appointed hath his ende L. it shall be 20 The ramme which thou sawest hauing two hornes are the kings of the Medes and Persians 21 And the hairie B. G. L. det goat is the king of Grecia and the great horne which is betweene his eyes is the first king 22 And that that is broken and foure stood vp for it are foure kingdomes not foure kings L. S. which shall stand vp of his nation but not in his strength 23 And in the latter part of their kingdome S. not after their kingdome L. for Antiochus raigned before the kingdome was dissolued or in the ende of that kingdome V. B. G. which Ab. Ezra restraineth to the ende of their kingdome ouer Iudea which Antiochus Epiphanes had the last dominion of R. Saadiah vnderstandeth the kingdome of the foure successors of Alexander but their kingdome was ended an 100. yeares before Antiochus raigned this fell out then toward the latter part of the kingdome of the Seleucians Iun. readeth in the proceeding of this kingdome when the wicked are come to the full B. V. not when rebellious are consumed G. consummated rather the word is tamam to make perfect to consummate a king of an impudent L. I. V. strong H. fierie B. G. countenance and vnderstanding hard sentences that is craftie V. or warie I. shall stand vp 24 His power shall be mightie but not by his owne strength his strength G. B. that is Alexanders but the meaning is rather that he shall grow strong but not by his owne strength and he shall destroy wonderfully and shall prosper and practise and shall destroy the mightie and the holy people people of holy things H. 25 And through his policie vnderstanding H. not according to his will L. he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand and he shall extoll or magnifie I. himselfe in his heart and by peace not plentie V. L. craft S. shalvah peace prosperitie shall destroy many he also shall stand vp against the Prince of princes but he shall be broken downe as egges S. ad without hand 26 And the vision of the euening and morning which is declared is true therefore shut them vp seale L. S. B. G. but the word signifieth to shut vp the vision for it is for many daies I. S. not after many daies L. B. G. 27 And I Daniel was smitten with sicknes smitten and sicke H. certaine daies but I rose vp and did the Kings busines and I was astonished at the vision but no man vnderstood it not there was none to interpret it L. for the Angel bad interpreted it to Daniel 3. The questions and doubts discussed 1. Quest. The difference betweene this vision and the former 1. In the former there was a description of foure kingdomes here the Chaldean and Babylonian is omitted quia mox abolendum erat because it was now at hand to be abolished Calvin which may be the cause why hitherto from the second chapter Daniel had written in the Chalde tongue because those things concerned the Chaldean state which were reuealed to Daniel now he vseth the Hebrew tongue because these things which follow in this prophesie specially concerned the people of God as of their great affliction vnder Antiochus in this chap. and c. 11. and of the comming of the Messiah c. 9. first then this differeth from the former vision c. 7. vt pars à toto as a part from the whole Calvin 2. In the former vision there is a large description of the kingdome of Christ which is omitted here 3. Here is a more particular explication of such things as should befall the people of God vnder Antiochus as likewise c. 11. which is but briefly touched before Prter 2. Quest. Of the time of this vision In the third yeare of the raigne of Belshazar c. 1. Pererius thinketh that this was 14. yeares before the taking of Babylon by the Persians for he giueth vnto Belshazars raigne 17. yeares so also Ioseph lib. 10. antiqui◠c. 12. 2. Iunius and Polanus following Berosus and Metashenes which make Balthazar to raigne 5. yeares thinke this vision was shewed vnto Daniel three yeares before the destruction of Babylon 3. But the third opinion of the Hebrewes is more probable which Oecolampad and Pellicane follow that this vision was in the third and last yeare of Beshazar for the next time which is noted of Daniel was the first yeare of Darius c. 9. 1. 3. Quest. What manner of vision this was v. 1. A vision appeared vnto me c. Whereas there are two sorts of visions some are shewed vnto men in a traunce when they are waking as that vision of the foure cornered sheete which Peter saw Act. 10. some are reuealed in sleepe as Ioseph was admonished by an Angel in a dreame Matth. 1. 1. Some thinke that Daniel had this vision as the former because he saith after that which appeared vnto me at the first as making no difference betweene this vision and the former which was shewed vnto Daniel by night vpon his bed Perer. following Theodoret. 2. But it
Persian Monarchie for they make but fowre kings of Persia Cyrus Cambyses Assuerus Darius and generally hold that the Persian Monarchie continued not aboue 50. yeares whereas beside these there is euident mention made of Artaxerxes or Artashasht and of the 32. yeare of his raigne Nehem. 5. 14. But to remooue this doubt Ab. Ezra will haue Assuerus and Artaxerxes to be all one yet R. Moses maketh them two sundrie kings and so thinketh that there were fiue in all so well the Rabbines agree together 2. There is an other chronicle which Annius Viterbiens hath set forth vnder the names of the auncient writers Berosus Manethon Metasthones Philo who numbreth but 8. kings of the Persians and giueth vnto that whole Empire 191. yeares But as in other things that Chronologie is found to be false and imperfect as Pererius hath shewed at large in his 11. booke vpon Daniel as namely in this that he maketh Philo in a certaine booke called the Breuiarie to affirme that the posteritie of Salomon ended in Achazia and that Ioas which succeeded was not the sonne of Achazia but descended of Nathan whereas it is directly set downe 1. Chron. 3. 11. that Ioas was the sonne of Achazia beside this and other such slippes this apparant error is committed in the Persian Monarchie that reckoning but 8. kings he omitteth three which were most famous among them namely Cambyses Darius Hystaspis and Xerxes whom to denie to haue beene kings of Persia were all one as to say that Augustus and Tiberius were not Emperours of Rome 3. There is an other way to make this account by setting downe the yeares of the seuerall kings of Persia and so of the Grecians but there is also small certaintie of this for that the seuerall yeares of diuerse kings in three Monarchies cannot certainely be gathered because of the change and alteration of the state and kingdome and many times there was an interregnum or intermission of the gouernement and some kings raigned onely certaine moneths so that the time of one king ranne within the account of an others raigne 4. Beside the Hebrewes haue an other kind of reckoning by the yeares of their high Priests which succeeded one another vnto the time of Herod vnder whom Christ was borne which account seemeth Montanus to followe in his apparatus in the treatise called Daniel the whole summe there gathered from the first of Cyrus to the birth of Christ is 433. yeares or thereabout But this account must needes be more vncertaine then the former by the yeares of the kings especially in those tumultuous and troublesome times after the Macchabees when the high priesthood was bought and sold. 5. We come now vnto the Romane cōputation which was accounted these two waies by the yeares from the first building of Rome afterward by their Consulls But seeing Rome was of no great reputation while the Persian and Grecian Monarchie stood neither of these accounts can giue any certaine direction concerning the affaires of those kingdomes And thus much Plutarke confesseth in the life of Camillus hauing declared the receiued opinion that Rome was taken by the French about the 360. yeare of the city if it seeme credible saith he that an exact account of these times had beene so long preserued seeing that euen the confusion of that time hath brought some doubt and controuersie to the latter And he giueth this reason of his doubt because the common opinion was that the taking of the citie was in the 365. yeare of Rome and the first of the 98. Olympiad but whereas the fame of that warre was spread abroad in Greece and came to the hearing of Aristotle and Heraclides Ponticus who liued in the time of Philip king of Macedon who raigned about the 105. Olympiad this warre falleth out 27. yeares after the vsuall reckoning M. Liuely to salue the credit of the Latine computation saith that there were two battels made by the French and it was the latter of them the report whereof came to Aristotles hearing But it is like that Plutarke would not haue omitted this matter to haue made sound the Romane Chronologie and it was not a battell with the French but the taking of the citie by them the fame whereof was bruited abroad Beside an other instance may be giuen of the vncertaintie of the Romane Chronologie Plutarke referreth the beginning of the Peloponne siake warre in Greece to the 300 yeare of the building of Rome 3. booke c. 1. whereas Aulus Gellius l. 71. c. 21. bringeth it to the 329. yeare M. Liuely here answeareth that vigesimum nonum twentie nine by the slippe of the writers penne is put for decimum nonum ninteene p. 105. whereas beside that there is small affinitie betweene these two words vigesimum and decimum that one lightly by the writer could not be taken for an other yet this beeing admitted there remaineth still the oddes of 19. or 20. yeares which is a great difference in the storie of times As great vncertaintie there is in reckoning by the yeares of the Consuls as Senerus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr histor saith that Christ was borne when Sabinus and Ruffinus were Consuls Cassiodorus when Cneus Lentulus and Marcus Messala were colleagues in the Consulshippe Epiphanius heares 51. when Augustus was the 13. time Consul and Marcus Plautius Sylvanus So Augustine thinketh that Christ died that yeare when C. Rubellius and C. Fusius were Consuls lib. 18. de ciuitat Dei c. 54. but Onuphryus assigneth the yeare when Servius Sulpitius Galba and Lucius Cornelius Sulla were in office so also M. Liuely but both are deceiued for the first were Consuls in the 15. yeare of Tiberius the other in the 19. yeares whereas Christ suffred in the 18. yeare of Tiberius And further there is great vncertaintie thoroughout the Romane Chronologie of the Consuls that in the space of 700. yeares there is hardly one yeare to be found wherein the historians agree who should be Consuls Liuius Cassiodorus Sulpitius Dio Diodorus Siculus the Capitoline tables that were digged vp out of the ground vnder Paulus the 3. ann 46. composed as it is thought by Verrius Flaccus doe all differ one from another concerning the names of the yearely Consuls as is extant in the Romane Chronologie collected out of diuers authors by Ioachimus Grellius ioyned vnto Livies historie 6. There remaineth then the Greeke reckonings by their Olympiads which were certen games of running wrestling leaping celebrated euerie 4. yeare about Iuly in Greece in a certaine place called Olympia so called because there Hercules first instituted these solemne games to the honour of Iuppiter Olympius which beeing discontinued a long time were after renewed by Iuphitus king of that countrey about 705. yeares before the birth of Christ and so continued a 1000. yeares after This account by the Olympiads is resolued vpon to be the best by Pererius M. Linely Bullinger and others whereof now followeth more in the next question Quest. 36.
can be no probable cause shewed of the ending of these weekes which by Pererius account will bring vs to the 10. yeare of Artaxerxes Mnemons raigne whome he supposeth to be Esters Assuerus for in that storie there is no speciall note made of the 10. yeare but of the 3. yeare wherein he made a feast to his nobles Esth. 1. 3. of the 7. yeare when he married Esther c. 2. 16. and of the 12. yeare when Haman procured the decree against the Iewes c. 3. 7. 6. Some beginne these 7. weekes at the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus and ende them at the 2. of Artaxerxes Memor M. Lydyat pag. 78. But beside the difference in this computation betweene him and Pererius who bringeth the 7. weekes from the 20. of Longimanus to the 10. of Memor or Mnemon no reason can be assigned of the breaking off and diuiding those 7. weekes from the other he saith that other cities of Iudea beganne then to be builded but with much trouble but Daniel maketh mention onely of building Ierusalem in this place 7. Iosephus Scalliger lib. 6. de emendat tempor M. Iunius M. Liuely in his Persian Monarchie and Polanus beginne these 7. weekes in the 2. yeare of Darius Nothus and ende them in the 32. of Artaxerxes Mnemon when Nehemiah returned after he had finished the building of the citie vnto the king of Persia Nehem. 5. 14. there remained 17. yeares after Darius second whom they held to haue raigned 19. yeares which make the summe of 49. yeares in which space of time both the Temple and citie were builded But against this opinion it may thus be obiected 1. the 7. weekes and the 70. weekes haue the same beginning from the going forth of the word which is before prooued at large to haue beene in the first of Cyrus quest 43. 2. they beginne these weekes where they should ende for these 7. weekes were the time of the intermission and breaking off of their worke in building the citie and Temple the Angel sheweth how long that worke should be interrupted after the which they should beginne to build 8. M. Iunius then in his former edition beginneth these weekes in the first of Cyrus and endeth them in the 20. yeare of Longimanus when Nehemiah had his commission giuen him so also H. Br. in his commentarie But from Cyrus 1. to the sending of Nehemiah in the 20. Artaxerxes Longimanus must needes be aboue 49. yeares in account for the foure former kings of Persia Cyrus Cambyses Darius the sonne of Hystaspis and Xerxes had more then 30. yeares among them 9. Wherefore the best reckoning of these 7. weekes is this to beginne them with M. Calvin Oecolampad M. Br. in Cyrus first and to ende them in the 6. of Darius Longimanus when the Temple was finished and in the 7. yeare was Ezra sent and in the 20. by the same king Nehemiah my reasons are these 1. from the first going forth of the word which was in Cyrus time must these 7. weekes take beginning which make 49. yeares the time is too short to end them in the raigne of Darius Hystaspis which was within 49. yeares and too long to extend them to Darius Nothus who was the sixt king of Persia which was about 70. yeares from Cyrus first therefore one must be taken betweene them and that was Darius Artaxerxes called Longimanus who was next before Nothus Longimanus is held by the most to haue raigned 40. yeares which yeares added to the raigne of 4. kings before Cyrus Cambyses Darius Xerxes will make too many for the account of 49. yeares to the 2. of Nothus 2. The Temple was 46. yeare in building as the Iewes say Iohn 2. which yeares must be accounted from the 3. of Cyrus when the building beganne to be hindred for the which cause Daniel was in heauines 3. weekes of dayes Dan. 10. 3. so we shall haue the summe of 46. yeares from Cyrus 3. and of 49. from Cyrus 1. to the finishing of the Temple But it will be obiected that it was Darius Nothus in whose 6. the Temple was built because he had an Artaxerxes going before him Ezra 4. 7. and an other after him Ezr. 6. 14. and 7. 1. and so he was in the middes betweene two Artaxerxes Longimanus and Mnemon and that must needes be Nothus Ioseph Scalliger lib. 6. de emendat temp Answ. That Artashasht mentioned Ezra 4. 7. who sent a rescript to hinder the building of the citie and Temple was not Artaxerxes Longimanus but Cambyses who was a chiefe hinderer of the building of the Lords house 1. Longimanus is held of all to haue beene a friend vnto the Iewes 2. In the accusation sent to Artashasht they say that the Iewes did build and lay the foundation of the walles Ezr. 4. 12. they speake as of a thing then in doing which could not be so many yeares more then 40 after in Longimanus time for the worke was intermitted vnto the time of Darius Ezra 4. 5. this complaint then was made to Artashasht prince vnder Cyrus namely Cambyses his sonne who had the administration of the kingdome his father beeing occupied in forren warres abroad so Iun. edition 3. Vatab. H. Br. Though Assuerus be mentioned before v. 6. which was Darius Hystaspis how in the beginning of his raigne an accusation was made against them that prooueth not the Artashasht following to be Longimanus but the storie returneth to shewe the originall of that accusation which formerly had beene made 3. That place Ezr. 6. 14. prooueth not an other Artashasht to haue succeeded Darius there are diners opinions 1. Some thinke that Artaxerxes Mnemon caused such things to be finished which belonged to the ornament of the Temple which was made an ende of in his fathers time ex Vatabl. but here the finishing of the Temple is ascribed to Darius and Artashasht together not to one after an other 2. Iunius thinketh that Artashasht raigned together with his father but it is not like that in the second yeare of Darius when the worke beganne that Darius sonne was so old as to take the administration of the kingdome vpon him 3. Some by Darius vnderstand Darius the Mede who ioyntly with Cyrus gaue that commandement at the first and by Artashasht they vnderstand Longimanus Iun. annot edit 1. 4. Some thus read Darius that is Artashasht Vatab. and M. Br. nameth him Darius Artashasht which seemeth to haue beene a common appellation to most of the Persian kings Iun. Genevens annotat in Ezra 7. 1. I preferre this latter for in the first commandement which was giuen vnto the Iewes to returne onely mention is made of Cyrus 2. Chron. 36. 32. Ezra 1. 1. Darius then called king of Persia which was Longimanus Ezra 4. 24. the same is Artashasht called here king of Persia and Ezra 6. 22. king of Ashur and Nehem. 13. 6. king of Babel a part of the kingdome beeing by the figure Synecdoche
taken for the whole for all was vnder the gouernement of the kings of Persia. 4. Some thinke that the first Artashasht or Artaxerxes mentioned Ezra 4. 7. was Smerdes which vsurped the kingdome after Cambyses for 7. moneths and the other Artaxerxes spoken of Ezra 6. 14. and 7. 1. was Artaxerxes Longimanus and Darius there mentioned was Darius Hystaspis called the king of Ashur Ezra 6. 22. because he snbdued Babylon and Assyria so M. Lydyat de emendat tempor pag. 64 65. 73. But 1. it is not like that Smerdes beeing king not aboue 7. moneths and not throughly setled could be such an hinderer of the building of Ierusalem or that in so short a time there could be such entercourse by letters to and fro from the king of Persia to Ierusalem beeing farre distant euen 4. moneths iourney Ezra 7. 9. the other Artaxerxes was indeed Longimanus as is before shewed and the same was the Darius also there mentioned Ezra 6. 14. for how could the temple be said to be finished by the commandement of Artashasht who yet raigned not but is mentioned by anticipation as be thinketh and as Darius is here called king of Ashur fo is Artashasht called king of Babel Nehem. 13. 6. they were both the same as is before shewed a part of the kingdome is taken for the whole 59. Quest. Whether that place Ioh. 2. 20. that the Temple was 46. yeares in building haue any agreement with these 7. weekes 1. Oecolampadius vtterly reiecteth that saying of the Iewes nobis illud dictum Iudaorum quod per inuidiam loquebantur non est tantae authoritatis c. to vs that saying of the Iewes is not of so great authoritie that we should set it against so euident places of the Scripture Likewise Bullinger thinketh that the Iewes might ouerlash in this speach as they did when they said to Christ Thou art not yet fiftie yeare old Ioh. 8. 57. and yet he neuer saw fourtie But although where the Iewes speake vpon their blind traditions contrarie to Scripture they are not to be regarded yet when we see the receiued opinion to concurre with Scripture and the euent to be answerable thereunto it is not to be reiected as here the 46. yeares by them mentioned beeing counted from Cyrus third when the worke ceased doe agree with this prophesie of 7. weekes that is 49. yeares from Cyrus first 2. Iosephus Scalliger likewise reiecteth this testimonie of the Iewes lib. 6. de emendat tempor vpon this reason because these 7. weekes are appointed for the building of the citie and streete and not of the Temple But by the one the other must be vnderstood the building of Ierusalem includeth also the building of the Temple for otherwise no mention is made at all here of the building of the Temple which notwithstanding was principally intended both in the prophesie of Isay concerning Cyrus c. 44. 28. and in the fulfilling thereof Ezra 1. 1. 3. Pintus applyeth that tearme of 46. yeares to the building of the Temple but he doth not make it agree with these 7. moneths for he reckoneth but 48. yeares in all to the finishing of the Temple which beganne two yeares after the going forth of the word so that from the beginning of the building were 46. yeares but from the going forth of the word 48. Contra. But neither were two yeares expired from the going forth of the word vnto the beginning of the Temple but onely one yeare complete and somewhat more for they beganne to set forward the worke in the 2. yeare the second moneth Ezra 3. 8. And thus the prophesie of 7. weekes from the going forth of the word should not be fulfilled 4. Some thinke that the Iewes put diuerse timeâ— together of the second building of the Temple in their teturne from captiuitie and of the third by Herod so that they adde 20. yeares which Herod spent in enlarging the edifices about the Temple Oecolamp But the Iewes speake onely of the time spent in the building of the second Temple for Salomons Temple was finished in 7. yeares 1. king 6. and Herods worke about the Temple in 10. yeares as Iosephus witnesseth lib. 15. antiquit 5. Pererius thinketh the Iewes computation to be true which he beginneth in the 2. yeare of Cyrus when they laid the foundation of the Temple and endeth in the 9. of Darius Hystaspis when all the worke the outward Court and all were finished and thus he casteth the summe from Cyrus 2. there remaine 29. yeares of Cyrus raigne Cambyses and the Magi raigned 8. and Darius 9. But the 7. weekes he beginneth from the 20. yeare of Longimanus Contra. 1. Beside that Cyrus and Cambyses raigned not so long ouer the Persian Monarchie Cyrus is held to haue raigned in all 30. but ouer the whole Monarchie after the ouerthrowe of Babel but three 2. an other errour is that Pererius taketh the ninth yeare of Darius following therein Iosephus whereas Ezra 6. 14. the Temple was finished in the 6. yeare of Darius 3. neither was this Darius Hystaspis but Darius Longimanus vnder whom the Temple was finished as before is shewed quest 45. 4. the seuen weekes must beginne from the 1. of Cyrus not from the 20. of Longimanus as is also before prooued quest 43. and quest 58. 6. M. Calvin whom the Genevens followe in their annotation here doe giue vnto the building of the Temple 46. yeare and to the laying of the foundation 3. yeares which make 49. in all but this account cannot stand neither for the 7. weekes must beginne from the going forth of the word which was in the 1. of Cyrus the foundation of the Temple was laid in the 2. yeare then cannot the 7. weekes and these 49. yeares wherein the Temple was built ende together not beginning together 7. Some thinke that the Iewes speake not of the Temple built by Zorobabel but of Herods Temple which he beganne to enlarge in the 18. yeare of his raigne which was 46. yeares before and was not yet finished M. Lydyat de emendat tempor p. 174. 8. But the more receiued and probable opinion is that the Iewes speake of the Temple built after their returne out of captiuitie and finished not then in building and thus the 7. weekes and the 46. yeares are made to agree together the 7. weekes which make 49. yeares beginne at Cyrus 1. and the 46. yeares must be counted from the third of Cyrus when the worke of the house was hindered and so the 7. weekes and the 46. yeares shall ende together at the finishing of the Temple in Darius 6. yeare H. Br. in his Concent Quest. 60. Vnto Messiah the Prince shall be seuen weekes ver 25. Who is here vnderstood by the Messiah 1. R. Selamâ— who beginneth the 7. weekes at the destruction of the first Temple will haue this Messiah or anointed to be Cyrus as he is called Isay. 45. 1. Thus saith the Lord to Cyrus his anointed and from the desolation of
the South to v. 18. or against other nations v. 18. The kings of the South against whom Antiochus dealeth with his brother Ceraunus was first Ptolome Philopator who ouercommeth Antiochus Megas v. 10. 11. 12. see quest 24. Then Ptolome Epiphanes against whom Antiochus maketh three seuerall expeditions the first v. 13. 14. see quest 25. the second v. 15. see quest 26. the third v. 16. 17. which endeth with an intendement of mariage but with euill successe Then Antiochus goeth against other forren nations but is discomfited by the Romanes returneth with shame and dieth v. 18. 19. see quest 28. 29. The rest of the chapter is spent in setâ—ing forth the exploits of Antiochus Megas his sonnes first of Seleucus Philopator v. 20. see qu. 30. then of Antiochus Epiphanes whose historie is set forth at large In Antiochus Epiphanes historie 1. his manner of entring into the kingdome is described see the particulars qu. 32. 2. his exploits to v. 44. 3. his end v. 44 45. His acts and exploits are 1. against Egypt where three expeditions and voyages of his are set forth The first v. 22 23 24. see qu. 33. the second v. 25. to v. 28. see qu. 34. the third with his repulse v. 30. qu. 35. 2. Against the people of God where it is shewed 1. what meanes he shall vse against them v. 32 33. see qu. 40. 2. what they shall suffer v. 33. and how they shall be comforted v. 34 35. see qu. 41 42. 3. What Antiochus himselfe shall doe where 1. his acts concerning religion are described in abrogating of all religion both true v. 34. and false v. 37. qu. 43 44. and bringing in a new god v. 38. qu. 46. 2. his ciuill and politike acts v. 39. qu. 47. 3. His exploits are against Egypt Iudea and other countries v. 40 to 44. see the particulars qu. 48. Lastly the death and destruction of Antiochus is set forth with the signes precedent and manner thereof see qu. 50. 2. The text with the diuers readings v. 1 And I in the first yeare from the first yeare V. of Darius the Mede euen I stood stand V. to encourage and strengthen him 2 And now I will shew thee the truth there shall stand vp yet three Kings in Persia and the fourth shall be farre richer enriched with riches H. then they all and when he is growne mightie in wealth hath strengthened him in his riches H. he shall stirre vp all against the kingdome of Grecia Iavan H. 3 But a mightie king shall stand vp and shall rule with great dominion and doe according to his pleasure 4 And when he shall stand vp his kingdome shall be broken and shall be diuided toward the foure winds of heauen and not to his posteritie nor according to his dominion which he ruled for his kingdome shall be plucked vp and be for other beside those 5 And the king of the South shall be mightie and one of his Princes and shall preuaile against him and beare rule his dominion shall be a great dominion 6. And in the ende of the yeares they shall be ioyned together for the kings daughter of the South shall come vnto the king of the North to make an indifferent peace to make an agreement B. C. friendship L. league S. to make equitie H. that is peace with equall conditions but she not he B. shall not reteine the power of the arme shall effect nothing V. neither shall be continue nor his arme not his seede L. S. zeroagh signifieth an arme but she shall be deliuered vp and they that brought her and he that is borne of her her young man L. S. not he that begate her V.B.G. for this agreeth not with the storie see qu. 21. following the word ioledah signifieth a birth or generation 7 But out of a sprigge budde G.B. of her rootes shall one stand in his stead shall succeed in the kingdome V. the sense not the words his plant L. his base A. or foote Polan rather in his stead B.G.I. which shall come with an armie to the armie A. and shall enter into the fottresse province L. of the king of the North and shall doe with them as he list B.G. doe so that I. abuse them L. doe great matters V. and shall preuaile 8 And he shall also carrie into captiuitie captiues L.B.G. into Egypt their gods with their Princes A.V.I. not with their molten images L.B.G.S. the word is nasich with iod a Prince but nesech is a molten image and with their pretious vessels of siluer and of gold and he shall continue more yeares then the king of the North. shall preuaile against L. but here the word shanim yeares is not translated 9 So the king of the South shall come into his kingdome not into the kingdome of the king of the South V. S. and shall returne into his owne land 10 Then shall his sonnes be stirred vp mooue battell I. Br. Pol. but then an other word is ioyned with garah as lamilcamah to battell v. 25. and shall assemble a mightie great armie a companie of many armies H. and one shall come and ouerflow and passe through then shal he returne mooue battell be stirred L.V. euen vnto the fortres at the fortres B.G. 11 Then the king of the South shall be angrie and shall come forth and fight with against L. I. but ghim signifieth more properly with him euen with the king of the North for he shall set forth cause to stand vp H. a great multitude and the multitude shall be giuen into his hand 12 Then the multitude shall be lifted vp not he shall take the multitude L. or the multitude shall be taken away I. the word nissa may be either in niphal or piel and so may be translated actiuely or passiuely but the first rather because it followeth and he shall lift vp his heart for he shall cast downe thousands but he shall not still preuaile 13 For the king of the North shall returne and shall set forth a greater multitude then the former and shall come forth after certaine yeares in the ende of the time of those yeares H. with a mightie armie and much riches 14 And at the same time shall many stand vp against the king of the South and the seditious children the violent V. pestilent S. offenders L. rebellious G. the word is pharatze breakers violaters that is of the peace such as the factious and seditious are shall exalt themselues be lifted vp H. better then be taken away I. Pol. as before v. 12. to establish the vision but they shall fall 15 So the king of the North shall come and cast vp a mount cast forth with slings Pol. the first rather for the word shaphach to poure out or sâ—ed forth is more fiâ—ly vsed of the casting vp of earth then of casting out of a sling and the other word sallelah is taken for a mount rather then a sling as Iunius there readeth 2. king 19. 32. and take
world 2. his patient labour in enduring hunger and thirst frost and cold 3. his dexteritie and celeritie in omitting no opportunitie 4. and hereunto may be added his singular successe he neuer besieged any citie but he tooke it 2. His exploits were singular 1. he enlarged the Empire of the Grecians and made them Lords of the whole world 2. he built many cities 70. in number as Plutarch writeth whereof Alexandria in Egypt was one 3. he reduced many barbarous nations from their sauage and bruiâ—ish manners to ciuilitie as is further shewed c. 2. quest 48. 3. And his vices which he fell into after he had glutted himselfe with the pleasures of Asia were not inferiour to his vertues fowre notable vices among the rest raigned in him 1. drunkennesse he would drinke so excessiuely that he would lie 2. or 3. dayes till he had sâ—â—pt out his drinke 2. in his drinke he was cruell and outragious in his rage he killed his deare friend Clitus much lamenting his death afterward 3. he was giuen to the wantonnesse and pleasure of the flesh 4. And at length he grewe so intolerable proud that he made himselfe Iupiters sonne for which cause he commanded Calisthenes to be killed because he refused to worship him see before c. 8. quest 16. 3. Then Alexanders ende was this in the 32. yeare of his age he died at Babylon some thinke of poison but he died rather of surfetting and drunkennesse continuing quaffing so long at a Phisitians house a Thessalian that he fell into a burning feuer at such time as he expected embassadors from the remote countreys of the world out of Africa Europa as out of Spaine and Italie and so in fewe dayes after he sickened he died hauing no time to returne into his owne coâ—ntrey nor space to appoint his successor see more c. 8. quest 16. Quest. 11. Of the fowre successors of Alexander Concerning three of Alexanders successors there is no question Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagus possessed Egypt the kingdome of the South Seleucus raigned in Syria and Babylon in the East which in respect of Iudea was counted the North and Antigonus held Asia minor in respect of Egypt on the North but there is some question who was Alexanders successor in the kingdome of Macedonia in the West 1. The receiued opinion is that Arideus called Philippus the brother of Alexander succeeded in the Macedonian kingdome as Hierome Lyranus Hugo Card. Pintus Bullinger But Arideus cannot properly be counted Alexanders successor because he was but chosen king for a time vntill Alexanders sonnes came to age and he had but the name of a king Perdiccas was chosen Tutor and protector of the Empire and Seleucus master of the horse which was the second place in dignitie Craterus Treasurer Antipater gouernour of Macedonia and Grecia and beside the text saith that the kingdome should not be left to any of Alexanders posteritie that is heires or kinred But his brother was one of his posteritie and kinred 2. An other opinion is that Antipater one of Alexanders chiefe captaines succeeded in Macedonia Osiand but this can not be neither for though Antipater were set ouer Macedonia as other of Alexanders captaines were appointed their seuerall regiments before the kingdome was shared and diuided into foure parts yet because Aridaeus was then liuing to whome by generall consent of the captaines the name and title of the king was yeilded during the nonage of Alexanders children Antipater could not be said to succeede in that kingdome 3. Wherefore Cassander rather the sonne of Antipater who vsurped the kingdome of Macedonia as soone as Aridaeus was dead is rather held to be one of the foure successors in the kingdome Iun. Polan Calv. Pap. Calvin thinketh that Cassander was Antipaters father true it is that he had two sonnes Antipater and Alexander but they by mutuall parricide made an ende one of an other and held not the kingdome long after their father But Cassander which raigned 18. or 19. yeares ouer Macedonia was the sonne also of Antipater Quest. 12. How all Alexanders posteritie was rooted out that none of them succeeded in the kingdome 1. Hierome thus expoundeth these words not to his posteritie quia Alexander liberos non habuit because Alexander had no children which Pintus thus with fauour interpreteth that he had no sonne which succeeded him but if Hieromes words be well marked he giueth this as a reason why the kingdome was devolued to strangers because Alexander had no children whereas he had two sonnes Alexander by Roxane and Hercules of Barsines as Trogus and Iustinus testifie 2. Some writers thinke that Alexander had a sonne called Alexander by Thalestra Queene of the Amazons as Q. Curtius Clitarchus Polycritus Onexicritus affirme but that is by other historians held to be but a fable as Hecataeus Philippus Chalcidicus Duris Samius Plutarchus Cheronens Philo Thebanus with others ex Pinto for this Alexander was Alexanders sonne by his wife Roxane 3. This then was Alexanders posteritie and kinred which he left behind him his mother Olympias and Pyrrhus his vncle king of Epirus his brother Aridens and his sister Cleopatra his two wiues with their two sonnes Roxane with Alexander and Barsines with Hercules they were eight in all Olympias causeth Arideus to be killed Cassander thereupon taketh occasion to put Olympias to death beeing almost 80. yeare old and poisoneth both Alexanders sonnes Alexander and Hercules with Roxane Alexanders wife Cleopatra Alexanders sister the gouernour of the Sardians who was base brother to Philip Alexanders father procured to be killed therein thinking to gratifie Antigonus last of all Pyrrhus was vanquished by Antigonus Demettius sonne and his head cut off And thus in few yeares all Alexanders posteritie was cut off that none liued to succeede him 13. Quest. Of the meaning of these words v. 4. It shall be for others beside those 1. Whereas it is said in the text in the ende of the fourth verse it shall be giuen to others beside Hierome readeth strangers for others the word acharim signifieth both strangers and others by strangers Hierome vnderstandeth other captaines beside these fowre as Perdiccas Crateron Lysimachus which had some part of Alexanders dominions Theodoret interpreteth it of other strangers of forren nations as in the raigne of some of the posteritie of the first successours of Alexander the Parthians fell away from the kingdome of Syria and Babylon by the instigations of Arsaces a Persian of whome the kings of Persia a long time after were called Arsacidae But neither of these expositions can stand here not the first because before in this verse mention is made onely of the diuision of the kingdome into the fowre winds so that we are referred onely to that famous diuision of the kindome into fowre parts and to none other not the latter because that falling away of the Parthians was well nie an 100. yeares after Alexanders death in the time of Seleucus grandchild to Antiochus the
his kingdome and Seleucus expelled by Antigonus fleeing vnto him for succour Hierome 6. But he was cruell to the Iewes inuading them vpon the Sabbath day when they suspected nothing and carried many of them away captiue but afterward he became more indifferent toward them giuing them the like priuiledge in Alexandria as the Macedoniaâ—s had Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit 7. He raigned well nie fourtie yeares after Alexanders death and died in the 124. Olympiad as Polybius writeth in the same yeare that Lysimachus Seleucus and Ptolome Ceraunus likewise ended their daies 8. He left behind him Philadelpus Ceraunus and other children beside Pausan. And this was the king of the South that is of Egypt which was South to Iudea which the text saith v. 5. shall be mightie 18. Quest. v. 5. One of his Princes shall preuaile who is meant hereby 1. Hierome whom Lyranus Hugo Card. Pintus follow vnderstand this to be Ptolome Philadelphus who succeeded Ptolome Lagi and grew to be mightier then he he had 200. thousand footmen and 20. thousand horsemen 15. hundred shippes of warre and a 1000. shippes for burthen so Hierome 2. Iunius in his commentarie and in his annotations is of the same opinion that the pronoune his hath reference to the king of the South before named and by Princes vnderstandeth sonnes as Dauids sonnes are said to be his chiefe Princes 2. Sam. 8. And they are called Princes rather then sonnes because they were not the legitimate sonnes of Ptolome And beside this philadelphus after the manner of the Persians married his owne sister Arsinoe so that the children which he had by her were rather called his Princes then sonnes Iun. in commentar But the words of the text following he shall preuaile aboue him or as some read against him G. B. will not beare this sense for these words doe implie a contention which should be the greater but this was not betweene the father and the sonne rather Ptolome the father made his sonne great beeing his younger sonne he appointed him to be heire of the kingdome and as Iustine saith resigned vnto him the kingdome beeing yet aliue thinking it to be a greater honour to be a kings father then the king neither can it be shewed that this Ptolome more enlarged the kingdome then his father had done 3. Therefore by one of his Princes is rather to be vnderstood one of his that is Alexanders Princes and that was Seleucus Nicanor who was king of Babylon and Syria which was North to Iudea so Melanct. Vatabl. Calvin Osiand Bulling Genevens B. Polanus 1. This Seleucus was of such strength that when a wilde bull as Alexander was sacrificing brake loose he held him by the hornes alone and staied him whereupon he gaue the hornes in his armes which doth fitly answer vnto the description of the fourth beast with tenne hornes c. 7. 8. which signified the kingdome of the Seleucians Appian in Syriac it is said that Seleucus and his posteritie had naturally the signe of an anchor in their thigh Melanct. 2. This Seleucus ouercame Antigonus though he were before by him expelled out of Babylon and he diuided his kingdome likewise he caused his sonne Demetrius to yeeld himselfe vnto him he also slue valourous Lysimachus who in Alexanders time being cast vnto a lyon slue him 3. He much enlarged his kingdome he raigned ouer Babylon and Media Mesopotamia Armenia Cappadocia and ouer the Persians Parthians Arabians Bactrians Hyrcanians and possessed all from the borders of Phrygia euen vnto the riuer Indus and passing ouer that riuer he likewise warred with Sandracotus king of the Indians neuer any possessed more countries in Asia then this Seleucus onely Alexander excepted Polan 4. He builded many goodly cities sixteene of them he called after his fathers name Antiochia sixe by his mothers name Laodicea nine after his owne name Seleucia three by his wiues name Apamea and one Stratonica by his other wiues name the most famous of these cities which afterward continued were two called by the name Seleucia one by the Mediterranean sea the other by the riuer Tygris Laodicea in Phoenicia Antiochia vnder Libanus and Apamea in Syria Many other cities he called by Greeke or Macedonian names as Berrhea Edessa Perinthus Maronea Callipolis Achaia Pella Amphipolis Arethusa Cholcis Larissa Apollonia In Parthia Sotera Calliope Hecatompolis Achaia in India Alexandropolis in Scythia Alexandrescota So that Seleucus dominion was mightier and larger then the kings of the South H. Br. in Daniel 5. This Seleucus was somewhat equall and fauourable toward the Iewes he did enfranchise them in all his cities which he builded in Asia and Syria with the same priuiledges which the Macedonians had Ioseph lib. 12. c. 3. which he did to make them his friends against Ptolome Soter 6. But at length he was circumvented and slaine by Ptolome Ceraunus brother to Ptolome Philadelphus Melancthon 19. Quest. That this kingdome of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog That Ezekiel c. 38. and Daniel here agree in their description of the same kingdome may appeare by these reasons 1. because the kingdome of Gog is also there called the kingdome of the North Ezek. 38. 15. Come from thy place out of the North parts thou and much people with thee and here also he is called the king of the North. 2. The nations which doe accompanie Gog as Magog Meshech Gomer Togarmah Pharas Put the â—â—ebrews themselues vnderstaÌ„d to be the nations inhabiting Cappadocia Galatia Iberia Armenia all which were vnder the command and obedience of the king of the North. 3. The building of cities thoroughout those countries and the calling of them by the names of the Seleucians and their kinted are euident arguments of the foueraigntie which they had ouer those nations so that we neede seeke no further for that great Gog whome Ezekiel speaketh of 4. And further as Ezekiel prophesieth c. 38. 23. that after the ouerthrow of Gog the Lord would be magnified and sanctified among many nations which was performed by the comming of the Messias so it came to passe for not long after the destruction of this kingdom of the North and the ende of that familie of the Seleucians Christ came into the world And this is the common opinion of the Hebrewes as Ab. Ezra and Kimhi testifie that after the ouerthrow of Gog Messiah should â—aigne 5. Wherefore seeing this Prophesie is fulfilled alreadie they are deceiued which deferre the fulfilling of Ezekiels prophesie vntill the ende of the world wherein they giue great aduantage vnto the Iewes who thinke that their Messiah when he commeth shall vanquish the power of Gog and Magog H. Br. in Daniel 20. Quest. Of the first variance betweene the king of the South and the king of the North and of their ioyning together againe v. 6. In the ende of the yeares they shall be ioyned together againe 1. It is euident then that first the league made betweene the first kings of the
but for all this Antiochus surceased not Hierome ex Iustin. therefore it is said in the text veniendo veniet he shall certainely or speedily come nothing could let him And concerning his rich preparation this may be an euident proofe thereof that afterwards when he prepared in like manner to encounter with the Romanes and at that time Hannibal beeing ouercome of the Romanes was fledde vnto him he shewed vnto him his chariots and Elephants set forth with ornaments of siluer and gold and asked him if this were not sufficient for the Romanes who made this answer satis esse credo Romanis haec omnia licet sint auarissimi I thinke these things may suffice and content the Romanes though they were most couetous c. Gellius in Noctib Attic. lib. 5. c. 5. his meaning was that it would be a sufficient pray whereas Antiochus had asked his opinion of the sufficiencie of his preparation 2. Then in the successe described v. 14. is shewed 1. the helpe that Antiochus had 2. how he preuailed against those factious persons which tooke part with the king of Egypt 1. The text saith that at that time many shall stand vp against the king of the South which some vnderstand of the Iewes which hitherto had taken part with the king of Egypt who should now ioyne with Antiochus Iun. but it is better vnderstood of the league and confederacie which Antiochus made with Philip king of Macedon that they should both ioyne together against the king of Egypt and part his cities among them each of them to take the cities next adioyning Hierome which confederacie was the occasion of warre betweene the Romanes and the said Philip who beeing ouercome by Flaminius the Consull lost a great part of his kingdome euen all the cities of Thraciâ— onely Macedonia beeing left him Melancth Bulling 2. Then followeth what became of the rebellious sonnes of the people that is the refractarie Iewes which stood against Antiochus and were refractarie against God and his laws 1. These rebellious and refractarie Iewes are well vnderstood to be those which fled with Onias beeing expelled by Iason vnto the king of Egypt which Iosephus saith was Philometor but by the words of the prophesie it is better referred to these times of Ptolome Euergetes who gaue vnto Onias leaue to build a Temple in Egypt in the region of Hierapolis about 180. furlongs from Memphis which Onias accordingly did making it in some things like in some things vnlike to the Temple of Ierusalem So herein they are called refractraie because against the ordinance of God that appointed the place of his publike worship onely at Ierusalem where they should offer all their sacrifices yet did erect a Temple in an other place 2. Whereas it is said to establish the vision this also agreeth verie fitly some vnderstand it of the fulfilling this present vision Iun. annot Polan but that fulfilling was against their will now here their purpose and intendment seemeth to be noted to establish the vision and so Onias pretended that herein he fulfilled the prophecie of Isay. c. 19. v. 19. that the altar of the Lord should be in the middes of Egypt Hierome Pellican Calv. Melancth whereas that place is vnderstood of the spirituall worship of God which should be established in Egypt at the comming of the Messiah which euidently appeareth out of the same place for there the Prophet speaketh of a generall vnitie and concord that should be betweene Assur Egypt and Iudaea which was not now in the time of this Onias for the Assyrians now vnder Antiochus were enemies to the Egyptians And beside Eusebius out of this verie place sheweth that the sacrifices and ceremonies of Moses law were to cease for seeing by Moses lawe they were not to sacrifice nor to set vp any altar but at Ierusalem if that law should not be abolished the prophesie of Isay of setting vp an altar that is the true seruice of God in Egypt could not haue beene fulfilled to this purpose Eusebius lib. 1. de domonst Euangel c. 4. 3. Then it followeth what shall become of those refractarie persons they shall fall 1. Hierome vnderstandeth it of the destruction of this newe Temple and the citie which came to passe 330. yeare after as Iosephus writeth vnder Vespasian the Emperour who when he had destroyed the Temple at Ierusalem sent vnto Lupus president of Alexandria to demolish the other Temple in Egypt least it might be an occasion of mutinie and rebellion to the Iewes But this Lupus onely spoiled the Temple of the ornaments thereof Paulinus succeeding him vtterly abolished the seruice which the Iewes there exercised and shut vp the Temple for euer not suffering the same to be vsed at all and so it came to ruine Iosephus lib. 7. de bello Iudaic. c. 30. But this ruine and fall here prophecied of seemeth to haue been present to shew how Antiochus preuailed against them Some vnderstand it of the Iewes in Palestina which rebelled against Antiochus Polan Iun. in his last edition But in his first annotations he seemeth to referre it to the Iewes whom Antiochus destroyed at his comming into Egypt Quest. 26. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes v. 15. The king of the North shall come and cast vp a mount c. In this expedition first is described his preparation then his successe In the preparation it is expressed how he should cast vp a mount Iunius and Polanus expound the word otherwise taking it for a sling and other engins which were vsed in the besieging of cities the meaning is that Antiochus should besiege the strong cities of Egypt and it hath speciall reference beside vnto the besieging of Scopas Ptolomes captaine whom the king of Egypt had sent against him who encountring with Antiochus at Panâ—as was put to the worse and fled vnto Sidon where Antiochus besieged him with tenne thousand men then Ptolome sent three captaines Eropus Menocleas and Damaxenus to rescue him but they could not raise the siege till Scopas forced by famine yeelded himselfe Antiochus also laid siege to the fortified place or tower in Ierusalem which he tooke by helpe of the Iewes Hierome ex Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit c. 13. And many other strong cities did Antiochus take at this time in Syria which did hold with Ptolome before 2. The successe was this 1. concerning Egypt the armies of Egypt were not able to resist nor his chosen people that is the armies and strength of the king of Egypt and his valiant captaines had no power to resist Antiochus but he should do what he would 2. Then it is said he shall stand in the pleasant beautifull or excellent land that is Iudea so called not for any terrene excellencie in it but it was excellent because of the worship of the true God This land he should also possesse not so much by conquest but the Iewes willingly submitted themselues vnto him they receiued him into Samaria
rider and so they desisted from their purpose see the storie 2. Macchab. 3. 2. Then the ende of Seleucus is prophesied of 1. concerning the time after a few daies he should be destroied then can not 12. yeares be assigned to his raigne as Oecolampad and it appeareth 2. Macchab. 4. 7. that he liued not long after Heliodorus attempted to robbe the Temple at Ierusalem 2. for the manner of his death it should neither be by wrath nor by battell either by the generall hatred of his subiects or by open warre but it is thought that he was poisoned by Heliodorus and that by the practise of Antiochus Epiphanes his brother who was comming from Rome where he was left as an hostage and was at Athens at that same time when Seleucus died And this was a iust recompence vpon him for his sacriledge that he should be cut off euen by him that was an instrument of his impietie Melancth Polan 31. Quest. Whether the rest of this chapter be properly vnderstood of Antiochus Epiphanes or of Antichrist 1. Some would haue this to be a propheticall narration of the acts and doings of Antichrist and make no mention at all of Antiochus as Polychronius But it is euident that many things can not be otherwise applied then to Antiochus as v. 21. in his place shall stand vp a vile person that is in the roome of Seleucus Philopator before spoken of and v. 25. it is said he shall stirre vp his power against the king of the South who is vnderstood before to be the king of Egypt so that it is euident that this is a continuance of the same propheticall narration 2. Some doe applie some part of this prophesie vnto Antiochus yet as a type of Antichrist and some things onely vnto Antichrist and these things are intermingled together as Matth. 24. Christ prophesieth of the destruction of Ierusalem and of the ende of the world ioyntly so in this place they thinke that the manners of Antiochus and of Antichrist are described interchangeably Theodoret. So also Lyranus who thus distinguisheth of figures and signes that some things are so figures as the thing prefigured concerneth them not at all as Psal. 72. His dominion shall be from sea to sea and from the riuer to the endes of the world this place he thinketh onely to be true of Christ and not at all to agree vnto Salamon some figures are such that the thing affirmed agreeth both to the figure and to the thing prefigured as 1. Chr. 22. 10. He shall be my sonne and I will be his father this was true of Salomon in part but of Christ more fitly so some things here are spoken of Antiochus as of a figure of Antichrist and some things onely agree vnto Antichrist as from the 36. v. to the ende of the chapter But as Melancthon saith non avellam hanc partem ab historia Antiochi I will not pull away this part neither from the historie of Antiochus for mention is made after that of Edom and other nations adioyning which is euident to be historicall 3. Some wholly referre this prophesie vnto Antiochus without any relation at all vnto Antichrist as Hierome here affirmeth of Porphyrius But it is euident by the propheticall booke of the Revelation which taketh many things from this prophesie that there is some relation and allusion in this propheticall discourse vnto Antichrist 4. Some doe make Antiochus a speciall type of Antichrist and make him the image and Antichrist the Archetypus the principall person represented and resembled and thinke that many things here done doe more fitly agree vnto Antichrist then vnto Antiochus Pappus But it is euident that the description of Antiochus and his cruell outrage against the church of God is principally intended by the Prophet because this prophesie was deliuered for the comfort of the Church in those daies to the comming of the Messiah 5. Wherefore the literall and proper sense of this prophesie aymeth onely at Antiochus yet so as by way of allusion and analogie as a common type Antiochus example conditions practises may be drawne and by way of application accommodated to decypher Antichrist Iun. Polan But these typicall applications vnto Antichrist shall be referred vnto their proper and peculiar place among the controversies 32. Quest. of Antiochus Epiphanes first entrance to the kingdome Three things are orderly handled in this prophesie 1. of Antiochus succeeding in the kingdome 2. of his acts and exploits 3. of his ende In the handling of which things the rest of this chapter is spent for seeing this Antiochus should be the greatest and most cruell aduersarie vnto the Iewes and that vnder him they should endure much miserie it was necessarie that the people of God should afore-hand be prepared for those times First then his entrance to the kingdome is thus set forth 1. by the very act of his succession 2. by the small right which he had vnto it 3. and by the euill meanes which he vsed 1. It is saide that in his place one should stand vp namely Antiochus Epiphanes in the roome and stead of his father 2. but his right should be small thereunto for whereas succession vnto kingdomes is either by the naturall right of succession or by election and consent he came by neither of these meanes to the kingdome for he was the younger brother and left hostage at Rome for his father and so he was in that behalfe neglected and despised not designed or appointed by his father vnto the kingdome and when his elder brother was dead he left behind him his sonne Demetrius who was left as a pledge for Antiochus at Rome whom Seleucus sent for to ayd him in his warres thus Antiochus was despised and neglected in respect of naturall succession Iun. Polan And in regard of his vile conditions and loathsome vices he was despised also so that it seemeth he was called Epiphanes famous by the contrarie beeing indeede despised which name was turned by the change of a letter into Epimanes which signifieth furious madde Athenaeus ex Polyb. And concerning the right of succession which is by election Antiochus wanted it likewise as it followeth in the text to whome they shall not giue the honour of the kingdome he was not called or adopted to the gouernment by the consent of the nobles of the land Onely he was fauoured and helped by two forren kings Eumenes and Attalus 3. Then the manner is shewed how he attained to the kingdome he at the first tooke vpon him to be the protector of the kingdome for his brothers sonne Demetrius beeing absent vntill by flatterie he had established himselfe He was very popular and familiar euen with meane persons he would stand in the streetes and cast abroad money crying out Let him that fortune fauoureth take it he vsed to wash in the common bathes and to drinke with common persons he would giue large gifts to whomsoeuer he met though he had neuer seene them before
of the truth of this speech but if it be not true why standeth it in the Canon after so often reuising and perusing of the Canons 2. They denie Christ to be our onely Priest in making other Mediators and intercessors beside him contrarie to the Apostle 1. Tim. 2. 5. There is one Mediatour of God and man the man Iesus Christ. 3. Neither doe they acknowledge Christ to be the onely king of his Church making the Pope his Vicar and head of the Church and they say that vnto the Pope is giuen all authoritie in heauen and earth lib. 1. Ceremoniar cur Roman Bellarmine answereth that the Pope no more denieth Christ to be king then a Viceroy in a countrey denieth the king of the land Ans. 1. The reason is not alike for a king can not be present in euery part of his kingdome and therefore committeth many things to his deputie which he can not doe himselfe but Christ is for euer present with his Church 2. the Viceroy taketh not vpon him to be the king and head as the Pope doth So then it is euident that the Pope in effect renounceth the God and religion of his fathers see further in the Appendix exercis 3. argum 1. 22. Controv. How the Romane Antichrist regardeth not the desire of women Though the Antichrist of Rome doth publikely pretend chastitie yet all fornication and vncleannes both naturall and vnnaturall is practised and suffered vnder that licentious gouernment And herein the Pope regardeth not the desires of women in that he is an enemie vnto lawfull marriage forbidding his Clergie to marrie which is made lawfull to all men 1. Cor. 7. 1. Hebr. 13. 4. And while marriage is restrained there is a way open to all other kind of vncleannes euen that filthie Sodomitrie which is against nature in commendation whereof a great Bishop of Italie did write publikely and that without any checke Papp This sinne some scoffingly haue called mutum peccatum a dumme sinne but they shall finde that it is peccatum clamans a crying sinne which called for fire and brimstone from heauen vpon the Sodomites Bulling But Bellarmine to cleare his great Master the Pope of this suspition also he alleadgeth that in the originall the words stand thus and he shall be in the desires of women though that in the Greeke translation it be read negatiuely he shall not c. And he giueth two coniectures why it should be read rather affirmatiuely then negatiuely both because Antiochus as Hierome writeth who is here historically meant was giuen vnto the desire and lust of women neither is it probable that Antichrist should command or commend single life but the Iewes rather doe expect that Antichrist shall suffer them to haue many wiues which they count a part of their terrene happines Contra. 1. That it is more agreeable to the originall to read here negatiuely he shall not haue respect to the desires of women then affirmatiuely is shewed before qu. 45. whether I referre the Reader 2. Though Antiochus were one way giuen vnto the desire of women in respect of his carnall lust yet an other way he was not in not regarding the request and desire of his wife for to spare Ierusalem as is shewed likewise before qu. 45. 3. It is most probable nay rather that Antichrist shall enioyne single life and restraine marriage because he shall maintaine the doctrine of deuills whereof this is one 4. And though the Iewes expect such carnall libertie when their Messiah commeth that is nothing to the purpose for such a Messiah as they expect shall neuer come But we know certenly that the Antichrist should come into the world and is indeede alreadie come 5. And that Antichrist shall outwardly seeme to maintaine single life it is the opinion of their owne writers exterius finget castitatem vt facilius decipiat he shall outwardly faine chastitie that he may the more easily deceiue Lyran. so also Pererius Intimis animi sensibus erit super omnes libidiâ—osus c. in his inward disposition he shall of all men be most licentious and lustfull though he shall outwardly dissemble chastitie 23. Controv. That Antichrist shallnot care indeede for any God nor haue any sense of religion That the Antichrist of Rome herein also was well resembled by Antiochus may be prooued first by particular induction that many of their Popes haue beene found in a manner to be very Atheists hauing â—o sense of religion Iohn the 12. whome Platina maketh Iohn the 13. nec Deum nec hominem prae oculis habuisse had neither God nor man before his eyes so testifieth Theodoric à Niem lib. 3. c. 9. Innocentius the 8. was seene for the most part to sleepe in the time of diuine seruice of Alexander the 6. saith Guicciardine that he had nullum religionis sensum no feeling of religion his holy-daies exercise was to see Plautus comedies plaied of Leo the 10. it is reported that he should thus say quantum nobis profuit fabula ista de Christo how much hath this fable or tale of Christ profited vs Secondly this may be shewed how the Pope doth magnifie himselfe against God by those blasphemous titles and prerogatiues which he suffreth to be giuen vnto him by his Canonists as Osiander doth exemplifie these the Pope is the vniuersall father of all the faithfull and of all the sheepe of Christ Ioannes de tur cremat the Pope hath the same consistorie with God and the same tribunall with Christ the Pope is a certaine diuine power representing a visible God in earth Gomesius All power is giuen vnto the Pope in heauen and earth from the Pope appeale is not to be made no not vnto God the Pope can make something of nothing the Pope can doe all that God doth Decius the Pope is God Felinus the Pope is greater then any other creature and his power extendeth it selfe to celestiall things terrestriall and infernall Antonin Florentin the Pope may change the forme of the Sacraments deliuered from the Apostles Archiadiacon the Pope is the foundation of faith as the canons speake God hath subiected all lawes to the Pope and no lawe can be imposed vpon his highnesse 〈◊〉 Gratian. the Pope may decree against the epistles of S. Paul Carolus Râ—â—nus God hath brought all things in subiection vnder the Popes feete Barbazia none is equall to the Pope but God August Beroius the Pope is the husband of the whole Church Ioan. de tur cremat These and such like blasphemies are vttered by the Popes claw-backes and â—e accepteth them for if he misliked them why doth he not prohibite them to vse such grosse and blaspemous seatteries By this it is euidently manifest that the Pope as here it is said of Antiochus seeketh onely to magnifie himselfe and in effect careth not for any God 24. Controv. How Antichrist shall bring in a strange God which his fathers neuer knewe v. 38. As Antiochus brought in his newe
it seemeth he should haue bought some dignitie which he missed of Latomus when he should haue made an oration at Bruxels against Luther before Charles the 5. and could not goe forward beeing sent out with hisses was so ashamed that he fell madde and vttered diuerse blasphemies in the Schooles and in the Readers chaire whence he was taken by Ruardus Tapperus and was carried to his bed and died in despaire saying he was damned Frier Cherubin which in the yeare 1598. challenged the ministers of Berne and Geneve to dispute with them after he had both in words and deeds bewrayed his madnesse was tied with chaines and had keepers appointed him 3. neither is it true that they striue for Gods glorie but for the Popes whom indeede they make their terrene god and therefore they cannot expect any reward from God he must reward them whose seruants they are 4. And these great reuennues which the Pope hath to bestowe he hath rather gotten by rapine and violence then by the pietie and deuotion of others As the Dukedome of Ferrara ann 1598. was by Pope Clement the 8. by force and violence taken from the right heire thereof ex Polan 27. Controv. Of Antichrists insatiable ambition crueltie and couetousnesse 1. As Antiochus vpon euery occasion was readie to inuade Aegypt and other countreys so the Pope vsurpeth vpon the nations and kingdomes of the world without any title but with pretenses and fogeries as by that forged donation of Constantine he challengeth to be Lord of the Occidentall Empire there is no king in all these West parts whom either the Pope hath not made in times past his vassall or at least will not say that he holdeth his kingdome of him and therefore ought to doe him homage Boniface the 8. decreed that it was of necessitie of saluation for euerie creature to be subiect to the Pope Extrav de maiorit obedient c. Vnam sanctam And in the same canon he glorieth that he is set ouer nations and kingdoms to plant and pull vp to build and destroy he challengeth vnto himselfe power in heauen and earth and dominion from sea to sea and from the flood to the endes of the world lib. 1. ceremon pontifical c. 7. 2. As Antiochus tooke euerie opportunitie to afflict the people of God but he spared the Edomites Ammonites Moabites that assisted him and hated the people of God as he did v. 41. So Antichrist ceaseth not to persecute the Church of Christ and by all meanes to oppresse it and to trample vpon it But such as are addicted to his superstitions and are affected toward him he spareth and fauoureth 3. As Antiochus hunted after nothing else but the spoile of Egypt the treasurers of gold and siluer and other precious things So the Romane Antichrist gapeth after the treasure and riches of the world raking vnto him whatsoeuer he can lay hold of he selleth mens sinnes and pardons for money releaseth the paines of purgatorie for money dispenseth almost with any thing for money he imposeth taxes tenths mulcts of money by way of penance As Henrie the second had a mulct set vpon him for the murder of Thomas Becket and it was enioyned him to goe a warfare at his great charge as a part of his penance Frederike the Emperour beeing excommunicate by Gregor the 9. bought his absolution for a 100. thousand ounces of gold as witnesse Onuphryus and Guicciardin Alexander the 6. appointed certaine rich Cardinalls to be poisoned that he might seaze vpon their riches Onuphryus in Alexand. 6. The Pope exacteth great summes of the Iewes dwelling at Rome of the harlots and vsurers Iohn the 22. lest when he was dead 25. millions of ducats of gold in the treasurie Boniface the 9. gathered out of one Prouince an 100. thousand Florence pieces by his indulgences in a very short time the Senate of Paris in their petition to Lewes the 11. alleadged that the Pope euery yeare had out of France 946. thousand markes Leo the 10. receiued a great summe of money by his pardons and indulgences out of Germanie and gaue them to his sister Magdalen a most famous strumpet Guicciard lib. 13. ex Polan Therefore Theodor. Ã Niem thus well resembled the Pope-Apostolike sea camera Apostolica mari assimilatur in quod intrant omnia flumina non exvndat the Apostolical chamber is likened to the Sea into the which all riuers doe runne and yet it neuer ouerfloweth so many thousand pounds are brought into it and it is neuer filled c. Vnion tract 6. c. 37. 28. Controv. Of the rage and furie of Antichrist v. 44. Like as Antiochus when he heard of the euill successe of his captaines how they were ouerthrowne and discomfited in Iudea went forth with a great rage thinking to destroy many so the Romane Antichrist hath fretted and fumed when he heard of any that were reuolted from his obedience As Leo the 10. and after him Adrian the 6. sent out their bulls against Martin Luther Zuinglius and other ministers that preached the Gospel in Germanie When king Henrie the 8. had abolished the Popes supremacie in England Paulus the 3. thus bestirred himselfe he depriued the king of his kingdome disinherited his children of the crowne released his nobles of their oath of alleagance gaue the possessions and lands of his subiects to be a pray to any that list to inuade them he interdicted them from the Church and Sacraments made voide all leagues confirmed with forraine kings and states After the same manner proceeded Pius the 5. against Queene Elizabeth depriuing her of her crowne releasing her subiects of their fealtie and excommunicating all her subiects that continued in her obedience the like also did Sixtus the 5. who also pursued Henrie king of Navarre now king of Fraunce and Henrie of Burbon Prince of Condie with the same weapons deposing them by his sentence from their honours and dignities freeing their subiects of their fealties and disinheriting them of their title to the crowne of Fraunce 29. Controv. How Antichrists palace is planted betweene the two Seas As Antiochus pitched his pauilion betweene the two Seas the dead Sea and Mediterranean Sea where Iudea was situate v. 45. So the Romane Antichrist hath his seate iust betweene two Seas the Sea called Tyrrhenum and Adriaticum and he sitteth in the Temple of God not either the Temple of Ierusalem which is long since destroyed and neuer shall be builded againe nor in any other materiall Temple but he sitteth in the Church of God taking vpon him to be the head of Christs Church but he with his faction are not the true Church of Christ though he sit in the Church as the vitious and corrupt humors are in the bodie but are no part of it Polan And the Popes palace may fitly be compared to a Tabernacle because his seate was remooued by Clement the 5. from Rome to Avenion in Fraunce where it continued 74. yeares Osiander
be heresies that they which are approoued may be knowne 2. as the cloath by often washing is whited so by affliction men are purified from their corruptions as the Prophet Dauid saith Psal. 119. 67. before I was afflicted I went astray 3. as the gold and siluer is tried in the fire so the Lord taketh triall of the faith and patience of his seruants by affliction as S. Peter saith 1. epist. 4. 12. Dearely beloued thinke it not strange concerning the sierie triall which is among you to prooue you c. 7. Observ. Of the fruitfull meditation of death v. 13. Goe thy way for thou shalt rest and stand vp in thy lot After that the Lord had reuealed to Daniel by his Angel the comming of the Messiah that should finish sinne and reconcile sinners c. 9. 24. and beside he had heard what should be the ende of the iust they should awake vnto euerlasting life now he is called to prepare himselfe to his ende so after we haue attained to the knowledge of Christ we should desire nothing more then with S. Paul to be dissolued and to be with Christ and to sing with old Simeon Lord now lettest thou thy seruant depart in peace according to thy word for mine eyes haue seene thy saluation And now blessed be the Lord who hath suffered me to liue with Simeon to see this great mysterie of saluation reuealed in this booke who I trust will yet strengthen me in other bookes and parts of holy Scripture to embrace Christ as it were in mine armes and to shew him vnto others that when the course of my poore ministrie is fulfilled I may sing nunc dimittis with Simeon and so we the seruants of Iesus Christ may comfort our selues with this gracious promise made to Daniel to rest in peace and stand vp in our lottes in the day of the Lord to whom be praise for euer FINIS ⧠AN APPENDIX vnto this Commentarie wherein are examined the reasons and Arguments vrged by GRASERVS against IVNIVS exposition of the Image which Nabuchadnezzer saw in a dreame c. 2. and of the visions set forth c. 7. c. 8. and of the 11. chap. from v. 36. to the ende AFter I had by the Lords gratious assistance finished this Commentarie there came vnto mine hand a â—reatise set forth this last yeare 1608. by Graserus intituled historia Antichristi illius magni the historie of that great Antichrist wherein he taketh vpon him to infringe and impugne the interpretation of Iunius throughout this booke This his Censure and animadversion he diuideth into tenne exercises as he calleth them I thinke it not amisse speedily to runne through all of them and to weigh his principall reasons and obiections wherein he seemeth to be so confident whose learned trauaile in this argument in applying Daniels propheticall visions against Antichrist as it deserueth commendation so yet some of his reasons are not so pithily set downe but that they may be revewed and examined The first exercise perused and examined In this first part of his treatise Graserus taketh vpon him to prooue that the legges of the image c. 2. and the fourth beast described c. 7. cannot signifie the kingdome of the Grecians which succeeded Alexander as of the Seleucians in the North and of the Ptolomes and Lagidae in the South as Iunius doth well interpret but that by the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes is signified which to this day continueth diuided into two parts as the two legs thereof the kingdome of the Pope in the West and of the Turke in the East and that not the Monarchie onely of Alexander but of him and his successors ioyntly is described by the bellie and sides of the image c. 2. and by the third beast c. 7. His arguments are these Argum. 1. The third beast called the leopard is vnlike vnto the other two before it the lion which signifieth the Chaldean Monarchie and the beare taken for the Persian state But if Alexander in his owne person were this Leopard he should not be vnlike the first for he was an absolute Monarch as the Chaldean kings were whereas the Persian state was not entire but consisted partly of the power of the Persians partly of the Medes like to the Polonian state which standeth in the ioynt authoritie of the Polonians and Lithuanians And beside not the persons of the kings but the kingdomes themselues are here compared together P. 37. Answ. 1. The dissimilitude of these beasts consisteth not in the vnlike forme of gouernement for the state of the Persian kings was as absolutely Monarchicall as was the Empire of the Chaldeans though their kingdome consisted of diuerse vnited parts yet that letteth not the kingly power to be absolutely Monarchicall but the difference between these kingdomes was in other qualities as the one exceeded the other in strength or in more hard and cruell gouernement as is shewed before in the 17. and 18. questions vpon the 7. chapter 2. not the kingdomes onely but the kings together with their kingdomes are compared together as c. 2. 38. Daniel saith to Nebuchadnezzar thou art this kingdom of gold as his Monarchie was as gold in respect of them which succeeded so he was as gold beeing compared also to his successors So Alexanders person together with his kingdome was this third beast as the little horne cap. 7. ver 8. signifieth Antiochus person with his kingdome Argum. 2. The liues of these beastes were prolonged for a certaine time and period c. 7. 12. But Alexanders kingdome ouer the Macedonians continued but 12. yeares from his fathers death his Monarchie but halfe so long after he had ouercome the power of Persia in so short a time what periods and conuersion of times could be obserued p. 38. Answ. That place is not vnderstood of the continuance or periods of those kingdomes and yet this supposall of the fatall periods of kingdomes is found by experience to be but a speculatiue imagination for the text saith the dominion of the beasts they had taken away before the meaning is that their liues that is some remainder and reliques of those beasts should continue after their dominion and kingdome was ended and determined and so there remained some portion of the Macedonian kingdome euen after Alexander and of other the former Monarchies as is further shewed c. 7. quest 39. Argum. 3. The third beast had 4. heads which are taken by Iunius for the fowre chiefe regiments which were vnder Alexander managed by his principall and chiefe captaines But those 4. captaines are signified by the fowre hornes which came not vp till the great horne which signifieth Alexander was broken for they came vp in stead of that great horne c. 8. 8. pag. 40. Answ. 1. Graserus here confoundeth the visions of the 7. and 8. chapter he maketh the Leopard c. 7. and the Goat c. 8. to signifie the same whereas the goat more generally comprehendeth the whole Grecian Monarchie both vnder Alexander and his
prophesie c. 11. 5. by one of his Princes vnderstanding Philopator the son of Ptolome Lagi whereas the pronoune hath relation vnto Alexander and by one of his Princes is vnderstood Seleucus one of Alexanders Princes pag. 68. Answ. 1. True it is that the historie of 14. kings is abridged c. 11. 6. of the South and 8. of the North but the other are prophesied of for the more euidence of the historie and in that prophesie the Angel doth not onely entreate of the tenne hornes of the beast which came out of the kingdome of the North but expoundeth the first vision of the two legges of the image shewing how they knocked and beat one vpon an other 2. Graserus himselfe giueth the reason why Ptolome Lagi is not counted among the rulers of Syria because he then subdued Syria quando Seleucus de eius possessione ne cogitare audebat c. when Seleucus as yet durst not so much as thinke of possessing that kingdome p. 69. the kingdome of the Seleucians then was not yet begunne when Ptolome subdued Syria and therefore the other two rather are counted in the number of the Syrian hornes and kings then he namely Euergetes and Philopator who subdued Syria after the Seleucians were confirmed and setled in their kingdome and because speciall mention is made of the victorie and conquest of these two against the kings of the North of Euergetes c. 11. 8. of Philopator v. 11. 3. Iunius is deceiued in vnderstanding these words one of his Princes of Ptolome Philopator rather then of Seleucus Nicanor as is further shewed c. 11. quest 18. and we confesse with Graserus Iunium interdum dormitare that Iunius and his followers may sometime be a sleepe and be deceiued p. 70. for no mans iudgement is so perfect to be followed in euerie thing yet this is no let but that his former exposition of the tenne hornes may verie well stand Argum. 8. Further Graserus thus obiecteth against these tenne hornes thus interpreted and the little horne comming vp among them vnderstood to be Antiochus 1. These tenne hornes of the beast must come vp at one time for how can it be called a tenne horned beast if one should come vp after an other and the little horne is said to come vp among them therefore they came vp together 2. the little horne shall rise vp after the tenne c. 7. 24. it was then the eleuenth rather then the tenth p. 73. 3. The kingdome of the beast endeth with the destruction of this little horne c. 7. 11. and then the euerlasting kingdome of Christ succeedeth but the kingdome of the Seleucians ended not in Antiochus many of that line succeeded afterward and there was almost as many yeâ—â—es from Antiochus Epiphanes death vnto the comming of Christ as there were from Alexanders death vnto Antiochus Graser p. 74. Answ. 1. It is not necessarie that these 10. hornes should come vp all at once because the beast is said to haue tenne hornes like as the beast is described with seuen heads Apoc. 17. which are interpreted to be 7. kings v. 10. and yet were they not altogether but fiue were fallen one is and one is to come v. 10. this little horne is said to come vp among them that is it was one of them see more hereof c. 7. quest 26. in the ende 2. The little horne is said to come vp after them that is the last of them as Iunius translateth post quos exurget postremus after the which it shall rise vp last c. 7. 24. as the word acharan signifieth both an other and the last so it was the tenth in number and in some sort the eleuenth also as much differing from the rest see c. 7. 29. 2. 3. The beast is said to be slaine when the little horne was destroyed not because then the kingdome of the Seleucians was vtterly extinguished but the power and glorie thereof beganne more and more to be abated after Antiochus vntill it was taken from the Seleucians and giuen to Tigranes king of Armenia and last of all dissolued by the Romanes This translating of the kingdome from the house of the Seleucians vnto Tigranes happened about 80. yeares after Antiochus death and about 80. yeares after this translating of the kingdome was our Blessed Sauiour borne see before c. 7. qu. 38. Argum. 9. And that Antiochus Epiphanes cannot be the little horne spoken of Graserus thus argueth 1. it is called a little horne but Antiochus Epiphanes could not be said to be little beeing sonne vnto Antiochus the great though he had an elder brother pag. 76. 2. the shewe of this little horne in the ende was greater then of his fellowes but Antiochus Epiphanes was not greater then his father called Antiochus the great 3. this little horne had a mouth that spake words not against the most high as the most interpreters read but ex parte alâ—issimi letzad on the part of the Almightie as Vatablus Pagnin and Montanus Thus did not Antiochus But it must be referred to him qui impietati suae Dei nomen praetendet which shall pretend the name of God in all his impietie Graserus pag. 80. Answ. 1. Antiochus Epiphanes is said to be that little horne because he was the younger sonne and so not borne vnto the kingdome and his elder brother had a sonne Demetrius so that Antiochus Epiphanes was an vsurper of the kingdome 2. Antiochus Epiphanes was not simply greater then his father but he carried himselfe more stoutly and proudly against the people of God then any of his predecessors and he also practised against Egypt and did them more hurt then any of his predecessors as it is said Dan. 11. 24. he shall doe that namely to Egypt which his fathers haue not done not his fathers fathers these words beeing so manifest I wonder that Graserus so much forgetteth himselfe thus to write constat parentem Antiochum non minores yes contra Egyptum gessisse it is euident that Antiochus his father did attempt no lesse matters aganst Egypt 3. That word letzad signifieth not on the part but rather against the part of the most high as let ziddim is vsed Iudg. 2. 3. thornes against their sides and that this is the meaning that he shall speake words against the most high is euident c. 7. v. 8. where he is said to haue a month speaking presumptuous things and c. 11. 36. he shall speake marueilous things against the most high Argum. 10. Further he thus obiecteth 1. this little horne pulled away three other before it this can not be shewed of Antiochus Iunius vnderstandeth that he remooued Philopator who had ouercome Antiochus his father but yet he continued king of Egypt still his horne then was not broken an other of these hornes pulled away he saith was Seleucus his elder brother whose death he procured but the text saith contrarie that he entred peaceably c. 11. 21. Demetrius Seleucus sonne was the third but neither can it be shewed that
be supplied the word eeretz earth before vsed in the beginning of the verse is most fit to be vnderstood here and so the meaning is that many nations and lands sauing those few here excepted of the Moabites Edomites Ammonites should feele Antiochus hand Argum. 3. By the Edomites Moabites and the chiefe of the Ammonites Graserus vnderstandeth the Church of the Grecians Ethiopians and the Elect which all escape the tyrannie of Antichrist which he would shew in this manner 1. Like as the pleasant land generally betokeneth the Catholike visible Church which shall be surprised by Antichrist so by the other three which were allied vnto the people of God the Edomites which came of Esau the brother of Iaakob the Moabites and Ammonites which issued from Lot Abrahams brothers sonne by these three are vnderstood three sorts of people which haue some affinitie with the Church of God The Edomites may signifie the Grecians which came nearest in iudgement of religion vnto the Church of God in these West parts as the Edomites were next in affinitie vnto the Israelites 2. The Moabites doe shadow forth the Ethiopians that as they were also of affinitie vnto Israel but somewhat further off and differed more in religion from the Israelites then the Edomites did so the Ethiopian Christians differ much from the Christianitie of the Westerne Churches yet among them there are to be found some seedes and remainder of the Christian faith for euen from the Apostles times they had the Scriptures as is euident in the historie of the Eunuch who did read vpon the Prophet Isai as he sat in his charret Act. 8. These two Churches of Grecia and Ethiopia the Romane Antichrist hath attempted to subdue vnto his iurisdiction but he hath not preuailed and so the Edomites and Moabites haue escaped his hand 3. The chiefe of the children of Ammon which signifieth my people are the elect of God who also shall escape in the persecution of Antichrist he shall haue no power to peruert them thus it it is said Apoc. 18. 4. Come out of her my people and here c. 12. 1. the Angel saith at that time thy people that is Ammon shall escape to this purpose Graser from pag. 365. to pag. 378. this allegoricall interpretation he fathereth vpon Theodoret. pag. 377. Ans. 1. As by Egypt here is vnderstood literally the region and countrey so called so must the rest of the nations here named of Edom Moab Ammon be so taken likewise and seeing that when the Prophet speaketh of the Grecians he describeth them by the name of Iavan c. 8. 21. c. 10. 20. who came of Iapheth by the Edomites of Esau of Isaak who came of Sem the Grecians can not properly be vnderstood 2. And seeing expresse mention is made afterward of the Lybians and Ethiopians by them rather the Church of the Ethiopians should be signified then by the Moabites 3. And as vnfitly by the Ammonites are the elect people of God shadowed forth seeing that the Ammonites in Scripture are vsually taken to be enemies vnto the people of God as Psal. 83. 5. They haue consulted together in heart and made a league against thee c. as Gebal Ammon Amalek 4. Wherefore these nations are literally to be taken for the Edomites Moabites Ammonites whome Antiochus spared as beeing aduersaries and enemies vnto the Iewes and therefore Iudas Macchabeus did fight against them namely the children in Idumea and against Timotheus the captaine of the Ammonites 1. Macchab. 5. 3. 6. There we see sensibly and euidently performed this prophesie see further hereof before chap. 11. qu. 48. 4. The eight Exercise Wherein Graserus laboureth in the explanation of the 42. and 43. verses to remooue the receiued interpretation which is of Antiochus exploits against Egypt and other countries and to applie this prophesie vnto the Romane Antichrist and his attempts against forren nations Argum. 1. As before by the pleasant land he would haue vnderstood generally the whole visible Church so by Egypt he insinuateth all those barbarous nations in the vnknowne parts of the world in India America whether the Romane Antichrist hath also extended his hand 1. In all the prophesie before concerning Antiochus the name of Egypt is not vsed but it is described by the name of the South which sheweth that an other kind of Egypt is here signified 2. Neither is here any mention made of the king of the South it was then such an Egypt as the king of the South did not meddle with which was not Egypt for that was vnder Ptolome the king of the South 3. If the land of Egypt were here properly signified then a tautologie or vaine repetition of the same thing should be admitted seeing in that sense mention is made of Egypt in the next verse p. 382. 383. Ans. 1. Though this land be not in the prophesie concerning Antiochus expressely named Egypt it sufficed to be so called once before in this chapter v. 8. that it may be knowne in the rest of the prophesie following what is meant by the king of the South 2. Though here the king of the South be not named yet Egypt is vnderstood to be his kingdome by the former parts of this vision as v. 8. Egypt is expressely mentioned and then it followeth v. 9. the king of the South shall come into his kingdome 3. The contrarie followeth because the same name of Egypt is againe repeated in the next verse that it is not to be taken in an other sense but rather the same word is to be vnderstood after one and the same manner where the circumstances of the place otherwise inferre not neither is it therefore a vaine repetition for the same word is repeated both by way of explanation and for greater emphasis sake that speciall note should be taken of this surprising euen of Egypt Argum. 2. By the Libyans and Cushites or Aethiopians Graserus also would haue vnderstood the Americans in the West and by the Cushites the Indian countries in the East His coniectures are these 1. The words Lubbim and Cushim are not here fully expressed with van as els where but onely with kibbutz in stead of vau schurech which may signifie that not the Aethiopians which inhabited beyond Egypt toward the South eastward nor the Lybians which dwelt in the nearer parts of Africa toward Europe but such nations are rather to be vnderstood as came of them such are the Indians and Mores of the West and East India p. 389. 2. The phrase here vsed of extending or stretching forth the hand signifieth that he should vnprouoked set vpon these countries and without any great labour take them as by the putting forth of his hand and beside the distance of these places is hereby noted that he should stretch out his hand vnto them as beeing not otherwise within his reach or vnder his command p. 391. 3. He shall haue power ouer the treasure of gold and siluer and ouer all the precious things of Egypt
praying to offer himselfe to publike danger 17. qu. Of Daniels aduersaries practise and accusation against him 18. qu. How the king laboured to deliuer Daniel till the Sunne went downe 19. qu. whether Darius might not haue broken this decree 20. qu. whether Darius praier for Daniel were of faith 21. qu. v. 17. why the king sealed the stone with his seale 22. qu. Whether Darius were truly conuerted confessing Daniels God to be the liuing God 23. qu. Of Daniels deliuerance from the lyons and the cause thereof 24. qu. Of Daniels salutation to the king O king liue for euer 25. qu. Of Daniels maner of deliuerance froÌ„ the lyons that it was diuine extraordinary 26. qu. why the Lord doth not alwaies send his children temporall deliuerance 27. qu. Of Darius ioy v. 23. then was the king exceeding glad 28. qu. whether the king did iustly in causing Daniels accusers with their wiues and children to be cast into the denne 29. qu. Of king Darius decree concerning the worshipping of Daniels God the order and parts thereof 30. qu. Of Daniels prosperous estate vnder Darius and Cyrus 31. qu. Whether this miracle of Daniels deliuerance from the lions were shewed at Babylon in Chaldea or in Media Questions vpon the seuenth chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Of the order obserued by Daniel in the setting downe of these visions 2. qu. Of the visions which followe in generall 3. qu. Of visions in generall 4. qu. Of the time when this vision was reuealed vnto Daniel 5. qu. Why the vision of the fowre Monarchies is againe reuealed vnto Daniel being shewed before to Nebuchadnezzar c. 2. 6. qu. What manner of vision this was which Daniel here had and how it was reuealed 7. qu. What was meant by the fowre winds which stroue together vpon the sea 8. qu. Of the description of these beasts in generall 9. qu. Why the kings and kingdomes of the earth are likened vnto beasts 10. qu. Of the agreement betweene this vision of the fowre beasts and that of the image shewed to Nebuchadnezzar c. 2. 11. qu. Of the first beast representing the Chaldean Monarchie 12. qu. Where the Chaldean Monarchie here described must take beginning 13. qu. Of the second beast and why the Persian Monarchie is compared to a beare 14. qu. Why the beare is said to stand vpon the one side 15. qu. Of the three ribs in his mouth what they signifie 16. qu. Who said vnto him Arise and deuoure c. v. 5. 17. qu. Of the Persian kings with whom the Persian Monarchie begunne and ended 18. qu. Of the third beast called a leopard the description of the third Monarchie 19. qu. Why the fourth beast hath no name 20. qu. Of the description of the 4. beast in generall 21. qu. Whether the Romane or Turkish Empire be signified by this fourth beast 22. qu. That the kingdome of Syria which was held by Seleucus and his posteritie was this fourth beast 23. qu. Of the yron teeth and other parts of the generall description of the fourth beast 24. qu. Why it is said to stampe the residue vnder the feete 25. qu. Wherein this fourth beast was vnlike the rest v. 7. 26. qu. Of the tenne hornes what is signified thereby v. 7. 27. qu. Who is signified by the little horne ver 8. 28. qu. VVho these three kings should be signified by the three hornes plucked away 29. qu. Of other properties of this litle horne 30. qu. Of the description of the glorious manner of Gods iudgement expressed v. 9. to v. 15. 31. qu. VVhether the finall iudgement in the ende of the world be here described 32. qu. v. 9. who is said to be the auncient of dayes and how 33. qu. How God was seene of Daniel which is invisible 34. qu. How iudgement is said to be set seeing God is iudge from euerlasting 35. qu. VVhat the fire signifieth which issued from the throne 36. qu. Of the number of Angels that ministred vnto God thousand thousands c. ver 10. 37. qu. VVhat bookes these were which were opened v. 10. 38. qu. Of the destructioÌ„ of the fourth beast 39. qu. VVhy tâ—e other beasts had their dominion taken away and how their liues were prolonged 40. qu. v. 13. VVhy it is said one like the sonne of man 41. qu. How he is said to come in the clouds and approacheth to the auncient of dayes and when 42. qu. That this kingdome could not be the kingdome of the Macchabees 43. qu. That this kingdome is the kingdoms of Christ our Blessed Lord and Sauiour 44. qu. That this kingdome giuen to the sonne of man shall not be in earth against the Chiliastes 45. qu. Of the excellencie of Christs kingdome beyond other kingdomes 46. qu. How the kingdome of Christ is said to be euerlasting seeing it shall be deliuered vp vnto God 1. Cor. 15. 24. 47. qu. v. 17. Of the rising of the fowre beasts 48. qu. VVho shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints 49. qu. VVhy they are called the most high Saints v. 18. 50. qu. v. 20. How the horne called before little is said to be in shewe greater then the rest 51. qu. How this little horn is said to change lawes and times 52. qu. What is meant by a time times and a part of time v. 25. 53. qu. What is meant by the halfe or diuiding of time v. 25. 54. qu. How this kingdom is said to be giuen to the holy people v. 27. which is said v. 14. to be giuen to the sonne of man Questions vpon the 8. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. The difference between this vision and the former 2. qu. Of the time of this vision 3. qu. What manner of vision this was 4. qu. How Daniel is said to be in Sushan ver 2. 5. qu. Of the citie Sushan by whom it was builded and whence so named 6. qu. Of the situation of the citie Sushan 7. qu. Of the riuer Vlai where Daniel had this vision 8. qu. Why Daniel nameth himselfe in the first person 9. qu. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ramme v. 3. 10. qu. Who are signified by the two hornes whereof one was higher then the other 11. qu. Of the greatnesse and prosperous successe of this ramme 12. qu. Of the meaning of these words as I considered v. 5. 13. qu. Why the kingdome of the Grecians is resembled to a goat 14. qu. Of Alexander the great signified by the horne betweene the eyes his birth education exploits death and ende 15. qu. Of the victorie of Alexander against Darius described by the goats ouercomming the ramme 16. qu. Of the breaking of this great horne and of the death of Alexander 17. qu. Of the fowre hornes which came vp in the stead of this great horne 18. qu. When these foure kingdomes did arise after the great horne was broken 19. qu. Who was this little horne v. 9. 20. qu. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this litle horne 21. qu.
HEXAPLA IN DANIELEM THAT IS A SIX-FOLD COMMENTARIE vpon the most diuine prophesie of DANIEL wherein according to the method propounded in HEXAPLA vpon Genesis and Exodus sixe things are obserued in euery Chapter 1. The Argument and Method 2. The diuers readings 3. The Questions discussed 4. Doctrines noted 5. Controversies handled 6. Morall observations applyed Wherein many obscure visions and diuine Prophesies are opened and difficult questions handled with great breuitie perspicuitie and varietie which are summed to the number of 536. beside the Controversies 134. in the Table in the end of the booke and the best Interpreters both old and new are therein abridged Diuided into two bookes the first containing the historicall part of this Prophesie in the 6. first Chapters the propheticall in the 6. last By ANDREVV WILLET Professour of Diuinitie THE FIRST BOOKE Ezek. 28. 3. Behold thou art wiser then Daniel there is no secret that they can hide from thee Printed by CANTRELL LEGGE Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge 1610 TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN RIGHT NOBLE MOST excellent and mightie Prince IAMES by the grace of God KING of great BRITTAIN France and Ireland Defender of the true Christian Faith c. THat which PLATO saw but in contemplation that Commonwealths should be then happie when either Philosophers gouerned them or the gouernours became Philosophers we see by Gods goodnes now brought into action your Christian Maiestie beeing not onely a princely Patron of humane learning and Philosophie but a peerelesse professor of Theologie King HENRIE the eight your Highnes noble predecessor in the royall Diademe of this Imperiall Kingdom for writing against Luther in defense of the Papal religion had giuen vnto him the Title of Defensor Fidei but that princely Epithete is more due vnto your Maiestie who both by your penne and sword doe vphold and maintaine the truth that the saying of Ambrose of the Emperour GRATIAN may be worthily spoken of your Maiestie You wrote not an whole Epistle onely as he saith but whole Bookes with your owne hand that the very letters doe proclaime your faith and pietie This your diuine fauour vnto Religion and princely exercise in writing hath emboldened me diuers times heretofore to present my Commentaries vpon certaine bookes of the Scripture vnto your sacred hands and your gracious acceptance of them hath emboldened me also to exhibite this Worke vnto your princely view Here in all humble dutie I doe offer a Treatise and explanation of the most difficult booke of the Old Testament the Prophesie of DANIEL what I haue performed therein and especially in the vnfolding of Daniels 70. weekes the Worke it selfe shall testifie I trust that by this my trauell that which seemed before obscure will appeare plaine and easie and the depth which would before haue taken vp an Elephant will affoard footing for a lamb Hierome saith A prophesie is obscure because it is said at one time and seene at an other But now we see that which the Prophet said and so that which was wrapped vp in obscuritie is now fulfilled in historie These my labours I most humbly submit to your princely iudgement and direction and your MAIESTIE with bended knees of my heart I commend vnto the diuine and highest protection Your Maiesties most humble Subiect ANDREVV WILLET THE PREFACE TO THE Christian Reader AVGVSTINE thus wrote to a friend of his excusing the prolixitie of his Preface Scio me non esse oneri tibi si prolixum aliquod mitto quia legendo diutiùs sis nobiscum I know I am not burthensome vnto you if I send you any prolix writing because you are so much the longer with me But I will forbeare by any long or tedious Preface to keepe the Reader in suspence though if I should I presume of his courtesie that he would vouchsafe it the reading The length of the Worke doth make me more short in the Preface a smal entrance in may serue to a large house and the greatest cities haue not the greatest gates I shall not neede in many words to shew the excellent vse of this prophecie of Daniel nor what I haue performed in it the generall Questions set before the Booke shall satisfie the Reader in the one and the worke it selfe shall speake for the other I haue gathered together the best things and most worthie of obseruation out of writers both old and new both Protestants and others that the Reader may in few houres finde that which I was many weekes in setting together for here I say and professe with Hierome Operis est studij mei multos legere vt ex plurimis diversos flores carperem non tam probaturus omnia quam bona electurus assumo multos in manus vt à multis multa cognoscam It is mine endeauour and studie to read many and out of sundrie to take diuerse floures not to that ende to approoue all but to sort out the best I take many into mine hands that from many I may know much and impart to others that which I know In the reading of this Booke let the Reader take these directions I haue followed the same course which I propounded vnto my selfe in other Commentaries as the title of the booke sheweth But I thought it best to set downe the whole text for more plainenesse and perspicuitie and not the diuers Readings onely wherein C. standeth for Chalde H. for the Hebrew L. for the Latine S. for the Septuagint P. for Pagnine A. for Arias Montanus V. for Vatablus B. for the great English Bible G. the Geneva translation I. for Iunius det is put for detract add for adding The Authors names which are cited in this Booke are summed in the Epistle set before the second part thereof If by these my trauels I may profit the Church of God I haue my desire it is mine onely terrene reward and encouragement if my poore labours may finde acceptance other rewards they sooner carie that labour not then they which labour as the Poet sometime complained that he made the verses and other had the honour As for my selfe I finde by experience that saying of Augustine most true In eo quod amatur aut non labor autur aut labor ipse amatur in that which one delighteth in either there is no labour at all or the labour it selfe is loued and it giueth me encouragement that I am not in the number of them of whome our blessed Sauiour saith Receperunt mercedem suam they haue receiued their reward God graunt vs all faithfully to labour in our vocations in this life that we may receiue our euerlasting reward in heauen with Christ our blessed Lord and onely Sauiour to whome be praise for euer THE PROPHESIE OF DANIEL EXPLANED Generall observations vpon the whole Booke 1. The summe argument parts and contents of the whole Prophesie IN this heauenly prophesie of Daniel is set forth in generall Gods fatherly
yeare after this was Daniel cast into the Lyons denne as is declared c. 6. 10. The visions in the 11. chap. Daniel had in the first yeare of Darius the visions in the 10. chap. in the 3. yeare of Cyrus which Pappus reduceth to the yeare 3438. but it was the yeare 3427. Bullinger Quest. 7. Of the whole time of Daniels age and time of prophesying 1. Isidorus giueth vnto Daniel an 110. yeares and thinketh he liued vnto the raigne of Darius Hystaspes but this assertion ouerthroweth it selfe for from the third yeare of Iehoiakim when Daniel went into captiuitie vntill the raigne of Darius Hystaspes are counted an 128. yeares vnto the which the age of Daniel beeing added which Pererius holdeth to haue beene but tenne all his yeares will make an 138. Perer. praefat 2. Pappus counteth from Daniels first captiuitie ann 3354. vnto the 3. yeare of Cyrus which he maketh ann 1438. 92 yeares but he is much deceiued for they can come but to 82. yeares for the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim was 8. yeares before Iechonias captiuitie from the which the 70. yeares must be numbred which ended the first yeare of Cyrus then 2. yeare more of Cyrus raigne must be put too which in all make but 82. 3. Therefore Osianders reckoning hath the best ground who iudgeth that Daniel liued an 100. yeares he was 18. when he went into captiuitie in the third yeare of Iehoiakim from whence to the 3. yeare of Cyrus are yeares 82. which beeing added to the former number make iust an 100. yeares Quest. 8. Why Daniel is not mentioned to haue returned with the rest out of captiuitie Iosephus writeth lib. 10. Antiquit. that Daniel built at Ecbatane in media a goodly tower which remained vnto his time so fresh and beautifull as if it had been but lately builded which the Kings of Persia made such account of as that they made it the place of their sepulture and committed the keeping thereof to one of the Iewish Priests but Daniel himselfe was buried at Babylon whereupon this question is mooued seeing Daniel liued vnto the third yeare of Cyrus raigne after the Edict was sent forth for the restitution and returne of the Iewes why that he returned not with the rest To the which it may be answered 1. That Daniel beeing now striken in yeares an 100. yeare old was vnfit in respect of his great age to take so long a iourney 2. Or rather that he remained to be the protector or defender of the Iewes which were left behind in Babylon as many there staied still 3. But of all other it is most like that he was thought a necessarie man to be imployed about the king for the good of his Nation and to helpe forward their cause as Theodoret thinketh that Cyrus was taught of Daniel that prophesie of Isai c. 45. wherein Cyrus is brought in by name that he should procure the deliuerance of the Lords people Quest. 9. Of the times wherein Daniel liued compared with fâ—rrâ—n Curonicles and of the memorable things which happened therein 1. The third yeare of Iehoiakim where Daniel began his captiuitie Pererius thinketh to fall out iust in the 32. Olympiad and the 105. yeare from the building of Rome and the 3. yeare of Cyrus raigne vnto the which Daniel attained he maketh to concurre with the 3. yeare of the 55. Olympiad and from the building of Rome 200. Bullinger accounteth it otherwise the first time which was the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim he maketh answerable to the 3. yeare of the 38. Olympiad and the 125. yeare from the building of Rome the 3. of Cyrus he setteth against the 59. Olympiad and the 209. yeare from the founding of Rome therefore of these things there is no great certentie 2. The memorable things which happened in the time of Daniels captiuitie which Pererius maketh to containe 90. yeares but in iust account they make but 82. yeares as is before shewed were these for within this compasse of time happened three captiuities of the Iewes vnder Iehoiakim Iechonia and Zedekiah with their deliuerance and returne into their countrie three great Prophets were amongst the Iewes Ieremiah Ezekiel Daniel Among the Romanes were kings Ancus Martius Tarquinius Priscus Seruius Tullus among the Grecians flourished the 7. wise men At this time was Craesus king of Lydia among the Chaldeans Nebuchadnezzar of the Medes Cyaxares and Cyrus founded the Empire of the Persians the kingdomes of the Iewes Chaldeans Medes were dissipate and three famous cities Ierusalem Nineueh Babylon destroyed Perer. Quest. 10. Of the excellencie vse and vtilitie of this booke of Daniel 1. This booke is commended by the worthines of the author the Prophet Daniel a man beloued of God to whom he reuealed the mysteries and secrets of his will whom the Prophet for his pietie and vprightnesse ioyneth with Noah and Iob Ezech. 14. 14. and commendeth for his wisdome Ezech. 28. 3. 2. Beside the excellencie of the matter doth set forth the price of the worke 1. First concerning ciuill matters it treateth of the change and alteration of states and kingdomes 2. For Diuine it hath the most cleare prophesies in all the olde Testament of the time of the Messiahs comming 3. Therein are set forth examples of excellent vertues of abstinencie in Daniel of constancie in the three children which were put into the fierie ouen of pietie in Daniels thrice praying in a day vnto his God 4. Therein are contained the heauenly doctrines of the blessed Trinitie of the resurrection of the bodie c. 12. of redemption and remission of sinnes purchased by Christ death c. 9. 5. Many admirable and miraculous things are here set forth as the walking of the three children vntouched in the fierie ouen of Daniels beeing in the Lions denne of the transplantation of Nebuchadnezzer from beeing a king to liue amongst bruite beasts 6. yea therein are conteined all wayes of Prophesying which are either by dreame or vision sensible apparitions or illumination of the mind all which wayes and meanes the Lord vsed to reueale and declare his will to his seruant the Prophet Quest. 11. Of the authoritie of the prophesie of Daniel 1. The Iewes doe derogate much from the authoritie of this booke not counting it among the Propheticall writings of the which there are three opinions 1. Some thinke that the Iewes doe not reiect the prophesie of Daniel but onely count it among the bookes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 holy writings for they diuide the olde Testament into the lawe contained in the fiue bookes of Moses and the Prophets which are eight Iosua the Iudges Samuel the Kings Isaiah Ieremie Ezekiel the twelue Prophets and into the holy writings as they call them whereof there are nine Iob Dauid the Prouerbs Ecclesiastes the Canticles the Chronicles Daniel Ezra Ester So Pererius praefat Likewise Hugo Cardinal who maketh two kind of Prophets some that had onely gratiam prophecialem the gift and grace of prophesie others which beside the
gift were especially called and sent to that ende to prophesie and in this sense onely the Iewes hold neither Dauid nor Daniel to be Prophets 2. Theoderet doth simply reprehend the Iewes for denying Daniel to be a Prophet and this booke to be any of the propheticall writings so also Iunius affirmeth that the Iewes denie this booke to be counted among the Hagiographa or holy writings 3. But the truth is as Polanus setteth it downe that the Elder Iewes did acknowledge this booke to be authenticall and canonicall and equall in authoritie to the booke of the Psalmes the Prouerbs of Salomon the Lamentations of Ieremie and diuerse of them haue written commentaries vpon this booke as R. Salomon R. Leui Ben Gerson R. Abraham Aben Ezra R. Saadia with others but the later Rabbines doe denie the booke of Daniel to be authenticall and therefore seldome reade it as he speaketh of his owne experience how diuerse Rabbines in Moravia whose helpe he vsed did confesse that they seldome did reade the prophesie of Daniel the occasion whereof he thinketh to be this because Daniel doth so euidently point out the time of the Messiah his comming 4. But this errour of the Iewes in reiecting this prophesie of Daniel may thus further be refuted 1. The bookes which are called Hagiographa holy writings were of three sorts either they are taken for those bookes which were laid vp by the Arke and had the miraculous extraordinary approbation by the Vrim and Thummim other visible demonstrations or for such canonicall books which though they had not that allowance being written after the captiuitie when those visible monuments of the Arke the Vrim and Thummim ceased yet were written by the spirit of God and commended to his Church and thirdly those bookes were called holy writings which were not made of Canonicall authoritie but onely preferred before other humane writings and receiued of the Church into some higher order though not made equall to the the Scriptures Now though the prophesie of Daniel be not of the first sort yet that it is authenticall and canonicall of the second it thus may appeare The authoritie then of this booke is set forth by testimony both internall and externall the externall is either diuine or humane the diuine essentiall or accidentall the humane is either Ecclesiasticall and domesticall or forraine or prophane these further shall thus be declared in their order 1. The internall testimonie est spiritus testificatio the inward witnesse of the spirit which cleareth our vnderstanding that by the same spirit we acknowledge the Diuine prophesie of Daniel by the which he wrote it 2. The Diuine externall testimonie which is called essentiall is consensio cum diuino canone the agreement which this prophesie hath with the rest of the Scriptures and the warrant which Daniel hath from the testimonie of Christ Matth. 24. 15. 3. The Accidentall is à signis euentis from the signes which God ioyned with the prophesie as Daniels interpretation of dreames and his preseruation from the lyons c. 6. The euents were the true and sensible accomplishment of the predictions and prophesies conteined in this booke as all histories which doe write of these Kingdomes doe beare record and where these two doe concurre with the truth of doctrine namely the signes and euents they are diligently to be regarded Deut. 17. 4. The Ecclesiasticall testimonie is the consent of Gods Church and generall approbation of the seruants and worshippers of God which though it be not so forcible to perswade vs as the former yet it is a good motion and inducement ioyned with the rest hereunto may be added that testimonie of Iosephus that all the bookes which were written vnto the time of Artaxerxes were of diuine authoritie 5. The forraine testimonie is the authoritie and allowance which this booke found euen among the Heathen as is euident in that a great part of this prophesie is written in the Chalde tongue which sheweth that the truth thereof was euen euident to the Chaldeans Iunius And here may be remembred how laddus the high Priest shewed Daniels prophesie vnto Alexander the great and by name that vision c. 8. how the goate which signified the Grecians ouercame the ramme which betokened the Persian Monarchie as Iosephus reporteth whereupon this booke was had in great admiration of Alexander Quest. 12. Of the difficultie and obscuritie of this prophesie Pererius giueth these foure reasons and causes thereof 1. Because diuerse things are otherwise reported of forraine historiographers then they are remembred in this booke as in the 2. chap. Nebuchadonazer is made the mightiest King vpon the earth whereas Herodotus much more extolleth the power of Cyaxares who raigned about that time among the Medes c. 5. Balthazar is said to be depriued both of life and kingdom by Darius king of the Medes whereas other writers ascribe it to Cyrus c. 11. the Angel foretelleth but of three kings after Cyrus vnto Alexanders time whereas there were many more 2. The transposing of the storie which is often vsed in this booke is an other cause of the darkenesse and obscuritie as the prophesies conteined in the 7. and 8. chap. which were shewed vnto Daniel vnder the raigne of Balthazar in order should be set before the 6. c. Pererius addeth that the historie of Susanna which happened when Daniel was yet a child and the storie of Bell and the dragon which was done the Empire of the Chaldes yet standing should be placed tâ—e one before the second the other before the 5. chap. But concerning these two pretended histories there is no certaintie of the truth of them at the least when and at what time they were done and therefore this instance might be spared 3. The prophesies and visions themselues are darke and obscure as that c. 9. of the 70. weekes which terme when it should take beginning and how it proceeded and was continued is a matter of deepe vnderstanding 4. The varietie of histories which must be vsed as helpes for the vnderstanding of this prophesie and the change and alteration of so many states and kingdomes in this booke decyphered doe make this prophesie intricate specially because many of those historicall writers whose workes are necessarie for the opening and vnfolding of this mysticall prophesie are now lost and perished As Hierome sendeth vs to the histories of Sâ—etâ—nius Callinicus Possidonius Thean Andronicus Polybius Diodorus Titus Linius Trâ—gus Pompeius whose histories concerning these matters here prophesied of by Daniel are now either in part or in whole wanting 5. And thus much was signified by the Angel that this historie should seeme obsure vntill the things therein contained were accomplished as he saith to Daniel Goe thy way Daniel for the words are closed vp and sealed till the ende of the time vntill then they should be obscure to all but euen afterward also when the fulnesse of time is come none of the wicked shall haue vnderstanding and
least we should be discouraged altogether it is added but the wise shall vnderstand 4. Places of doctrine 1. The doctrine of Gods prouidence notably is set forth in this booke that he then most of all taketh care for his Church when he seemeth most to neglect it that nothing falleth out by chance but that the confusion and alteration of states and kingdomes are by the prouidence and disposing of God for a sparrow cannot fall vpon the ground without Gods will much more is the fall and ruine of kingdomes disposed of by the Lord Caluin 2. In this booke many profitable doctrines are laid forth as of the Trinitie c. 7. of the redemption and remission of sinnes by Christ c. 10. of the resurrection chap. 12. Pere 3. In this booke is set forth the continuance and perpetuitie of Christs kingdome when all terrene and earthly dominions shall cease regna mundi caduca esse ostendit he sheweth that the kingdomes of the world are vaine and the kingdome of Christ onely shall continue as the stone which was cutte without hands broke the image in pieces as the Prophet saith the increase of his kingdome c. shall haue no ende Bullinger 5. Places of controuersie 1. Controv. The vulgar Latine translation not the best 1. Pintus in his Prooeme vpon Daniel saith that the vulgar Latine translation is omnibus alijs illustrior prestantior is a more excellent and worthy translation then any other and so he preferreth it before the originall Hebrew and Chalde text therefore that the blind presumption and boldnesse of these Romanists may herein appeare it shall not be amisse to note some speciall places wherein the Latin translation hath greatly erred 1. c. 6. v. 15. The Latine translator readeth Viri intelligentes regem dixerunt c. the men vnderstanding the king said c. whereas in the originall the word is hargishu they came together A. I. 2. c. 7. v. 18. The Saints shall take the kingdome L. where it is truely translated thus they shall take the kingdome of the Saints A. P. I. 3. c. 8. 2. I was by the gate of Vlai L. but in the originall I was by the riuer Vlay A. P. I. V. the word is vbal a riuer 4. c. 8. v. 9. and against strength L. against or toward the pleasant or delectable land V. A. P. I. G. hatzebi beautie or delight it selfe 5. c. 8. v. 13. and he said to him L. he said to me A. P. V. I. c. the word is eelai to me 6. c. 11. 6. to make friendship L. to make an equall peace A. P. I. V. mesharim rectitudines equalitie rightnes 7. C. 11. v. 8. he shall carrie captiue their gods and their grauen images L. their gods and their Princes A. P. V. G. I. nesichehem their princes nesich a prince 8. C. 11. v. 22. the armes of the fighter shall be subdued L. the armes of the ouerflowing shall be ouerthrowne A. P. V. I. shataph to ouerflow 9. C. 11. 45. he shall plant the tabernacle of Apadno L. the tabernacle of his pallace A. P. V. I. G. 10. C. 12. 2. some to shame vt videant semper that they may alwaies see L. some to shame and perpetuall contempt A. P. V. G. I. the word is diron contempt By these few places giuen in instance a coniecture may be made of the rest of the translation that beeing so erroneous it can not be compared for grauitie or authoritie to the originall The other places of moment wherein this translation often slippeth shall be noted in the diuers readings vpon euery Chapter 2. Controv. The historie of Susanna the Song of the three children and of Bell and the Dragon are no parts of Daniel nor of the Canonicall Scripture The Romanists would thus perswade that these histories which are annexed to Daniel and make in the vulgar Latine translation the 13. and 14. chap. to be Canonicall 1. Because the Councell of Trent hath so defined them to be held for Canonicall Scripture 2. They are vsed and recited in the Romane leiturgie and Masse as Canonicall Scripture 3. They are cited and alleadged by diuers of the Fathers 4. Diuerse of the Fathers of the Greeke Church as Origen Athanasius Chrysostome Cyril doe hold these parcells to be Canonicall Thus Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei c. 9. Pintus in prooem Perer. lib. 16. in Daniel in praefat Contra. 1. The Tridentine Councell or Chapter rather was no true generall Councell but a partiall conuenticle of the Romanists wherein there were not so many Bishops congregate or assembled together as haue beene in many prouinciall Synods 2. And though it had beene a lawfull Synod yet it had no lawfull authoritie to make the canon of the Scripture which belongeth onely vnto God the Church onely is to declare not to constitute the sacred Canon 3. Neither can they produce any generall Councell wherein the Pontificiall canon of Scripture hath beene confirmed 2. Pererius himselfe giueth instance of many things which are rehearsed in the Popish Masse which are not canonicall as the legend of S. Catharine how her bodie was placed by the Angels in mount Sinai the Masse of the immaculate conception of the virgin Marie and somewhat is taken out of the 4. booke of Esdras all these he himselfe confesseth not to be of Canonicall authoritie though publikely recited and sung in their Masse the argument therefore followeth not 3. Neither is all taken to be Canonicall which is cited by the Fathers for they many times doe alleadge the testimonies of Poets and heathen writers and the later writers doe produce the authorities of the Elder fathers Iustine Tertullian Ireneus Cyprian Origen are their works therefore to be held canonicall 4. Though some of the Greeke Fathers therein following the Greeke translation which was of great authoritie doe make these histories Canonicall yet their testimonie is not sufficient to make that part of Scripture which is not And against their iudgement we may oppose the sentence of other Fathers as of Hierome who doubteth not to call the historicall narrations of Bel and the Dragon fables likewise he alleadgeth how Eusebius and Apollinarius would not answer Porphirie his cauillous exceptions against these supposed parcels of Daniel because they were not found in the originall neither were held to be of diuine authoritie Pererius here answereth Nobis cuae non sit quid isti senserint quidve scriptis prodiderint mihi pluris est divus Ignatius Martyr Athanasius Chrysostomus c. We neede not care what these thought or what they set forth in writing I make more account of holy Ignatius Martyr Athanasius Chrysostome c. In which indifferent answer he teacheth vs what to say If he care not what Eusebius Apollinarius Hierome thinke or write on this matter why should it mooue vs what Ignatius Athanasius with the rest testifie in this cause neither doe I see why the one should be more accounted
of or held of greater authoritie then the other Our contrarie Arguments against the Canonicall authoritie of these additions are these which follow 1. They are not extant in the Hebrew and Chalde originall 2. They containe some things contradictorie to the Canonicall histories as the Apocryphal storie saith that Daniel was of the tribe of Levi whereas he is said in the true storie to be of the tribe of Iudah c. 1. v. 6. 3. Iosephus making mention of all the other histories recorded in this booke yet omitteth these two as Apocryphal relations 4. Hierome toucheth certaine obiections propounded by a Iew against these Apocryphall additions 1. That it is not like that the three children had so much leisure as to goe through all the elements and creatures in their hymne or song 2. It was no such miraculous thing but a naturall worke to kill the Dragon with gobbets and balls of pitch 3. And it is without example that any Prophet was so transported in bodie as Abacuk was taken vp by the haire of the head to goe and minister vnto Daniel Answ. Here the Romanists doe giue vs this slender satisfaction 1. That this booke might be translated by Theodotian out of the Hebrew or Chalde which is now extant or it might be written in the Greeke tongue originally by some stirred by the spirit of God as the author of Ecclesiasticus was Perer. 2. There might be two Daniels one of Iudah an other of Levi. Bellarm. 3. Iosephus omitteth many things in his historie of the Iewes antiquities Perer. 4. 1. So Ionas prayed in the Whales bellie beeing in great danger as the other were in the fire 2. Salomon though mooued by the spirit of God yet by humane wisdome decided the controuersie betweene the two harlots 3. Henoch and Helias were translated in their bodies Hug. Card. in proleg Hieron in Daniel Contra. 1. It is euident that this booke was not translated either out of Chalde or Hebrew by the Greeke allusion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if one should say alluding to a cutting or pricking tree he will cut thee and in the Greeke tongue originally were none of the Canonicall books of the old Testament written for vnto the Iewes were committed the oracles of God Rom. 3. 2. but the bookes set forth in the Greeke could not be committed to the Hebrewes 2. If there were two Daniels why are those additions annexed to the prophesie of Daniâ—l as parts thereof he beeing not the author 3. Iosephus omitteth many matters of circumstance but complete histories and the same memorable he seldome omitteth but this argument is vrged not as necessarie but onely probable 4. 1. It is one thing to pray in distresse as Ionas did an other to giue thanks at large vnto God before riddance from the daunger for that had beene in some sort to tempt God to stay longer in the daunger then there was cause 2. That experiment of Salomons wisdome is set forth as an act of a prudent and wise man directed by the spirit of God but the other is set downe as a propheticall act therefore the instance is not alike 3. Henoch and Helias were translated out of the world but not from place to place as this Abacuk is supposed to haue beene and it cannot be gathered that they reteined their bodies still when they were taken vp but rather that by the power of God they were dissolued which we are to thinke for the honour of Christ who was the first that in his whole humanitie entred the heauens 6. Morall observations 1. In that in this prophesie of Daniel there is a manifest prophesie pointing out the very time of the comming of Christ c. 9. quam clarum firmum est hoc testimonium c. what a cleare and sure testimonie is this which we may oppose against Sathan and all Atheists and other gainsayers that Christ is the true Redeemer that was to come into the world Calvin 2. In that the Lord did such wonderfull things for his people in captiuitie in so much that the glorie of God was propagated more disperso afflicto populo Dei quam regnante agentâ— in pace c. the people of God beeing dispersed and afflicted then while they raigned and liued in peace it sheweth the profit that commeth by the crosse Bulling both in generall to the whole Church and in particular to euery member thereof as the Prophet Dauid saith It is good for me that I haue beene afflicted Psal. 119. 71. 3. Further illustria gloriae divinae documenta sunt iudicia in reges the iudgement of God vpon Kings and vpon their kingdomes are notable demonstrations of Gods glorie Polan as the Prophet Isai saith Topheth is prepared of old it is prepared for the king Isa. 30. 33. 4. In that Daniel after the prophesie of the comming of Christ yet foretelleth many afflictions c. 10. 11 12. which should befall the Church of God in this world vntill the blessed day of the resurrection which is spoken of c. 12. when all teares shall be wiped from our eyes thereby is declared that the Church of God and the faithfull members thereof must looke for no firme and sure state in this world to continue but make account through many afflictions to enter into the kingdome of heauen sic Genev. in the argument of the booke for as the Apostle saith Here we looke for no continuing citie but seeke one that is to come Heb. 13. 14. But now by the grace of God I will proceede to the booke it selfe hauing staied long enough in these generall obseruations CHAP. I. 1. The Argument and method THis Chapter hath three parts 1. The first sheweth how that after the King of Babel had besieged and taken Ierusalem he caried diuers into captiuitie 1. c. 1 2. 2. In the next part the education of Daniel and of his other companions is described from v. 3. to v. 18. where these three things are contained 1. The Kings charge vnto the chiefe of the Eunuches for their education to v. 7. 2. Daniels abstinence and refusall to eate of the Kings meate whereunto was made a way by that fauour which God gaue vnto Daniel in the sight of the chiefe of the Eunuches to v. 14. 3. The successe thereof they were encreased with gifts both of minde and bodie v. 15 16 17. 3. Then the euent followeth their ministerie before the King and their aduancement especially of Daniel v. 18. to v. 21. 2. The diuers readings 1. v. In the third yeare in the yeares of three C. for so shalash signifieth three not the third but when it is ioyned with an other word of a cardinall number it becommeth an ordinal that is a number of order of the raigne of Iehoiakim not Ioachim L. for he was the sonne of Iehoiakim 2. King 24. 6. whom Matthew calleth Ieconias c. 1. and the one is written with kaph the other with caph Iehoiakim signifieth the
things most deare and precious but this is a forced and wrested sense for the text speaketh euidently of the deliuering of the persons of men not of any other pretious things 2. it is sufficient saith he to vnderstand some of these onely to haue had sonnes and daughters though not all c. But Daniel by this text can be no more denied to haue had sonnes and daughters then either Noah or Iob yet I confesse that this beeing but a supposition and conditionall speach that if these three Noah Iob Daniel were in the middest of it they should deliuer neither sonne nor daughter doth not necessarily conclude that Daniel had sonnes and daughters yet he might haue both 3. Now howsoeuer it was for his virginitiâ— certaine it is he was no Eunuch as Lyranus and Carthusianus and Pintus inferre vpon these words ver 4. they must be children without blemish which collection though Peâ—â—â—â—us mislike yet it may be warranted Leuit. 21. 20. where this verie kind of defect in the secret parts is counted among other blemishes And whereas Perer saith that they were onely to respect the outward comlinesse and beautie which he saith is held longer to continue in Eunuchs I rather thinke with Lyranus taliter castrati sunt male gratiosi etiam in facis that such as are depriued of their vitilitie haue for the most part lesse grace in their countenance Quest. 21. Who are vnderstood here by the Princes 1. The word is partemim which R. Ioseph Kimhi would deriue of the word Perath which was the name of the great riuer Euphrates and that thereby are signified the Princes of the region about Euphrates but this agreeth not to this place as Caluin noteth for these princes were of Iudah whose children were taken they inhabited not neere Euphrates 2. Some deriue the word of Pharah to fructifie and encrease noting such as were truely noble and excelling others some of Parath which signifieth to deuide because the Magistrates and Iudges which decided controuersies were of the nobler sort 3. Some rather thinke that it was a strange word taken vp in the Chalde tongue Mercer Iunius coniecture in that parthani may come of the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so it generally signifieth the first chiefe or principall men 4. The Latine interpreter it expresseth by the word tyrannorum the seede of the tyrants but that word howsoeuer at the first in the Greeke tongue it was vsed in the better part to signifie great and excellent men yet now it is applied vnto such which are cruell gouernours and are vsually called tyrants thereforre it is no fit word to expresse the sense here 5. The Septuagint retaine it as a proper name and title of dignitie Pharthammin but that is not like for the Princes among the Persians were so called Ester 1. 3. there were not the like titles of honour among the Iewes which were among the Persians I therefore preferre before the rest the opinion of Mercerus and Iun. Quest. 22. VVhy the children of the Princes and Nobles were taken captiues The reasons hereof may be these 1. the king herein shewed his triumph and victorie in carying away the more principall mens sonnes 2. And because such hauing had noble education and not trayned vp as the vulgar sort were meetest to attend vpon the king to the which ende he sorted them out from the rest 3. And this might be his policie also herein that these principall mens sonnes beeing brought vp with the king of Babel and so instructed in the manners and religion of the Chaldeans might thereby haue their hearts and affections enstranged and alienated from their countrie 4. And he might haue further this purpose therein to kepe them as pledges and hostages the better to containe the Iewes in obedience and subiection Caluin Quest. 23. How the Lord performed his promise to Dauid that his kingdome should be established for euer 2. Sam. 16. seeing Iehoiakim was giuen into Nebuchadnezzers hand 1. We must consider that the promise in respect of Dauids temporall seede was conditionall that the Lord would make sure the kingdome so long as they continued in obedience but if they brake the condition the Lord was not tied to make good his promise 2. Yet the spirituall kingdome in the Messiah which was of the seede of Dauid according to the flesh shall remaine for euer without any condition or exception 3. And although Iehoiakim were giuen into Nebuchadnezzars hand yet the kingdome well nigh continued after this 20. yeares in Dauids posteritie and the Lord by degrees did proceede to take away the scepter from Iudah which for Dauids sake he would haue continued still if they would haue taken any warning 4. But it must not be thought that Gods purpose and promise to Dauid was changed and ouerturned by any superior power and euen Nebuchadnezzar herein was the minister of God to execute his iudgements for it is saide that the Lord gaue Iehoiakim into his hand v. 2. Polan Quest. 24. Whether it were lawfull for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans v. 4. And whome they might teach the learning c. Though among the Chaldeans there were curious and superstitious artes for both iudiciarie Astrologie and Genethlialogie the casting of mens natiuities and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diuination by the dead are held to haue beene inuented by the Chaldeans yet they had other profitable sciences as Astronomie Geometrie and other liberall arts which Daniel might safely learne as Moses was brought vp in the knowledge of the Egyptians whose superstitious inuentions notwithstanding he abhorred and if Daniel refused to be defiled with their meats which were but for the bodie much more did he take heede not to haue his soule defiled with superstitious inuentions Calvin Quest. 25. Of the Chalde language and the difference betweene it and the Hebrew 1. The Chaldeans called in Hebrew Chasdim had their originall from Arphachsad the sonne of Sem the Chaldeans at the first comprehended the Hebrewes also for Heber the sonne of Selah the sonne of Arphacsad was the father of the Hebrewes and Abraham the Hebrew was borne in Vr of the Chaldees 2. At the first the knowledge of God did flourish among the Chaldeans till idolatrie and superstition encreasing it pleased God to single out Abraham in whome the true religion should be preserued 3. The most auncient tongue was the Hebrew which was preserued in Hebers familie and so descended to Abraham who also because he liued among the Chaldeans could speake the language of that nation 4. But seeing Daniel here beeing an Hebrew borne was to be taught the Chalde language then Philo is deceiued who thinketh the Chalde and Hebrew to be all one 5. Neither was the Chalde and Syrian tongue the same which is the opinion of Mercerus so thinketh also Hugo Cardinal following the ordinarie Glosse some thinke that the Syrian tongue differed not much from the Chalde but was the more eloquent
seasons when he should inspire men 3. There are then naturall dreames which may be obserued for a mans health by such Physitians doe iudge of the distemper of the humours and of inclination to diseases there are also other humane dreames wherein mens infirmities doe shew themselues and so thereby perceiuing what vices they are subiect vnto they may be admonished to amend them such dreames may lawfully be obserued which tende either to the health of the bodie or the soule But diuine dreames are most worthie of obseruation of all other whereby the Lord doth often signifie his will concerning things to come which kind of dreames cannot be interpreted but by the same spirit wherby they are sent as Daniel saith to the King The secret which the king hath demanded can neither the wise the Astrologians the Inchanters and Soothsayers declare vnto the King but there is a God in heauen which reuealeth secrets c. 2. 27 28. Quest. 51. Whether in diuine dreames there is a free vse of reason and the will and the same acceptable to God 1. Pererius thinketh that in such dreames and visions there is soluta vis rationis but not perfectus liberi arbitrij vsus a free vse of reason but not the perfect vse of freewill for to that there is required the libertie of all the senses and powers that then homo should be Dominus sui Lord of himselfe 2. Contra. 1. In that sense man hath no perfect vse of free will neither waking nor sleeping to be as Lord of himselfe to euill mans will is free but he cannot bonum agere nisi à bono agatur doe any good vnlesse he be drawne thereunto of God which is good 2. but the vse of the reason and will is otherwise as free in such visions and dreames as when men are waking for the soule and vnderstanding sleepeth not neither is bound in sleepe but the sense onely And this notably appeareth by that heauenly dreame and vision which Salomon had 1. King 3. 5. wherein both God first bid Salomon aske what he would and he asked wisedome and God approoued this his petition and actually gaue him his request and all this was done while he was asleepe Salomon could not haue made such request of God nor the Lord accepted it if it had beene a fansie and imagination onely in his sleepe But to this diuers answeres are made 1. Pererius saith that Salomon had before made that petition vnto God for wisedome which his petition the Lord approoued in his sleepe not because it was made then but before But no such thing in extant in the text of any former petition the first motion and occasion was giuen by the Lord himselfe who said to Salomon in his dreame Aske what I shall giue thee and thereupon he made his request for wisedome 2. Tostatus hath an other answer which Pererius rather approoueth then the former that whatsoeuer is said there to be done non revera sed per imaginariam tantum dormientis visionem esse factum was not verily done but in the imaginarie vision of Salomon beeing asleepe But this cannot be admitted imaginarie petitions are not accepted of God and they onely haue imaginarie effects but here Salomon was verily endued with wisedome euen in his sleepe for presently after he waked he perceiued that it was a diuine dreame and felt himselfe encreased with that excellent gift of wisedome which immediately after he put in execution 3. Therefore it may safely be held that this was more then a simple dreame for dreames are but representations of things past present or to come but here there was an actuall collation of that which was shewed in the dreame It was therefore both a dreame and a vision concurring with the dreame a dreame it was because it fell out in sleepe but in this dreame Salomons soule had free conference with God in which respect it may be said to be a vision Quest. 52. vers 21. How Daniel is said to haue beene vnto the 1. yeare of king Cyrus 1. Some thinke that this is to be vnderstood of the time of Daniels prophecying Theoderet so also Caluin among the Assyrians and Chaldeans agnitus erat pro summo propheta he was taken for a great prophet but this cannot be the meaning for he had some propheticall visions in the 3. yeare of Cyrus cap. 10. 1. 2. Much lesse can it be referred to the time of Daniels life as Pellican seemeth to thinke for he liued to the 3. yeare of Cyrus how long after it is vncertaine vpon which reason Hierome resolueth non vitae illius tempus accipiendum est the time of his life cannot be here taken 3. Osiander thinketh that hereby is signified that â—e liued and continued so long that he saw to his great ioy the returne of his people out of captiuitie which was in the 1. yeare of Cyrus This indeede is most true but in this place mention beeing made of Daniels standing before the king that is his ministring in the Court there is more vnderstood then simply his continuing and remaining vntill that time 4. Vatablus giueth this exposition that so long he was minister in aula regis a principall officer in the kings Court but so was he afterward also a chiefe gouernour vnder Cyrus c. 6. 5. Lyranus thinketh that hereby is signified the honour and glorie of Daniel in regno Chaldaeorum Persarum in the kingdome both of the Chaldeans and Persians but the words vnto the first yeare of Cyrus are exclusiuely rather then inclusiuely to be taken as though that time determined the space here set 6. Therefore the purpose and intent of these words is not to shewe the tearme when Daniels prophesie or state in honour ended but to signifie that during all the time of the Chaldean Monarchy he continued in great honour and reputation in Babylon and Chaldea postea à Dario in Medos translatus est afterward he was translated by Darius vnto the Medes Hierome Iun. Polan and among them also he was in great honour But from the time that he first stood before Nebuchadnezzar and serued him he was in estimation all that kings dayes and in the raigne of Evilmerodach his sonne and of Balthazar 's his sonne though it may seeme that he was not altogether so much set by in Balthazar time as before Osiand 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. vers 2. The translating of kingdomes subduing of cities is ordered and disposed by God Vers. 2. And the Lord gaue Iehâ—iakim c. into his hand c. which sheweth that all things are ruled and gouerned by Gods prouidence that kings and princes states cities and common wealths are in Gods hand to alter and turne them as it seemeth best to himselfe whereof we may make a double vse for as it is to our comfort that we are in Gods hand and vnder his protection so in that he deliuereth the impenitent into the hands of Tyrants by them to be corrected and chastised
interpretation thereof 8. The king answered and said I know certenly that he would gaine time redeeme or buie time Chald. because ye see the thing is gone from me 9. But if yee will not declare me the dreame there is but one iudgement sentence L. V. I. or law A. for you for yee haue prepared lying and corrupt words to speake before me till the time be changed G. I. the time be passed L. till there be an other state of things V. therefore tell me the dreame that I may knowe if ye can declare the interpretation thereof 10. The Chaldeans answered before the king and said Chal. and saying there is not a man vpon the earth Chal. vpon the drie ground which can declare the kings matter therefore not any king nor prince or ruler mightie Chald. euer asked such a question such a saying C. of any Magician Astrologian or Chaldean 11. And the matter the saying C. which the king requireth is precious I. rare G. of great weight L. A. and there is not any other to be found L. which can declare it before the king except the gods whose dwelling is not with flesh with men L. with mortall men V. 12. For this cause the king was angrie and in a great furie and gaue charge to destroy all the wisemen of Babel 13. So the sentence was giuen and the wisemen were slaine and they sought Daniel and his fellowes to be slaine 14. Then Daniel enquired of the counsell and decree L. Po. returned the counsell and decree C. not answered with counsell G. or interceded V. of Arioch the captaine of the guard I. or cheife marshall or executioner V. the captaine of his armie L. to the king which was gone forth to slay the wise men of Babel 15. Yea he answered and said vnto Arioch the kings captaine why is the sentence so hastie from the king then Arioch made knowne declared G. the thing the word C. to Daniel 16. So Daniel went in and desired of the King that he would giue him time leasure G. and he would declare the interpretation to the king 17. Then Daniel went to his house and made knowne the matter the word C. to Hananiah Chananiah C. Mishael and Hazariah his companions 18. And that they should beseech mercie from the God of heauen in this secret sacrament L. that Daniel with his fellowes might not perish with the rest of the wisemen of Babel 19. Then was the secret reucaled to Daniel in a vision by night therefore Daniel blessed the God of heauen 20. And Daniel answered and said The name of God be blessed for euer and euer for wisedome and strengh are his 21. And he changeth times and seasons moderateth V. he taketh away kings not kingdomes L. and establisheth kings setteth vp G. createth V. he giueth wisedome to the wise and knowledge to men of vnderstanding to them which knowe vnderstanding C. 22. He discouereth the deepe and secret things he knoweth what is in the darkenesse and the light dwelleth with him 23. I thanke thee and praise thee O thou God of my fathers that thou hast giuen me wisedome and strength and hast made knowne vnto me made me to knowe that which we desired of thee for thou hast made knowne vnto vs the kings matter word C. 24. Wherefore Daniel went vnto Arioch whom the king had appointed to destroy the wise men of Babel he went and said thus vnto him Destroy not the wise men of Babel bring me in before the king and I will declare vnto the king the interpretation 25. Then Arioch in hast brought in Daniel before the king and said thus vnto him I haue found a man of the children of ludah taken captiues children of the captiuitie of Iudah C. that will make knowne vnto the king the interpretation 26. Then answered the king and said vnto Daniel whose name was Beltshatzar Balthasar L. Beltsazar V. Belteshazzar G. art thou able to make knowne vnto me the dreame which I haue seene and the interpretation thereof 27. Daniel answered before the king L. A. to the king I. V. in the presence of the king B. G. and said The secret which the king hath demanded can neither the wisemen astrologians magicians L. wisards V. soothsayers B. magicians I. V. enchanters G. wise men B. coniecturers L. soothsayers such as gaue coniecture by the entralls of beasts aruspices I. L. readers of destinies V. B. declare vnto the king 28. But there is a God in heauen the reuealer of secrets who hath made knowne vnto king Nebuchadnezzar what shall be in the dayes following I. V. in the latter dayes L. G. B. A. P. but many of these things fell out not long after Nebuchadnezzars time in the consequence or following of dayes C. Thy dreame and the vision of thine head vpon thy bed is this 29. O king thoughts came ascended C. to thee vpon thy bed what should come to passe hereafter and he which reuealeth secrets telleth thee what shall come 30. As for me not for any wisedome which is in me more then in any liuing is this secret reuealed vnto me but for this that they might not that I might B. or that it might L. that some might V. for their cause which might I. make known vnto the king the interpretation and that thou mightest knowe the thoughts of thine heart 31. O king thou sawest and behold a great image this large image whose glorie and the glorie thereof C. was excellent stood before thee and the forme thereof was terrible 32. This images head was of fine good C. gold the breast thereof and the armes thereof of siluer his bellie and his sides I. thighes caeter of brasse 33. His legges of yron his feete were part some of them C. of yron part of clay 34. Thou beheldest till a stone was cut out which was not with hands that is cut out without hands caeter but then the relatiue which should be omitted which smote the image vpon his feete which were of yron and clay and brake them in peices 35. Then was the yron the clay the brasse the siluer and the gold broken altogether and became like the chaffe of the summer floates where the wheat is threshed and the wind carried them away that not any place was found for them and the stone that smote the Image became a great mountaine and filled the whole earth 36. This is the dreame and we will declare the interpretation thereof before the king 37. O King thou art a King of Kings for the God of heauen hath giuen thee a kingdome power and strength and glorie 38. And in all places where the children of men dwell the beasts of the field and the foules of heauen hath he giuen into thine hand A. P. G. B. not all those places where c. V. L. for here the preposition in is omitted or where the children of men the beasts of the field c. dwell I. these are rather said to be giuen as Ier. 27. 6.
in the latter dayes that is in the dayes following not in the ende of the world but he sheweth their diuers lots which should befall them when they came into Canaan And Daniel thus expoundeth himselfe in the next verse 29. Thoughts came into thy minde what should come to passe hereafter Iun. Quest. 32. vers 29. Whether Nebuchadnezzars thoughts were the cause of his dreame 1. There are foure causes of dreames either the disposition of the bodie and the humors thereof which procure naturall dreames as cholerike men dreame of fire phlegmatike of water and such like or else the affection thoughts and passions of the minde in the day which cause the like dreames in the night and these are humane dreames or the reuelation of Gods spirit sometime concurring with mens thoughts sometime without them whence are diuine dreames of which kind this was or the illusion of Sathan which causeth diabolicall dreames 2. Now mens thoughts sometimes are the cause of dreames as the preacher saith dreames come through the multitude of busines Eccles. 5. 2. but such dreames then doe not prognosticate things to come but are a representation onely of things done and past Ly. sometime they are not the cause but the occasion onely and preparation of the minde for the dreame which God purposeth to send as Iosephs carefull thoughts what he should doe with Marie whom he suspected to be with child were but forerunners of that direction which God gaue him by a dreame correspondent vnto his former thoughts Matth. 1. Pere So Polanus distinguisheth well that the cause of this dreame was twofold either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the preparatiue cause or occasion rather which were his pensiue thoughts or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the efficient and working cause which was God himselfe Quest. 33. vers 29. Why it pleased God to impart vnto Nebuchadnezzar this dreame Vers. 29. He which reuealeth secrets telleth thee what shall come 1. God sent this dreame vpon Nebuchaddnezzar for certaine particular causes that his minde might thereby be humbled when he should consider the mutable and variable state of his kingdome that he might submit and subiect himselfe vnto God 2. That hereby his heart might be mooued toward the Lords people not to tyrannize or beare rule cruelly ouer them seeing there was an higher and mightier then himselfe 3. Other generall causes there were beside that all earthly Potentates should hereby be admonished how fraile and of what short continuance their earthy dominions are 4. And withall that they might hereby be occasioned to looke vnto the spirituall and euerlasting kingdome of Christ that should shake all other kingdomes and that they should all be in expectation of that kingdome Quest. 34. vers 30. This secret is not shewed me for my wisedome Whether Daniel by any naturall wisdome could haue attained to the knowledge of this dreame It is evident he could not 1. for then the Magicians and Chalde philosophers might also by their naturall skill and long experience haue founded the depth thereof 2. As the dreame is so must be the interpretatioÌ„ a natural dreame may be expouÌ„ded by natural means but this heeing a diuine dreame sent of God must be interpreted by a diuine instinct 3. This dreame beeing a premonstration of things to come whereof God onely hath the knowledge could not be opened but by the spirit of God who reuealeth secrets and things to come 4. This dreame containing a signification of thingâ— to come was either a naturall or voluntarie signe a naturall signe it could not not be for then there should be some affinitie betweene it and the things to come it was either as the cause or effect or had some other agreement and coherence but the vision of an image could haue no such naturall affection or disposition to or with the conuersion and alteration of kingdomes thereby fignified and shadowed forth It was therefore no naturall but a voluntarie signe not appointed by the will of man but by the will of God so disposing therefore it could not be interpreted but according to the minde and will of him by whom it was assigned Pere Quest. 34. vers 30. Why Nebuchadnezzar could not vnderstand the dreame which he same 1. Augustine giueth the reason of it non est propheta veri Dei qui oblata diuinitus visa c. he is no Prophet of the true God which seeth either with his bodie or with that part of the spirit which receiueth the images and representations of bodily things yet seeth not with his minde such visions as are effred of God c. therefore Nebuchadnezzar seeing one ly the vision but hauing no propheticall gift to interpret it could not vnderstand it sed ad interpretandum visum suum aspectum quaesivit alienum but he vsed an others spirituall sight to interpret his vision c. Augustin ibid and so els where he concludeth magis propheta erat qui interpretabatur quod alius vidisset quam ipse qui vidisset and so he he was rather a Prophet that could interpret that which an other sawe then he which sawe it c. 2. And Augustine further maketh here three sorts of men the first is when one rerum quae significatur sola signa vider c. doth onely see the signes of such things which are signified c. and he as he saith minus propheta est is no Prophet the second is when one solo earum intellectu praeditus est is onely endued with the vnderstanding of them and he is rather a Prophet such an one was Ioseph who expounded Pharaohs dreame sed maxime propheta qui vtroque excellit but he is most of all a Prophet which excelleth in both as Deniel both sawe the king vision and dreame and gaue also the interpretation of it Quest. 36. vers 30. Of the two ends why it pleased God to reueale vnto the king his dreame 1. One cause was that by this occasion the Church of the Iewes might â—â—re the better seeing that by their prâ—yers the king had the interpretation of his dreame the words are thus to be read that they might ratifie or make knowne vnto the king the interpretation they not the Angels as Vatab. but Daniel and his fellowes which ioyned in prayer some read that the interpretation might be made manifest as the Latine whom Lyranus followeth some translate it in the first person vt exponerem that I might expound or declare to the king the interpretation Caluin but the word is iehoreghun that they might notifie this was the first reason that by this meanes the Iewes might receiue more fauour vnto whom God reuealed the meaning of this vision 2. The other cause was for the instruction of the king himselfe that he might knowe and vnderstand the thoughts of his heart both these reasons why the Lord gaue vnto Daniel both the knowledge of the dreame and the vnderstanding thereof are expressed by Augustine Hoc factum est vt
Regi Daniel summi creatoris notitiam insinnaret plebs in seruitute captiuitate posâ—a aliquod solatium haberet c. this was done that both Daniel might insinuate to the king the knowledge of the high Creator and that the people beeing in seruitude and captiuitie might haue some helpe and comfort Quest. 37. vers 31. Of the vision which the King sawe in his dreame the manner and parts thereof First Daniel rehearseth the kings dreame what he sawe and then he giueth the interpretation thereof from vers 36. to ver 45. The vision consisteth of two parts of the image which the king sawe in his dreame to v. 34. and then of the stone which broke it in peices ver 34. 35. The image is described first by the adiuncts then by the matter The adiuncts are fiue 1. it was but one 2. it was great 3. glorious and excellent 4. it stoode before him 5. it was terrible The matter was either distinct as the head of gold the armes and breast of siluer the thighs and bellie of brasse the legges of yron or else mingled together as the feete were part of yron part of clay Then followeth the description of the stone by fixe arguments 1. of the place it was taken out of a mountaine which though it be not expressed here is supplied ver 45. 2. of the manner it was cut out without hands 3. by the effects it brake the image in peices 4. by the euent the image became as nothing it was as the chaffe which the winde carrieth away 5. by the adiunct it became a great mountaine 6. by the effect it filled the whole earth 2. This vision representeth two kingdomes the image the earthly and the stone the heauenly in the earthly 4. things are obserued 1. the varietie of administration and great difference of gouernement in respect of time and place 2. the great pompe and glorie 3. the terrour and tyrannie 4. the vncertaintie and mutabilitie In the spirituall kingdome of Christ 4. things are also expressed 1. the beginning thereof from heauen 2. the administration thereof not by any humane or worldly meanes 3. the encrease thereof through the world 4. the continuance thereof for euer when all other earthly kingdomes and regiments shall be dissolued Quest. 38. Of the diuerse kinds of signes of things to come and of which kind this image was The Lord vseth 4. kind of signes to foreshewe and signifie things to come 1. the first is of those which are onely signes and serue to no other ende then to shadowe forth things to come such were the signes shewed vnto the Prophets in visions and dreames 2. There are signes which are not onely types and figures of things to come but serue also to other purposes such were the ceremonies of Moses law which were shadowes of sprituall things but had also their present vse seruing as rites and ceremonies of the lawe 3. Some signes did signifie something which was presently done and effected as Naamans washing of himselfe seuen times did betoken that he was in that instant cured of his leprosie 4. Some figures did not onely shewe a present effect but did also shadowe forth some more excellent worke afterward to be effected as the blowing of the trumpets of rammes hornes about the walls of Iericho did not onely assure them of the present subuersion and ouerthrow of Iericho but it signified the ouerthrow of idolatrie by the preaching of the Gospel so the setting vp of the brasen serpent did not onely giue present health of bodie to them that looked vpon it but it did also promise spirituall health of soule to all which with the eyes of faith should behold Christ now this vision which Nabuchadnezzer saw was of the first kind it was a meere signe seruing to no other purpose then to signifie and shew vnto the king what should come to passe afterward Perer. 39. Quest. What kingdomes of the earth are not comprehended in this vision 1. Those kingdomes which were alreadie destroyed as the Assyrian Monarchie whose chiefe citie was Ninive are not contained in this propheticall vision hic agitur de rebus futuris this vision chiefly concerneth things to come Calvin 2. The petie and smaller kingdomes of the world are omitted as of the Sycionians Athenians Lacedemonians Lydians which though they were flourishing kingdomes and had command ouer the countries next adioyning yet they had not such vniuersall dominion as the great Monarchies of the Chaldeans Persians Grecians had 3. Such Monarchies and kingdomes are here described which had some coherence and dependance with and of the other the ruine of the one was the raising of the other as the Persian Monarchie subdued the Babylonian the Greekes the Persian therefore the great and flourishing kingdomes of the Scythians Egyptians Carthaginians are exempted which had not that succession one to another as the great Monarchies of the world had 4. Those great kingdomes are onely here decyphered which ruled in the world till Christs comming who was the stone cut out of the mountaine without hands therefore the kingdome of the Gothes and Vandals Saracens and Turks which haue risen vp since Christs beeing in the flesh are without the compasse of this vision Perer. 40. Quest. Why the Chaldean Monarchie is compared to the head of gold v. 38. Thou art this head of gold 1. Thou and thy succession for this is not onely vnderstood of Nabuchadnezzers person but of his sonnes Euilmerodach and his sonne Balthazar who succeeded him vnder whose raigne the Chaldean Monarchie flourished for the space of 70. yeares And that not onely Nabuchadnezzer but the rest of his successors are here comprehended is euident Ierem. 27. 7. where the Prophet saith All nations shall serue him and his sonne and his sonnes sonne 2. He is compared to the head because the Babylonian Empire was primum temporum ordine the first in order of time as the head in the image was the first part thereof Iun. 3. It was likened to gold 1. propter maximas divitias because of their great riches Lyran. and abundance of gold in which respect it is called golden Babylon Hug. Card. 4. Because their gouernment was more tolerable toward the people of God though hard enough yet it was more equall then the regiment of the Persians in generall 5. Beside beeing compared with the rest it was more golden-like in respect of their flourishing peace for after that Nabuchadnezzer had subdued the nations round about that Monarchicall state enioyed tranquilitie and peace 50. yeares twentie yeares of Nabuchadnezzers raigne and thirtie yeares vnder Evilmerodach his sonne Bullinger 6. So in this short sentence Thou art the head of gold there are as many figures as words 1. Thou that is thy kingdome as v. 39. it is said After thee shall rise an other kingdome that is after thy kingdome not after his death 2. Thou art that is signified and represented by this head of gold as the Apostle saith The
rocke was Christ that is signified Christ. 3. There is a metaphor in the word head which signifieth the antiquitie and prioritie of that kingdome and the knowledge and wisdome of that nation 4. An other figure there is in that he is likened to gold which betokeneth their riches prosperitie and flourishing estate 41. Quest. Of the largenesse of the Empire and dominion of Nabuchadnezzer v. 38. In all places where the children of men dwell the beasts of the field and the foules of heauen c. hath he giuen into thine hand 1. The Scripture doth euidently testifie what large dominions the king of Babel had Ierem. 27. 6. I haue giuen all these lands into the hand of Nabuchadnezzer king of Babel my seruant and the beasts of the field haue I also giuen him to serue him and all nations shall serue him c. And the Prophet Abacuck saith of the Chaldeans They shall gather the captiuitie as the sand and they shall mocke the kings and the Princes shall be a scorne vnto them c. c. 1. 9 10. 2. Forren writers also haue ginen the like testimonie of the greatnes of the Babylonian Empire Berosus who wrote of the Chaldean affaires preferreth him before all kings that were before him Megasthenes lib. 4. de reb Indicis witnesseth that Nabuchadnezzer beside the Prouinces of the East subdued Egypt Africa Spaine and maketh him in courage and magnanimitie superiour to Hercules so likewise Strabo lib. 15. Geograph writeth that this Nabuchadnezzer was the mightiest of all other kings and held of the Chaldeans to haue exceeded Hercules Tertullian saith that his dominion extended from India to Ethiopia 3. But whereas it is said that God had made him ruler in all places this is not so to be taken strictly according to the letter for neither Nabuchadnezzer or any other Monarch euer had the dominion and rule of the whole world as witnesseth the altar of Alexander the pillars of Hercules and Ctesiphon the boundes of the Romane Empire toward the East 1. Some therefore thinke that this is spoken in respect of the opinion of the Chaldeans who held him to be an absolute Monarch ouer all the world 2. or that all according to the Scripture is taken for the most or many as Gen. 22. 18. the Lord saith that all nations should be blessed in Abraham that is many as c. 17. 5. the Lord saith A father of many nations haue I made thee Perer. But this example is vnfitly alleadged for in the one place the Lord speaketh of Abrahams carnall generation in the other of the spirituall benediction which in Christ should come indeede vpon all nations 3. some take it therefore for an hyperbolicall speech Pintus 4. Hugo thus expoundeth it he is said to rule ouer all quia nihil ei resistebat because no countrey resisted him 5. Lyranus taketh all places for all kind of places as the cities where men dwelt the fields where beasts ranged and the woods where the foules made their aboad and therefore both men beasts and foules are said to be giuen into his hand 6. Some admit here a synecdoche that part is taken for the whole all for a great part Lyranus also 7. But this vniuersall particle all must be restrained vnto all the regions next adioyning as it is taken Gen. 41. 57. All countries came to Egypt to buiâ— corne of Ioseph that is all the countries neare vnto them And so here all the regions in those East parts were subdued vnder the kingdome of Nabuchadnezzer 42. Quest. Whether Nabuchadnezzers dominion were at that time the greatest in the world It will be here obiected that the Empire of the Medes was at this time very mightie as Herodotus lib. 1. maketh mention of the greatnes of Cyaxares king of the Medes who ruled ouer all Asia and subdued the Assyrians the Babylonians onely excepted And it is euident by Herodotus Chronologie that Cyaxares raigned about this time for from the beginning of his raigne vnto the first of Cyrus he counteth 75. yeares 40. yeares vnder the raigne of Cyaxares and 35. vnder Astyages so if the Babylonian captiuitie tooke beginning from the 19. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer as Pererius reckoneth Cyaxares began his raigne in the 14. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer but if the 70. yeares captiuitie be counted from the carrying away of Iechonias captiue which is the more probable which was in the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer 2. king 24. 12. then Cyaxares beganne his raigne 5. yeares before about the 3. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne they raigned then much about the same time Nabuchadnezzer in Babylon and Cyaxares among the Medes 2. Pererius giueth this solution that the kingdome of the Medes was much wasted by the other Nabuchadnezzer father vnto this king who warred against Arphaxad king of the Medes and tooke the chiefe citie thereof Ecbatane as is set forth in the storie of Iudith and beside by the incursion and inuasion of the Scythians those parts of Asia were kept vnder the space of 28. yeares so that all that time Cyaxares was of no great power which was during the raigne of Nabuchadnezzer then after his death the Scythians beeing destroied and expelled Cyaxares kingdome flourished for the space of 12. yeares 3. Contra. 1. The historie of Iudith could not fall out in the raigne of the Elder Nabuchadnezzar for at that time the Apocryphal storie saith that the Temple had not beene cast downe Iudith 5. 18. but the Temple was not destroied till the 19. yeare of this Nabuchadnezzer which was about 12. yeares after he had this dreame which was in the 5. yeare of his raigne as is before shewed Qu. 1. 2. Cyaxares could not suruiue Nabuchadnezzer so long but it seemeth rather that Nabuchadnezzer suruiued him for Nabuchadnezzer raigned 45. yeares 8. yeares before Iecouias captiuitie 2. king 24. 12. and 37. yeares after 2. king 25. 27. Cyaxares raigned 40. yeares and beganne in the 3. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer as is prooued before then his raigne must determine in the 43. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer therefore neither of these answers are sufficient 4. The best solution then is this 1. that Cyaxares might be a king of power in the remote parts of Asia beyond the Medes toward the Indians Eastward and yet Nabuchadnezzer about Babylon and those countries extending North and South as in Egypt Tyrus and in the regions of Asia minor might be of the greatest command 2. If otherwise Herodotus affirme more credit is to be giuen to the sacred storie then to his vncertaine report 43. Quest. v. 39. Of the second Monarchie described by the armes and breast of siluer what it was 1. The Rabbins because they would auoid this so manifest a prophesie of the comming of Christ doe ioyne two Monarchies together of the Persians and Grecians Calvin so confounding the histories whereas they were two kingdomes one succeeding an other but here Daniel pointeth out but one kingdome After thee shall rise an other kingdome c. 2.
Theodoret by the right arme vnderstandeth Cyrus kinred of the fathers side of the Persians and by the left his kinred on the mothers side of the Medes 3. Pererius thinketh that the Persian Monarchie is described by two armes because the Chaldean state was subdued by Darius the Mede Cyrus vncle and by Cyrus the Persian 4. But by the two armes rather are vnderstood the two nations of the Medes and Persians which were first two kingdomes the Medes vnder Darius and the Persians vnder Cyrus but after Darius death they were ioyned in one as the two armes did meete together in the breast Lyran. so also Iun. Pintus 44. Quest. v. 39. Why the Persian Monarchie is said to be inferiour to the Babylonian The Persian Monarchie was not inferiour in glorie power or dominion for Assuerus king of Persia raigned from India vnto Ethiopia ouer an 127. Prouinces Est. 1. 1. And Xenophon also testifieth that the Persian Monarchie was so large that it had for the bounds on the East the redde Sea on the West Cyprus and Egypt on the North Pontus Euxinus on the South Ethiopia And seeing Cyrus ioyned the Empire of Babylon to his owne dominions it could not chuse but be greater 1. Some thinke therefore that it is said to be inferiour in respect of the continuance for the Persian Monarchie exceeded not aboue 240. yeares whereas the Chaldean and Assyrian Monarchie from Ninus continued a 1500. yeares Perer. But Daniel ascendeth not so high in this comparison he saith it shall be inferiour to thee that is to thy kingdome as it now standeth 2. Pererius hath an other answer that the Persian Monarchie is said to be inferiour in respect of the present time not as it should be afterward but it is euident that Daniel speaketh of it as it should be then when it should rise vp after the other that it should then be inferiour 3. Calvine vnderstandeth it of the generall corruption of manners which waxe worse that mundi conditio deterior esset c. that the state of the world should be worse vnder the second Monarchie but these Monarchies are compared one with an other that as siluer is worse then gold so the second Monarchie should be inferiour to the other 4. Polanus thinketh that it is said to be inferiour because the Babylonian regiment plus habuit regiae tranquillitatis had more princely rest and tranquillitie but the Persian state was full of trouble for presently after the death of Cyrus his sonnes Cambises and Tanaâ—zares contented for the kingdome and after Cambises the Magi vsurped the kingdome and after them Darius Hystaspis was chosen king by the neying of his horse 5. But I thinke rather with Iunius that it is called inferiour and siluer-like in respect of the others golden state because their gouernment was more tolerable and equall toward the people of God 45. Quest. Whether the Monarchie of the Chaldeans or of the Persians was more cruell toward the Iewes 1. Though Cyrus first gaue libertie to the people to returne and afterward Artaxerxes gaue licence to Ezra and Nehemiah to build the Temple yet other kings of Persia hindred the building of the Temple as Cambises and Ahassuerus who by the fraudulent and malitious deuice of Haman would vtterly haue destroied the people of the Iewes So that this comparison is not in respect of some one or two particular persons of their kings but of the disposition of the whole state which was harder toward the people of God then was the first Monarchie of the Babylonians 2. For Nabuchadnezzer though vnder him the people of God was afflicted and endured much yet he shewed them some clemencie and fauour As first when he besieged Ierusalem in the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim he made not hauocke of all but carried away part onely of the vessels of the Temple and a few of the noble mens children And after that for the space of 19. yeares he suffered the kings of Iudah to haue their kingdome till he was prouoked by the vnfaithfulnes of Zedekiah to take reuenge and yet when he had set the citie and Temple on fire he suffered the people to inhabite the countrey still to plant vineyards and till the ground and he set ouer them Gedaliah a good man one of their owne countrey So that in respect of these heroicall and princely parts in Nabuchadnezzer the Persian Monarchs were but as siluer and farre inferiour vnto him Osiand 46. Quest. Why the Persian Monarchie is compared to siluer 1. Pererius thinketh this resemblance to be made propter immensam Persici imperij opulentiam for the great wealth and riches of the Persian Empire for Cyrus ouercame Craesus the rich king of Lydia of whome that prouerb was taken vp ditior Craeso richer then Craesus Plinie writeth that Cyrus when he ouercame Asia got 34. thousand pound waite of gold beside golden vessels and wedges of gold and 500. thousand talents of siluer which may amount of our money to 300. millions beside he tooke craterem Semiramidis the great bowle or standing piece of Semiramis which waighed 15. Egyptian talents and an Egyptian talent is 80. pound And what the wealth and magnificence of the Persian Monarchs was that sumptuous feast sheweth which Assuerus made to his Princes Est. 1. and the great expedition of Xerxes in that huge armie which he prepared against Greece This is agreeable to that prophesie of Isai long before of Cyrus The Lord saith I will giue thee the ireasures of darknes and the things hid in secret places Athenaeus also writing of the great wealth of Darius the last king of Persia telleth how that the Persian kings were growne to such delicacie and excessiue riches that in the vpper ende of the kings bedchamber in a little closet there was alwaies in store 5. thousand talents of gold which maketh 3. hundreth times an hundreth thousand crownes and this closet ws called the kings bolster or pillow and at the beds feete there was an other closet wherein there were laid vp 3. hundreth talents of siluer beside in the bedchamber there was an ouerspreading vine made of gold beset with pretious stones the bunches of grapes were also made of most costly pretious stones Q. Curtius writeth that the treasure which Alexander tooke from Darius was an 159. thousand talents Strabo nameth an 180. thousand talents which maketh of Italian money a thousand and eight hundreth thousand crownes 2. Lyranus thinketh this Monarchie is compared to siluer quia multum vacabant sapientia eloquentiae c. because they gaue themselues much to the studie of learning and eloquence which is signified by the brightnes and cleare sound of siluer 3. But the reason rather of this comparison is because this Monarchie had lesse maiestie then the first and was not so equall and fauourable toward the people of God Polan 47. Quest. Why the third Monarchie is likened to the bellie and the thigh and vnto brasse 1. This Monarchie must
of this stone he forbeareth to giue any interpretion of it putting off the matter thus mihi hoc narrare non libuit cui propositum est non futura sed praeterita scribere c. Daniel also giueth an interpretation of the stone but it liked me not to declare it whose purpose is to write of things past not of things to come It seemeth he was loath to offend the Romanes of whom he had receiued so great grace and fauour which he should haue done if he had giuen his opinion that the Romane Empire should in the ende haue beene ruinated by his nation But how vnlike a thing this is that the Iewes should obtaine such a temporall dominion it is euident to all the world they beeing now a dispersed nation without either king or priest Church or commonwealth And our Blessed Sauiour hath assured vs that his kingdome is not of this world they then dreaming of such an outward kingdome doe therein shewe their infidelitie that they haue no part in the true Messiah who is blessed for euer 2. The heretikes called Chiliastes which hold that 6. thousand yeares expired from the creation of the world there shall be a resurrection of iust men who shall raigne with Christ a thousand yeares in the earth doe expound this place of that terrene kingdome But their hereticall fansie is confuted by the verie words of this text for the kingdome here spoken of shall stand for euer it shall not then onely continue for a 1000. yeares 3. Wherefore this Scripture euidently describeth the spirituall kingdome of Christ in this world ruling and gouerning the hearts of his seruants by his grace and propagating his truth and Gospell ouer all the world exercising his power vpon the enemies of his Church which kingdome shall be perfected in his euerlasting glorie of this eternall and euerduring kingdome the Prophet Isay saith the Encrease of his gouernement and peace shall haue no ende Quest. 54. Whether the stone cut out of the mountaine doe signifie Christ or his kingdome 1. The most doe vnderstand this of Christ himselfe who is signified by this stone of which opinion are of the ancient writers Iustinus Martyr dialog cum Tryphone Ireneus lib. 3. aduers. haeres cap. 28. Cyprian lib. 2. aduers. Iudaeos sect 17. and sometime Augustine enarrat in Psal. 98. and so interpreteth Lyranus and of the newe writers Bullinger by this stone would haue Christ vnderstood as Psal. 118. 22. the stone which the builders refused is become the head stone of the corner and Isay 28. 16. Behold I will lay in Sion a stone a tried stone a precious corner stone a sure foundation to the same purpose Melancthon likewise Perorius beside these testimonies of Scripture sheweth how Christ this precious stone was prefigured by certaine typicall stones in the old Testament as by the stone Iacob pitched and annointed it with oyle and the rocke which Moses smote with the tod and water gushed out by the stone that bare vp Moses hands Ezod 17. and by that rocke where Moses was set when he saw the Lords backe parts Exod. 33. Further in these fower respects Christ is compared to a stone 1. for the continuance 2. for the strength he is the fundamentall stone 3. a rocke of refuge vnto them that beleeue 4. and a rocke of offence for the wicked to stumble at 2. Some doe by this stone vnderstand the kingdome and Church of Christ as Augustine in Psal. 42. and 44. so also Caluine comparat regnum Christi cum omnibus illis Monarchijs c. he compareth the kingdome of Christ with all those Monarchies c. so is the Church of God likened to a stone Zach. 12. 3. in that day I will make Ierusalem an heauie stone for all people all that lift it vp shall be torne c. 3. But these interpretations are not contrarie one to another they may well stand together for Christ is not here considered apart by himselfe but together with his Church he as the head and the other as his bodie So the Apostle sometime by Christ vnderstandeth the whole mysticall bodie consisting of Christ and his Church as 1. Cor. 12. 12. As the bodie is one and hath many members so is Christ so the Church is called the bodie and fulnesse of Christ. Ephe. 1. 23. Then in this place Christ is not vnderstood without his body the Church but both Christ and his kingdome which is the Church are ioyned together for ver 44. Daniel speaketh of a kingdome which God should set vp Polan Quest. 55. Whether this prophesie be fulfilled in the first or second comming of Christ. 1. Tertullian expoundeth it of Christs second comming lib. contra Iudaeos So also Theodoret beeing mooued with this reason because at the first comming of Christ all these kingdomes were not destroyed for the Romane Empire then flourished but at his second comming this prophesie shall be fulfilled but this argument is soone answered the kingdomes here spoken of were all dissolued at the comming of Christ in the flesh the Romane Empire is not comprehended in this vision as is before shewed at large quest 49. 2. Some thinke that this prophesie agreeth vnto the first comming of Christ inchoate aliquatenus in some sort and by way of beginning and that in the ende it should dash in peices the Romane Empire but it shall most fully and absolutely be accomplished at Christs second comming Pere Pap. 3. But it shall appeare by these arguments that this Scripture must onely be referred to the first comming of Christ and not at all to the second but onely by way of analogie and by a consequent 1. This kingdome shall be set vp in the times of these Kings but in the euerlasting kingdome of Christ in the next world there shall be neither any such kings nor any more time 2. This stone was but small at the beginning but afterward it grew into a mountaine but Christ when he commeth in his glorie shall then shew himselfe in his greatnes he shall not be as a small stone 3. And this stone became a great mountaine and filled the whole earth which sheweth that Christs kingdome here spoken of should increase by little and little but after his second comming it shall be at the full not still encreasing therefore the kingdome of Christ here in this world of necessitie must be here described 4. Yet by way of analogicall collection this prophesie may be applyed vnto Christs second comming when as Christ shall make a perfect conquest of all earthly kingdomes and powers and of all other aduersaries vnto his kingdome 5. Of this opinion that this prophesie concerneth the first comming of Christ are all they which expound this phrase of the cutting out of this stone without hands of the miraculous conception and birth of Christ of the virgine Marie as Lyran. gloss ordinar Vatab. Pin. with diuerse of the auncient fathers Caluin also though he refuse that
interpretation of Christs birth yet holdeth the first comming of Christ to be here signified by this reason propheta admonet exordia regnt Christi fore contempta the Prophet admonisheth that the beginning of Christs kingdome shall be base and contemptible c. because he likeneth it to a small stone at the first but the second comming of Christ shall be glorious Quest. 56. The description of the kingdome of Christ by the Prophet vers 44. 45. 1. It is described by the adiunct of time when it should come in the time of those kings which held the fourth Monarchie toward the ende thereof 2. by the manner it shall be raised vp as from a small beginning 3. by the efficient it shall be set vp by God 4. by the eternitie of it it shall stand for euer neither apt to fall of it selfe neither shall it be surprised by any other for these two are the causes of the alteration of kingdomes internall within themselues or externall by foorren power 5. by the effects it shall breake and destroy all other kingdomes as the Prophet Zachatie sheweth cap. 12. 3. 6. by the firmenes and surenesse thereof compared vnto a stone 7. by the originall or beginning it was cut out of a mountaine the beginning thereof was from heauen from abnue as our blessed Sauiour himselfe Iohn 3. 13. no man hath ascended into heauen but he that came downe from heauen the sonne of man which is in heauen 8. by the manner of his comming which shall be sudden and vnlooked for as a thing that is cut out at once 9. by the manner of administration it shall be cut out without hands that is any humane helpe 10. by the power thereof it shall breake in peices c. Polan Quest. 57. That this kingdome which God shall raise vp must be vnderstood of the kingdome of Christ. Vers. 44. The God of heauen shall set vp a kingdome Caluin here setteth downe certaine reasons out of the Rabbine Barbinel whereby he would prooue that this kingdome cannot be referred to Iesus the sonne of Mary his reasons are these six in all 1. Seeing these foure kingdomes here described are terrene and visible the fift also which should destroy the other must be also visible for vnlike things cannot be compared together Contra. 1. It is not necessarie that all things should be like in a comparison nay here is rather an opposition betweene the 4. kingdomes and this fifth then a comparison and in that it is to destroy the rest it must be vnlike vnto the rest the Rabbines argument therefore followeth not The fift kingdome shall destroy the former foure Ergo it shall be of the same kind with the rest the contrarie is better inferred that therefore it shall be vnlike vnto the rest 2. Ar. If religion made a difference between these kingdomes then were they not foure but one for all of them were giuen to idolatrie and so followed the same superstition Contra. 1. It is necessarie that the 5. kingdome which should abolish all the rest should differ in the truth and sinceritie of religion from them but it is not necessarie that the foure Monarchies one destroying and confounding another should be of diuerse religion for kingdomes that are of the same superstition may be one enemie vnto another as one error may be contrary to another 3. Argum. It is said of this kingdome that it shall not be giuen vnto an other but the Turke now possesseth a great part of the kingdome of Christians And among themselues also religion is diuided and many distast the Gospel therefore this cannot be vnderstood of the kingdome of Christianitie Contra. 1. By this kingdome which God should raise vp is not vnderstood any visible or externall kingdome though the Turke haue surprised the terrene kingdomes and nations which sometime the Christians possessed yet the spirituall kingdome of Christ is not resigned vnto them nor to any other 2. Euen among Christians there may be diuisions and many carnall men may liue in the Church but they belong not to the spirituall kingdome of Christ though they remaine in the externall societie of the visible Church 4. Argu. If this be the kingdome of Christ who was borne vnder Augustus Caesar when the Romane Monarchie in a manner beganne then the fourth Monarchie and this fifth kingdome should beginne together which cannot be for the one must be the ruine and destruction of the other Contra. 1. To this Caluin answereth that the Monarchie of the Romanes beganne not with the Caesars but long before when the Macedonian kingdome was dissolued 2. But this is an vnsufficient answer 1. because it was no Monarchie till the time of Iulius Caesar but the gouernment before that was sometime Democraticall popular sometime Aristocraticall gouerned by Consuls therefore till it became a Monarchie it could not be the fourth kingdome here spoken of 2. Though the fift kingdome and the fourth beganne not together yet the same inconuenience followeth if they continue together for the fift kingdome when it commeth must be the ruine of the other this argument therefore of the Rabbine is inuincible against their opinion which make the Romane Monarchie this fourth kingdome 3. Therefore to the Rabbines argument we make this further answer that this fourth kingdome diuided into two as consisting of two legges was the Monarchicall state of Syria and Babylon where the sonnes and ofspring of Seleucuâ— raigned and of Egypt where the Ptolomies succeeded one another as is before shewed quest 50. And so indeed this fift kingdome was the ende of the other 5. Argum. The fourth kingdome and the fift can not stand together the one beeing the ruine of the other but vnder Constantine and other Christian Emperours of the Romane state the Gospel of Christ flourished therefore it cannot be meant of that kingdome Contra. 1. Caluin here answereth that the kingdome of Christ non debet referri ad tempus natiuitatis must not be referred to the time of his natiuitle but to the preaching of the Gospell and when the gospell beganne to be published then the Romane Empire after Traianus time was translated to strangers to heardmen and swineards and beastly monsters 2. This answer is likewise insufficient 1. for as soone as Christ was borne his kingdome beganne in the dayes of his flesh as the Angel in the annuntiation of Christs birth to the virgine Marie telleth her that God would giue him the throne of his father Dauid and he shall raigne ouer the house of Iacob c. 2. the gospel was neuer more published in the world then in the Apostles time while yet the Romane Empire continued in the name and stocke of the Caesars 3. though the Empire was deuolued to strangers not of Caesars familie yet was it still the Latine and Romane Empire and therefore was the same Monarchie 3. Wherefore vnlesse the Romane Monarchie be disclaimed here from beeing this fourth kingdome this argument cannot be answered for the
Pere Iunius thinketh it is a phrase of speach signifying God to be the supreame God as before he called Nebuchadnezzar king of kings ver 37. but it signifieth more cogit in ordinem ipsum Belum totam illam faecem falsorum deorum he bringeth into order Bel himselfe and that filthie rabble of the false gods Polan 2. As by nature he confesseth the Lord to be the true God so for his power and authoritie he saith he is the Lord of kings whereby he subiecteth his kingdome and Dominions to the power of God 3. He saith he is the reuealer of secrets thereby acknowledging him to be the true God who onely hath the knowledge of things to come Quest. 67. Whether Nebuchadnezzar had the true knowledge of God 1. Bullinger thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar thus confessing was vera fide imbutus in Deum endued with a true faith toward God though afterward he set vp an idol for S. Peter after Christ had commended him for his confession of him yet deserued to be called Sathan for his carnall counsell giuen vnto Christ which yet proceeded from a good intention as might Nebuchadnezzars setting vp of an idol Contra. 1. It is not possible that any endued with a right and true faith should commit idolatrie which is indeede a deniall of the faith the Apostle saith Galath 4. 8. euen then when ye knewe not God yee did seruice vnto them which by nature are no gods while men then are idolaters they haue not the right knowledge of God 2. there is great difference betweene sinnes of infirmitie which euen the faithful are subiect vnto as Peter was and open apostasie and idolatrie 2. Wherefore I rather condescend to Caluins iudgement hoc fuit momentaneum c. that this was but a momentanie and sudden affection in Nebuchadnezzar as was that also in Pharaoh Exod. 9. 27. Geneuens for there is a twofold knowledge of God momentanea a knowledge for a moment such as profane men may haue which are striken with some sudden admiration as Nebuchadnezzar here and there is stabilis cognitio a stable and permanent knowledge such as is onely in the elect Polan And this is an euident argument that the king was not wholly conuerted to the knowledge and worship of the God of Israel alias non erexisset idolum for otherwise he would not haue set vp the golden idol Osiand Quest. 68. Whether Daniel did well in accepting of the gifts and honours which the king bestowed on him 1. Porphyrie also obiecteth this as a fault in Daniel because he receiued of the king these gifts and preferments But Daniel did accept them not of any ambitious and couetous minde sed in captiuorum consolationem but for the comfort of the captiues so Ioseph was honoured of Pharaoh and Mordecai of Assuerus gloss ordi 2. It must be considered that some men may lawfully accept of gifts and honours vsing them to the common good of Christs Church namely such as are thereunto called and some may commendably refuse them as Eliseus did Namaans gifts least he might haue beene thought to haue sold the gift of healing Polan 3. Further though it be not lawfull aliquid ex parte accipere pro spiritualibus to receiue any thing by way of compact or composition for spirituall things yet he which ministreth spirituall things may receiue temporall gifts by way of recompence as Daniel here doth of the king Lyran. 4. Neither are the gifts so much here to be weighed as animus suscipienti◠the minde of the receiuer Pellican who intended herein not his owne priuate commoditie but the common good of his brethren Quest. 69. VVhether Daniel with a good conscience could be set ouer the wise men and soothsayers of Babylon 1. In three things was Daniel rewarded of the king with gifts with ciuill authoritie beeing appointed chiefe gouernour ouer the prouince of Babel and with ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ouer the schooles of the wise men Iun. as it were their Superintendent Osiand 2. In this office of his superintendentship 1. such laudable sciences as might safely be learned he promoted and furthered 2. such corruption and superstitions as were practised among them he corrected and reformed 3. but such abuses as could not be taken away he for his owne part forbeared and kept himselfe free from Iun. 3. Caluin thinketh quod repudiauit hunc honorem he refused this honour in cap. 5. ver 10. but this would haue beene euill taken of the king it is more like that he vsed the place with such moderation as is before shewed Quest. 70. How Daniel is said to haue sate in the kings gate 1. Some giue this sense that Daniel sate in the gate vt ius diceret c. to giue iudgement because they vsed to that ende to sit in the gate Vatab. Pint. But the other three also were made gouernours ouer the Prouince of Babel to whose office it belonged to giue iudgement this then was rather some particular dignitie which Daniel had 2. Some expound it that he was à latere regis non recedens one that departed not from the king but was alwaies at hand gloss interlin and thus Daniel did least in his absence some might bring him out of the kings fauour Lyran. But yet this had beene no peculiar thing to Daniel for there were many beside which were neere the king 3. Some thinke that this is expressed to shew a difference between Daniels office and the other three that they were employed abroad in their places of gouernement and Daniel stayed still in the Court Bulling but this had beene no speciall prerogatiue more then other of the kings Court had 4. Some so take it that Daniel onely of these foure was aduanced to the office of gouernement and the other three were made ourseers of mens labours and taske ex Lyran. But this had beene no such place of authoritie for Daniel to make request for vnto the king 5. Caluin thinketh that Daniel had such an office in the Court that no man could enter into the kings palace sine eius permissu without his leaue but that was the porters office to keepe out strangers from entring into the kings Court or Palace 6. Therefore this rather is the meaning admissionis ius ad regem Danieli commissum that the power of admitting men vnto the kings presence was committed vnto Daniel for it was not for euerie one to come into the kings presence but for certaine of the chiefe nobles thereunto appointed of the king Iun. Polan Genevens Quest. 71. Whether it be lawfull for a Christian to liue in an idolatrous kings Court 1. It may appeare by the examples of Ioseph who liued in Pharaohs Court and of Mardocheus who was neere vnto king Assuerus and by Daniel here that it is not vnlawfull to beare office in forren Princes Courts but two things must aduisedly be considered and thought vpon 1. that they doe not propound vnto themselues such places of honour for their owne
lesse for that were to take God out of the world as either he were carelesse thereof or impotent as not beeing able to guide it but leaueth it to chaunce But the Prophet sheweth that all creatures doe waite and depend vpon God Psal. 104. 27. 7. Doct. Of the mutable state of kingdomes Vers. 22. He taketh away kings he setteth vp kings c. The state then and condition of kings though it seeme to be least subiect to change of all other callings vnto men yet God the king of kings can turne and winde them at his pleasure the preacher saith that out of prison one commeth to raigne when he that is borne in his kingdome is made poore Thus Balthazar Cyrus Alexander Caesar Pompey soone lost both their kingdomes and liues Pere And as these auncient kings and kingdomes were soone ouerturned so it is still Anno 1523. Christierne king of Denmarke with Isabel his wife sister to Charles the fift was driuen out of his kingdome and realme and died in prison when he had liued 27. yeares in captiuitie Anno 1567. Iohn Duke of Saxonie was depriued of his dukedome and carried captiue to Maximilian the Emperour Anno 1568. Ericus king of Suetia the sonne of Gostavus was deposed from his kingdome and died in prison And as God pulleth downe kings so he setteth other vp Matthias Hunniades was taken out of prison to be a king So was Elizabeth our Late renouned Soueraigne succeeding her sister Marie Anno 1577. Ioannes king of Suecia was from the prison aduanced to be king Polan 8. Doct. A good King hath many carefull thoughts of his kingdome and commonwealth Vers. 29. O King when thou wast in thy bedde thoughts came into thy minde This great king euen in the night thought of his kingdome what should befall it after his dayes euen the care thereof made him he could not sleepe Bulling he was not addicted altogether to his ease and pleasure as Balthazar who the same night that the citie was taken gaue himselfe to eating and drinking Dan. 5. Like vnto this Nabuchadnezzar was the great king of Persia Assuerus who when he could not sleepe caused the Chronicles to be read vnto him Ester 6. 1. 9. Doct. Of the kingdome of Christ as he is God and as he is Mediatour God and man v. 44. The God of heauen shall set vp a kingdome The kingdome of Christ is either his naturall kingdome which he had from all beginning togither with the Father and the holy Ghost which is called the vniuersall kingdome whereby he ruleth in heauen and earth which kingdome as he assumed not so he shall neuer lay it downe There is also regnum donativum the kingdome which is giuen to him of his Father as he is Mediatour God and man whereof he speaketh Matth. 28. 18. All power is giuen vnto me is heauen and earth this is that speciall and particular kingdome which he exerciseth more specially in his Church in protecting and defending the same against all the enemies and aduersaries thereof This kingdome giuen vnto Christ is likewise considered two waies it is either the kingdome of grace whereby he guideth his Church in this world directing them vnto euerlasting saluation or the kingdome of glorie in the next life when he hath brought his Church and companie of the Elect vnto euerlasting saluation in heauen there to raigne for euer Polan 10. Doct. Daniels prophesie of Christs euerlasting kingdom containeth the whole summe of the Gospel v. 44. A kingdome which shall neuer be destroied c. This euerlasting kingdome of Christ resting not in his person alone but beeing communicated to all his members comprehendeth the whole summe of Euangelicall doctrine for the Elect cannot raigne for euer with Christ but death must first be destroyed and sinne the cause thereof the bodies also of the Saints must rise againe from death so then in this prophesie of Christs euer-during kingdome is included the faith of remission of sinnes of the conquest of death and of the resurrection Bulling Melancth 11. Doct. Of the certentie of our saluation v. 44. And it shall stand for euer As Christs kingdome is sure and cannot be shaken in himselfe so neither can it haue any alteration or change in his members Christus tam in se quam in suis membris citra vllum mutationis periculum dominatur Christ as well in himselfe as in his members doth rule without any feare or daunger of change Calv. for he hath made vs partakers of his kingdome by faith by which we stand for he by his grace is able to make vs stand of our selues by nature we are changeable euery moment but by the power and grace of God our state in Christ is certen and vnchangeable as S. Peter saith We are kept by the power of God through faith vnto saluation which is prepared to be shewed in the last time 1. Pet. 1. 5. 12. Doct. Religion ouerthroweth not the policie and forme of Commonwealths v. 48. He made him gouernour ouer the whole prouince of Babel Daniel beeing made a chiefe gouernour in Chaldea did no doubt iudge the people according to the lawes of the countrey which differed much from the politicall state of the Israelites by the which it is euident that necessarily euery countrey is not now tied to the iudicials and policie of Moses neither is religion an enemie to the forme of gouernment in Commonwealths beeing grounded vpon equitie Papp for the Apostle saith The powers that be are ordained of God Rom. 13. 1. wheresoeuer and howsoeuer the administration and gouernment beeing iust and equall 5. Places of controuersie 1. Controv. That the Scriptures should be extant in the vulgar and knowne tongue v. 4. Then spake the Chaldeans to the King in the Aramites language This tongue not much differing then from the Chalde was the knowne and vsuall language wherein they spake that they might be vnderstood of all Afterward the Greeke tongue was generally vsed and therefore Ptolome caused the Scriptures to be translated into the Greeke tongue and the Apostles writ the new Testament in the same language This euidently sheweth that the Scriptures should be set forth to the people of God in such a tongue as they know and vnderstand and hereupon Iustinian appointed that Bishops and other Ministers should vse such a tongue in the administration of baptisme and of the Lords Supper which was knowne and vnderstood of all The Romanists then are too blame which cause the Scriptures to be read publikely in an vnknowne tongue and though vpon better aduisement they haue thought good to set forth a vulgar translation of the Bible yet they allow not priuately euery one to vse it 2. Controv. That prayer must onely be made vnto God v. 18. That they should beseech the God of heauen God onely then must be praied vnto who is called the God of heauen because he is the creator thereof that is the seate and habitation of his glorie from thence he seeth
9. 3. the crosse maketh vs more earnestly to call vpon God 2. Cor. 1. 11. 4. it occasioneth other also to giue thanks for our deliuerance 2. Cor. 1. 11. 5. we are purged and perfited by affliction 1. Pet. 1. 7. 6. our affliction tendeth to the consolation and comfort of others 2. Cor. 1. 6. 8. Observ. Godly reprehension is patiently to be heard and endured v. 47. The king answered vnto Danial Of a truth your God is the God of gods c. Nabuchadnezzer though Daniel had prophesied hard things vnto him of the ruine and subuersion of his kingdome yet because he deliuered the truth he patiently heareth him much vnlike was Pharaoh with Moses and Saul with Samuel for telling him of the losse of his kingdome Nabuchadnezzer therefore shall stand vp in iudgement against all such kings and Princes which cannot endure to heare of any thing contrarie to their pleasure and desire Bulling 9. Observ. Of the thankefulnes and liberalitie of Kings v. 48. So the king made Daniel a great man Nabuchadnezzar doth reward the wisdom of Daniel with great honours and rewards not as Ahab who rewarded the Prophet Micaiah with prison and Ieroboam who commanded the man of God to be apprehended Herein this king may be a mirrour and example to all Princes how they should respect their faithfull counsellours who tell them truth and flatter not and in what estimation they should haue godly wisdome and learning not to suffer such excellent gifts to be vnrewarded or vnregarded Bulling CHAP. III. 1. The Methode and Argument IN this Chapter is set forth the singular example of the pietie and constancie of the three Fellowes and companions of Daniel and it conâ—isteth of three parts 1. the occasion of their triall to v. 13. 2. their probation it selfe to v. 22. 3. the euents that followed from thence to the end of the chapter 1. The occasion is double 1. the fact of Nabuchadnezzer in setting vp a golden image with his decree adioyned thereunto v. 8. 2. the accusation of certaine Chaldees 1. In the first accusation is set forth 1. Nabuchadnezzers act in erecting an image which is described by the matter preparation and place v. 1. 2. Then followeth a double decree 1. to summon and call all the Nobles together which accordingly was done v. 2. 3. 2. to command all to fall downe as soone as they heard the sound of the instruments vpon paine to be cast into the furnace v. 4. 5. which accordingly is performed by the people v. 7. 2. The other occasion is the accusation of the Chaldees which containeth 1. their salutation and insinuation to the king v. 9. 2. a narration of his decree v. 11 12. 3. then followeth the accusation it selfe they are charged with vnthankfulnes and disobedience v. 12. 2. Their probation is seene 1. in the kings examination 2. in their suffering 1. in the examination there is 1. the kings speach which containeth both a friendly perswasion and a seuere threatning and commination v. 14 15. 2. their answer is disiâ—nctiue of two parts 1. that God it able to deliuer them 2. though it please him not at this time to doe it yet they are resolued not to worship his image v. 17 18. 2. The second part is their suffering 1. there is the kings charge that they should heat the furnace seuen times more and cast them bound into it v. 19. 2. the execution followeth v. 20. 3. The euents are three 1. their accusers are destroied of the flames v. 21. 2. the three seruants of God are deliuered from the fire which is set forth in 3. degrees 1. they are described walking in the furnace without hurt and a fourth with them which is set forth dialogue-wise betweene Nabuchadnezzer and his Nobles v. 24 25. 2. they are bid to come forth v. 26. 3. the manner of the miracle is declared neither their bodies haire or garments had so much as any smell of fire 3. Then followeth the third euent the conuersion of the king with the fruits and effects thereof the seuerall particulars see afterward quest 37. The diuers readings 1. Ver. Nebuchadnezzar the king made an image of gold the height thereof was threescore cubites and the breadth thereof sixe cubites he set it vp in the plaine of Dura in the prouince of Babel 2. Then king Nebuchadnezzar sent to gather together the nobles the princes and the dukes the iudges the treasures the counsellers the officers and all the gouernours of the Prouinces see the difference of these officers quest 8 that they should come to the dedication of the image which Nebuchadnezzar had set vp 3. So the nobles princes dukes the iudges the treasurers the counsellers the officers and all the gouernours of the Prouinces were assembled vnto the dedicating of the image which Nebuchadnezzar had set vp and they stood before the image which Nebuchadnezzar had set vp 4. Then an herald cryed aloud with strength C. to you be it spoken I. L. V. saying or speaking C. not be it knowne G. be it commanded B. O people nations and languages 5. At what time yee heare the sound of the cornet pipe trumpet G. B. harpe sacke but or shawme B. psalteries dulcimer or symphonie I. and all instruments of musicke yee shall fall downe and bowe vnto the image A. worship the image caeter but then the preposition vnto is omitted of gold which Nebuchadnezzar the king hath set vp 6. And whosoeuer falleth not downe and boweth A. worshippeth not shall in the same houre be cast into the middes of an hoat fierie fornace C. a furnace of burning fire 7. Therefore assoone as at that time when C. all the people heard the sound of the cornet pipe harpe sackebut psalterie and all instruments of musicke all the people nations and languages fell downe and bowed themselues to the image of gold which Nebuchadnezzar the king had set vp 8. Hereupon at the same time came men of the Chaldeans and grieuously accused the Iewes G. I. cried out accusations of the Iewes C. 9. And they spake and said vnto Nebuchadnezzar the king O King liue for euer 10. Thou O king hast set forth I. made G. B. a decree that euery man that shall heare the sound voice C. of the cornet pipe harpe sackebut psalterie and dulcimer and all instruments of musicke shall fall downe and bowe himselfe vnto the golden image 11. And whosoeuer falleth not downe and boweth himselfe shall be cast into the mids of the hoat fierie fornace 12. There are certaine Iewes whom thou hast set ouer the busines of the prouince of Babel Shadrach Meshach and Abednego these men O King haue not regarded thy decree G. B. put or set their heart vpon thy decree C. haue had no respect vnto thee I. but the word teghem is before ver 10. taken for a decree neither wil they worship thy gods nor bowe vnto the golden image which thou hast set vp 13. Then Nebubhadnezzar in his anger and wrath
made an ende of his conquests then it is probable he set vp this image by way of tryumph and Azarias in his prayer though that part be Apocryphall yet it may haue some probabilitie for matter of storie maketh mention that they had neither prince nor sacrifice or burnt offring which sheweth that this fell not out before the destruction of Ierusalem likewise Theodoret who saith that this fell out paruo tempore a small time after the first dreame which was in the second yeare is contrarie to himselfe for betweene the second and 18. yeare there are 16. yeares which is no small time 3. Pererius also is deceiued who thinketh that this was done after the 25. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne for the second yeare of his Monarchie he reckoneth to fall out in the 25. yeare of his raigne but this is before confuted quest 1. c. 2. where it is further shewed that this second yeare which is to be vnderstood of Daniels seruice and ministerie was in the 5. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne 4. Pellican saith this storie happened 16. yeares after the dreame but that is vncertaine 5. Wherefore here somewhat is certaine that this storie came after the interpretation of the kings dreame set forth in the 2. chap. because ver 12. mention is made of the aduancement of Daniels three fellowes which was immediately after Daniel had interpreted the kings dreame cap. 2. 49. somewhat is probable that it was after the sacking and taking of Ierusalem as is said before Pap. for many of the Iewes were now in captiuitie ver 8. something is vncertaine how long this historie followed after the interpretation of Daniels dreame Quest. 2. To whom Nebuchadnezzar errected this image 1. Lyranus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar set vp this image for himselfe requiring diuine honour to be giuen vnto it as Caligula caused his image to be carried about the Romane Empire to be adored so thinketh Hugo Cardinal Pere Pin. Pelli But it is not like that he which had so humbled himselfe before vnto Daniel could be so lifted vp in pride to make himselfe a god 2. Neither is it like that Nebuchadnezzar set vp this image of a good intention to the honour of the true God as Bulling Osiand for then he would not so cruelly haue persecuted the seruants and true worshippers of God 3. Therefore as Caluin writeth videtur hanc statuam consecrasse alicui deorum It seemeth he consecrated this image to some of his gods as to Bel or some other as it appeareth both by the kings speach ver 14. will ye not serue my god and by their words that refused to worship the image we will not serue â—hy gods Pap. Quest. 3. To what ende this image was set vp 1. Some thinke that by setting vp this image Nebuchadnezzar would retaine a memorie of that image which he sawe in his dreame thinking thereby to please God Pap. But then he would not haue made such a cruell edict against the seruants of that great God 2. Againe it may be thought that he did it to haue an vniformitie in religion through all his dominions which consisted of diuerse nations but then he would haue commanded the like image to be set vp in euery prouince 3. Caluine thinketh he did it to this ende to settle the superstitious worship of idolatrie least the Iewes might haue sought some innouation in religion 4. But it is most probable that Nebuchadnezzar did it by the aduise of his nobles and princes of enuie against the Iewes especially those which were aduanced to place of gouernement that they might thereby entrappe them which may appeare so to be by these reasons 1. by the like practise against Daniel cap. 6. 2. by the generall accusation of the Iewes ver 8. 3. to what ende els tended the cruell edict of the king but to be executed vpon the Iewes whom they imagined would be offenders Inn. Polan 5. Theodoret thinketh that he made this image all of gold to disgrace and discountenance the image which he sawe in his dreame the head whereof was onely of gold But that dreame stroke him with such a terror as that it is not like he would contemne it 6. He might also in making such a huge and costly image intend therein to set forth the magnificence and riches of his kingdome Pere Quest. 4. How it came to passe that Daniel â—indred not the kings purpose in setting vp this image 1. Some thinke that Daniel beeing present tacuit videns se nihil proficere did hoid his peace seeing that he could preuaile nothing but that the king was resolute in his purpose Lyran. But Daniel had sinned if he had beene silent be should haue vsed the meanes and left the successe vnto God 2. Osiander thinketh that Daniel vsed what perswasion he could but seeing he was not heard he withdrew himselfe But if Daniel had been present at all it would haue beene suspicious if he had now hid himselfe 3. Pappus is of opinion that Daniel was employed in some remote place of the prouince at this time But though Daniel were now absent he could not be ignorant of the kings purpose before this great image was not made in a short time 4. Wherefore it is not to be doubted but that Daniel did discharge the office of a faithfull seruant vnto God and counseller to the king before this and did vse all meanes to stay this vngodly enterprise so farre as he might goe without exasperating of the king too much which would haue kindled his anger against the whole nation Therefore Daniel not preuailing gaue way vnto the time expecting some other meanes how it should please the Lord to conuert the king Quest. 5. Of the place where this image was set vp Vers. 1. In the plaine of Dura 1. Symmachus calleth the place Soraum the Septuagint as Heirome saith interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he translateth viuarium a place enclosed to keepe beasts in but these are farre wide it is a proper name called Dura 2. The interlinearie gloss and historia scholastica take it for the name of the floode which compasseth that plaine or field where the Gyants after the flood first builded Babel 3. Some thinke it was the towne Doraba situate vpon the riuer Euphrates in Babylonia 4. But it seemeth rather to be that place which Ptolome calleth Deera situate between Chaltopis and Cissia in the region Susiane Ptolome lib. 6. Geograph cap. 3. Iun. Polan 5. It is like it was set in a plaine where no hils were that it might not be ouertipped by them Pin. Quest. 6. Of the greatnesse of this image compared with others and in it selfe 1. Some greater images haue beene made in the world as the image of the Sunne at Rhodes called colossus solis was 70. cubites high which was 12. yeares in making and cost 300. talents 56. yeares after it was made it was cast downe by an earthquake and then the hugenes thereof appeared few men could fadome
that thumbe thereof and the fingers were bigger then ordinarie images it broke in peices in the fall and great caues and hoales were opened wherein were couched huge stones to keepe the image vpright Plin. lib. 34. cap. 7. Greater also then this was the colossus of Nero which was an 110. foote long and an another picture made of him in cloth an 120. foote high yet this image because it was of gold in value may seeme to exceede all other the ordinarie cubite is foote and halfe but the Babylonian cubite as Herodotus saith was 3. fingers greater then the common cubite so that by this account this image might be 67. ordinarie cubites high Herodotus writeth that in his time there was a golden image at Babylon which was 12. cubites high which might be that image that euery stranger was required to worship before he was permitted to come into Babylon to see the citie as Philostrat saith de vita Apollin cap. 19. 2. This image was made proportionable to a mans bodie euerie part answerable vnto the other in due forme and measure by which proportion the greatnesse of euerie part of the image may be taken there is the same distance betweene the endes of the fingers the armes spread abroad from one extremitie to the other which is betweene the crowne of the head to the soale of the feete Plin. lib. 7. cap. 17. the face from the chinne to the toppe of the forehead is the tenth part of the length of the bodie And the face is diuided into three equall parts from the chinne to the nose the length of the nose and the breadth of the forehead the length of the eie from one corner to another is the 45. part and so is the distance betweene the eyes the length of the nose is the thirtith part and the widenes of the nostrils the 180 part the compasse of the eare and of the mouth is the 15. part the head from the chinne to the crowne is the 8. part the length and likewise the breadth of the breast the sixt part the nauill is in the middest of the bodie diuiding it into two equall parts the length of the hippes thighes and legges is almost the halfe part the length of the foote is the sixt part and so is the space from the shoulder to the elbowe and from the elbowe to the hand the hand is the 10. part 3. After this proportion the whole image beeing 60. cubites in height the face must be sixe cubites the chinne two cubites the nose and forehead as much the nostrills must containe halfe a foote the compasse of the eare and mouth 4. cubites and so much the necke the breast 10. cubites the length of the thighs and legges 29. cubites the foote tenne and the hand sixe thus Pererius casteth the proportion of euery part 4. But herein is his error he taketh the height of the bodie of the image to be 60. cubites whereas as Lyranus well noteth in this measure is comprehended the foote also or foundation whereupon the image stood for otherwise it should not be proportionable beeing 60 cubites high and but sixe cubites broad for the length of a man is but sixe times to the breadth and tenne times to the thicknes If the bodie be sixe cubites high it is but a cubite broad then 6. cubites broad will haue but 36. cubites in height 5. As this image was huge in the height and stature so it was verie costly beeing all of gold though it be not necessarie with Hierome to thinke that it was made of solid golde but either the outside onely of it was gold or it was made hollowe as Lyranus well coniectureth Quest. 7. Of the mysticall application of this image 1. Chrysostome by this golden image would haue couetousnesse resembled which S. Paul calleth idolatrie Ephes. 5. 5. for the couetous man doth addict all his desire and as it were consecrate his soule to the loue of money 2. Hierome compareth false doctrine vnto this image which heretikes and false teachers doe adorne and set forth with their witte and eloquence as this image is made of gold 3. Irenaeus maketh this image a patterne of the worldly happinesse which the deuill entiseth and seduceth men to embrace and as it were worship setting aside the desire of heauenly things Quest. 8. Of the seuerall names and titles of the kings nobles and officers here rehearsed ver 2. 1. The first are called in the Chalde tongue achashdarpenaija which R. Ioseph Kimhi deriueth of these three words achash which signifieth in the Aramites language great and dar to stay or remaine and panim the face they were such as alwaies remained in the kings presence and were next vnto him Montonus readeth secundâ—s à rege the next to the king Satrapae the great and highest men in the kingdome L. V. Iun. Lyranus saith they are so called taÌ„quam satis rapientes because they doe take and snatch from the people but that is no fit annotation here the Septuag call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chiefe men or of high place 2. The second is signaia which some translate pontifices summons the high priests Pag. for sagan is so sometime taken for the second priest next to the cheife but it seemeth here to be a ciuill office as all the rest are some read duces captaines V. as the Septuag interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chiefe commanders or captaines so also Bulling princes Genevens it rather signifieth here magistrates gouernours L. A. so Polan Antistites men of preheminence Iun. 3. The third are called pachavatha pecah as R. Dauid signifieth a prouinciall one set ouer a prouince Iudices iudges appointed to heare causes in their circuites L. duces dukes I. A. P. Geneuens the Septuag call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they which were set ouer some speciall places and countries praesides prouinciarum the presidents of prouinces V. 4. The fourth are Adargazaraija which signifieth Senators as R. Dauid and R. Saadiah so also Iun. Iudges Geneuens duces dukes L. rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the keepers of the lawes to see that they were executed Pag. Vatab. Bulling 5. The fift are Gedaberaija which signifieth those which are set ouer the treasure questores V. P. the questors or receiuers Geneuens not tyraennos L. which Lyranus expoundeth exactors of tribute but the word tyrant is in this sense improperly vsed 6. The sixt dethaberaija deriued of dath a sentence and bari pure or fatte R. Saadiah they were the lawyers or counsellers I. V. so also Bulling Polan Geneuens the L. readeth optimates the nobles but that is too generall a word 7. The seuenth Tiphtaice which I. translateth exactores the exactors the executioners of iustice V. Bulling officers Geneuens such as had the charge and care to see iustice executed 8. The eight shiltonee medinatha the gouernours of prouinces Gene. Iun. Vatab. of the word shelet to rule it is a generall name
That these three seruants of God were not deliuered from the fire for their virginitie or abstinencie Vers. 25. VValking in the middes of the fire and they haue no hurt Damascene thinketh that they were not hurt of the fire because they kept their virginitie lib. 4. but no such thing appeareth in this storie that they liued vnmaried Basil in a certaine homilie of the praise of fasting doth ascribe this their deliuerance vnto their fasting But the Apostle putteth vs out of doubt that they were preserued by their faith Heb. 11. 33. through faith they stopped the mouthes of lyons quenched the violence of fire As Pintus well obserueth 11. Controv. Against the Vbiquitares They which maintaine the omnipresence of Christs flesh and that the bodie of Christ may be in the Eucharist without the essentiall properties thereof as circumscription quantitie visibilitie and such like doe thus reason out of this place the burning heat is an essentiall propertie of the fire but this was separated from the fire and yet the essence of the fire remained therefore the essentiall properties of a thing may be separated from it the nature still remaining Contra. 1. The burning facultie of the fire is not an essentiall propertie but an effect of the heat which is an essentiall qualitie of the fire 2. the heat was not separated from the fire for then it should haue beene no longer fire but the heat thereof was onely restrained and hindred from working and that not generally but onely where the seruants of God were for without the fornace the flames killed the kings ministers and if the fire had lost the heat the miracle had not beene so great for a thing not beeing hoat not to be burnt Polan 3. If all this were admitted it serueth not their turne for here the Scripture testifieth that there was fire and yet it burned not they must then shewe the like warrant for their miracle in the Eucharist that a bodie should be there without the due properties it followeth not because it pleased God at this time to shewe a miracle to set forth his glorie that he should doe so continually 12. Controv. That miracles are not alwaies a note and sure marke of the Church 1. The true notes and markes of the Church are such as are alwaies seene in it but the Church of God alwaies hath not the power of miracles neither is it alwaies necessarie Againe the true markes of the Church cannot be found els where but miracles may be wrought by those which are not of the Church as by the forcerers of Egypt and Antichrist shall worke wonders 2. Thes. 2. and false Prophets may giue signes which may come to passe Deut. 13. 1. 2. But it will be thus further obiected that whereby God is acknowledged is a note of the Church but God is here confessed and acknowledged by Nebuchadnezzar by this miracle therefore it was a note of the Church Ans. 1. That whereby God alwaies and onely is acknowledged is a note of the Church but such are not signes and miracles for sometime they may seduce and drawe away from God 2. God is in some sort knowne by miracles but onely in respect of his power he is not sufficiently knowne but by his word and therefore by this reason the word of God is the proper note of the Church whereby the Lord is most absolutely knowne and yet this is denied by the Romanists Polan 3. This must be vnderstood of true miracles which are wrought by the spirit of God and are applyed to a right ende this reason holdeth not for false miracles 4. true miracles then doe for that time demonstrate the Church while that gift and power remaineth but a perpetuall note it cannot be of the Church because that power alwaies remaineth not See more hereof Synops. Centur. 1. err 22. 13. Controv. Whether a contrarie religion may be tolerated in a commonwealth 1. Nebuchadnezzar here maketh a decree that whosoeuer spake any blasphemie against the God whom these three worshipped should be punished hereupon this question is mooued by Polanus whether the prince is onely to suffer the true religion to be professed in his kingdome wherein these three considerations are to be had 1. If the kingdome is such as hath an absolute gouernement and the true religion is alreadie setled and established in this case no mixture of contrarie religion is to be admitted As diuerse good kings of Iudah are reprooued because they remoued not the high places But Iosias for his faithfulnesse is commended who put down the Chemarims and abolished all monuments of superstition 2. If the kingdome be such as professeth corrupt religion which cannot be remooued all at once then the godly prince intending reformation must content himselfe to doe what he may and to followe Nebuchadnezzars president who although idolatrie were not then abolished yet prouideth that no iuiurie should be offred vnto true religion nor blasphemie vttered against the true God So where true religion cannot be drawne in altogether it must set in foote as it may as now is seene in the kingdome of Fraunce 3. Sometime where true religion is professed in a state not of absolute gouernement for peace sake and to auoide sedition the magistrates are constrained to tolerate some errors as wise pilates for the time giuing way vnto the tempest Polan as the Israelites suffered the Cananites to dwell among them whom they could not expell at once 14. Controv. That the conuersion of Nebuchadnezzar here doth not signifie the conuersion of the deuill in the ende of the world Lyranus here noteth the opinion of some which thinke that Nebuchadnezzar this proud king was herein a type of the deuill who in the end and consummation of the world should receiue and embrace the true knowledge of God But this heresie is opposite to the Scriptures which calleth it euerlasting fire which is prepared for the Deuill and his Angels Matth 24. 41. and S. Iude saith that the Angels which fell are reserued in euerlasting chaines vnder darkenesse Iude 6. And the Deuills cannot be conuerted or saued but by a Mediator Christ is no Mediator for them for he in no sort tooke the Angels that is their nature Heb. 2. 16. 6. Morall obseruations 1. Obseruat The mutable state of religion in kingdomes Vers. 1. Nebuchadnezzar c. made an image Not onely the fauour of the king was mutable for whom he lately extolled he now adiudgeth to the fire but his minde was variable concerning religion he which before confessed the God of Israel now setteth vp idolatrie in despight of God Thus in the time of the kings of Iudah religion often altered and changed sometime the true worship of God flourished as vnder Hezekiah and Iosias but their wicked sonnes after them set vp idolatrie Bulling Thus was it in England King Edward maintained the Gospel Queene Marie brought in the Masse againe Thus there is no certaintie of any thing in this world the Church
my maiestie 31. While the word was in the kings mouth the word beeing yet in the kings mouth C. V. A. I. a voice came downe from heauen saying To thee be it spoken they speake C. O king Nabuchadnezzer thy kingdome is departed from thee 32. And they shall driue thee from men and thy dwelling shall be with the beast of the field they shall make thee to eare grasse they shall cause thee to tast grasse C. like the oxen and seuen times shall passe ouer thee vntill thou knowest that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdome of men and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will 33. The very same houre was this word this thing G. this matter B. fulfilled vpon Nabuchadnezzer and he was driuen from men and did eate grasse as the oxen and his bodie was wet with the dew of heauen till his haires were growne as eagles feathers and his nailes as birds clawes 34. And at the ende of these dayes I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eyes to heauen and mine vnderstanding or mind V. I. returned vnto me was restored vnto me L. B. G. and I blessed the most high and I praised and glorified him that liueth for euer because his power whose power B. G. is an euerlâ—sting power and kingdome is from generation to generation 35. And all the inhabitants of the earth are reputed as nothing and according to his will he worketh in the armie of heauen and in the inhabitants of the earth and there is not any that can stay resist L. B. his hand or say vnto him What doest thou 36. At the same time did mine vnderstanding returne vnto me and I returned to the glorie of my kingdome my glorie and my beautie was restored returned C. vnto me and my counsellors and my princes sought vnto me and I was established in my kingdome and my glorie was augemented toward me 37. Now therefore I Nebuchadnezzar praise and extoll and magnifie the king of heauen because all his workes are truth and his wayes iudgement and those that walke in pride he is able to abase 3. The questions discussed Quest. 1. Of the kings epistle the summe and parts thereof This epistle of the king consisteth of the exordium or beginning in three verses which some make part of the third chapter whose opinion is refuted before quest 40. 3. chap. and the narration in this whole chapter The exordium or beginning which is the generall inscription containeth 1. the salutation 2. the generall argument of the whole epistle 1. the salutation sheweth 1. the author and writer Nebuchadnezzar 2. the persons to whom he writeth to all nations and languages vnder his kingdome 3. the salutation it selfe peace be multiplied 2. In the argument three things are declared 1. what he will set forth the signes and wonders of God which are amplified by two adiuncts of the greatnesse and strength 2. what mooued him to declare them because they were shewed toward him he had particular experience of them 3. to what ende to make knowne the power of Gods euerlasting kingdome Quest. 2. At what time Nebuchadnezzar wrote this epistle 1. It is euident by the salutation of the epistle wherein the king wisheth peace vnto all nations that as Oecolampad noteth quietus erat in regno militiae finem fecerat he was now quiet in his kingdome and had made an ende of warre c. it is cleare then that this epistle was written after he made an end of conquering subduing the nations round about 2. Further the conquest of Egypt fell out after the 25. yeare of Ieconias captiuitie Ezec. 29. 17. which was 10. yeare before the ende of Nebuchadnezzars raigne for in the 37. yeare of Iechonias captiuitie began Euilmerodach the sonne of Nebuchadnezzar to raigne 3. This fearefull and strange accident then of Nebuchadnezzars transmutation his deiecting from his throne and restoring againe might fall out some 9. or 10. yeares before the ende of his raigne Perer and this epistle might be written two yeares before his death Iun. for one yeare after this dreame ver 26. he was driuen from among men and liued 7. yeares among the beasts Quest. 3. How Nebuchadnezzar could write vnto all the people in the world 1. Caluin thinketh that here the king superbe locutus est spake proudly as making himselfe Lord of the whole earth as the Romanes because they had a large dominion called Rome Dominam totius orbis the Ladie of the whole world so also Polan But that Nebuchadnezzar did not this of any ostentation may appeare both by the ende of his writing which was to set forth the power of Gods kingdome and by his stile he contenteth himselfe with one title calling himselfe king whereas the Emperours of Rome vsed many swelling titles of their conquests as Parthicus Persicus Germanicus c. of Parthia Persia Germania and such like Bulling 2. The same author maketh this the reason because now this epistle beeing preserued vnto our times as the rest of the Scriptures by the spirit of God is indeed written and made knowne to all people but this seemeth not to be the literall and historicall meaning 3. Pappus saith he writte to all people and languages not onely to those which were subiect vnto him but he was desirous to make knowne the workes of God to all people in the world So also Oecolampad vnder these nations comprehendeth the South and West parts of the world as Mauritania Spaine for he was known in those parts as Strabo writeth lib. 15. non enim praecipit sed hortatur for he in this epistle coÌ„mandeth not but onely exhorteth But it is euident by the forme of the decree which he made before concerning euerie people nation and language where he onely meaneth such nations as were subiect vnto him for his lawe could not bind those which were not subiect that the inscription of this epistle must be taken in the same sense 4. Wherefore as R. Saadiah well expoundeth he vnderstandeth here onely his owne kingdomes as of Persia Assyria Egypt which are said to be the whole earth because he was monarcha orientis the Monarch of the East parts Lyra which was the most famous and flourishing part of the earth the principall part then is taken for the whole Geneuens Quest. 4. Of the signes and wonders which Nebuchadnezzer declareth 1. Some seeme to confound these two signes and wonders making them all one as Oeco Osian 2. some make this distinction those are signes qua fieri videntur contra naturam c. which seeme to be done against nature wonders and miracles are those workes which are admiratione digna worthie of admiration Hugo but this is no difference at all for whatsoeuer is done aboue or against nature is worthie of admiration 3. They are thus rather to be distinguished the same things in diuerse respectes are both signes and wonders signes because many things are thereby signified and miracles or wonders because they are done aboue and beyond nature Iâ—n
They are signes because they are euident testimonies of Gods wisedome iustice power and wonders because they were things wonderfull and indeede to be wondered at Polan as that Nebuchadnezzar so mightie a king should be chased from among men and liue among bruite beasts seauen yeares depriued of humane vnderstanding and afterward be restored againe Lyranus saith they are called signes because they were done to bring men to repentance and wonders as exceeding humane capacitie Quest. 5. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were now at the last truely conuerted 1. Caluin is of opinion that for all this non exuerit suos errores Nebuchadnezzar left not his errors But howsoeuer twice before this he was onely astonished and mooued for the time afterward fell againe to his superstitions yet he was at the length truely humbled 2. I embrace therefore the contrarie opinion of Bullinger Ostander Oecolampadius which thinke that at this time he was truly conuerted vnto God Osiander saith he did declare veram humilitatem true humilitie which was an euident signe and effect of his conuersion Oecolampadius giueth these two reasons 1. beeing now called to the true knowledge of God Deicogniti mores imitatur he imitateth the properties of God which is to be gentle mercifull wishing peace vnto all 2. he exhorteth all men to the knowledge of the true God exemplum meum emendet omnes let all men learne to amend by mine example c. 6. Quest. Of the author of this Epistle 1. The author of the Scholasticall historie denieth that Daniel was the author of this Epistle but was written by Nebuchadnezzer for eternall memorie of this thing which hapned vnto him But how should the writing of a prophane king that was no Prophet come to be counted Canonicall Scripture if the Prophet had no hand in it 2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Calvin that Daniel hic loquitur sub regis persona that Daniel here speaketh onely in the person of the king for the very forme and style of the epistle Nebuchadnezzer king to all people c. peace be multiplied sheweth that these things were written by the king and rehearsed by Daniel 3. Therefore the truth is that Daniel taketh all this narration out of the acts and Chronicles of the Chaldees where this epistle was registred not for more breuitie sake as Osiander least he should be constrained to rehearse the same things often but rather that by the authoritie of the king the truth of this historie might be commended which would haue beene suspected if it had beene penned originally by a Iew Polan And yet though it were first written by a prophane man that was no Prophet yet it was approoued by Daniel the Lords Prophet Bulling as in the old Testament not onely those writings are receiued for Canonicall which were originally written by the Prophets but such also as beeing written by others were approoued by the Prophets as the epistles and decrees of the kings of Persia inserted into the bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah 7. Quest. Whether this historie contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezzers transmutation were so done in deede 1. Hierome here reporteth the opinion of some which were of the sect of the Origenists which thought that these things set downe of Nebuchadnezzer were not historically done but that vnder his fall is prefigured and shadowed forth the fall of Lucifer the deuill from heauen their reasons are these 1. In other places of Scripture as Isa. 14. vnder the fall of the king of Babylon is described the fall of Lucifer 2. Diuers things here repeated are impossible as that a man should be transformed into a beast that a king delicately brought vp should eate grasse like an oxe 3. And all this time of Nebuchadnezzers sauage life which was 7. yeares the kingdome of Babylon was not without a gouernour who it is most like would not haue giuen place againe to Nebuchadnezzer 4. If any such thing had beene historically done they which haue written diligently of the Chaldean affaires as Berosus Megasthenes Diocles Philostratus would haue made mention thereof Contra. 1. That prophecie of the ruine and fall of the king of Babylon is by some of the Fathers typically applied to the fall of Lucifer yet it was historically fulfilled in the king of Babylon But here they would so make this a type of the fall of the Deuill as that they take away the truth of the historie he reason then is not alike 2. It is no strange thing for men beside themselues depriued of vnderstanding to liue among beasts neither are the other things vnlikely or impossible as shall be seene in the seuerall handling of them 3. Neither was it an hard thing with God to cause the gouernment to returne vnto Nebuchadnezzer as he saith v. 33. that his counsellers and Princes sought vnto him It might be the kingdome was gouerned by his sonne or Daniel which did willingly giue place Lyr. 4. To the last argument it may be answered diuersly 1. that it is not necessarie that the sacred histories should haue the testimonie of forren writers for the standing still of the Sunne in Ioshuahs time and the going backe of the Sunne in Hezekiahs raigne the storie of Esther and many beside haue not the witnesse of prophane writers 2. the euidence of this historie was registred in the Chalde Chronicles which beeing perished the memorie of this fact among the Gentiles was extinguished also 3. And Gods prouidence is seene herein that the Gentiles should not put their vncleane fingers to the sacred histories which they did much abuse and corrupt as it shall suffice to giue inflance onely in Iustine who manifestly committeth these errours in historie 1. that the Iewes had their beginning from Damascus in Syria 2. that Damascus raigned in that citie first and Abraham next vnto him 3. Ioseph he maketh the youngest sonne of Israel and saith he learned art magicke in Egypt 4. Moses he maketh Iosephs sonne 5. the Israelites he saith were expelled Egypt because of the leprosie 6. Xerxes king of Persia he thinketh first to haue subdued the Iewes whereas an 150. yeares before his time Nebuchadnezzer conquered them 4. The Gentiles also might be afraid to meddle with the sacred stories of the Iewes as Demetrius Phaelereus answered Ptolome Philadelphus whome he had set ouer the great librarie of Alexandria beeing terrified by the examples of Theopompus and Theodectes who attempting to insert the Iewish histories into their writings the one was stricken with madnes the other with blindnes as Iosep. l. 11. antiq and Eus. l. 8. de praep Evang. doe testifie 5. Neither are the Gentile writers altogether silent in this matter for Alpheus an ancient Greeke writer as Eusebius writeth lib. 9. c. vlt. maketh mention how Nebuchadnezzer as it were rauished vpon a suddaine in his minde told the Chaldeans that there was a calamitie approaching which Bel their god could not preuent that Persa semiasinuâ— the Perâ—ian beeing halfe an asse meaning Cyrus who was
borne of a noble mother the daughter of Astyages king of the Medes but of a meane father one Cambises should come and bring them into seruitude and then he suddenly vanished away the Chaldeans in Abydenus fragments record that he was blasted by some god and spake of Babels fall by the Persians H. B. consent 2. But that this was a true historie and not done in figure type or vision it may thus appeare 1. if this be no historie no more should the rest be written in this booke and so we should haue no certentie of any thing 2. Daniel himselfe rehearseth this as a matter of fact before Balthazar how Nebuchadnezzer was deposed c. 5. 20. 3. there are many things in this chapter which can in no wise agree vnto the deuill as how Nebuchadnezzer dreamed and asked counsell of the wise men and Daniel wisheth him to breake off his sinnes by repentance none of these things can be said of the deuill ex Perer. 8. Quest. Why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar 1. Dorotheus in synops and Epiphan lib. de vit interit prophet doe thinke that Daniel was so called after the name of Balthazar the kings sonne because he purposed to make him heire with him of the kingdome And this opinion may seeme somewhat to be fauoured by the vulgar Latin translation which readeth v. 5. till Daniel collega my collegue or companion in the kingdome came in which Pererius vnderstandeth so to be saide because Nebuchadnezzer had ioyned Daniel with him as his fellow in the kingdome Contra. 1. There is no word of that sense to signifie a collegue or fellow in the originall and therefore we will not insist vpon this reason 2. But the name of Belteshazzar and Belshazar are diuers in the the originall the one consisteth of 7. letters Beltheshaatzer the other onely of sixe Belshazzer And Daniel was so called before this time when as Balthazar the king was not yet borne nor named in storie 2. Suidas and Iosephus thinke that Daniel was so called because of the interpretation of hid and secret things but that is not so for he was thus called before he had yet expounded any of the kings dreames c. 1. 7. 3. The most thinke that this was the name of the god of the Chaldees and giuen vnto Daniel because of his diuine wisdome Lyran. Hugo Vatab. but the name of the Chalde god was Bel Isa. 46. 1. not Belteshazzar 4. Therefore Daniel had not the very name of his god but the king saith he was called after or according to my God the first syllable onely is borrowed from the name of his god Bel the whole name consisteth of three Babylonian words signifying keeping or laying vp the treasure of Bel Iun. as is shewed before qu. 28. c. 1. 9. Quest. In what sense Nebuchadnezzer saith that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods v. 5. 1. The Sâ—ptuag read in the singular 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the holy spirit of God thinking to excuse the king and free him from idolatrie but the word in the originall is in the plural elohim gods 2. Some thinke that by gods are here vnderstood the Angels who are sometime called gods in Scripture Pint. but the knowledge of secrets the Angels haue not because they know not things to come and the magicians who had conference and familiaritie with spirits not beeing able to tell the king his dreame which he had forgotten excuse themselues because none but the gods could declare such things c. 2. 11. 3. His meaning then is that the gods aboue onely knew secrets whose diuine spirit Daniel was indued with loquitur more gentilium he speaketh after the manner of the Gentiles who held that there were many gods Lyran. And it was a receiued opinion among them that it was a diuine thing to interpret dreames as Socrates answered the Athenians that he was ignorant of that diuine science Lyran. ex Albert. mag 10. Quest. Of Nebuchadnezzers dreame and the summe thereof There are two parts of his dreame the first containeth a description of a goodly faire tree v. 7. to v. 10. the second the ouerthrow and cutting downe of this tree thence to v. 15. 1. The tree is described 1. by the situation of it in the middes of the earth 2. by the height which reached vnto heauen which Theodoret expoundeth of his pride so also gloss ordin Lyranus of his high aduancement to such a great Monarchie 3. by the spreading of it to the endes of the earth is vnderstood the largenes of his dominion which extended very farre Megasthenes as Iosephus citeth him thinketh that he subdued part of Spaine 4. by the vtilitie thereof which was double it gaue meate and shadow vnto all both foules and beasts that is all kind of people both of ciuill and vnciuill life both had nourishment and peace vnder the raigne of Nabuchadnezzer 2. Then the destruction of this tree followeth 1. by whome by a watchman which is interpreted to be an angel 2. the manner is described how this tree should be serued the tree is broken downe that is the king is cast out of his kingdome the branches are broken off his nobles and princes are remooued from him his leaues are shaken off his glorie and renowne is taken from him the fruit are scattered the riches of the kingdome euery one snatcheth and diuideth the birds and beasts flie away many taking occasion by the fall of the king withdraw themselues from his yoake 3. Then followeth the limitation and qualifying of the punishment of this tree a stumpe of it shall be left that is his kingdome shall be reserued for him still gloss interlin with the condition thereof set forth first metaphorically it shall be bound with chaines of brasse whereby is signified his phrensie and madnesse because mad men are bound with chaines Bulling then literally or historically his state is described both outward that he should liue with the beasts of the field and inward his heart should be changed which is amplified by the circumstance of time till 7. times that is yeares be passed ouer him v. 13. So this dreame was propounded in allegorie in such maner vt tamen Deus aliquid permiscuerit vnde colligeret aliud notari that yet God mingled withall some thing whereout he might gather that some other thing was signified Calvin for a tree from whence he borrowed this allegorie needed not to be bound with chaines neither hath any heart 5. Lastly the certentie of this decree is set downe by a generall consent of God and his Angels v. 14. 11. Quest. Why this tree is said to be in the middes of the earth 1. Hugo Card. thinketh it to be so said because Nebuchadnezzer had Iudea subiect vnto him which is thought to be in the middes of the earth 2. Some of the Rabbins thinke that Babylon is signified because it is in the same line or parallel with Ierusalem which is in the middes of the
earth And of this opinion are Hierome and Origen but now no such thing is found that Ierusalem should be in the middes of the earth Calvin 3. Alfragane with whome Pintus consenteth thinketh that Babylon it selfe is situate in the 4. climate which is in the middes the whole earth beeing deuided into 7. climats but this is too curious 4. By the middes of the earth is better vnderstood the middes of his kingdome Osiand so that this is spoken not in respect of the situation of the place as of the qualitie strength of his kingdome 12. Quest. Why Nebuchadnezzer is compared to a tree v. 8. A great tree and strong 1. Hierome seemeth to be here of opinion that the wicked specially in Scripture are compared to trees as Nebuchadnezzer here and he alleadgeth that place Psal. 37. 35. I haue seene the wicked strong and spreading himselfe like a greene bay tree But it is euident that the righteous are also compared to fruitfull trees Psal. 1. 3. 2. Generally a man is likened to a tree as Ezek. 17. 24. All the trees of the field shall know that I the Lord haue brought downe the high tree c. that is all the people of the world shall know a good man is resembled to a good tree and an euill man to an euill tree Matth. 7. 17. Aristotle and before him Plato did call a man arborem inuersam a tree turned vpside downe that as the tree hath his roote and sprigges comming out below so man hath his head and haire vppermost Wicked men are like vnto corrupt trees without fruit Iud. 12. such as the figgetree was Matth. 21. which had leaues but no fruit good men are like vnto good trees Ierem. 17. 8. for like as a tree bringeth forth fruit not onely as an ornament to it selfe but to be commodious to others so the righteous are fruitfull vnto many and as a tree the deeper it rooteth downeward the higher it spreadeth vpward so the more lowly a man is in his owne eyes the more he is exalted before God Pint. 3. Now as men are compared vnto trees in generall so Princes and great men are expressed and set forth by high and tall trees as Ezek. 17. 12. Zedekiah king of Iudah is likened to an high cedar so the king of Asshur is said to be like a cedar in Lebanon with faire branches Ezek. 31. 3. 4. But in that Nebuchadnezzer is here thus resembled to a goodly great tree thereby is not signified the perfection of his gouernment and his princely vertues for euen Tyrants and euill gouernours are as trees whose gouernment as a shadow bringeth some comfort vnto their subiects for better is a bad gouernment then none Calvin 13. Quest. v. 11. Who are vnderstood by the beasts and foules 1. Some by the beasts vnderstand simple men by the foules garrulos mendaces pratlers and lyers such as aspired and looked high gloss Some by the one meane such as were rude and barbarous by the other such as were of most ciuill life Perer. Others by the beasts interpret them of inferiour sort and condition by the foules the more noble sort which dwelt in the branches of this tree in the cities and townes Hug. Card. 2. But by these two kinds in generall are signified all the inhabitants and subiects in his kingdome as Ezek. 39. 17. Speake vnto euery feathered foule and to all the beasts of the field assemble your selues and come good men are compared vnto sheepe for their innocencie to serpents for their wisdome and euill men for their crueltie to lyons and beares for their craft vnto foxes as our Sauiour saith of Herod Tell that foxe so likewise the righteous are likened to doues for their simplicitie and cruell men and oppressors are as rauening eagles Ezek. 17. 4. So it is an vsuall thing for men to be compared vnto such beasts and foules quorum mores imitantur whose manners and conditions they imitate And this some thinke was Pythagoras meaning that held the transmigration of humane soules into the bodies of beasts And so Iamblicus vnderstandeth it of the similitude and likenes of bruitish manners though Plotinus absurdly thinke the contrarie that the soules of men doe in deede passe into the bodies of beasts But Hermes Trismegistus sheweth the absurditie hereof thus resoluing non permittere legem diuinam animi humani transitum in bestias that the diuine law will not admit the passage of humane soules into beasts ex Pint. 14. Quest. v. 12. How Nebuchadnezzer was bound with a band of yron and brasse 1. Pererius thinketh in deede that he was first bound with chaines and fetters as a mad man and afterward let loose and so wandred vp and downe among bruit beasts so also Osiander thinketh he was tied with chaines least he should haue hurt himselfe and others but if this were meant literally then he remained still tied among the grasse and beasts of the field as the words are 2. They which take exception to this historie taking it to be an allegorie doe make this one of their obiections Why they did not rather tie him vp beeing beside himselfe then suffer him to range abroad and how he could liue 7. yeares among bruit beasts and not be slaine Lyranus answereth 1. that if he had beene chained vp infirmitas fuisset aggrauata his infirmitie or maladie would haue beene more grieuous as we see by experience that mad men beeing tied vp are more furious 2. to the which it may be added that they did euen in this time of madnes shew some reuerence toward the person of the king 3. But the best answer is that they left him to himselfe that this prophesie of Daniel might take place they knew he should be restored to his kingdome againe and so he was also by the diuine prouidence preserued and kept from the rage and violence of the beasts 4. This phrase then to be tied vp in chains is here vsed to expresse his madnes because it is the vse to bind mad men in chaines Bulling and hereby is signified the certentie of this punishment decreed by the sentence of God which can not be broken Lyran. so that the meaning is stet inter gramina tanquam vinctus catenis ferreis he should continue in this sauage life in the grasse as one bound with iron fetters Oecolamp Pellican he should haue no power to come out of it vntill his time was fulfilled 15. Quest. v. 11 12. Why this prophecie is vttered in the imperatiue moode Hew downe the tree c. leaue the stumpe 1. It is vsuall with the Prophets to deliuer their prophecies in this manner as Isa. 2. 10. Enter into the rocke and hide thee in the dust for thou shalt enter and hide thee so Isa. 13. 6. Howle ye for the day of the Lord is at hand for ye shall howle and c. 14. 21. Prepare a slaughter for his children that is ye shall prepare Polan 2. There may be an other
an other aboue that of the same height vntill they came to the eight Diodorus saith it was so high that the Chaldeans thereon made obseruation of the starres toward the east and west Curtius saith that this tower of Babylon had 20. stadia or furlongs in compasse the foundation whereof was 30. foot deepe in the ground By these euidences it appeareth that this Babylon was a citie of huge bignesse and therefore the king calleth it here great Babell Niniue had beene as great a citie or greater beeing 60. miles in compasse the walls were an 100. foote high and the towers 200. whereof there were an 150. but Niniue was now much empayred and decayed and Babylon was made the chiefe citie of the kingdome Quest. 36. Whether Nebuchadnezzar were the builder of Babel Ver. 27. Which I haue built for the house of my kingdome c. 1. There are diuerse opinions hereof who should be the builder and founder of Babel Moses saith that Babel was the beginning of Nimroths kingdome Gen. 10. 10. Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius out of Eupolemus saith that it was built by the gyants after the flood Alphaeus maketh Belus the founder thereof as Eusebius saith the most of the Grecians doe giue the honour thereof vnto Semiramis the wife of Ninus as Herodo lib. 1. Diodo lib. 3. Strabo lib. 16. Iustine with others Iosephus out of Berosus maketh Nebuchadnezzar the builder of Babel and therfore findeth fault with the Greeke writers for ascribing it vnto Semiramis 2. But all these may easily be reconciled 1. Nimroth is held to be the same who of forreine writters was called Belus for this Belus was the first that brought in idolatrie as Cyril saith and so was Nimroth for hence it is that most of the idols of the Gentiles tooke their name from Bel as the first founder of them as Belial or Baal the God of the Sidonians Beelzebub the god of Ekron Beelphegor the god of the Moabites Numb 25. Baalsamen the idol of the Carthaginians as Augustine saith so then it may well stand togethet that Nimroth and Belus beeing both the same man as is more at large shewed elsewhere were the founders of Babylon 2. And seeing Ninus was the captaine and chiefe of the Gyants they might be assistant vnto him in building of the tower of Babel and he a tingleader vnto them 3. It may also verie well agree that Nimroth or Belus laid the first foundation of Babylon which was enlarged by Semiramis 4. And afterward when the Kings of Assyria left Babylon made Niniue the cheife citie of their kingdome by this meanes Babylon was decayed and lay waâ—t which last of all was reedified and beautified by Nebuchadnezzar who as Iosephus out of Berosus writeth in these fiue works added to the buildiug of Babylon 1. he repayred the old citie and the temple of Belus 2. then he built a new citie adioyning vnto it 3. he compassed each of them with three walls for defense with towers and gates 4. then he built a most sumptuous palace next vnto the Palace of his father and finished it in 25. dayes 5. he made certaine artificiall rockes and mountaines with orchards and gardens vpon them to satisfie the desire of his wife who beeing a Median desired to see such hillie prospects after the manner of her countrey Because Nebuchadnezzar then had so enlarged and beautified the citie he maketh himselfe the builder of it Quest. 37. Of Nebucadnezzars pride in saying which I haue built for the house of the kingdome Nebuchadnezzars pride diuersely appeareth 1. because he thinketh that by his owne power and strength he had raised those great buildings as though by his owne witte and strength he had attained vnto that power riches to be able to compasse such great works whereas it is said in the Psal. 126. 1. except the Lord build the house they labour in vaine that build it Caluin 2. he considered not how to compasse such a great worke innumerorum pauperum facultates exhausit he had wasted the substance of a number of poore and wearied their bodies Oecolamp 3. He robbeth his father and auncestors of their due praise who had builded much before him he taketh all to himselfe Polan 4. then he sheweth his contempt against God as though he should haue said hauing now made Babylon inuincible as he thought quis inde me posset deijcere who can cast me out of it no not God himselfe Lyran. Iun. 5. then he addeth further he built it not for Gods honour but his owne he neither respected Gods glorie nor the good of the commonwealth but his owne fame and magnificence Osiand Caluin 6. whereas the Septuag readeth as he walked 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the temple Eudoxius is of opinion that the king would haue beene counted for a God Oecolampiad 7. But the kings great securitie appeareth herein deambulat otiosus he walketh idlely as though in such a great kingdome there had been no businesse for him and he museth of nothing but his owne greatnesse Pellican 8. nemo interrogat c. â—pse primus suâ— encomia decantai no man asketh him any question he first soundeth out his owne praise wherein he bewraieth his vanitie and selfeloue Oecolamp Quest. 38. v. 28. What manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen 1. The Lord dealeth with Nebuchadnezzar by degrees first he spake vnto him by dreame then by the voice of his Prophet and seeing he was not mooued by any of these now the Lord thundreth from heauen 2. This voice was not spoken in Nebuchadnezzars eare but in the hearing of all that stood by Iun. vt Dei vindicta intelligatur à populo that all the people might see and vnderstand how the Lord tooke reuenge of him for his pride Lyran. 3. And it commeth from heauen both to shewe the authoritie and power the voice came from heauen quasi quoddam pondus deijciens eius superbiam as a mightie weight pressing downe his pride Lyran. as also the certaintie that those things beeing pronounced from heauen should vndoubtedly come to passe Iun. 4. And this voice commeth of a sudden euen while that proud speach was yet in his mouth to shewe that God neuer punisheth without cause and that all his iudgements are iust Bulling and further to testifie that such as abuse Gods long suffering and patience as Nebuchadnezzar here did shall suddenly be cut off and that when men are come to the height of pride the Lord will no longer forbeare Polan Quest. 39. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebuchadnezzar 1. The circumstances of the sentence are described 1. the time that the voice came while Nebuchadnezzar was yet in speaking 2. the manner it was vttered by a voice 3. the place from heauen 4. the person to whom to Nebuchadnezzar by name by the which he is conuented as before his superiour Iudge his title is added O king to taxe him for
his ingratitude that was vnthankfull to God who had exalted him to that state 2. Then the matter of the sentence is declared which consisteth partly in his depriuation both of his kingdome and of the societie and companie of men partly in the denouncing of certaine calamities namely these two his cohabitation with beasts and then his manner of foode he should eate grasse like an oxe Quest. 40. ver 30. Of the execution of the sentence vpon Nebuchadnezzar he did eate grasse as the oxen 1. This was neither a chaunge in shewe such as Plinie reporteth out of Euantes howe among the Arcadians they vsed to take one by lot out of a certaine familie who going vnto a riuer leauing his clothes behind him and swimming ouer was changed into a wolfe and nine yeares keepeth among them and then swimming ouer againe receiueth his former shape the like he alleadgeth out of Câ—pas that one Demetrius Parrhesius offring a childes flesh in sacrifice to Iupiter Lyceus tasting thereof was turned into a wolfe and so continued 10. yeares and afterward receiued his humane shape againe The like is that which Augustine writeth of certaine women in Italie which vsed to giue vnto the trauailers some intoxicated cheese whereby they seemed to be transformed into beasts and caried their burthens These transformations were either fabulous tales or else illusions of Sathan 2. Neither was Nebuchadnezzar in truth changed into a beast as Bodinus thinketh as is before shewed quest 27. 3. Nor yet was it onely a madnesse and phrensie of minde as Ericus king of Sueland beeing expelled his kingdome for verie griefe fell madde 4. But beside the bruitish change of his minde his bodie was much chaunged and altered in feeding and liuing among bruit beasts as Ab. Ezâ—a writeth of one in Sardinia that was carried into the woodes by his parents among the hindes and so liued a great while among them going vpon all fower his hands and feete who beeing at length taken by the king in hunting was brought to his parents but he said nothing to them they offred him wine and meat but he rufusing both did eat of hearbs and in the night fled againe to his old companions the bruit beasts Oecolampad The like narration hath Dresserus in his booke of newe and auncient discipline of a man taken in the countrey of Hesse in hunting beeing among other wolues who retayning yet some shape of a man was kept and made tame and went vpright whereas he before did goe and runne on all fower he also at the length spake as a man distinctly vsing to houle as a wolfe before and beeing thus come to himselfe he reported how he was lost in the woods when he was a child and brought vp among the wolues and was nourished by that which they got for their prey this was done in the yeare 1544. Philippus Camerarius in his historicall meditations c. 75. hath the like report of a child of twelue yeares of age which was taken in the same countrey in the farme of Echtzeb as he ranne among wolues Goulartius in his booke of the memorable histories of these times hath this relation how a man was taken in France in the forest of Campeigne and was brought to the laâ—e king Charles the 9. he went vpon all fowre like a beast was swifter then an horse did houle like a wolfe had an hard skinne and was couered almost all ouer with haire he had a terrible looke with his teeth he strangled dogges and was fierce toward men such like change and alteration there might be both of minde and bodie in Nebuchadnezzar Quest. 41. v. 31. After the ende of what dayes Nebuchadnezzar was restored V. 31. At the ende of these dayes 1. The author of the scholasticall historie as Hugo Cardi. here noteth thinketh that at the prayer of Daniel the 7. yeares were turned into seauen moneths whereof 40. dayes Nebuchadnezzar was madde and 40. other dayes he came to himselfe and wept exceedingly for his sinne so that his eyes were become as a peice of flesh then 40. dayes more he was in his madde fittes and so after 7. moneths he was restored to his right minde but yet had not the kingdome till 7. yeares were expired but there were 7. Iudges appointed for him and he in the meane time neither did eate flesh nor drinke wine all those seuen yeares but did eate pulse and hearbs as Daniel counselled him and so did as it were penance 2. But this opinion is contrarie to the text 1. because the seauen times which were to passe ouer him were fulfilled as appeareth v. 31. at the ende of the dayes that is the dayes before appointed which were called 7. times then I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eyes c. and not before there was then no part of this time cut off 2. After that his vnderstanding came to him he fell not againe into his madde fittes as is euident ver 33. 3. when his vnderstanding was come to him he was withall restored to the honour of his kingdome and his counsellers sought againe vnto him he then tooke the gouernement presently vpon him after his returne and restitution it was not gouerned by others 4. This also is an euident argument that Nebuchadnezzar continued longer then seauen moneths in his humiliation because in so short a time his haire could not growe as eagles quilles nor his nailes as birds clawes neither is it like that in so short a time he would haue beene brought to knowe himselfe Caluin Quest. 42. Of the restitution of Nebuchadnezzar As there were two degrees of his humiliation he was depriued without of his kingdome and of the companie of men and in himselfe of his vnderstanding so there are two degrees of his restitution first to his humane vnderstanding and then to the glorie of his kingdome and each of these are set forth with their effects 1. First he is restored to his humane estate and condition both in bodie that whereas before he went groueling and crept on all fower as a beast now he reareth vp his bodie and lifteth vp his eyes to heauen then in his minde mine vnderstanding was restored vnto me but that is here put last which was done first for he was first restored to his vnderstanding before he lift vp his eyes Bulling and as before he cast vp his eyes in pride so nowe he lifteth them vp in humilitie Caluin Secondly the effect of this his restitution to his reason and vnderstanding is the praysing of God with the reason thereof taken from the eternitie of the power and kingdome of God both which are amplified 1. comparatiuely All the inhabitants of the earth are as nothâ—ng before him 2. by the effects he doth what he will and none can gainsay 2. Then followeth the second part of his restitution both to the societie of men and to the honour of his kingdome v. 33. And the effect thereof his praising and extolling of God with the argument of his
praise taken from three properties and adjuncts of Gods workes the veritie and truth iustice and equitie and the power and omnipotence in these words Whose workes are all truth and his waies iudgement and those that walke in pride he is able to abase v. 34. 43. Quest. That God onely is without checke and not to be controlled in his workes v. 32. None can stay his hand nor say vnto him What doest thou 1. They which profanely obiect that God sheweth himselfe as a Tyrant doing what he list his will standing for law may easily be answered that this proposition they whose wills onely stand for law are Tyrants is true onely among men it concerneth not God and the reason of this difference is God is a law to himselfe quia voluntas eius est perfectissima iustitia because his will is most perfect iustice Calvin he can will nothing but that which is holy and iust So is it not with man whose will is corrupt and peruerse and therefore it had neede of a rule and law to guide it 2. It is a question among the Ciuilians whether the Prince haue not an absolute power in his kingdome statuendi omnia pro suo arbitratu c. to appoint all things according to his will and so they would haue the Prince to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without checke and controlment of this opinion are Bartolus and his followers others doe hold that euen the Emperours themselues are bound vnto their lawes for they doe thus professe digna vox est maiestate regnantis legibus alligatum sâ— principem profiteri adeo de authoritate iuris nostra pendet authoritas it is a voice worthie the maiestie of him which ruleth for the Prince to professe himselfe bound vnto the lawes in so much that our authoritie dependeth of the authoritie of the law c. Polan 3. But thus may these opinions be reconciled that though Princes are both bound by oath in some kingdomes to keepe the lawes and customes of the countrey and in policie also doe subiect themselues to their owne lawes for the example of others and beyond all these they are tied by a straiter bond of Gods word yet they are without checke of their subiects their doings are not of euery one to be called in question as the Preacher saith c. 8. 4. Where the word of the King is there is power and who shall say vnto him what doest thou where Princes hold immediatly their kingdoms of God there they are only to giue account vnto God But God is not to giue account vnto any and therefore of him onely simply and absolutely it is true that none can say What doest thou both because of his perfect iustice that none can finde fault with his workes and his absolute power that he is not subiect to the checke of any 44. Quest. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were saued 1. It may be obiected that he was not out of that place Isa. 14. 14. Thou shalt be brought downe to hell to the sides of the pit which beeing spoken of Nebuchadnezzer sheweth his euerlasting destruction in hell and the rather because in him is set forth and described the fall of Lucifer who with the rest of the reprobate angels were cast downe to hell Answ. 1. Though it be admitted and graunted that Nebuchadnezzer herein were a type of Lucifer yet it is not necessarie that all things which are expressed in such typicall predictions should agree vnto the type for some things are so spoken that they may fitly agree both vnto the type and figure and to the thing prefigured some vnto the signe onely some vnto the thing prefigured onely as in the 2. Psalme where Dauid is a type of Christ the 2. verse The kings of the earth band themselues c. agreeth vnto both and v. 6. I haue set my king vpon Zion but these words v. 7. Thou art my Sonne this day haue I begotten thee can onely be applied vnto Christ So in this place this casting downe to hell may be vnderstood onely of Lucifer here prefigured Perer. but there are better answers then this 2. As this commination against the King of Babylon is conditionally vnderstood that vnlesse he repenâ—ed he should be cast downe to hell 3. As it may be an allegoricall speech shewing his great abasement as that other is I will ascend aboue the height of the cloudes 4. But yet it may be further and better answered that it is not necessarie to vnderstand this prophecie of Nebuchadnezzer but rather it was performed in Balthazar for the Prophet prophesieth also together of the destruction of Babylon which continued many yeares after the death of Nebuchadnezzer 5. And lastly the word translated hell signifieth also the graue and so better interpreted here because there is mention made of the pit 2. Wherefore the more probable and certen opinion is that Nebuchadnezzer in the end was saued as may appeare by these reasons 1. Iosephus saith that Nebuchadnezzer all his life long after this did acknowledge God and gaue praise and glorie vnto him 2. Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius inferre as much vpon his afflictions that God therefore chastened him because he would not haue him perish 3. Augustine sheweth as much by the diuers end of Pharaoh and Nabuchadnezzer that he was hardened in his sinne and so giuen ouer to destruction the other was humbled vnder Gods hand and so saued 4. Theodoret likewise moouing the question why the Lord punished Nabuchadnezzers for a time but Balthazar with sudden death maketh this answer because the Lord did foresee that the one would be amended by his corrections but the other was irrecorrigible 5. Lastly Lyranus addeth this reason scripturae terminat historiam in eius humiliatione c. fidei confessione the Scripture endeth this storie in his humiliation and confession of faith which it vseth not to doe in them that afterward fall away and are lost 45. Quest. Why Nabuchadnezzer was saued and not Pharaoh both beeing in the same cause 1. Augustine putting forth this question sheweth wherein both of these were like quantum ad naturam ambo homines c. in respect of their nature they were both men for their dignitie they were both kings their cause was the fame they both held the people of God captiue quantum ad poenam and for their punishment they both were gently admonished with Gods scourges and yet their ends were diuers the question is cur medicamentum vnius medici manu confectum alij ad interitum alij valuerit ad salutem c. why a medicine made by the hand of the same physitian should be effectuall to the destruction of the one and for the health of the other 2. His answer is this because the one was humbled vnder the Lords correction the other hardened but then it will be asked why the one was humbled the other hardened the answer must be this illi vt mutaretur adfuisse diuinum huic vt
occasion wherefore this vision was sent which was the profanation of the vessels of the Temple which is set forth in this manner 1. the occasion the king made a feast v. 1. 2. the vessels are brought and abused in excessiue drinking at the kings commandement v. 2. 3. 3. withall they blaspheme God and praise their idols v. 4. 2. The vision it selfe followeth where is noted 1. the time 2. what appeared a mans hand 3. the manner it did write 4. the place ouer against the candlesticke 3. The effects are two 1. the king seeth it v. 5. 2. vpon his fight he is troubled both inwardly in his thoughts and outwardly in his bodie his countenance is changed his Ioynes loosed and his knees smote together v. 6. In the interpretation there is the way and preparation made vnto it vnto v. 17. then the declaration it selfe from v. 17. to the ende In the preparation there is 1. the kings inquisition of his soothsayers but all in vaine v. 10. 2. his sending for Daniel at the Queenes motion In the inquisition 1. the wise men are called 2. the matter is propounded with promise of great reward v. 7. 3. their vaine attempt is shewed v. 8. 4. the euent thereof the kings perplexitie v. 9. In Daniels sending for 1. there is the Queenes motion and speach see the parts thereof quest 22. 2. the execution by the king with his speach vnto Daniel which consisteth of 4. parts 1. his enquirie concerning his person 2. a commendation of his gifts v. 14. 3. a narration of the wisemens weakenes and insufficiencie v. 15. 4. a promise of great reward to Daniel if he can expound the vision v. 16. Then followeth the declaration it selfe which consisteth 1. of a sharpe reprehension or redargution the order and methode thereof see quest 25. 2. the interpretation it selfe the parts thereof see quest 31. 2. The text with the diuerse readings 1. v. Belshatzar the king made a great feast bread C. to a thousand of his princes and dranke wine before the thousand and euery one dranke wine according to his age L. ad 2. And Belshatzar while he tasted wine in the tast of wine C. S. that is beeing now enflamed with wine and merrie with wine L. while the wine was in for to tast wine I. but it is said before v. 1. that he had drunke wine commanded to bring the vessells of gold and siluer which his father Nebuchadnezzar had brought from the Temple in Ierusalem that the king and his princes his wiues and concubines might drinke therein 3. Then were brought the golden vessels which they had taken out of the Temple of the Lords house which was at Ierusalem and the king and his princes his wiues and his concubines dranke in them 4. They dranke wine and praised the gods of gold and siluer of brasse of yron of wood and stone 5. At the same time came forth appeared B. G. L. the fingers of a mans hand which wrote ouer against the candlesticke vpon the plaister of the wall of the kings palace and the king sawe the palme or part I. the ioynts or knuckels L. V. B. pas signifieth a part some interpret it the palme of the hand that wrote 6. Then the kings countenance glory or brightnesse C. which Iunius vnderstandeth of that whole festiuitie which was suddenly turned was changed changed it selfe C. his thoughts troubled him so that the girdle I. bands C. V. ioyntes L. B. G. of his loynes was loosed and his knees smote one against another 7. Then the king cried aloud strongly C. that they should bring in the Astrologians Chaldeans and the Soothsayers wisards B. And the king spake and said to the wisemen of Babel Whosoeuer can reade me this writing and shewe me the interpretation thereof shall be cloathed in purple and shall haue a chaine of gold about his necke and shall be the third ruler rule the third C. in the kingdome 8. Then came all the kings wise men but they could neither read the writing nor make knowne vnto the king the interpretation 9. Then was king Belshatzar greatly troubled and his countenance was changed in him and his princes were astonied 10. Now the Queene by reason of the talke of the king and his princes came into the banket house and the Queene spake and said O king liue for euer let not thy thoughts trouble thee neither let thy countenance be changed 11. There is a man in thy kingdome in whom is the spirit of the holy gods and in the dayes of thy father light lat det and vnderstanding and wisedome like the wisedome of the gods L. S. det was found in him whom the king Nebuchad-nezzar thy father made chiefe of the Magicians Astrologians Chaldeans and soothsayers the king I say thy father thy grandfather I. 12. Because that a more abundant spirit excellent I. G. and knowledge and vnderstanding the interpretation of dreams declaâ—ing of hard sentences and the solution of doubts knots C. was found in Daniel whom the king named imposed the name Beltashazzar now let Daniel be called and he will declare the interpretation 13. Then was Daniel brought before the king and the king spake and said vnto Daniel art thou that Daniel which art of the children of the captiuitie of Iudah whom my father the king brought out of Iudea 14. Now I haue heard of thee that the spirit of the holy gods is in thee and that light and vnderstanding and excellent abundant C. wisedome is found in thee 15. Now therefore wisemen and Astrologers haue beene brought before me that they should reade this writing and make knowne vnto me the interpretation thereof but they were not able to declare the interpretation of the thing 16. Then heard I of thee that thou art able to shewe interpretations interpret interpretations C. and dissolue doubts knots C. now if thou canst reade the writing and shewe me the interpretation thereof thou shalt be clothed in purple and haue a chaine of gold about thy necke and shalt be the third ruler in the kingdome 17. Then Daniel answered and said before the king Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe thy rewardes be to thee C. and giue thy gifts to another yet will I read the writing to the king and make knowne the interpretation vnto him 18. O thou king heare thou O king G. Iunius referreth it to the 22. v. but it is better put interrogatiuely the most high God gaue vnto Nebuchadnezzar thy father a kingdome and maiestie and power and glorie 19. And for the maiestie that he gaue him all people nations and languages trembled and feared were trembling and fearing before him whom he would he slue and whom he would he saued aliue I. he 〈◊〉 L. S. B. G. V. but the other is fitter as set in opposition to the former clause and then the word must not be deriued of macah to smite but of caiah to make aliue whom he would he set vp and whom he would
a probable reason because there is mention in Daniel of noe more then the 3. yeare of Balthazar c. 8. 1. Quest. 5. Of the greatnesse of Balthazar 's feast Vers. 1. He made a great feast We reade of other feasts as great as this as that which Ptolome the last king of that name the father of Cleopatra made vnto Pompey who envited a thousand of his captaines to a feast setting before euerie one of them a cuppe of gold to drinke in and changing the dishes with the messes But Alexanders feast also exceeded this who at the solemnizing of his mariage bid 10. thousand ghâ—stes giuing vnto euery one of them a golden cuppe And Assuerus feast went beyond these who had at one feast all the princes and captaines of his kingdome and prouinces which were an 127. Esther 1. 1. But of all other that was the greatest feast which Plinâ—e writeth to haue bin made by Pythius who entertained all Xerxes huge armie which consisted of 700. thousand and 88. thousand men and promised them pay for fiue moneths 2. Yet this was a great feast wherein were present a thousand of Balthazar 's nobles and if there were so many of his princes the rest of the companie and followers farre exceeded Hugo thinketh that there were many more for here a certaine number is taken for an vncertaine but this was a sufficient companie for a Princes feast And it fell so out by Gods prouidence that all these should be here assembled together that they might all tast of the same calamitie as Ieremie prophesieth c. 50. 35. A sword is vpon the Chaldeans saith the Lord and vpon the inhabitants of Babel and vpon her princes and wise men Polan Quest. 6. Of the manner and order of this feast 1. The Latine interpreter readeth and euerie one dranke according to his age which is two wayes vnderstood either that they sate downe according to their age or that they did drinke in measure euerie one according to his strength sic Lyranus Perer. Hugo Pintus But beside that to sit according to their age is not to drinke according to their age and it is not like that there was any order or measure obserued in drinking in this riotus feast there is no such thing in the originall but thus are the words truely interpreted he drank wine before a thousand so also the Septuag 2. Which words some of the Rabbines doe so vnderstand as though the king did striue with these thousand of his princes who should drinke most Osiand Some thinke thereby is noted his vnshamefastnesse that whereas he vsed at other times to be drunke in secret now he is drunken before a thousand witnesses But although hereby is noted his intemperancie that before his nobles tooke such fill of drinke encouraging them to doe the like by his euill example yet here is an allusion to the fashion of that countrey the princes vsed to take their meate alone but now to giue the better welcome he doth not onely drinke before them in the same place yet at another table as Vatablus but he enteraineth them as his ghests eating and drinking together Quest. 7. Of the occasion of this feast 1. Hierome from certaine Hebrewes reporteth that Balthazar hauing heard that the Iewes were to be held in captiuitie 70. yeares which time now by his account was expired doth make a feast as insulting against the Lords people as though all were fables that no such thing was to be expected But Hierome counteth this as a fable for those 70. yeares were not yet expired 2. Some thinke that the Chaldeans had chased away the Persians and Medes from the citie and thereupon the feast was made Some that Cyrus and Darius beeing ouercome did â—â—mage to the king were at this feast while in the meane time their army diuided the riuer into diuerse channels and so made it paessable and by this means took the citie for if this had beene so after Daniel had expounded the writing vpon the wall and had said thy kingdome is diuided and giuen vnto the Medes and Persians ver 28. if Cyrus and Darius had beene present they would haue made them sure enough 3. Some coniecture that the Persians might seeme to giue way for a time in policie to make the Babylonians more secure and that they thereupon for ioy made this feast But they which write of these warres report that Cyrus of a long time had now besieged the citie 4. The occasion then of this feast was indeede an annuall solemnitie which they kept yearely about the 16. day of the moneth which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Loon which continued fiue dayes together wherein the seruants beare sway in euerie familie and for that time their masters were subiect vnto them and they vsed to choose one out of their companie apparelled like the king whom they called in the Chalde language Segane which signifieth a Prince Iun. Cyrus as Xenophon writeth tooke his opportunitie by reason of this feast to assault the citie more strongly Now the Babylonians were secure both beeing confident in the strength and defence of the citie which was compassed both with high walls and with the great riuer Euphrates as also they had prouision laid vp in the citie as both Xenophon and Herodotus write for 20. yeares and more And this made them so secure Quest. 8. VVho commanded the vessels of the temple to be brought and how V. 2. Balthazzar while he tasted the wine 1. The word is beteghem in the tast which word also signifieth counsell aduise and thereupon Ab. Ezra thus interpreteth it in consilio vini he commanded as the wine aduised him vino dictante the wine thus decreed but this interpretation as Caluin noteth is too curious 2. Iunius readeth ad gustandum vinum he sent for the vessels to tast wine in them But it seemeth they had well drunke wine before ver 1. and this was a fruite of their excesse and drunkennesse 3. The word chamra which here signifieth wine some would deriue of the Hebrew word chamar that signifieth an asse and vnderstand hereby that some Agaso some base fellowe that kept or draue asses was set vp in this feast to be their king and that at his bidding all things were done they suppose him to haue beene such an one as is vsed to be called the Lord of misrule but that Chamra is here taken for wine is euident ver 1. the king drunke wine 4. wherefore the vsuall reading is best the king in the tasting of wine c. that is when his heart was merrie and ouercome with wine as R. Dauid and R. Leui reade he was temulentus now drunke with wine Quest. 9. Of Balthazar 's profaning of the holy vessels Balthazar offendeth diuerse wayes 1. In his presumption he aduentureth to doe that which neither Nebuchadnezzar nor Euilmerodach his grandfather or father before him attempted for none of them are read to haue brought forth these sacred vessels
as famous as Semiramis so also Polanus 3. But Iosephus opinion which Hierome followeth and Lyranus thinke that this Queene was grandmother to Balthazar and wife sometime to Nabuchadnezzer whereof these two reasons may be yeilded 1. one which Theodoret alleadgeth verisimile est eam seniâ— confectam c. it is like that shee beeing stricken in yeares did not giue her selfe to drinking and dauncing and such other sports c. this coniecture sheweth it to be more probable that shee was his grandmother then mother for his mother could not be so old he hauing raigned but 3. yeares beeing the eldest sonne and heire to the kingdome 2. the other reason Lyranus vrgeth which Pintus also approoueth because shee speaketh of things done in Nabuchadnezzers daies which sheweth mulierem fuisse iam vetulam that shee was now a very old woman Calvin 21. Quest. In what sense Nabuchadnezzer is called Balthazar 's father 1. Some thinke that Nabuchadnezzer was his great grandfather and that Balthazar was not the third but the fourth from him so Iosephus whome Hierome and Beda follow see before qu. 2. But this can not be so because Ierem. 27. v. 5 6. the Lord promiseth the kingdome to Nabuchadnezzer and to his sonne and to his sonnes sonne and staieth there 2. An other opinion was of Alexander Polyhistor and Alpheus with others whome Iosephus mentioneth lib. 1. cont Appion that foure raigned after Nabuchadnezzer 1. Euilmerodach 2. Niglasar his sisters husband who killed him 3. Labosardach his sonne who was deposed for his misgouernment and slaine and then Balthazar was chosen by common consent But by this account Balthazar should not be at all of Nabuchadnezzers stocke and line contrarie to the Scripture which calleth him his sonne 3. The author of the Scholasticall historie saith that there were two Nabuchadnezzers the father and the sonne and that Euilmerodach was brother to the second and raigned after him who had three sonnes which succeeded one an other in the kingdome after him Niglazar Labosardach and Balthazar so he maketh Nabuchadnezzer the great grandfather of this Balthazar and Balthazar to raigne in the fift place But it is euident in storie that Euilmerodach succeeded next to Nabuchadnezzer his father not to his brother of that name for Nabuchadnezzer is held to haue raigned 43. yeares at the least as Iosephus but he raigned rather 45. in the 8. yeare of his raigne Iechonias was carried captiue in the 37. yeare of whose captiuitie which was the 45. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer Euilmerodach began to raigne 2. king 25. 27. Pererius misliketh this opinion because he maketh two Nabuchadnezzers whereas sacrd profana historia vnum tantum agnoscit both the sacred and prophane histories saith he acknowledgeth but one Nabuchadnezzer king of Chaldea c. wherein I wonder at his forgetfulnes beeing otherwise a most diligent writer seeing Iosephus euidently maketh two Nabuchadnezzers the father to whome he ascribeth 21. yeares and his sonne to whome he giueth 43. yeares lib. 10. antiq c. 11. 4. The fourth opinion is of Theodoret in this chapter and Severus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr histor that Nabuchadnezzer had two sonnes Euilmerodach the elder and Balthazar the younger who raigned successiuely one after an other and so they thinke that Balthazar was in deede the sonne of Nabuchadnezzer But this can not be so for seeing this Balthazar was the last of the Chaldean kings and Ieremie prophesied that the kingdome should be giuen to Nabuchadnezzer and to his sonne and to his sonnes sonne now this prophesie should not be fulfilled if the kingdome did onely remaine to him and to his sonnes 5. Not farre differing from this opinion is that which is found in the booke of Baruch c. 1. 11. Pray for Nabuchadnezzar and for the life of Balthazar his sonne where the author of that booke seemeth to make Balthazar the eldest sonne of Nabuchadnezzer as next heire to the kingdome Pererius would thus helpe the matter that either Nabuchadnezzer had an other sonne called Balthazar who should haue beene king if he had liued or that Euilmerodach was also so called thus also Emmanuel Sa. But neither of these assertions can be proued out of the Canonicall Scriptures which euidently testifie that Euilmerodach was the sonne of Nabuchadnezzer and not Balthazar 2. king 25. 27. and Ierem. 52. 31. 6. Pintus hath an other conceit that Euilmerodach might be called Nabuchadnezzer which was a generall name to all the Chaldean kings as the Emperours were called Caesars of the first Emperour and thus he saith Balthazar was Nabuchadnezzers that is Euilmerodachs sonne but no where in Scripture doth it appeare that Nabuchadnezzer was a generall name to the kings of Chaldea neither that Euilmerodach or Balthazar are so called 3. Pererius opinion is that Balthazar was the nephew not properly the sonne of Nabuchadnezzer yet he raigned not in the third place but in the fift there came betweene two other named by forren writers Niglasar and Labosardach the first was Euilmerodachs sisters husband who slue Euilmerodach and so raigned and Labosardach his sonne after him who was deposed and slaine for his crueltie and then Balthazar who fled vnto the Medes was restored vnto the kingdome so Ioseph lib. 1. cont Appion Now Pererius reason is this why some other raigned betweene because otherwise the tearme of 70. yeares captiuitie can not be made vp for the captiuitie began in the 19. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer when Ierusalem was taken there remained 25. yeares of his raigne who raigned in all 43. Euilmerodach 18. yeares and Balthazar 17. all these yeares make but 60. there wanted yet 10. yeares which must be made vp by the raigne of others comming betweene Contra. 1. Though Pererius opinion be admitted as probable that some vsurpers came betweene Euilmerodach and Balthazar yet the reason which he vrgeth is not sufficient for the 70. yeares captiuitie doe take beginning rather from the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer when Iechonias went into captiuitie 2. king 24. 12. for from that time the Prophets doe begin the account of the 70. yeares Ezek. 1. 1. and c. 24. 1. and in other places of that Prophesie And Nabuchadnezzer raigned 45. yeares 8. yeares before the captiuitie began 2. king 24. 12. and 37. yeares of the captiuitie 2. king 25. 27. so that the ten yeares which are wanting may thus be filled vp 8. Pererius thinketh that the strange names of Niglazar and Labosardach mentioned by Iosephus were the same with Euilmerodach and Balthazar called by other names in 2. cap. Daniel But Iosephus and other writers whome he followeth as Berosus Alexander Polyhistor with others make these diuers kings from the rest for Iosephus nameth Abilomarodach beside who in Scripture is called Euilmerodach 9. The truth then is this that Euilmerodach as Pererius reporteth out of some writers was slaine by Niglazar or Neegal-etzer his sisters husband or as Iunius out of others he was expulsed out of his kingdome and he with Balthazar his sonne liued in exile
such like 2. by their impotencie they could neither see heare nor vnderstand 4. he gaue not glorie vnto God which is aggrauated by two benefits the giuing him of his life and breath and in protecting him in whose hand is thy breath and all thy wayes c. 3. Then followeth the interpretation of the dreame v. 25. to 29. Quest. 26. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speach to the king v. 17. Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe The reasons why Daniel vseth no insinuaâ—ion or salutation to the king were these 1. In respect of his age and grauitie such a simple and plaine beginning became him for he was 90. yeare old if we suppose him to be 20. when he first went into captiuitie 2. it best beseemed him in respect of his office beeing a Prophet and now consulted with concerning the will and counsell of God to shewe his contempt of the kings gifts Iun. 3. hoc ipsâ— monstrauit abiectum c. in that he saluteth him not as a king giuing him his titles he therein sheweth that he was now reiected of God no longer to be king Oecolampad 4. voluit asperius loqui cum impiâ— desperatâ— he would speake the more roughly with a wicked and desperate man of whom there was small hope and therefore he doth rippe vp his sinne and searcheth it to the depth Calvin Quest. 27. Why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 1. That was not onely the reason in respect of his office because he was a Prophet least he might seeme to haue made merchandize of his propheticall gift as Polan and to fulfill that saying in the gospel ye haue freely receiued freely giue Lyran. Pellican for then he should not by this reason haue receiued any gifts of Nebuchadnezzar 2. Neither was this the cause tristia nuntiantem indecens erat dona aeciperâ— it was not fit for one telling hard newes to receiue gifts gloss ordinar for then neither should Daniel haue receiued any reward of king Nebuchadnezzar after he had expounded the dreame of theimage which foreshewed the ende and dissolution of Nebuchadnezzars kingdome 3. And to say that Daniel affected no such honours because he was now old is an insufficient reason for neither had he at any time before any desire to those places but onely for the good of the Lâ—rds people 4. But the speciall reasons are these two noluit ab homine impiâ— c. he would not receiue any gifts of a wicked man Osiand as Abraham refused to take any thing of the king of Sodome and the Prophet Elisha of Naaman who was a stranger As also tempus subiectionis mox finiendum erat the time of subiection vnto this king and of his gouernment was at an ende Caluin and therefore he refused these honours at his hand who was as no king but reiected of God Quest. 28. Why Daniel receiued the like rewards from Nebuchadnezzar and refuseth them from Balthazar 1. The reason of this difference is because Daniel knewe that Nebuchadnezzar was established in the kingdome which the Lord had giueâ— to him and to his sonne and therefore he made no refusall of the honours which were offred vnto him because thereby he might stand the Church of God in great stead But the case was now otherwise for he knewe that Balthazar 's kingdome was at an ende and these honours vnder him he could not long hold and the Monarchie of the Chaldeans beeing at an ende he could not thereby aduantage the people of God Polan 2. Because also their was greater obstinacie and stubbornenesse in Balthazar then there was in Nebuchadnezzar ideo oftendit se minus ei deferre quam avo and therefore he sheweth that he doth not so much respect and honour him as his grandfather Calvin Quest. 29. Why then Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. This shewed no inconstancie at all in Daniel to suffer that to be done vnto him which before he in words refused 1. It is like that they were verie vrgent and instant vpon him to accept of the kings offers 2. Chrysostome giueth this reason that if he had beene stiffe in refusing still it would haue beene thought quod ipse de responso suo addubit asset that he himselfe had doubted of the truth of his answer and therefore to take away that suspition he vpon that instance accepteth of the rewards so also Occolampad Bulling 3. An other reason was qui mundi diuitias contempserat ne regem ipsum contemnere videretur least he which had despised the riches of the world should haue seemed to haue set the king himselfe at naught he accepteth of the kings offers Pintus 4. If he had still obstinately refused he might haue beene brought in suspicionem proditionis into suspicion of treason Calvin as though he had conspired with the Medes and Persians against the king if he had refused Balthazar 's rewards and offers 5. signum fuisset timiditatis it had beene also a signe of fearefulnesse that by this meanes he might haue lien hid still and so escaped the danger beeing called to no publike place he therefore in accepting of these honours ostendit se imperterritum sheweth himselfe without feare Caluin Quest. 30. Whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 1. Neither is this a description of Nebuchadnezzars tyrannie and cruell gouernement as though he put to death the innocent and spoyled men of their goods without iust cause or equitie for that this is not meant of the abuse of his power the next v. following sheweth But when his heart was puft vp this power then might be in Nebuchadnezzar and his heart not yet lifted vp 2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Bullinger that it is like that Nebuchadnezzar non iniuste suum administrauit regnum did not vniustly administer his kingdome for the contrarie appeareth c. 2. in that he commanded the Chaldeans to be slaine without cause for that they could not tell the king his dreame which he had forgotten and c. 3. he commaunded the three seruants of God to be cast into the fierie fornace for refusing to worship the idol which he had set vp 3. Nor yet can it be prooued by this place that princes haue authoritie to take away their subiects liues and goods at their pleasure for euen kings themselues must remember serationem summo regi reddituros that they also shall giue account vnto the the great king Calvin 4. But the Prophet simply speaketh de regia potestate of the kingly power Calv. neither touching the abuse or right vse thereof But sheweth to what eminent authoritie God had exalted him that he might exalt and cast downe whom he list to shewe that God had giuen him this great honour and power for the which he was feared of all This amplitude and greatnesse of his authoritie is set forth by two effects 1. the one is in his subiects they feared and stood in awe
in the citie 4. If these vestures had beene any speciall ornaments of the idolatrous priests and Soothsayers as some thinke it is like that Daniel so holy a man would haue vtterly reiected them Polan see before quest 29. Quest. 40. Why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance as he had done Nebuchadnâ—zzar before 1. One reason hereof may be yeelded to be this the same which Theodâ—râ—t â—lleadgeth why it pleased the Lord to chastice Nebuchadnezzar for a time to humble him and afterward raise him vp againe but Balthazar is cut off altogether because Balthazar was more indurate and hardened in his sinne seeing he had Nebuchadnezzâ—â— example before him and yet would not be warned And so the Prophet obiâ—cting here vnto Balthazar his fathers example which he made no vse of saw that there was small hope of his repentance 2. And further Daniel did see by the spirit of prophesie hanc sententiam non fuisse comâ—natoriam sed plane absolutam that this sentence pronounced against Balthazar was not by way of commination which vseth to be conditionall vpon mens repentance as was the threatning of Ionas against Ninive but it was peremptorie and absolute and as Bal. hazat was confirmed and setled in his sinne so this sentence was irreuocable Perer. 41. Quest. v. 30. Whether Balthazar were slaine at this time 1. It is the opinion of some that Balthazar was not slaine at all when the citie was taken but that Balthazar called in forren histories Nabonidus when the citie was besieged by Cyrus did yeeld himselfe and so he not onely obtained his life but had a place of habitation assigned him in Carmania where he died thus seeme to write Alexander Polyhistor Megasthenes Alpheus as they are cited by Ioseph l. 1. cont Appion But it is vntrue that Balthazar 's life was spared for the Scripture here euidently saith that he was slaine this fauour indeede Cyrus shewed to his grandfather Astyages whome he deposed from his gouernment beeing a tyrant as Herodotus and Iustinus write it is not like that he would vse such clemencie toward his mortall enemie at the least if there had beene any such thing which would haue tended much to the praise and honour of Cyrus Xenophon who is very large and lauish in setting forth the praise of Cyrus in all likelihood would not haue omitted it 2. Wherefore the truth is according to the Scripture here that Balthazar was at this time slaine and thereunto agreeth Xenophon that the king of Babylon himselfe was put to the sword when the citie was taken lib. 7. de Cyri institut 42. Quest. Whether Balthazar were slaine the same night and the citie taken 1. Some seeme to be of opinion that this murther was committed vpon Balthazar a long time before the taking of the citie by the Medes and Persians about 17. yeare before whom they say was slaine by the Babylonians and one of the conspirators called Darius the Median was chosen king in his place and that this was done many yeares before Cyrus inuaded Babylon This conceit they would ground vpon the report of Berosus and Megasthenes But they doe greatly mistake one thing for an other for he which was so deposed by the Babylonians was Labosordach the sonne of Niglasar or Neege-lasar who had before expelled Euilmerodach called Labinitus by Herodotus together with his sonne Balthazar called also Labinitus the second which name signifieth a Prince expulsed and because he fled vnto the Medes he was called Medus a Median this was not Darius then of the Medes which was set vp by the Babylonians but Balthazar called Labinitus of the Medes because he liued an exile there Iun. in commentar see before qu. 21. 9. 2. Iosephus saith non multum abijt temporis much time passed not after Daniel had expounded this vision when both the King and the citie was taken by Cyrus If Iosephus vnderstand not many houres after he agreeth with the Scripture but if he meane many daies or moneths he is deceiued 3. Zonâ—ras affirmeth this to haue beene the opinion of diuers that Balthazar was slaine the same night but he seemeth not to be of that opinion which seemeth strange that he beeing a Christian writer should speake so doubtfully of a thing so euident in the sacred storie 4. All these things are euident out of Scripture 1. that Babylon after 70. yeares of the Iewes captiuitie should be surprised and taken Ierem. 25. 12. 2. that the king himselfe should be slaine at the taking of the citie as Isa. 14. 4. The oppressor shall cease v. 22. I will cut off in Babel the name and the remnant the sonne and the â—ephew for Balthazar was nephew to Nabuchadnezer 3. It should be done on a sudden Isa. 47. 11. Destruction shall come vpon thee suddenly or thou beware 4. and in the night Isa. 21. 4. The night of my pleasures hath he turned into feare 5. and in the time of their feast therefore he is called the king of Sheshach of the feast of their goddesse Shacah Ier. 25. 26. Quest. 43. Whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon 1. The Authors before rehearsed which thinke that Balthazar was not slaine but yeelded himselfe to Cyrus and so was sauâ—d aliue doe adde further that when the King heard that Cyrus was comming with a great armie to besiege Babylon he fled to a citie called Borsippa and thither Cyrus pursued him and besieged him there who seeing that he could not hold out yeelded himselfe vnto Cyrus clemencie 2. But Xenophons opinion lib. 7. is more probable that the king was taken at Babylon which is also most consonant to Scripture for though it be not directly expressed that he was slaine in Babylon yet it followeth by necessary collection that that was the place where Balthazar was both depriued of his life and kingdome 1. There was the kings palace c. 4. 27. where the Chaldean kings vsually did reside 2. there was the temple of Bel where the vessels of Gods house were laid vp c. 1. 2. from whence they were brought vnto this riotous feast but they could not haue beene fetch from Babylon to an other place seeing the citie was now besieged by Cyrus 3. and for the same reason so many nobles could not haue beene gathered together 4. nor yet the wise men of Babel assembled 5. neither is it like that Balthazar beeing in such feare would in that obscure place haue made such a feast whereas in Babylon he trusted to the defence of the citie 44. Quest. By what meanes Babylon was taken 1. Some thinke that Cyrus and Darius did homage vnto king Balthazar and he thereupon made this feast whereat they were present who when they heard the prophesie of Daniel and seeing the king and his nobles drunke with wine tooke their opportunitie and so set vpon them and killed them ex Hugon But it is not like that the king would haue beene so secure if his enemies had beene in his hand but that he would haue made
much lesse interpret this diuine writing so man is of himselfe vnapt and vnable to apprehend any spirituall thing the vision of the Prophets vnto carnall men is like vnto the words of a booke sealed vp Isa. 29. 10. the reason whereof the Apostle sheweth 1. Cor. 2. 14. The naturall man perceiueth not the things of the spirit of God for they are foolishnes vnto him c. 4. Doctr. That God often vseth weake instruments as namely women to effect his purpose v. 10. Now the Queene c. came into the banket house The Lord vseth oftentimes women in his seruice which are the weaker vessels and instruments both to shewe his libertie that he is not tied vnto any meanes but may vse any indifferently and to declare his power in setting vp weake meanes and to bring downe the pride of the wise when they are confounded by the simple and vnwise As here the Lord gaue more wisedome and vnderstanding to this honourable and auntient Queene then was in the king and all his thousand nobles now assembled together So the Lord raised vp Deborah to haue more courage and wisedome in her then Baruch had And thus in our age and memorie as Polanus noteth Deus adhibuit Reginam Angliae ad confundendum Hispaniarum potentâ—ssimum regem God hath vsed the Queene of England to confound the mightie king of Spame 5. Doct. Of the obliuion and forgetfulnesse in Princes of those which deserue well of them v. 13. Art thou that Daniel Daniel was worthie for his great wisedome and necessarie employment in the Babylonian state to haue beene remembred of the king as he had beene honoured of his predecessors But such is the mutabilitie of Princes fauours As in Egypt there rose vp a Pharaoh that knewe not Ioseph neither remembred the great benefits which he had done for that nation So Saul had soone forgotten Dauid that had played before him and by whom he had found great ease for not long after he asked Abner whose sonne he was Therefore as it is in the Psalme it is better to trust in the Lord then to haue any confidence in Princes 6. Doct. Of the necessarie and profitable knowledge of histories v. 18. The most high God gaue vnto Nebuchadnezzar thy father c. Here Daniel propoundeth vnto Balthazar his father Nebuchadnezzar and setteth before him the historie of his life by the which he might haue learned great wisedom The knowledge of former times is most profitable therein we behold the equitie of Gods iudgements his iustice veritie wisedome power likewise we see in a glasse the vncertaine and changeable state of the world And for our owne direction we finde what to followe and what to decline as Diodorus Siculus speaking of the profit that commeth by histories saith pulchrum est ex aliorum erratis in melius instituere vitam c. it is a good thing by other mens errors to reforme the life The counsell of the ancient because of their long experience is commended and followed But the knowledge of histories goeth farre beyond quanto plura exempla complectitur diuturnitas temporis quam hominis aetas in as much as the continuance of time comprehendeth more examples then the age of man 7. Doct. Of the vse that is to be made of examples Examples are either old such as fell out in former times or they are newe such as happen in our owne age and memorie and both are either domesticall or forren examples But the domesticall examples are more forceable and effectuall to mooue as here the example of Nebuchadnezzar is set before Balthazar Thus it is much auaileable to call to minde the examples of our fathers and ancestors before vs to followe their vertue and decline and shunne their vices And most of all we should obserue what hath befallen our selues in the former part of our life as Dauid did comfort himselfe when he went against Goliah in the experience of Gods mercie and power in deliuering him from the lyon and the beare 1. Sam. 17. 8. Doct. That flatterers are about Princes v. 23. Thou and thy Princes c. It may seeme strange that among a thousand princes and noble men that were here assembled together there was not one faithfull counsellor But here we see fulfilled that saying in the Prou. 29. 12. of a prince that hearkeneth vnto lies all his seruants are wicked It seemeth that Balthazar was giuen to heare tales and lies by which meanes it is like that Daniel was out of fauour in Court and therefore it falleth out iust vpon him that he hath none about him to speake the truth flatterers then are dangerous about princes as Haman was vnto king Assuerus And like as oyle doth soake into earthen vessels beeing soft and smooth so flatterers by their pleasant and smooth words doe insinuate themselues 9. Doct. God hath all things in number and account v. 26. God hath numbred thy kingdome The yeares and dayes of the world the tearme and continuance of kingdomes the time of mans life are all determined with God As Iob saith are not his dayes determined the number of his moneths are with thee thouâ— hast appointed his bonds which he cannot passe c. 14. 5. So the times and seasons the Lord hath put in his owne power Act. 1. 7. neither the age of the world not the tearme of kingdomes not the space of mans life can be measured or calculated by the skill of man but the Lord onely knoweth them who hath numbred and appointed them Polan 10. Doct. Of the fall and ruine of great and famous cities v. 18. Thy kingdome is diuided Pererius out of Pausanias here alleadgeth how many cities which had beene renowned and famous in the world were either vtterly decayed or much impayred as the great citie Niniue and the citie Mycene which ruled ouer all Greece were in his time become desolate so likewise Thebes in Boeotia an other Thebes in Egypt Delos in Greece and the citie Tyrinth together with Babylon which had nothing then left but walls Pausan. lib. 8. which ought to teach men not to put confidence in these earthly things as Nebuchadnezzar did in his sumptuous and costly buildings which after his time came to vtter ruine and desolation so that it is now scarse knowne where Babylon stood 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. That idolaters and worshippers of images make them their gods v. 4. They praised the gods of gold and siluer c. The Babylonians and other Gentiles were not so grosse to thinke that the diuine essence consisted of siluer or gold or that the verie images were their gods for they did hold that their gods were in heauen as the men of Lystra said Act. 14. 11. gods like vnto men are come downe vnto vs yet the spirit of God giueth this iudgement of them that they make such images their gods because they haue deuised such of themselues God requireth no such thing to be represented by Therefore
of this iudgement As yet to this day the offender is punished in his posteritie though not by death yet by other meanes as by confiscation of his goods and lands by tainting of the blood disinheriting of the children the annihilating of all their acts and fraudulent conueyances 4. It was iust for example sake to shew such seueritie that others should feare to doe the like 5. And further the children as they are by nature aliqua portio parentum some part of their parents Oecolampad so they were participes criminis partakers of the crime their wiues and children either encouraged them to goe forward in their deuise or they consented and approoued it As the like must be supposed in the destruction of Achan with his familie Iosh. 7. and in the execution of Haman who was hanged with his ten sonnes Esth. 9. Iun. in commentar Polan 29. Quest. Of king Darius decree concerning the worshipping of Daniels God the order and parts thereof It consisteth of three parts 1. the salutation 2. the propofition 3. the confirmation 1. In the salutation or inscription three things are expressed 1. the person which sendeth greeting Darius the persons saluted All nations and languages the matter of the salutation the wishing and imprecation of peace 2. The thing propounded and commanded is to feare and tremble before the God of Daniel wherein three things are expressed who are to performe this dutie 1. men in all his dominions 2. what is required to tremble feare and stand in awe 3. and to whome this dutie must be yeelded not to the idols and gods of the nations but to Daniels God 3. The confirmation followeth by three arguments 1. from the adiuncts of God his power in that he is said to be the liuing God his eternitie he remaineth for euer 2. from the adiuncts of his kingdome it is euerlasting it shall neuer perish 3. from his works and effects in generall which are two 1. he rescueth and deliuereth 2. he worketh signes and wonders then in particular he deliuered Daniel c. 30. Quest. Of Daniels prosperous estate vnder Darius and Cyrus 1. The vulgar Latine readeth perseveravit Daniel c. and Daniel perseuered or continued vnto the raigne of Darius and Cyrus which Hugo expoundeth thus ad regnum Darij finitum c. vnto the ende of Darius raigne and the beginning of Cyrus But the originall is not here well translated the word is tzalach which signifieth to prosper not to continue and the preposition is not ghad which signifieth to or vntill but beth which is in 2. The meaning then is that he was honoured first by Darius in Media who raigned not long after the taking of Babylon and after him he was in great reputation with Cyrus in Persia. 3. But where it is said c. 1. 21. that Daniel was vnto the first yeare of Cyrus that is to be restrained not vnto the time of Daniels life for he continued vnto the 3. yeare of Cyrus c. 10. 1. but of his employment in the Chaldean Monarchie that he was famous as long as that Commonwealth continued and in this place it is shewed that in the Persian state he was had likewise in reputation and it is not vnlike but that he declared vnto Cyrus the prophecie of Esai and was a speciall instrument to hasten the deliuerance of his people 4. How long Daniel remained vnto Cyrus it is not certen there is mention made in this booke but of the third yeare Bullinger thinketh he liued plures annos many yeares vnder Cyrus But Daniel was now aboue an 100. yeare old and it should seeme saw onely the beginning of Cyrus raigne as Hugo thinketh 5. Here is a secret antithesis or opposition betweene the Chaldean and Persian Monarchie vnder this Daniel prospered still and was greatly honoured but in the Chaldean state though he were honoured of Nabuchadnezzer yet he was neglected of Balthazar as appeareth c. 5. Calvin 6. Hugo here noteth that Darius and Cyrus had but one raigne he thinketh that Cyrus raigned vnder Darius who tooke Daniel with him into Media leauing Cyrus with his sonne Cambyses at Babylon as thinketh Oecolampad though according to the opinion of some Cyrus was not yet married 31. Quest. Whether this miracle of Daniels deliuerance from the lyons were shewed at Babylon in Chaldea or in Media 1. R. Levi thinketh that this fell out at Babylon because Darius raigned but a short time after the taking of Babylon not full out a yeare and to him agreeth Oecolampad and so Cyrus succeeded Darius in the very first yeare for otherwise the 70. yeares of captiuitie beeing expired the deliuerance of the people should haue beene deferred But all this may be admitted that either Cyrus succeeded Darius the very first yeare or that they both raigned together and yet this should be no reason that this miracle was done rather in Babylon then in Media Amand. Polanus also thinketh that the accusers of Daniel were Babylonians p. 468. and so this is to haue beene done in Babylon 2. Iunius is of opinion that Cyrus raigned one yeare in Babylon when the Iewes were sent out of captiuitie and then Cyrus went to Darius into Media and sent him to Babylon and resigned vnto him the kingdome thereof and so Darius first yeare in his opinion was Cyrus second Iun. comment in 5. cap. in fine hence it will follow that this miraculous accident fell out in Babylon But the text sheweth euidently that presently after Balthazar was slaine Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome he was the next and c. 6. 28. Darius raigne is named before Cyrus raigne it came not therefore after it see before qu. 4. 3. I preferre therefore Iosephus opinion who saith that after the taking of Babylon Darius Danielem prophetam secum assumptum duxit in Mediam tooke the Prophet Daniel and carried him to Media where he was cast into the lyons denne so also gloss ordinar Daniel in Mediam translatus that Daniel was translated into Media by Darius so also Hug. Calvin agreeth satis apparet ipsum relicta Babylone alio migrasse that Daniel leauing Babylon weâ—t to an other place first to Media where he continued not long then to Persia. So also Pellicaâ— thinketh that Darius did take Daniel with him into Media and left behind in Babylon Cambyses Cyrus sonne Bullinger agreeth that Darius left Cyrus at Babylon and tooke with him Daniel to Ecbatane in Media who vnderstood of the great wisdome that was in Daniel and how he had interpreted the writing vpon the wall This opinion that Daniel at this time was in Media not in Chaldea seemeth more probable for these reasons 1. the forme of gouernment which was brought in by Darius to set an 120. gouernours ouer his kingdome belonged to the Persian not to the Babylonicall state as may be collected Esth. 1. 1. where mention is made of the largenes of Assuerus kingdome ouer an 127. Prouinces 2. in this chapter the law of the Medes and
faithfull man haue not this particular and peculiar kind of faith which is called the faith of miracles yet they are assured by their faith to be euerlastingly saued though they are not thereby secure and assured alwaies of temporall deliuerance 10. Doctr. The magistrates office is not onely to procure things temporall but spirituall also for their subiects v. 26. As Darius here maketh a decree that all men in his kingdome should feare Daniels God so it belongeth to the magistrate not onely to procure outward peace and to watch ouer the people for their bodily and worldly wealth but to see also that they professe true religion and be brought to the right knowledge of God Papp Thus did the good kings of Iudah Dauid Iehosaphat Hezekiah Iosias they abolished idolatrie and superstition and planted true religion 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. Against canonicall and stinted houres of praier 1. Bellarmine vpon this example of Daniel doth ground the institution of their canonicall houres the third ninth and sixt and Pintus addeth further not onely at these three times but seuen times a day doth the Catholike Church pray septem horis canonicis in the seuen canonicall houres as Dauid saith Seuen times a day will I praise thee Psal. 119. which was shadowed forth by the seuen times blowing of the trumpets Iosh. 6. 4. Contra. 1. They doe in these positions contradict themselues for if they would prooue by Daniels example that there are three canonicall houres how come they to haue seauen 2. Dauid praied also at midnight Psal. 119. v. 62. beside his seuen times a day then by this reason there shall be yet more then 7. canonicall houres and Dauid in that place by seuen times vnderstandeth many according to the phrase of Scripture Leuit. 26. 18. and Prov. 24. 16. A iust man falleth seuen times 3. not onely these houres but all other are consecraâ—ed to praier according to the saying of the Apostle 1. Thess. 5. 17. Pray continually As Dauid praied in the morning euening and at noone Psal. 55. 17. and he vsed to remember God vpon his bed and in the watches of the night Psal. 63. 5. and our blessed Sauiour continued all night in prayer Luk. 6. 12. 4. Yet it is conuenient in respect of our infirmitie that men should tie themselues to certaine houres for their priuate prayers without superstition that although it be free for vs to pray at all times quisque tamen sentire debet suam infirmitatem vt remedia sibi accersat yet euery man must take knowledge of his infirmitie and vse the helps and remedies to stirre vp his dulnes by keeping his set houres of prayer Calvin yet so as his affection and deuotion be not tied vnto these houres but that at all other times as his necessitie requireth and occasion serueth he be readie to call vpon God 5. As for Daniels example he kept not those houres as beeing addicted in deuotion and religious obseruation more to one time then an other but because that he was most vacant and free from other employments as is before shewed qu. 15. 6. But the Popish obseruation of canonicall houres we refuse for diuers reasons 1. because they thinke the very keeping of the houre is a part of Gods worship 2. they enioyne them with such necessitie to be kept as though they could not be omitted without mortall sinne 3. they thinke by this keeping of their canonicall houres to merit at Gods hand Polan see more hereof Centur. 4. err 90. 2. Controv. That it is no Apostolical tradition to pray toward the East 1. Daniel here prayeth toward Ierusalem which was scituate southwest from Babylon and the Sanctuarie was toward the West and the doore of it opened toward the East therefore the superstitious scituation of Churches as of necessitie East and West hath no ground out of the Scriptures Oecolampad the Apostle exhorteth men to lift vp pure hands euery where 1. Tim. 2. 8. Euery place is fit to make our praier in and God is euery where present to heare those which call vpon him in faith see more Synops. Cent. 2. err 52. 2. Beside the heresie of the Ebionites is very grosse who held that Christians should pray toward Ierusalem as Ireneus writeth of them lib. 1. aduers. haeres cap. 26. for now the Temple of Ierusalem together with the ceremonies thereof is abolished the true Temple Christ Iesus beeing come 3. Controv. That the publike profession of our faith is necessarie and it is not sufficient to haue it inwardly in the heart v. 10. Daniel opened his windows to the intent that he should be seene of all not of vaine glorie but that his constancie in the worship of God might be knowne to all notwithstanding the kings edict to the contrarie Hereby is confuted the error of the Georgians Libertines and Nicodemites in these daies the same was the error of the Helchesaites in times past that if any denied his faith in time of persecution and kept it in his heart he sinned not And for the strengthening of this error diuers reasons are brought 1. They alleadge that the Magistrate who is in Gods place is to be obeyed as the Apostle teacheth that whosoeuer resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God Rom. 13. 2. Contra. 1. Magistrates as they are in Gods place so they must command and rule according to the will and word of God they haue not receiued an absolute power to command what they list but limited according to the rules of Gods holy word The Apostles themselues refused to obey the Magistrates which enioyned them not to speake in the name of Iesus Act. 4. 19. 2. Men must haue care of their wife and children whome wilfully for a man to forsake in casting himselfe into apparant danger it were impious Contra. Wife and children ought to be loued and cared for but the loue of Christ must be preferred as our Sauiour saith that he which loueth wife or children more then me is not worthie of me Matth. 10. 3. But the shedding of Christian blood should be preuented men should not offer themselues to apparant danger which giueth occasion of much bloodshed Contra. 1. The constant seruants of God are not the cause of bloodshed but the wicked persecuters which kill them cruelly and vniustly as our blessed Sauiour saith Ioh. 16. 2. Whosoeuer killeth you will thinke he doth God good seruice and these things will they doe vnto you because they haue not knowne me 2. The very death of the righteous is pretious in Gods sight Psal. 116. 15. and God receiueth as much honour by the constant death of his Saints as he doth by their godly life 3. Otherwise the holy Martyrs should be blameable because by their constant profession murther and bloodshed is occasioned whose memorie is honourable before God and man as Eusebius maketh mention of a certaine citie in Phrygia the citizens whereof together with the Magistrates professing themselues to be Christians were
ex lecto that he of a sudden leaped out of his bedde least he should forget the dreameâ— but that is a friuolous collection hereby is signified that Daniel knowing that this things was reuealed vnto him not for himselfe but for the generall vse of the Church committeth the same to writing Calvin And where it is said Daniel spake and said this is to be vnderstood of the writing as is â—uident in the first verse he wrote the dreame and declared the summe of the matter that is in writing Quest. 7. What is meant by the fowre windes which stroue together vpon the Sea 1. Hierome by these fowre windes vnderstandeth the good Angels who are compared to the windes in three respects 1. for their celeritie 2. because they are invisible 3. and are knowne onely of vs by their effects as the windes are and these good Angels doe striue for the good of those seuerall countries ouer the which they are set as the Angel which was president of Chaldea laboured that the Iewes might remaine still in captiuitie for the instruction of the Chaldeans the Angel of the Hebrewes endeauoured that they might be deliuered But neither haue the good Angels such speciall regiments assigned vnto them neither are their endeauours contrarie each vnto other neither doe any of them labour against the people of God but they doe all minister for the elects sake 2. Albertus Magnus so also Hugo Lyranus vnderstandeth here the euill Angels which are said to fight and striue because they stirre vp men to strife and contention but these are called the windes or spirits of heauen which title is not giuen vnto euill Angels 3. Pererius by these fowre principall windes which doe blowe from the 4. corners of the earth would haue signified the 4. Monarchies whereof one was in the North an other in the South one West another East But the fowre Monarchies and kingdomes are vnderstood by the fowre beasts which rise out of the Sea 4. Theodoret vnderstandeth by these windes the great commotions and perturbations quae in exortu cuiusque monarchiae extiterant which were raised in the beginning of euery Monarchie for Darius and Cyrus by tumult of warre ouercame Balshazar so did Alexander the great the last Darius of Persia And thus the Monarchies were translated not without great vexation and trouble so also Bullingeâ— Osiander but these stirres and commotions followe vpon the rising of these beasts as procured by them these windes goe before and bring forth these beasts 5. Pellican by the windes vnderstandeth the afflictions and persecutions of the Church but these beasts were the causes of these afflictions the windes goe before and are the causes of their comming forth 6. Calvin thinketh that Daniel similitudinem notam ominibus assumit both take a similitude well knowne vnto all for the windes doe not blowe so much vpon the solid earth as vpon the liquid Sea by this similitude he sheweth that the world shall be like a troublesome Sea 7. Iunius thinketh that mention is made of the windes quia Deus solitus est seruos suâ—s praemisso ventorum impetu praeparare because God vseth to prepare his seruants by sending the windes before when they receiue any visions as Elias was so prepared 1. King 19. 8. But beside these allusions specially by these words is expressed the ministrie of the Angels who are compared to windes Psal. 104. 4. which maketh the spirits or windes his messengers so Reuel 7. 1. the fowre Angels are said to hold the fowre windes of the earth that they should not blowe not that particular countries are assigned to the custodie of Angels which conceite is refuted before but hereby is signified that the Angels are like the windes dispersed euerie where in the world as ministers of Gods will Iun. Polan 9. Now whereas it is expounded afterward what the beasts signifie v. 17. but not what the words betoken the reason is the harder and hidden things are expounded and some things are pretermitted tanquam per se manifesta as manifest of themselues Oecolamp Quest. 8. Of the description of these beasts in generall 1. The cause is set forth which raiseth vp these beasts the windes which signifie the ministring spirits which are as swift as the windes to expedite the businesse committed vnto them 2. The place or subiect is expressed where these windes blowe and worke the world which is compared vnto a Sea in respect of the turbulent and changeable state thereof 3. Then followeth a description of the effect the bringing forth of these beasts which are described 1. by their number they are fowre 2. they are great 3. by the manner they ascend by degrees these terrene Monarchies attained to their power and strength 4. by the matter they all came out of the Sea they are all terrene and earthly 5. by their fashion and forme they are one vnlike an other Quest. 9. Why the kings and kingdomes of the earth are likened vnto beasts 1. In that kings are resembled vnto beasts it is not spoken in disgrace of the honourable calling of Magistrates which is the ordinance of God and in these Monarchies there were some good Princes as Cyrus Artaxerxes which fauoured the people of God 2. But because many of those great kings were Tyrants and oppressed the people of God they are tearmed beasts as Hierome saith regnorum feritas bestiarum nomine demonstratur the crueltie of those kingdomes is shewed by the name of beasts 3. So that which is essentiall in the calling of princes namely the institution and ordinance of God is not here signified but that which is accidentall in them the abuse of their gouernement which proceedeth not from the institutor or institution but from themselues Calvin Polan Quest. 10. Of the agreement betweene this vision of the 4. beasts and that of the image shewed to Nebuchadnezzar cap. 2. 1. As there the king sawe a great image so here the Prophet nameth a great Sea 2. here fowre beasts came vp and there the image is compounded of fowre mettalls gold siluer brasse and yron which represent the fowre great Monarchies and kingdomes 3. as there the yron and clay feete had their toes which in number are tenne so the last beast here hath tenne hornes v. 7. 4. there the kingdomes are likened to an image and here they come out of the Sea to shewe the mutable and changeable state of the world 5. there a stone cut out of the mountaine without hands breaketh the image in peices here also one like the sonne of man taketh vpon him the kingdome rule and dominion Oecolamp ex Euseb. But yet herein is the difference between these two visions 1. both in respect of the manner that which is but there obscurely propounded is here more euidently handled Iun. commentar 2. and of the person There Nebuchadnezzar had a dreame but vnderstood nothing here Daniel seeth a dreame he hath a reuelation in his dreame and the illumination of minde withall to
very swift as Habak 1. 8. Their horses shall be swifter then leopards So Alexander in a short time conquered the most knowne countries of all the world 3. He is likened also to a leopard for his strength Polan 4. The Panther Pard or Leopard is full of spots which either noteth the varietie of countreies and nations which Alexander subdued Hug. or rather his variable and changeable nature which was tempered both with excellent vertues and notable vices Perer. 5. The Leopard they say is taken by this meanes it much coueâ—eth and desireth wine which beeing poured neere vnto their dennes the sent thereof draweth them forth and the hunters set not farre off vessels of wine which the beast drinketh till he falleth a sleepe and so is taken And herein was Alexander like vnto the leopard who died of surfeting and drunkennes 2. Then this beast is described by the adiuncts it had foure wings 1. Some hereby vnderstand Alexanders foure vertues 1. his strength of bodie 2. courage of minde which feared nothing 3. dexteritie and industrie 4. his great liberalitie and clemencie Lyran. Perer. 2. Some by the foure wings and foure beasts vnderstand the same thing namely his foure successors Melancth Calv. but then should something in this description be superfluous 3. Hereby rather is signified Alexanders great celeritie which is shadowed forth in the nature of the beast but more liuely expressed by wings he is said to haue foure wings not two quia nihil fuit velocius Alexandri victoria because nothing was swifter then Alexanders victories Hier. for in 12. yeares he made conquest of all the famous kingdomes of the world yea in sixe yeares as Hierome testifieth he subdued all Egypt a great part of Europe all Asia euen vnto India in the first yeare of his kingdome he tooke the citie Thebes in the 2. he ouercame Darius armies at Granicum in the 3. yeare he againe ouercame Darius at Issum in the fourth yeare he tooke Tyrus when he had besieged it 7. moneths and then in the 5. subdued Syria and Iudea in the 6. yeare he finally vanquished Darius at Arbela and so possessed the Asian Empire Polan 3. Then this beast is set forth by the number of the heads the beast also had foure heads 1. Iunius hereby would not haue vnderstood foure kingdomes but the great dexteritie of Alexander in taking care for all the parts of his kingdome as if he had had foure heads Iun. in comment 2. The most doe take them for Alexanders foure successors in the kingdome Cassander in Macedonia Antigonus in Asia minor Seleucus in Syria Ptolome in Egypt so Oecolamp Perer. Papp Calv. with others but these 4. kingdomes make the fourth beast as afterward shall be shewed 3. Wherefore better are here vnderstood the 4. chiefe captains of Alexander which did aide him to atchieue his victories and afterward gouerned the kingdome vnder Aridaeus Alexanders brother who beeing slaine they diuided the kingdome among them So Hugo saith quatuor dicit duces Alexandri he meaneth the foure captaines of Alexander which afterward became his successors so Iunius in his annotations vnderstandeth quatuor satrapiae the fowre regements of the kingdome which after Alexanders death should haue come vnto his two sonnes Alexander and Hercules but they agreed to make Aridaeus Alexanders brother king and appointed Antipater to be protector of the kindome but at length both Alexanders sonnes were slaine by Cassander and Aridaeus also And then Cassander succeeded Aridaeus in Macedonia and after him Antipater And the other three in their seuerall kingdomes as is before expressed 4. The last part of the description is from the efficient cause and author of this great dominion which Alexander had it was giuen him of God and that he obtained not such great victories by his owne power or policie but by the extraordinarie assistance of God doth euidently appeare by these fowre arguments 1. because he in a shorter time subdued more countries then other 〈◊〉 captaines haue taken cities as is before shewed in the second part of the description 2. in that he with so small an host of 30. thousand encountred with such great armies of the Persians first with an 150. thousand then with 400. thousand and last of all with 10. hundred thousand which Darius Codomannus had gathered together against him 3. Alexanders securitie is an euident argument also thereof who the same day that Darius was ouercome was so fast asleepe in his Tent that all his captaines could not awake him making a noise round about for they durst not goe in 4. Alexander himselfe also confessed as much who meeting Iaddua the high Preist in his pontificall robes and falling downe before him and reuerencing him being asked the reason of Parmenio answered that he worshipped not the man but God in the man who in the same habite had appeared vnto him and encouraged him to goe on in his enterprise to ouercome Asia and promised to lead his armies thus Iosephus writeth lib. 11. Antiquit. c. 8. Quest. 19. Why the fourth beast hath no name 1. The Hebrewes doe here imagine that although this fourth beast be not expressed by name yet that it was a wild boare whereby they would haue signified the Romane Empire which destroyed Ierusalem and they alleadge that saying in the Psalme 80. 13. the wilde boare out of the wood hath destroyed it But seeing this last kingdome is described to be more fierce and cruell then the rest it was not like to be resembled by the wild boare which is not so terrible as the other three beasts the lyon the beare the Leopard vnto the which the other three kingdomes are compared 2. Theodoret applying this vision to the Romane Empire thinketh that this is the reason why certaine beasts are before named but none here because in the other three kingdoms there was a certaine forme of gouernement by kings but in the Romane state the forme of gouernment often changed they were gouerned 1. by kings 2. by Consuls 3. by the Tribunes of the people 4. by Dictators 5. by Emperours But it shall euidently appeare afterward that this vision is not to be extended to the Romanes 3. Hierome giueth this reason the beast is not named vt si quid ferocius bestijs supradictis cogitauerimus hoc imperio Romanorum attribuamus c. that if any thing can be imagined more cruell then the forenamed beasts it should be attributed to the Romane Empire thus also Lyran. gloss ordinar with others Hieromes reason here in generall is to be admitted but he faileth likewise in his particular application to the Romane state 4. Pererius hath this conceit that if this last Monarchie here described which he supposeth to be of the Romanes should be represented by any certaine kind of beast it is most like to be that which Aristotle out of Ctesias Gnidius saith is found in India which he describeth in this manner the name of the beast is Mantichora it hath three
80. great shippes this strength they were of vnder Adrian the Emperour as Appian writeth Thirdly their strength consisted in their riches and treasure they had of treasure in a readinesse in diuerse places 75. thousand Egyptian talents a talent of Egypt weighed 80â— which is equiualent to 8000. Italian peices of gold the whole summe will amount to 600 times tenne hundred thousand that is 600 millions of gold 2. Touching the means whereby they enlarged their Empire they were these 1. the loue of libertie 2. their ambitious desire to rule 3. their affecting of praise and renowne 4. their militarie discipline 5. their curtesie to their friends and seueritie against their enemies 3. Some part of their kingdome they got vniustly as Pompey tooke Asia from the rightfull kings Cyprus they tooke from Ptolome Sardinia from Carthage Some countries were giuen and bequeathed vnto them as Asia by Attalus will Bythinia by Nicodemus testament the Cyrenians and Pentapolis by Ptolome Lybia by king Appioâ— Perer. But all this discourse here is superfluous seeing in this place we haue nothing to doe with the Romanes but as it is typically shadowed forth in the kingdome of the Seleucians 6. It remaineth then that this fourth beast must represent the kingdome of Syria wherein tenne kings succeeded one another the last of which was Antiochus Epiphanes who is the little horne here spoken of That this interpretation is most probable shall appeare in the handling of the seuerall parts of this vision neither is it new taken vp by Iunius onely Polanus and others but Hierome maketh mention of one Polichronius who so vnderstood it and Theodoret also sheweth the same to haue beene the opinion of some though he resolue vpon the Romanes And yet we denie not but that typically also vnder the kingdome of the Seleucians is shadowed forth the Monarchie of the Romans as S. Iohn in the description of the beast with seuen heads and tenne hornes hath relation vnto this vision thereby implying the Romane Monarchie Apocal. 13. 1. Quest. 22. That the kingdome of Syria which was held by Seleucus and his posteritie was the fourth beast Pappus who expoundeth this fourth beast of the Turke and Pope together against this other exposition taketh these exceptions Obiect 1. Seleucus Nicanor is comprehended vnder the third beast which is described with fowre heads the beast is Alexander and the fowre heads are his fowre sucessors that followed after him of the which Seleucus was one he cannot be both a part of the third beast and the fourth also Contra. He is comprehended in the the third beast as then gouerning vnder that kingdome for Alexanders 4. captaines were at the first regents vnder Alexander and his successor Aridius but he made the fourth beast when he constituted and erected a kingdome to himselfe and his successors though the fourth beast had his beginning and first erection vnder the third yet now the succession and continuance of that kingdome may make the fourth beast Obiect 2. They which reckon tenne kings of Syria vnto Antiochus Epiphanes doe insert two of the Egyptian kings Ptolomeus Euergites and Ptolomeus Philopator otherwise they cannot make vp the number for there be but eight in all beside Contra. Though these two were kings of Egypt yet by conquest they held for a time the kingdome of Syria Ptolomeus Euergites expelled Seleueus Callinicus and Ptolomeus Philopator expelled Antiochus the great though they were dispossessed againe of the kingdome yet because they did hold it for a time they may be numbred also among the rest of the kings 3. Antiochus Epiphanes is one of the tenne hornes he cannot then be the other little horne that plucketh away three hornes before it which maketh the eleuenth Contra. The little horne is the last of the tenth it maketh not the eleuenth the word is acharee which the most translate an other but it more vsually signifieth the latter this little horne then was not another beside the tenne but the last of the tenne Ob. 4. As in the third beast the fowre heads doe not signifie 4. kindomes one after another but fowre set vp all at once so these tenne hornes must signifie ten kings or kingdomes all at once Contra. 1. Though these 4. heads of the 3. beast doe here signifie 4. kingdomes raised vp together yet alwaies it is not so for Apocal. 17. 9. by the 7. heads are signified 7. kings one succeeding another as it is there said vers 10. fiue are fallen and one is and one is not yet come 2. In this chapter the Angel expoundeth these 10. hornes of succession the last shall rise after them v. 24. the latter of these tenne shall be after the other they were not then altogether 3. Againe it is there said v. 24. that these tenne hornes should arise out of one kingdome But in one kingdome at one time there could not be 10. kings Ob. 5. After the abolishing of the fourth beast the kingdome is giuen vnto the Saints v. 27. but the Romane Empire came betweene the determination of the kingdome of the Seleucians and the birth of the Messiah in whome this spirituall kingdome of the Saints beganne Contra. It cannot be gathered out of the text that immediately after the destruction of this beast the Messiah should come but after Antiochus Epiphanâ—s who is intended by that little horne though other of the Seleucians succeeded yet none of them afflicted the people of God as he had done they had peace and tranquilitie from those forren Tyrants of Syria and yet there remained some life in the other beasts though their kingdomes were taken away a long time before as there was some reliques of the Babylonian kingdome in the Armenians of the Persian in the Parthians of the kingdomes of Syria and Egypt after their power and strength was taken from them by the Romanes Ob. 6. The ende of the world and finall iudgement followeth after the destruction of the fourth beast but so did it not after the dissolution of the kingdome of the Seleucians Contra. That description v. 9. is not of the finall iudgement at the last day but of that which God exerciseth in this world against the wicked as Apocal. 4. 2. a throne likewise is set and iudgement prepared Ob. 7. After the kingdome of the fourth beast the dominion is giuen vnto the Saints but the kingdome of the Seleucians fell vnto the Romanes Contra. The temporall kingdome was inuested in the Romanes but the spirituall kingdome was giuen to the Messiah and in him communicated vnto the Saints of this spirituall not of any temporall kingdome speaketh the Prophet v. 14. which is described by the vniuersalitie all nations and languages should serue him and the eternitie his kingdome shall neuer be destroyed Ob. 8. Antiochus Epiphanes is described by a little horne which came forth of one of the fowre hornes of the goat cap. 8. 9. which is taken for Alexander and answereth to the third beast here he therefore is
comprehended vnder the third beast he maketh not the fourth Contra. 1. That is a diuerse vision from this they are not then to be confounded together he may belong to the second beast there the goat and yet make the fourth beast here 2. This collection maketh strongly to procue Antiochus to be the little horne here because he is resembled to a little horne there and other parts of that vision agree with this Obiect 9. Against Antiochus whom they would haue signified by this horne the ships of Chittim are sent c. 11. 30. but this beast is not destroyed by any humane power but by the iudgement of God in the ende of the world Pappus Contra. 1. It followeth not because God is said here to iudge him that therefore he vsed no humane instruments God destroyed the kingdome of Syria by stirring vp the Romanes against them 2. this place is not to be vnderstood of the finall iudgment as is shewed before Quest. 23. Of the yron teeth and other parts of the generall description of the fourth beast 1. They which vnderstand the fourth beast to be the Romane Empire some by the yron teeth would haue signified the famous and valiant captaines by whose meanes the Romanes subdued the nations dentes regni sunt principâ—â— fortissimi the teeth of the kingdome are the valiant captaines by whose meanes the king deâ—oureth as with teeth gloss So also Bulling Such teeth were C. Fabricius who subdued Pirrhus M. Marcellus conquered the Germans Paulus Aemilius Greece Scipio Africanus Africa Crassus and Pompey the East Iulius Caesar the West Calvin by the yron teeth vnderstandeth audaciam inexplebilem cupiduatem their bouldnesse and insatiable desire of dominion intelligitur Romani imperij crudelitas the crueltie of the Romane Empire is signified But this doth euidently conuince that the Romanes are not here vnderstood at all because this fourth beast should be more fierce and cruell then the rest against the people of God the Iewes as v. 21. they shall make battell with the Saints But till the comming of the Messiah the Romanes shewed themselues more equall toward the Iewes then any of the former kingdomes 2. Therefore by the yron teeth of the fourth beast are better vnderstood the crueltie of the kingdome of the Syrians exercised against the people of God and more particularly by the teeth are expounded ducâ—s â—opiae their armies and captaines whereby they did bite and deuoure and as it were grind the Iewes And for this cause this beast is said to haue nayles or clawes of brasse v. 19. whereby they did rent and teare in sunder the people of God for they are the speciall obiect of their crueltie Quest. 24. Why it is said to stampe the residue vnder the feate 1. They likewise which referre this to the Romane Empire doe diuersely expound it 1. Bullinger taketh it to be a phrase of speach taken from wanton beasts which beeing full what they cannot eate themselues doe tread the rest vnder their feet whereby he thinketh is signified the great insolenciâ— and crueltie of the Romanes in making hauocke and spoile of all 2. Oecolampadius vnderstandeth it of their enuie quibus frui non poterat alijs inuidens c. what they could not enioy themselues they stamped vnder their feete as enuying that others should haue it 3. Calvin whom the Gonevens followe doth expound it of this politike deuise of the Romanes that what they could not quietly enioy in other countries they would giue to other kings and rulers whom they might vse at all times as their vassals Thus they aduanced Masinissa in Africa and gaue him great gifts that by his meanes they might haue Africa more peaceable 4. the most doe thus vnderstand it that whom they did not consume and destroy tributo seruituti subijciebaâ—t they brought them vnder tribute and seruitude 5. the meaning is that those whom they vtterly destroyed not they did as it were spurne with their feete that is by all meanes afflict and oppresse them Iun. Quest. 25. Wherein this fourth beast was vnlike the rest v. 7. 1. They likewise which thinke the Romane Empire here to be shadowed forth do make diuerse applications of it 1. Some doe referre it to the diuâ—rse forme of gouernement among the Romanes who were first gouerned by kings then by Consuls afterward by Tribunes the Decâ—â—viri Dictators whereas the other Monarchies were perpetually ruled by kings Bulling Ofiand 2. An other sense is because in the former beasts singula fortitudinum signa fuerunt in hac omnia there wâ—re some particular signes of fortitude but in this all together Hierome Hugo 3. or in impeâ—io Româ—â— orum omnia simul fuere regna c. in the Romane Empire were ioyned together all those kingdomes which were separated before 4. It was monstrum insolitum a strange monster Cal. in respect of their straunge rising vp and of their great power 2. R. Leui thinketh that this beast is distinct from the rest to signifie that it should continue a long time true it is that the Syrian kingdome continued 248. yeares longer then the Persian Monarchie or the Chaldean counting from the beginning of Nebuchadnezzars raigne but it is not the quantitie or continuance of time but the qualitie and condition that maketh a thing like or vnlike 3. Wherefore this vnlikenesse to all the rest is vnderstood of the crueltie wherein it should exceede all the rest toward the people of God prae tyrannidis grauitate in the greatnesse and grieuousnesse of the tyrannie it should be vnlike them Iun. annot Polan And therefore in the vision of the image c. 2. this last kingdome is resembled to the yron feete which did breake and bruise all in peices Quest. 26. Of the tenne hornes what is signified thereby v. 7. The diuerse opinions which are held concerning the interpretation of these words are of two sorts some by tenne vnderstand not precisely a certaine number but an vncertaine and indefinite they take tenne for many as Num. 14. 22. they haue tempted me tenne times Iob. 19. 2. yee haue tenne times reproached me Some vnderstand according to the litterall sense so many kings precisely 1. Of the first sort 1. Some by tenne kings vnderstand all the kings which should be in the Romne Empire from the beginning to the ende thereof vnto the comming of Antichrist numero isto denario vniuersitas Regum significata est c. by this number of tenne is signified the vniuersall companie of the kings in the Romane Empire August lib. 20. de ciuit Dei c. 23. 2. Some by these kings vnderstand the seuerall prouinces and kingdomes which were gouerned by Proconsuls and deputies the Romane Empire yet standing Calv. 2. Some the kingdomes into the which the Romane Empire was diuided and dissolued as first it was parted into the East and West Empire in the East sprang vp the kingdomes of the Persians Saracenes and of other nations in the West of the Gothes Lombards Hunnes
the Romanes the king of Iudea Quest. 27. Who is signified by the little horne ver 8. The diuerse opinions here conceiued about the interpreâ—ation of these words are of fiue sorts 1. Some apply them to the Empire of the Turkes 2. Some vnderstand them of the Romane Empire 3. Some of both ioyned together 4. Some of Antichrist 5. Some of the Syrian kingdome and hold Antiochus Epiphanes that cruell enemie of the Iewes to be this little horne All these opinions shall now be examined in their order 1. That this little horne should be the Turke it is the opinion of Melancthon and Oâ—iander and of Vatablus and Pintus among the Romanists vnto whom they make all the properties of this little horne to agree for as this is called a little horne so Mahomet was of obscure beginning who vnder the Emperors Heraclius and Honorius about the yeare 600. by craft cousenage and sorcerie did drawe many after him he is said to haue the eyes of a man because he was most cunning to deceiue he spake proud things for Mahomet fayned that he had familiar conference with Angels and that he was a great Prophet and he said his lawe was better then Moses or Christs Melancthon to the same purpose sheweth how these fowre things doe fitly agree vnto the Turkish Empire the time of their rising vp their doctrine power and place of their dominion 1. For the time they sprang vp when the Romane Empire was decaying and vnder the Empâ—rours before named 2. for their doctrine they abolish the writings of the Prophets and Apostles they denie Christ to be the Sauiour of the world and many horrible blasphemies doe they vtter against the Son of God 3. their power exceedeth all other Monarchies they haue vnder their Empire the most part of Africa and a great part of Europe and Asia 4. For their place they came from the North from the mount Caucasus as Ezekiel prophesieth that Gog and Magog shall come from the North Ezeck 39. 2. But Pererius sheweth by these two arguments that the Turke is not here meant to be this little horne 1. because when Mahomet did rise there were not tenne kings in the Romane Empire it was not yet dissolued and deuided into tenne kingdomes but remayned whole vnder the obedience of the Emperor 2. This horne shall afflict the people of God a time two times and an halfe that is three yeares and an halfe but Mahomet and his followers haue persecuted the Church of God many hundred yeares 3. Burgensis addeth further this reason that the Turke doth not make the fourth beast which is the fourth Monarchie here described nor that set forth in the Image c. 2. because before the first comming of Christ which is there spoken of there was no mention at all of the Turkes and Saracenes and the fowre Monarchies were absolute in their times that no other kingdome was able to resist them So is not the Turke for he is encountred with other enemies equivalent vnto him 4. But this further may disprooue this opinion for the Turkes this fourth kingdome shall make warre with the Saints and the people of God which then were vnderstood to be the Iewes the knowne people of God But the Turkes are at this day great friends vnto the Iewes of whom they borrowe the greater part of their religion This little horne then vpon the reasons aforesaid is not the great Turke to whome by way of analogie many of the properties of this horne may agree but historically it is not meant of him 2. Of the second sort that here vnderstand the Romane Empire is R. Leui who sometime maketh the next after the tenth Caesar which was Traiane to be this horne sometime Constantine But both of these were commendable Emperours Traiane is renowned euen among the Gentiles and Constantine was a vertuous and religious Emperour as all our histories doe write of him 3. Calvin would haue this little horne to be Iulius Caesar Augustus and the other which succeeded him But seeing that the tenne hornes are expounded to be tenne kings the little horne beeing the last of the tenne cannot be the first nor the second or the rest in order Iulius Caesar was the first Emperour next to him was Augustus and so the rest that follow 4. Oecolampadius doth indifferently vnderstand this little horne to be both the Pope in the West and the Turke in the East which he expoundeth to be the beast with two hornes Apocal. 13. 11. the one pushing in Europe by â—ypocrisie and deceite the other in Asia and Africa by tyrannie and violence so also Pap. But v. 24. the Angel expoundeth the tenne hornes to be tenne kings of one kingdome the Pope and Turke make not one kingdome therefore they cannot both be this horne 5. Some apply this prophesie vnto Antichrist whom they suppose shall come in the end of the world after the Romane Empire is destroyed and deuided among tenne kings Hier. Lyran. Hugo who out of Andrâ—as reporteth that this Antichrist shall drawe the Iewes vnto him and reedifie the Temple at Ierusalem But this is an olde dreame that such an Antichrist shall come toward the ende of the world this phansie is receiued both of Turkes who in their Alcaron speake of Antichrist that shall come whom Christ shall destroy and the Papists expect the like Antichrist to come three yeare and an halfe before the second comming of Christ Both of them are grossely deceiued for the little horne here described should make warre with the Saints that then were the Iewes whose commonwealth long since was dissolued and they through the world dispersed 6. Bullinger vnderstandeth this little horne to be the Pope shewing how from small beginnings that Sea did growe vp at the first as a little horne partly by the graunt of the Emperours as Boniface the 3. obtained of the Emperour Phocas to be called the Vniuersall Bishop partly by their pride and ambition But still this principle must be held that Daniel describeth here by this horne a great enemie and persecutor of the Iewish nation the people of God then therefore this vision although analogically it may be referred to the Pope the verie Antichrist of whom Antiochus Epiphanâ—s might well be a type and figure yet literally and historically it is not so intended 7. But the Hebrewes of all other are the most malicious and absurd who most blasphemously make Iesus Christ our Blessed Lord and Sauiour this little horne for so they say his beginning was small and base he came out of the fourth beast he ioyned with the Romane Empire as appeared in Constantine he spake presumptuous things in making himselfe equall vnto God and changed times in abrogating the ceremonies of Moses lawe ex Paul Burgensi But all this is malitiously and ignorantly deuised of the Iewes 1. because this horne is little at the first it followeth not that whosoeuer is little and smal at the first should be this horne 2. neither is the
Romane Empire this fourth beast and though the Imperiall authoritie did set forth and maintaine the gospel of Christ there is great difference betweene terrene dominion and the spirituall kingdome of Christ. 3. out Blessed Sauiour was equall to his father as God and as the true Messiah was to determine and abolish the legall ceremonies The Iewes therefore thus obiecting doe but bewray their own ignorance concerning the true Messiah 8. It remaineth then that this little horne was historically Antiochus Epiphanes who was the teâ—th king of Syria from Seleucus Nicanor and yet typically also Antichrist as bath beene shewed in the former questions and to him best agree all properties of the little horne as shall be shewed in the questions next ensuing Thus Polychronius interpreted this place whose opinion Hierome misliketh lunius thus expoundeth and Polanus following him Quest. 28. Who those three kings should be signified by the three hornes plucked away Some doe take this number of three indefinitely for no certaine number some do strictly vnderstand three as they are named and each of these opinions hath diuerse varieties and differences 1. They which take it indefinitely 1. Some by three kings vnderstand many R. Leui of many kings subdued by the Romane Empire R. Saadia of the Turkish dominion Oecolampadius of both and the wearing of the Popes triple crowne signifieth his dominion ouer three that is diuerse kings But where diuerse numbers are named and there is a diuision of number as here of tenne and three there certaine numbers are vnderstood otherwise if the number of ten should be taken indefinitely and so the number of three more should not be signified by tenne then by three no certaine number beeing contained in either 2. Calvin giueth this exposition This litttle horne tooke away three hornes that is a great part of the regall power and authoritie which he thinketh was done when Augustus Caesar tooke from the Senate the authoritie of naming Proconsuls and Gouernours for the Prouinces But whereas the Angel by the three hornes vnderstandeth three kings this is no proper sense to vnderstand by these three kings the authoritie of naming the Proconsuls which were many and this power was not extinguished though it were taken from the Senate it remained still in the Emperor but these three hornes shall be quite pluckt away before this little horne 3. They which take this number for three precisely 1. Some which doe vnderstand it of the Turke name three kingdomes which he hath surprised but therein they agree not Melancthon setteth downe Egypt Syria and Cilicia Osiander and Pappus Asia Grecia and Egypt Vatablus nameth the Empire of Constantinople and the kingdome of Egypt for two the third is not yet subdued to the Turke which he nameth not But the Turke hath many more then three kingdomes vnder him 4. They which imagine a certaine Antichrist to come in the ende of the world vnderstand these three kings of Egypt Africa Aethiopia whom when Antichrist hath subdued the other seuen shall yeeld themselues so Hierome whom Lyranus gloss ordinar Hugo Pintus followe But this conceit of this supposed Antichrist is confuted before quest 27. 5. and it is said that this horne shall pull away onely 3. hornes not that he shall subdue all the tenne 5. Bullinger making the Pope that Romane Antichrist to be this little horne by the three kings would haue signified Leo the 3. the Emperour of Greece whome Gregorie the 2. excommunicated for condemning of images and tooke from him the Exarchateship of Rauenna and Childerichus king of Fraunce was deposed by Pope Zacharie and Pope Leo the 3. obtained of Charles the Exarchateship and gouernement of Italie the Longobards beeing ouercome and their king Desiderius slaine But this cannot be the meaning for these reasons 1. this little horne signifieth one king specially then it is not properly referred to many Popes one succeeding another 2. the Popes deposed and did excommunicate many more kings and Emperours beside these 3. and these 3. hornes must be plucked away before the other to make a way for the little horne not after this horne is exalted 6. Palychronius who by this little horne rightly expoundeth Antiochus Epiphanes yet is deceiued in taking the Persians Aegyptians and Iewes for these three hornes ex Oeco for the Egyptians had an horne by themselues and the Iewes could not be an horne of this fourth beast for they were pushed at by the beast they had no hornes to push others withall 7. Porphyrius likewise taking this little horne to be Antiochus Epiphaâ—es yet erreth herein these three kings he taketh to be Ptolome Euergetes Ptolome Philomâ—tor and Artaxias king of Armenia whom Antiochus subdued for although Antiochus raigned at the same time with Philometor and ouercame him wherein Hierome is deceiued who thinketh that Philometor was dead before Antiochus was borne for they raigned 11. yeares together one in Syria the other in Egypt Perer. yet Ptolome Euergetes the Elder was 40. yeares before Antiochus and Euergetes the younger was twentie yeares after him therefore neither of them could be any of the kings sâ—bdued by Antiochus And though he ouercame Artaxias king of Armenia yet he tooke not from him his kingdome 8. Iunius thinketh that these were the three kings whom Antiochus subdued and destroyed Ptolome Philopator whom he expelled out of Syria ioyning with Antiochus the great his father and Seleucus his brother then he deposed Seleucus and killed Demetrius his sonne as he returned from Rome But in this last is Iunius deceiued for Demetrius the sonne raigned after Antiochus Epiphanes therefore he was not killed by him not deposed Neither could this Demetrius beeing an hostage at Rome procure while Epiphanes liued to be king of Syria but after his death he was receiued by the Syrians and first hauing killed Lysias tutor of Antiochus Eupator the sonne of Epiphanes and then Eupator himselfe he got the kingdome Thus Ioseph lib. 12. Antiquit. c. 15. Livius lib. 46. Appian and Demetrius is none of the tenne hornes quest 26. therefore he could be none of the 3. hornes which were of the tenne some other agree with Iunius that these three forenamed were the three kings but Demetrius they thinke was not killed but onely deposed and kept from the kingdome H. Br. 9. Therefore these three rather were the kings Ptolome Philopator expelled by Antiochus Epiphanes Antiochus the great his father whom he procured to be slaine in a certaine sedition when his father went about to spoile the Temple of Iuppiter Dodoneus the third was his Elder brother Seleucus Philopator whose death he compassed likewise Polan and Iunius leaueth it as indifferent whether Antiâ—chus the great or Demetrius be held to be the third king Quest. 29. Of other propâ—rties of this little horne 1. It is called little 1. which some applie to the Turke in respect of his small and obscure beginnings for Mahomet was of obscure and base parentage Pappus Osiander 2. Some
vnderstand it of the Pope who at the first gaue himselfe titles of humilitie as â—ervus servorum seruant of seruants 3. Calvin vnderstandeth it of Iulius Cesaer who refused to be called king but Tribune of the people 4. Some referre it to their Antichrist which shall come in the ende of the world qui ignobilis in obscuro loco nascitur who should be very base and borne in an obscure place Hugo But these seuerall opinions we before confuted qu. 26. qu. 27. 5. Therefore this is better vnderstood of Antiochus Epiphanes who is resembled to a little horne because he was younger brother to Seleucus Philopator and had no right to the kingdome but it should haue descended vnto Demetrius Seleucus sonne 2. This little horne came vp among the rest 1. Some vnderstand here that inter ipsos in terra eorum c. that this little horne or King shall come vp among the other kings and in their land Andreas ex Hugon But how can he come vp among the tenne kings seeing three are plucked vp before him to make a way for him 2. Some hold that these teâ—â—e kings shall come in the ende of the world and that this shall be the eleuenth whome they suppose to be Antichrist Hierom. Lyran. 3. But the meaning rather is that it shall come vp among them that is be one of the tenne Iun. and he shall come vp as of himselfe intruding and vsurping for Antiochus Epiphanes had no right to the kingdome beeing the yonger brother yet though he be one of the tenne he may be said to be the eleuenth as differing from all the rest see the like Apoc. 17. 11. The beast that was and is not is euen the eight and is one of the seauen 3. This little horne had the eyes of a man 1. They which applie it vnto Antichrist doe thereby insinuate that he shall not be a deuill as some thinke but a man though it be their opinion that he shall be possessed of the deuill who shall rule in him both in bodie and soule the spirit of Sathan shall not be hypostatically ioyned vnto him as the Godhead in Christ but Sathan shall dwell in him as in those that are possessed not tormenting him but in stirring of him vp and instructing him and teaching him many hid things thus Hierome Hugo addeth further that although Antichrist shall be conceiued of the seede of his parents yet the deuill shall enter into the wombe of his mother cuius virtute nascetur puer by whose power the childe shall be borne and so by these eyes they vnderstand the wonderfull knowledge and magicall science which shall be infused into him by Satan But all these are mens fansies concerning Antichrist in that he is said to haue the eyes of a man an humane not diabolicall science is insinuated 2. Pintus expoundeth the eyes of a man of carnall wisdome not spirituall 3. Vatablus referreth it to the policie of the Turks 4. Bullinger to the hypocrisie and subtiltie of the Pope 5. Oecolampadius to both 6. Calvin to the humanitie of the Emperours that madâ— themselues in outward shew as one of the Senators but tooke all authoritie from them 7. But it is a true description rather of Antiochus Epiphanes three properties are signified by these humane eyes first that he should make an outward shew of humanitie intending nothing els but deceit and crueltie then hereby his subtiltie and cunning is expressed and thirdly his couetousnes and ambitious greedie desire Iun. Polan 4. He hath a mouth speaking presumptuous things 1. that is Antichrist shall make himselfe God and shall faine himselfe to be the Messiah Hugo he shall speake great things promise more then he can performe Lyran. 2. Vatablus vnderstandeth it of the blasphemie of the Turke against God and his Church so Melancth Oâ—iand 3. Bullinger of the blasphemies of the Pope 4. Oecolampadius comprehendeth the blasphemies of them both as the Turke denieth Christ to be the sonne of God and saith he was not crucified but an other for him he preferreth his law before either Moses or Christs So the Pope challengeth to be Christs Vicar in earth that he can not erre that he is the head and husband of the church that he hath power to dispose of the kingdomes of the earth and giue them to whome he will 5. Calvin vnderstandeth the terrible threatnings of the Emperours of Rome against their enemies who though they pretended humanitie which is signified by their eyes yet they were fierce and cruell 5. But it is better vnderstood of the blasphemie of Antiochus which he vttered against God and his people as is extant in the histories of him 〈◊〉 30. Quest. Of the description of the glorious manner of Gods iudgement expressed v. 9. to v. 15. Here first is set forth the forme and manner of the iudgement it selfe v. 9. 10. then the execution v. 12. to v. 15. In the forme of iudgement foure things are described 1. he which sate vpon the throne 2. the throne it selfe 3. the assistants 4. the processe in iudgement 1. He which sate vpon the throne is described by three essentiall properties 1. his eternitie he is called the Auncient of daies which also sheweth his infinite wisdome which is found in the auncient 2. his authoritie his garments were white which Hugo applieth to Christs transfiguration in mount Tabor but the white garment was a signe of authoritie as Ioseph when he was aduanced by Pharaoh had a white garment put vpon him 3. by his haire which was as pure wooll is signified his innocencie and integritie in iudgement 2. First it is said that thrones were set in the plural which some read thrones were cast downe vnderstanding the thrones and kingdomes of the former beasts Iun. Polan Vatab. but it is better interpreted thrones were set vp as the 24. Elders had their seates about the throne Apoc. 4. 4. these thrones were set as inferiour seates for the Lords assistants the Angels which title of honour is vouchsafed vnto them in Scripture Calvin then the throne of God is set forth by three properties it is fierie which sheweth that all things are manifest vnto God it hath wheeles which signifieth the celeritie of Gods iudgements and a fierie streame issued forth which sheweth the power of Gods iudgements which none can resist no more then the course of a streame can be staied 3. The Angels as Gods assistants in this iudgement are described 1. by their number thousand thousands and ten thousand thousands a finite number beeing taken for an infinite 2. by their office they are saide to minister vnto God 3. by their alacritie and readines they stand before him as readie at his becke to execute his will 4. The processe is set forth the bookes were opened the bookes of euery mans acts as Princes in their iudgements haue bookes and euidence brought forth not that God needeth any information as terrene Iudges but to shew the equitie of his
iudgement 2. The execution followeth which is of two sorts in iustice in condemning the beasts v. 11 12. and in mercie in setting vp the kingdome of his sonne Christ and his Church v. 13 14. 31. Quest. Whether the finall iudgement in the ende of the world be here described 1. Some thinke that the forme of the finall iudgement of the world is here set forth as they which either by the little horne vnderstand Antichrist who as they imagine shall come in the ende of the world as Lyran. Hug. and likewise they which by the fourth beast vnderstand the Romane Empire or the Turks as Bullin Oecol Osian But seeing this vision and that of the Image c. 2. in effect is all one as there the stone cut out without hands that dashed the image in pieces signifieth Christ in his first not in his second comming for that stone grew into a mountaine and filled the earth but after Christ commeth to iudgement his kingdome shall be at the full it shall not afterward encrease see this confirmed by other reasons c. 2. qu. 55. So this iudgement here described must be referred vnto Christs first comming And if the fourth beast be the kingdome of the Seleucians as is before prooued at large then these thrones must be set when that beast was destroied 2. Burgensis is of opinion that the first vision concerneth the first comming of Christ when he dashed the image in pieces in that all idolatrie of the Gentiles was abolished at his comming but this he referreth to the finall iudgement when all the kingdomes and Monarchies of the earth shall be destroied and Christ onely shall raigne But Thoring taketh exception here to Burgensis that all idolatrie was not abolished at Christs comming seeing in many nations it continued long after Christs comming into the world and yet in Asia Africa and some places of Europe is practised This rather maketh against Burgensis that seeing in this vision there is a description of the foure Monarchies which were represented in that image c. 2. that the same manner of iudgement by the comming of Christ for the destruction of those Monarchies is in both places signified 3. Calvin misliketh that this place should be vnderstood of the second comming of Christ and yet he holdeth this fourth beast to be the Romane Empire both these can not stand together for the Romane Empire was not iudged nor dissolued at the first comming of Christ. 4. Therefore by the iudgement of God here shewed in this manner to the Prophet is better vnderstood the processe of the diuine iustice against these Monarchies which were all dissolued before the first comming of Christ. In like manner is the iudgement of God described in the ouerthrow of Senacherib which came against Ierusalem Psal. 76â— 9 10. Thou didst cause thy iudgement to be heard from heauen c. when thou O Lord arose to iudgement to helpe all the meeke of the earth Iun. Polan 5. But yet we so vnderstand here the iudgement of God vpon these kingdomes at the first comming of Christ as that it is also a type and figure of the finall iudgement this iudgement beginneth at the first comming of Christ Genevens and shall be perfected at his second comming when all the enemies of Christ and his Church vniuersally shall be destroied 32. Quest. v. 9. Who is said to be the Auncient of daies and how 1. Some vnderstand here the person of the Father because mention is made v. 13. of the sonne of man which approached vnto the Auncient of daies Polan so also the ordinarie glosse taketh it But Christ is there called the Sonne of man in respect of his humane nature as he is God he is the Auncient of daies from all eternitie as God the Father is as he is called the euerlasting father Isa. 9. 6. 2. Some by the Auncient of daies vnderstand Christ the Mediatour Christus antiquus dierum introducitur Christ is brought in as the auncient of daies who is the lambe that was slaine from the beginning of the world Oecolampad But Christ as the Mediator God and man is described afterward v. 13. where he is called the Sonne of man and approacheth to the auncient of daies the Sonne of man then and that Auncient of daies are not all one 3. Wherefore by the Auncient of daies the euerlasting God is signified Iun. the Father Sonne and holy Ghost who were from all eternitie for concerning the person of the Father our Sauiour saith My Father iudgeth no man but hath committed all iudgement to the Sonne Iob. 5. 22. So Hugo Deus aeternus iudicabit the euerlasting God shall iudge not God the Father onely by his sonne as Osiand but although the person of the Sonne onely shall appeare non deerit pater spiritus sanctus yet there shall not be wanting both the father and the holy Ghost Vatab. 4. God is said to be the Auncient of daies both in respect of his eternitie who was from the beginning before all time and shall continue for euer Iob. 36. 26. The number of his yeares can not be searched out And of his wisdome it is said Iob. 12. 12. Among the auncient is wisdome and in the length of daies is vnderstanding 33. Quest. How God was seene of Daniel who is inuisible 1. God in his inuisible nature such as he is in his diuine essence was neuer seene of any The Apostle calleth God the King euerlasting immortall inuisible 1. Tim. 1. 17. who dwelleth in light that none can attaine vnto whome neuer any man saw neither can see 1. Tim. 6. 16. 2. And yet if God would not be seene at all the Apostle would not haue said of Moses that he saw him which is inuisible Heb. 11. 27. God then did shew some visible signes of his presence vnto his seruants not beeing in deede any such thing as he appeared as fire or any such thing but he reuealed himselfe induit varias formas pro captu hominum c. and put on diuers shapes according to mens capacitie as it was fit for them to see God and they were able to beare Calv. Polan 34. Quest. How iudgement is said to be set seeing God is Iudge from euerlasting 1. The Lord applieth himselfe to our weaknes and imbecillitie for although the Lord be Iudge for euer yet he doth not alwaies exercise iudgement So then while the Lord suffereth the wicked to preuaile in the world and deferreth their punishment he seemeth vnto men not to sit in iudgement whereupon the seruants of God doe vtter these speaches Psal. 10. 1. Why standest thou so farre off and hidest thee Psal. 13. 1. How long wilt thou forget me O Lord 2. But when the Lord sheweth himselfe and sendeth forth his iudgements then he seemeth to vs to sit in his throne as Psal. 7. 6. the Prophet saith Arise O Lord in thy wrath and list vp thy selfe against the rage of mine enemies we doe not so effectually acknowledge God to be
signified a prorogation and continuance of other kingdomes after the fourth beast is destroied for after Antichrist is destroied non statim omnes reges sine onima regna cessabuâ—â— not presently shall all the kings or kingdomes of the earth cease but they shall haue a time giuen them to repent Hugo But it is euident by the interpretation of the Angel v. 26 27. that after the dominion of the fourth beast is taken away then all these dominions shall cease and all the kingdome and dominion shall be giuen to the people of God Christ onely shall raigne 3. Bullinger thinketh that here is shewed a difference betweene the ruine of this fourth kingdome and the other three innuit nullum ex omnibus regnis tam horribilem consequutum esse exitum c. he sheweth that none of all the other kingdomes had so horrible an ende as this last True it is that there is a difference for there was some remainder of the other Monarchies after they were depriued of their dominion but this fourth had nothing remayning it was vtterly destroyed yet this is not all here is described the ende of all those kingdomes together that although the Lord had forborne them a great while yet at length they are iudged 4. Oecolampadius and Pellican make this the meaning that whereas in the dissolution of the other kingdoms one still succeeded another post hunc quartum non sequutura alia after this fourth which he expoundeth of Antichrist there shall followe no other But this according to our former exposition the fourth beast beeing vnderstood to be the kingdome of the Seleucians cannot stand for the Romane Monarchie succeeded which destroyed all the rest 5. Hierome whom the ordinar gloss followeth so taketh this prophesie as that together with Antichrist Romanum imperium alia omnia regna delabuntur the Romane Empire and all other kingdomes shall be destroyed in the ende of the world But this prophesie is not to be referred vnto the second comming of Christ it must be vnderstood of his first comming as is before shewed quest 31. 6. The interlinear gloss expoundeth these words their liues were prolonged of the elect and Saints which should liue vnder the raigne of Antichrist But here is no mention made of the Saints but of the beasts whose liues should be prolonged till the time appointed 7. Lyranus wheras it is said their liues were prolonged for a certaine time and season vnderstandeth by the first time the persecution of the faithfull before the first comming of Christ by the second the persecution following vnto the second comming of Christ But it is euident that all these fowre beasts must be destroyed before the Messiah should come in the flesh and take possession at his ascension of his euerlasting kingdome 8. Wherefore this is the meaning that together with the fourth beast should be destroyed the remainder of the other kingdomes and all should be dissolued by the Romanes there was some reliques of the ancient Monarchies after their dominion ceased as of the Babylonians in the Armenians of the Persians in the kingdome of the Parthians of the Grecians in the kingdome of Macedonia and Egypt But all these were vtterly extinguished by the Romanes Iun. Pol. Perses the last king of Macedonia was subdued by P. Aemilius and the kingdome made a Prouince of the Romane Empire this was in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes then some 90. yeares after that the kingdome of Syria was by Pompey reduced to the forme of a prouince and some 50. yeare after Augustus ouercomming Antonie and Cleopatra made a prouince of Egypt ex tabul chron Bulling Quest. 40. Why it is said v. 13. one like the sonne of man 1. Lyranus thinketh that this note of similitude is added quia plus est quam filius hominis because Christ is more then the sonne of man he is also the sonne of God But the Prophet describeth here the figure of man which he saw the Godhead could not be figured 2. Pintus giueth this sense quasi non similitudinem significat sed certissimam confirmationem this word as or like signifieth not here a similitude but a most certaine confirmation as the word is taken Ioh. 1. 14. we sawe the glorie thereof as the glorie of the onely begotten sonne of the father But it cannot be so taken here because Christ was not yet incarnate indeede 3. Oecolampadius vnderstandeth this to be spoken of Christ now tryumphing in glorie he was as the sonne of man that is true man but not now mortall and subiect to humane infirmities as other men are and therefore he is said to be like he is not now altogether the same But as yet the sonne of man had not taken vpon him our nature with the infirmities thereof therefore this cannot conueniently be vnderstood of the laying aside and putting off those infirmities 4. The ordinar gloss expoundeth this by that place Philippi 2. 7. He tooke vpon him the forme of a seruant and was made like vnto man But in this place as Calvin well noteth non loquitur de essentia naturae humanae sed de statu the Apostle speaketh not of the essence of humane nature but of the state and condition that Christ came in a lowely state condition as the Apostle said before in the forme of a seruant But the sonne of man is here seene in the clouds and in glory his humble and abiect state cannot be here signified 5. Iunius in his commentarie giueth this sense in similitudine carnis peccati verus hominis silius the true sonne of man in the similitude of sinnefull flesh as the Apostle speaketh Rom. 8. 3. And therefore he is said to be as the Sonne of man 6. But the better sense is that he is said to be as the Sonne of man because he sawe onely a figure of the sonne of man for at this time when Daniel sawe this he was not yet the Sonne of man but was to be borne and become man in his time Bulling quia nondum induerat Christus carnem nostram because Christ had not yet put on our flesh yea after Christ was incarnate when he was seene figuratiuely in vision he is said to be as the Sonne of man as Reuel 14. 14. I sawe vpon the cloud one sitting as the sonne of man because he was not seene in his substance but in figure onely Quest. 41. How he is said to come in the clouds and approach to the Auncient of dayes and when R. Leui vnderstanding this of the Messiah by the auncient of dayes would haue signified him that shall be at that time ouer the Romane Empire and shall entreate him for his people as Moses did Pharaoh for the Israelites But these Rabbines shewe themselues herein malitiously blinde and grossely absurd to apply that to the terrene state which is here meant of Christs spiritual and eternall kingdome and the auncient of dayes which is God to make a mortall man and the sonne
them Plin. lib. 6. c. 27. Quest. 8. Why Daniel nameth himselfâ— in the first person 1. It is the manner of the Prophets in their seuerall visions to expresse their names as Isay. 2. 1. and 6. 1. so also Ierem. c. 1. 1. c. 2. 1. and in diuerse other places as Daniel in this place saith a vision appeared vnto me euen vnto me Daniel and the reason is because the truth of such prophesies and visions dependeth vpon the credit of those Prophets to whome they were onely reuealed but it is otherwise in matters of historie where the author need not insert his owne name seeing the credit of histories relyeth not vpon the authoritie of the writer but vpon the euidence and truth of the things themselues 2. Therefore that is a weake exception which Dyonisius of Alexandria taketh to the booke of the Reuelation that it was not written by Iohn the Euangelist but by some other because the Euangelist verie sparingly nameth himselfe in the gospel and when he doth so he describeth himselfe in the third person the disciple whom Iesus loued for as is before shewed there is great difference betweene the writing of prophesies and histories the Reuelation beeing prophetical it was fit the Euangelist should expresse his name for the credit of those visions as the other Prophets vse to doe in their prophesies Quest. 9. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ramme v. 3. There are three parts of this description 1. from the similitude or comparison they are likened to a ramme 2. by the parts the two hornes 3. by the effects their preuayling toward the West North and South Concerning the first there are diuerse opinions why the Persian Monarchie should be resembled to a ramme 1. Theodoret alleadgeth this reason sicut aries sua lana grauatur as a ramme is loaded with his fleece and at the length is killed for his flesh and fleice so the Persian Monarchie abounding in wealth at length became a prey But the Persians are likened to a ramme in their flourishing and prosperous state when as yet they rather preyed vpon then were a prey vnto any 2. Lyranus from the Hebrewes thinketh the kingdome of the Medes to be expressed by a ramme a gentle beast quia non multum erat infestum Iudaeis because it was not much troublesome to the Iewes But hereby the kingdome not of the Medes onely but of the Persians is signified who were grieuous to the people of God 3. Rupertus to the same purpose saith the kings of Persia were as rammes quia lanis suis id est opibus eundem populum fouit c because with their riches as with wool they cherished the same people of the Iewes But the most of the Persian kings though some were more equall did suffer the Iewes to be pilled and polled 4. Calvin yeeldeth this reason we knowe quam ignobile fuerit Persarum exordium how base and meane the beginning of the Persians was 5. But that other reason of Calvin better satisfieth that here the kingdome of Persia is set forth comparatiuely as hauing relation to the kingdome of Grecia likened to a goate quia multo fuit agilior origo obscurior because his agilitie was greater and his beginning more obscure Calvin And the ramme bringeth a great companie with him but of sheepe such were the multitude of the Persians as sheepe before Alexander Osiand Quest. 10. Who are signified by the two hornes whereof one was higher then the other 1. Some here doe vnderstand certaine particular persons as Melancthon interpreteth Cyrus to be this ramme hauing both Medes and Persians in his armie as the two hornes thereof Some vnderstand this ramme to be Darius gloss interlinear Hierome whom Lyran Hugo Calvin Genevens follow maketh Darius king of the Medes and Cyrus king of Persia these two hornes whereof the latter was the greater for Cyrus grewe to be greater then Darius 2. Theodoret expoundeth these two hornes to be two families of the Persian kings the one of Cyrus which was extinguished in Cambyses his sonne the other of Darius Hystaspis But neither of these opinions can stand for the goat fighting with this ram brake his two hornes Alexander ouercame Darius long after the time of the first Darius and Cyrus these then could not be the two hornes neither was this last Darius of either of those kindreds but was elected to the kingdome for his valour as writeth Iustinus lib. 10. though Diodorus lib. 17. make him the sonne of Darius Arsanes who succeeded Ochus his brother 3. Wherefore by these two hornes are better vnderstood the two kingdomes of the Medes and Persians this grewe to be the greater in power though the other were the more auncient thus the Angel expoundeth afterward v. 20. these two hornes are the kings of the Medes and Persians Thus interpret Oecolampadius Pellican Osiand Iun. Polan Quest. 11. Of the greatnesse and prosperous successe of this ramme v. 4. I sawe the ramme pushing against the West and against the North c. 1. The kingdome of Persia beeing in the East did extend it selfe vnto the other three parts of the world toward the West as Babylon Cappadocia Asia minor Grecia toward the North as Lydia Armenia Albania and other Northerne countreys toward the South as Arabia Aethiopia and this answereth to the former vision c. 7. 5. where the beare which signifieth the Persian Monarchie had three ribbes or morsells in the mouth 2. no beasts were able to withstand them for though the Babylonians had combined themselues with the Egyptians Thracians Grecians and other nations and were in league with Craesus king of Lydia as Herodotus testifieth lib. 1. yet all would not helpe as the Prophet Ieremie saith the strong men of Babel ceased to fight they became as women Ierem. 51. 30. 3. whereas it is said he did what he listed this must be vnderstood of the Persian Monarchie in generall for some of their kings in the end had but hard successe as Cyrus with his armie was slaine by Queene Tomyris and Xerxes was foyled of the Grecians and constrayned with shame to flee away yet notwithstanding these particular losses the Monarchie continued still and increased in power Calvin Oecolamp Quest. 12. Of the meaning of these words as I considered v. 5. The Latine translation reading I vnderstood giueth occasion here of question how Daniel is said to vnderstand this whereas afterward v. 16. the Angel Gabriel maketh him vnderstand it 1. Hierome thus interpreteth that he had a generall vnderstanding he was instructed by the former vision hereby to vnderstand the change and commutation of kingdomes so also Lyran. gloss ordinar Theodoret expoundeth it of Daniels desire to vnderstand 2. But all this question and doubt is remooued by the right translating of the words I considered or marked the word is mabin eram perpendens as I weighed and considered Montan. Quest. 13. Why the kingdome of the Grecians is resembled to a goat 1. Pererius thinketh the Grecians
counteth an 180. yeares from the beginning of the kingdome of the Greekes vnto Antiochus whereas it is euident 1. Mac. 1. 21. that Antiochus came against Ierusalem in the 143. yeare Oecol and beside whereas it is said in the text vnto the euening and morning it is euident that neither moneths or yeares are here to be vnderstood but so many naturall dayes Cal. Theodoret by the euening vnderstandeth the beginning of their calamitie by the morning the ende thereof but the phrase of Scripture sheweth that thereby the naturall day is comprehended which consisteth of the day and night As Gen. 1. throughout the chapter the euening morning were the first day and the second day so the rest 3. It remaineth then that by these 2300. dayes so many daies precisely must be vnderstood which make 6. yeares 3. moneths 20. dayes counting 365. dayes to a yeare Bulling 4. Some doe here reade onely a 1300. dayes Osian So also reade Montanus and Pagnin but the Hebrewe word alephaijm beeing put in the duall number signifieth two thousand Vatab. Iun. Polan Oecolamp Quest. 25. When this tearme of 2300. beganne and ended 1. Melancthon beginneth this tearme in the yeare of the kingdome of the Greekes an 145. and endeth it in the yeare 151. when Nicanor and his armie were destroyed and the whole land recouered but seeing euident mention is made that Antiochus began to afflict Ierusalem in the 143. yeare 1. Mac. 1. 21. this teame must not take beginning after that and seeing also that all this desolation is prophesied to happen vnder Antiochus Epiphanes who was this little horne this tearme must not be extended after the death of Antiochus who died in the 149. yeare 1. Mac. 6. 16. 2. Some do begin this tearme in the 143. yeare when Antiochus went proudly into the Sanctuarie and tooke away the golden altar 1. Mac. 1. 23. And so this tearme of 6. yeares shall determine in the 148. yeare when Iudas Macchabeus recouered the citie purged the Temple then the 3. moneths and odde dayes are counted ouer and about to finish the purging sanctifying of the Temple Bull Pererius extendeth them to the death of Antiochus which was in the 149. yeare But this account cannot stand for from the beginning of the 143. yeare to the purging of the Sanctuarie by Iudas which was in the ninth moneth Chisleu the 25. day in the 148. yeare is not 6. yeares there wanteth 3. moneths and 5. dayes 3. Calvin will haue the sixe yeares to ende in the moneth Chisleu in which moneth the temple was polluted but 3. moneths after the moneth Chisle◠the sixe yeares beeing expired it was cleansed in the moneth Adar and he noteth for this 1. Macchab. 4. 36. But there is no such thing obserued cōcerning any particular time the contrarie is euident in the 52. v. following that in the moneth Chisleu not Adar the temple was cleansed in the 148. yeare as three yeares before it had beene defiled in the same moneth in the 15. of Chisleu 4. Iunius whom Polanus followeth beginneth this time in the 142. yeare the sixt moneth and 6. day and so the full summe of 6. yeares 3. moneths and 20. dayes will come out in the 148. yeare in the ninth moneth the 25. day He beginneth the reckoning of this desolation of Ierusalem when Menclaus with other wicked men first obtained licence of the king to followe the ordinances of the heathen 1. Mac. 1. 14. and 2. Mac. 4. 25. And this seemeth to be the best account for though it cannot be precisely gathered out of the storie of the Macchabees when this tearme of a 2300. yeares beganne it must haue a perfect ende at the cleansing of the Sanctuarie which was in the 148. yeare on the 25. day of the ninth moneth Chisleu Pererius answereth that it is not necessarie to vnderstand that this cleansing of the Sanctuarie should be in the verie ende sed prope finem but toward the ende But the contrarie is euident out of the text that after the 2300. dayes then shall the Sanctuarie be cleansed But they which beginne the sixe yeares in the 143. yeare cannot ende this tearme at such time as the Sanctuarie was cleansed but extend it further 5. Some as Pererius noteth to make this tearme ende iust at the cleansing of the Sanctuarie doe read a 2200. dayes but this is an euident controlling of the text which speaketh of a 2300. dayes 6. Pappus indifferently summeth these dayes either from the first spoyling of the citie in the 143. yeare and so they shall ende in Antiochus death or from the setting vp of the abhomination of desolation in the 145. yeare in the moneth Chisleu 1. Macchab. 1. 57. and then they shall ende in the ouerthrowe and subuersion of Nicanor and his host which was two yeares after Antiochus death But this beeing a prophetical prediction must haue a certaine and definite accomplishment it cannot indifferently be taken two wayes I preferre therefore the fourth interpretation as the best 7. Now whereas c. 7. 25. there are assigned a time two times and a part that is 3. yeares and 10. dayes for the desolation of the Sanctuarie but here the summe of 2300. dayes maketh sixe yeares 3. moneths 20. dayes This must be vnderstood of all the time from the first defection or falling away of the people by the procurement of wicked Menelaus which was in the 42. yeare as is before shewed and then followeth Antiochus first comming to Ierusalem when he layd wast the citie and spoyled the people in the 143. yeare but the 3. yeares must beginne from the second comming of Antiochus in the 145. yeare when he set vp the abomination of desolation And therefore here menion is not made onely of the iniquitie of desolation and treading downe of the Sanctuarie but of the armie also that is the Lords people and the citie Polan 8. Herein also appeareth Gods mercie who now afflicteth his people in measure he fulfilleth not all out seuen yeares in the desolation of the citie and temple whereas before he punished them with a captiuitie of seuentie yeares Oecolampad Quest. 26. When the kingdome of the Greekes so often mentioned in the booke of the Macchabees tooke beginning 1. Lyranus is of opinion that the raigne of the Greekes should begin from the death of Alexander comment in 1. lib. Macchab. c. 1. But this cannot be for after Alexanders death for the space of 13. or 14. yeares there was no certaine succession of the kingdom Alexanders captaines one warring against another till those fowre kingdomes of Macedonia Asia Egypt Syria were setled 2. Ioannes Annius is yet more bold and controlleth those numbers set downe in the storie of the Macchabees that whereas Antiochus is said to beginne his raigne in the 137. yeare of the kingdome of the Greeks he saith it was the 153. yeare from the death of Alexander from whence the kingdome of the Greekes must be counted in
his opinion And he further affirmeth that those numbers in those bookes of the Macchabees were not inserted by the author of that storie but by Iosephus But though the booke of the Macchabees is not receiued as Canonicall for any matter of faith or doctrine yet it may be esteemed of for matter of storie and therefore it is great bouldnes therein to contradict the same And he in this his censure giueth vnto Antiochus 16. yeares whereas he is held to haue raigned but 12. yeare he began to raigne in the yeare 137. and died in the 149. yeare 1. Mac. 6. 16. 3. Therefore these yeares of the kingdome of the Greekes must beginne from the raigne of Seleucus in Syria not from the death of Alexander as may thus be gathered 1. whereas Antiochus polluted the Sanctuarie in the 145. yeare if this time were taken from Alexanders death it should be the 157. or 159. yeare for so long it was after Alexanders death 2. Beside Iosephus lib. 12. antiquit cap. 7. saith that this 145. yeare did concurre with the 153. Olympiads then cannot this account begin from the death of Alexander which was in the first yeare of the 114. Olympiad from thence to the 153. Olympiad are 39. Olympiads which make an 156. yeares whereas it was but the 145. yeare from the beginning of the raigne of the Seleucians Quest. 27. Why the kingdome of the Greekes is counted from the raigne of the Seleucians 1. Though Alexander were the first king of the Greekes and founder of that Empire v. 21. yet his raigne is not counted because the kingdome descended not to his posteritie as the kingdome of the Seleucians did for there were many descents in the same familie vntill the kingdome was dissolued by the Romanes 2. And whereas it may be obiected that there was a descent and succession in the other kingdomes but especially of the Ptolomees in Egypt whose race continued longer then the Seleucians in Syria yet these haue the name of the kingdome because the were mightier then the rest and they had chiefely to doe with the people of God whom the hystorie of the Macchabees specially concerneth 3. Further whereas the kingdome of the Seleucians was not in any part of Greece but in Syria and Chaldea yet it is called the kingdome of the Grecians because the Seleucians had their beginning from thence and vsed the language customes superstitions of the Greekes Perer. Quest. 28. Of the man Gabriel 1. Some doe take this to be an excellent name common to all Angels it signifieth the strength or power of God but it is euident Luk. 1. 19. where this Angel Gabriel was sent to the vigin Marie that it was the proper name of an Angel Iun. commentar 2. But Gregorie well noteth that Angels are not called by names in respect of themselues as though they could not be discerned but by their seuerall names in that celestiall citie where they enioy the vision of God sed cum ad nos aliquid ministraturi veniunt c. but when they come vnto vs to minister they doe take their names of their ministerie and office c. as here this Angel is called Gabriel the strength of God because he was employed in the defense of the Church against the enemies thereof 3. But this further must be considered that this Angel is not so called ab essentiali potentia dei from the essentiall power of God but of that power which was giuen him to execute the Lords commandement Iun. 4. And this is the onely name giuen vnto Angels in Scripture for the name Michael which signifieth one as God is ascribed vnto Christ who is equall vnto God As for the other names Raphael Ieremiel Sammael they are but the deuised tearmes of men inserted in the Apochryphall bookes but not to be found in the Canonicall Scriptures Polan Iun. Quest. 29. v. 16. Vpon these words make this man to vnderstand the vision whether Angels can giue vs vnderstanding 1. The Angels of themselues haue no power to infuse vnderstanding into the minde of man but he onely which hath created the heart of man can giue vnto it vnderstanding And the Angels themselues cannot vnderstand the secrets and mysteries of God vnlesse it be giuen vnto them as here the Angel called an holy one enquired of Palmoni which is Christ the meaning of this vision v. 13. 2. yet when it pleaseth God to vse the ministerie of Angels they may helpe to make a way for our better vnderstanding as he which openeth the windowe may be said to giue light vnto the house yet it is the sunne properly that giueth light So the Sonne of righteousnesse illuminateth our hearts the Angels may helpe to prepare the way Polan 3. But in this place the Angel doth not by any secret infusion open Daniels vnderstanding but by a manifest and cleare interpretation of the vision and so the Lord vseth the ministrie of men in the preaching of the gospel to open the hearts of the hearers Quest. 30. v. 29. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia 1. Though there were other kings of Macedonia which is a part of Greece before Alexander as Philip with others yet Alexander here compared to an horne for strength is said to be the first king namely of the Monarchie Osiand the first king of the Grecians that ouercame the Medes and Persians Polan 2. And here it must be obserued that the two first kingdomes are likened vnto beasts the rest vnto the hornes of beasts because they did issue out of the other as the hornes came out of the beast 3. And by the hornes we must vnderstand the kings together with their kingdomes Osiand 4. Lyranus giueth this reason why Alexander is called the first because before him the kings were nullius momenti of no account or fame He was the first notable king But he is so called not onely in respect of his name or fame but of his power and conquest as is before touched Quest. 31. Of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise vp in the latter ende of their kingdome 1. Some doe thus expound the word beacharith procedente tempore during the time of these kingdomes Iun. annot Polan but the same word v. 19. they interpret extremitatem the extremitie of wrath or the last wrath therefore it is not fit in this place to giue it an other interpretation 2. Some reade in the ende of their kingdome Genevens that is toward the ende of the kingdome of the Macedonians or Greekes Vatab. So also readeth the Latine post regnum illorum after their kingdome But this cannot be vnderstood of the ende of the kingdome of the Grecians or Seleucians for when Anciochus Epiphanes rose vp there were more which succeeded in that familie after him then went before him for in all there were 18. kings of Seleucus posteritie in the which number Antiochus Epiphanes was the 8. king of that familie so that tenne succeeded him Antioch us
dicit se à Sufis redijsse sed surrexisse he saide not he did returne from Susa but onely rose vp and returned to his busines c. so that their opinion seemeth to be that Daniel was in deede now at Susa But it is shewed before that he was at Susa onely in vision qu. 4. 3. It remaineth then that this king was Belshazar as is euident v. 1. by whome it seemeth he was emploied though not so much nor in so great affaires as he was vnder the former kings Osiand but what manner of emploiment it was it is not expressed neither can certenly be gathered Iun. Daniel then hauing noted before that this was done vnder Belshazars raigne v. 1. returned vnto his busines which is an euident argument that he was then in Belshazars Court or at hand not at Susa because he presently rose vp hauing recouered himselfe to doe the kings busines Calvin 38. Quest. Of the meaning of these words v. 27. none vnderstoode or perceiued it 1. Some read and there was none to interpret it so Lyran. Hug. Pintus following the vulgar Latine which they vnderstand thus that is none interpreted it as the Angel Hugo or none could interpret it in particular concerning the kings names but onely in generall Lyran But the word here vsed mebin signifieth not interpreting but perceiuing and vnderstanding neither could Daniel say none could interpret it seeing the Angel had giuen the interpretation of it before 2. Some read none vnderstood it The Hebrewes thinke that Daniel himselfe vnderstood it not but that can not be seeing the Angel was bidden to cause him to vnderstand it v. 16. 3. Some thinke that none of those to whome Daniel reuealed the dreame could vnderstand it Oecolampad but Daniel did not impart it to so many to trie who vnderstood it and who vnderstood it not for he was commanded before to seale it vp to hide and conceale it and lay it vp in his heart 4. The words are then better translated none perceiued it that he had beene sicke for griefe because of the heauie vision he dissembled his affection and neither in word nor so much as in countenance bewraied that he had seene a vision according as he had beene before charged to conceale and keepe the vision to himselfe Iun. Polan 39. Quest. The historie of Antiochus Epiphanes raigne abridged for the better vnderstanding of this vision 1. After that Antiochus the great father vnto Antiochus Epiphanes had beene vanquished by Scipio he was constrained to deliuer ouer vnto the Romanes his sonne Antiochus to be an hostage where he continued 14. yeares and then hearing of his fathers death watched his time and fled secretly from Rome and tooke vpon him the kingdome of Syria making a way thereunto by procuring the death of Seleucus his elder brother and disinheriting Demetrius his sonne 2. Then Antiochus after he was setled in the kingdome inuaded Egypt vnder this colour to be tutor vnto the young king Ptolome Philometor his sister Cleopatra her sonne he put many to the sword and subdued many cities And in his returne beeing sauoured by diuers seditious persons in Ierusalem as by Iason who had bought the priesthood of him for money and wicked Menelaus who got the Priesthood for himselfe promising more money and put Iason by 2. Macchab. 4. by this meanes he entred into the citie robbed and spoiled the Temple and put many to the sword this was in the 143. yeare of the kingdome of the Greekes in the 6. yeare of his raigne 3. Then about two yeare after he made a second expedition into Egypt where he was commanded to depart by Popilius the Embassadour of the Romanes who making a circle in the sand with his rod before Antiochus vrged him to make his present answer before he went thence 4. In his second returne he entred Ierusalem againe and made hauocke of the citie defiled the Temple and set vp therein the abomination of desolation the idol of Iuppiter Olympus this was in the 145. yeare in the 8. yeare of his raigne 1. Macchab. 1. 57. 5. Then Mattathias beeing mooued in zeale stood vp to resist the Tyrant and Iudas his sonne with his brethren after him and at the length they preuailed and 3. yeares after they cleansed the Sanctuarie and restored the sacrifices and this was in the 148. yeare 1. Macch. 4. 52. in the 11. yeare of Antiochus raigne 6. After this this wicked Tyrant went into Persia thinking to robbe the rich Temple at Persepolis where hauing the repulse and hearing at the same time how his captaines Timotheus and Nicanor were discomfited with their armies in Iudea partly of griefe and chiefly beeing smitten of God with an incurable and stinking disease he died in the 149. yeare and the 12. of his raigne see the storie 2. Macchab. 9. 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doctr. Of the office of a Prince v. 5. An horne appeared betweene his eyes In that Alexander is resembled to an horne betweene the eyes many excellent properties required in a Prince are thereby signified 1. the king is as an horne vnto the kingdome the glorie and strength thereof to defend them and to push at their enemies as the horne is the defense of the beast and that whereby others are offended 2. as the horne did rise vp betweene the eyes so the Prince must be circumspect and aduised and do all things with counsell as it in the Prov. c. 24. 6. with counsell thou stalt enterprise warre 3. as the horne is most conspicuous of all other parts so the vertue and courage of the king should appeare and be manifest to all Polan 2. Doctr. That all things in the world are ruled and guided by the diuine prouidence v. 9. It waxed great toward the South c. In that Antiochus acts are set downe in order both his outrage against men and his blasphemie against God the treading down of the Sanctuarie and of the people of God Hence Iosephus collecteth well that these things were not done by chance as a shippe fleeting vpon the seas without a gouernor or a chariot running without a driuer nam si haec sponte gererentur non secundum illius prophesiam emnia provenire conspiceremus for if all these things fell out of themselues we should not see them so fitly to come to passe according vnto his prophesie Ioseph lib. 10. Antiquit. c. 14. 3. Doctr. The Scriptures are the rule of truth v. 12. It shall cast downe the truth c. That is the bookes of the Law which were the rule of faith hence then it followeth that the Scriptures containe the holy doctrine of truth which is not to be learned els where then from the Scriptures So that they which are enemies to the Scriptures doe set themselues against the truth as wicked Iehoiakim when he caused Ieremies prophecie to be cut with a penknife and cast into the fire therein professing himselfe an enemie to God and his truth and therefore this iudgement
is thereatned against him that he should haue none of his seede to succeede him and his bodie should be cast forth vnburied Ierem. 36. 30. 4. Doctr. That Angels haue not all knowledge v. 13. In that one of the Angels enquireth of Palmoni which is Christ how long this vision should endure therein it appeareth that Angels haue not the knowledge of all secrets for here they are instructed by Christ concerning the meaning of this vision Further that the knowledge of Angels is limited and that they encrease in knowledge and haue things reuealed vnto them which they knew not before is euident by that place of the Apostle Eph. 3. 10. That vnto Principalities and Powers in heauenly places might be knowne by the Church the manifold wisdome of God so also S. Peter saith 1. Pet. 1. 12. Which things the Angels desire to behold they still proceede in the beholding of the mysterie of our redemption 5. Doctr. Christ is the Lord and head of the Angels v. 13. In that the Angel enquireth of Palmoni the meaning of this vision which is Christ who afterward v. 16. appointeth the angel Gabriel to open the vision to Daniel it is hence inferred that Christ is superiour to the Angels that they receiue their directions from him and that they are his ministers sent abroad for the seruice of his Church So the Apostle faith Hebr. 1. 6. When he bringeth in his first begotten Sonne into the world he saith And let all the Angels of God worship him and v. 14. Are they not all ministring spirits sent forth to minister for their sakes which shall be heires of saluation 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. Prosperitie and externall felicitie is no perpetuall note of the Church v. 15. Antiochus is permitted for a time to tread downe the Sanctuarie and armie that is the Church militant vnder feete whereby it is euident that the Church is not alwaies discerned by outward prosperitie which Bellarmine maketh one of the notes and marks of the Church The people of God are more subiect to affliction and persecution in this world they are oftner pressed downe with aduersitie then lifted vp by prosperitie as our blessed Sauiour saith In the world ye shall haue affliction but in him we haue peace Ioh. 16. 33. See more hereof Synops. 2. controv qu. 3. note 15. 2. Controv. That the abomination of desolation spoken of v. 13. is not the abolishing of the sacrifice of the Masse The Romanists make this a marke of Antichrist that the daily sacrifice of the Maffe shall be abolished at his comming and therefore they charge Protestants to be forerunners of Antichrist because they haue banished out from among them the Masse Contra. 1. The new Testament acknowledgeth no other externall sacrifice but the sacrifice of atonement made by Christ of himselfe vpon the crosse the vertue and efficacie whereof beeing euerlasting it is not to be iterated or repeated as the Apostle saith Hebr. 9. 25. Not that he should offer himselfe often and v. 28. Christ was once offered to take away sinnes 2. The sacrifices now offered vp by Christians are spirituall Hebr. 13. 12. Let vs by him offer the sacrifice of praise alwaies vnto God And in this sense the Apostle saith He hath made vs Kings and Priests to God his father Revel 1. 6. 3. The Papists are they which haue abolished the true commemoration of Christs sacrifice in stead of the Eucharist hauing instituted a theatricall and pompous shew of the Masse Papp 3. Controv. The authoritie of the Scripture dependeth not vpon the testimonie of the Church v. 27. The vision of the euening and morning is true c. The Angel here giueth testimonie vnto the truth of this vision yet therefore dependeth it not vpon the Angels approbation but vpon the authoritie of Christ this then is but a weake argument of the Romanists the Church giueth testimonie to and of the Scriptures therefore the authoritie of Scripture dependeth of the Church Polan Indeede the consent and generall approbation of the Church may induce vs at the first and may make a way and as it were prepare vs but we beleeue the Scriptures for the truths sake therein contained beeing thereunto perswaded by the spirit of God See further of this question Synops. Centur. 1. err 5. 4. Controv. The description of Antiochus agreeth to the Pope and Antichrist Although historically this vision of the little horne were fulfilled in Antiochus yet for as much as he was a type of Antichrist all those properties doe fitly agree vnto him also shadowed forth in Antiochus and so Gregor in 40. c. Iob and Lyranus doe in diuers points make Antiochus a type of Antichrist though they doe not take the Romane Bishop to be he 1. Before Antiochus raged against the people of God there was a defection and falling away of many from the faith to Paganisme and this is touched v. 23. In the ende of their kingdome when their rebellions defections or falling away shall be perfited for so Iason and Menelaus with diuers other of the Iewes forsooke their religion and followed the Gentile customes 1. Macchab. 14. 15. So before Antichrist come there shall be a departure or apostasie 2. Thess. 2. 3. which shall be a falling away from the faith as Ireneus interpreteth lib. 5. advers haeres c. 21. so also Primasius Chrysostome Oecumen Lyran. vpon that place which we see is come to passe that the most part of Christian nations had forsaken the puritie of the Gospel 2. Antiochus was of an impudent face so Antichrist shall be ad omne malum inuerecundus vnshamefast to euery euill worke Lyran. which is fulfilled in the Pope who without all modestie and shamefastnes challengeth to be the Vicar of Christ the head of the Church Vniuersall Bishop and what not 3. His power was great but not by his owne strength Antiochus was assisted by the malicious practises of others as of Menelaus So the Pope hath encreased by the helpe of others Phocas that killed Mauritius the Emperour first graunted vnto Pope Boniface the 3. to be called head of the Church And of late times the French and Spanish kings haue waged battell for the Pope 4. v. 23. He shall vnderstand darke sentences whereby is vnderstood his craft and subtiltie so Antichrist as Lyranus noteth callidissimus erit auxilio Diaboli shall be most craftie by the helpe of the deuill And so the Pope hath bewitched the world with his intoxicate cuppe of fornications with deceitfull and subtile doctrines of inuocation of Saints prayer for the dead purgatorie indulgences and such like and he hath also deceiued the world with lying signes and wonders as S. Paul prophecieth 2. Thess. 2. 9. 5. Antiochus should destroy the mightie and the holy people So the Pope hath deposed kings and depriued them of their kingdomes he hath also more persecuted the people of God then euer did any of the Pagan Emperours 6. Antiochus is prophecied to waxe great
ouer thy people and vpon thine holy citie citie of thy holines H. to restraine finish V. L. S B. G. but the word is cala with aleph which signifieth to restraine but calah with he signifieth to finish and to seale vp A. I. B. G. S. rather then to finish sinnes L. V. P. the word is chatam to seale to reconcile iniquitie not that iniquitie be taken away L. and to bring in euerlasting righteousnes and to seale vp the vision not that the vision be fulfilled L. and the Prophet I. A. not prophesie L. S. V. B. G. for nabi signifieth a Prophet not prophecie and to anoint the most Holy the holines of holines H. 25. Know therefore and vnderstand that from the going forth of the word to bring againe the people to cause to returne H. not to answer S. or restoare I. or to cause to returne and build that is to build againe L. V. for although the same word be vsed in the same sense in the ende of the verse the streete shall returne and be built that is shall againe be built yet it is there in an other forme here it is in hiphil which signifieth to cause to return and to build Ierusalem vnto Messiah Christ. L. S. the Prince shall be seuen weekes and threescore and two weekes and the streete shall be built againe and the ditch that is the compasse of the wall V. the wall S. B. G. in a troublesome time in the straitnes of time H. B. not in a short time V. or the time shall be euacuated S. 26. And after threescore and two weekes the Messiah anointed H. Christ. L. not the vnction or anointing S. shall be destroied slaine B. G. and not for himselfe Br. B. better then there shall be no iudgement that is fault worthie of iudgement in him S. or he shall haue nothing that is he shall seeme to haue no beautie G. or nothing to doe with Ierusalem I. or there shall be none to helpe him V. see qu. 64. the vulgar Latine thus he shall haue no people which should denie him and the people of the Prince that shall come shall destroy the citie and the Sanctuarie see the diuers readings qu. 74. and the ende thereof shall be with a flood and vnto the ende not after the ende L. it shall be destroied by desolations or extreame desolation is appointed L. V. 27 He shall confirme the couenant with many for one weeke and in the middes or halfe of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease some read thus the halfe of the weeke shall cause to cease c. V. Br. and vpon the wing that is the Temple shall be the abomination of desolation L. S. better then by the ouerspreading of abomination he shall make it desolate B. G. or by the legions or armie of abominations making desolate I. or the destroier shall be vpon the wing of abominations V. see further for the best reading qu. 87. and 88. in the ende euen vntill the consummation determined precise consummation H. it shall be powred that is desolation I. continue L. vpon the desolate 3. The questions and doubts discussed 1. Quest. What Assuerus this was whose sonne Darius is said to be 1. What Darius this was is handled at large qu. 1. c. 6. he was not that Darius in whose second yeare the Temple beganne to be built whereof mention is made Hagg. 1. 1. as Porphyrie of purpose doth confound them to disturbe the propheticall historie and computation of yeares in Daniel neither was this that Darius whome Alexander ouercame but Darius before mentioned c. 6. who together with Cyrus tooke the citie of Babylon 2. This Assuerus the father of Darius was not that Assuerus the husband of Esther as Canus thinketh and Bullinger seemeth to incline to that opinion for that Assuerus is also called Artaxerxes in the booke of Esther which was the name of the Persian kings after Cyrus And that Assuerus had his palace and princely seat at Sushan which was not appointed to be the chiefe citie or seat of the kingdom vntil Cyrus as Strabo thinketh l. 15. or till Darius Hystaspis as Plin. lib. 6. c. 21. Perer. But this argument rather ouerthroweth this opinion that the captiuitie of Babylon was ended and the people returned before the raigne of that Assuerus whereas they were at this time in captiuitie still And further that Assuerus raigned from India to Ethiopia but the Chaldean Monarchie yet standing the Persian Monarchie could not be so large 3. Iosephus Hieronimus Theodoret and Lyranus Carthusian following them take this Assuerus to be Astyages whose daughter Mandane was Cyrus mother but Astyages is not found to haue had any sonnes but onely that daughter as is shewed before c. 6. qu. 1. 6. 4. Pererius thinketh that Assuerus or Achashuerus was not the proper name of any one king but it beeing deriued of Achash great and Resh an head was a common name which was giuen by the Hebrewes vnto forren Princes that were of great power And this title is found giuen vnto three kings the father of this Darius the husband of Esther and to that king which hindred the building of the Temple Ezr. 4. who is thought by the most to be Cambyses the sonne of Cyrus Contr. Pererius is here deceiued in many points 1. he taketh Assuerus to be an Hebrew name where it hath a Persian deriuation and is deriued of Achash which signifieth a Prince Polan in c. 6. v. 1. 2. it is euident that it was a peculiar name for otherwise it should haue beene common to all the Persian kings 3. the same Assuerus mentioned Ezt. 4. 6. is thought to be the same so much celebrated in the storie of Esther in both places Iunius taketh him for Xerxes 5. Wherefore the more probable opinion is that this Assuerus called by the Greeke historians Cyaxares the first was father vnto Astyages and this Darius who was called also Cyaxares the second for there is no great difference in signification betweene Cyaxares and Achassuerus the first beeing deriued of chu and achash both which words signifie a Prince and put together a Prince of Princes that is a great Prince and Achassuerus likewise is deriued of the same word Achash a Prince Ioseph Scallig lib. 6. de emendat Polan in 6. Dan. This Assuerus then was not Astyages but the father of Astyages and this Darius who was vncle to Cyrus mother and great vncle vnto Cyrus Iun. comment 2. Quest. Of the yeares of Darius raigne and how this vision is said to be in his first yeare 1. Annius whome Driedo and Lucidus follow thinke that Cyrus and Darius raigned two yeares together after the Babylonians were subdued 2. Lyranus and Vatablus in 9. â— Dan. thinke that Darius raigned two yeares before Cyrus raigne began 3. Cyrillus Hierosolymit seemeth to giue vnto him eight yeares cateches 12. 4. Severus Sulpitius thinketh that Darius raigned 18. yeares at the same time that Astyages
raigned in Media but that can not be for this Darius was also the king of the Medes and Persians as is euident c. 6. 5. Iosephus Scalliger giueth vnto Darius 17. yeares making him the last king of the Chaldeans after whome Cyrus succeeded lib. 6. de emendat tempor 6. Iunius opinion seemeth to be commentar in 5. c. v. 29. that the first yeare of Darius was the second of Cyrus 7. Pererius affirmeth that Darius raigned but one yeare and that Cyrus succeeded him in the same yeare beeing the 70. yeare of the Iewes captiuitie 8. But the truer opinion is that Cyrus and Darius raigned ioyntly together as thinketh Calvin and that the first of Darius was the first also of Cyrus for in the first of Cyrus the word of God spoken by Ieremie concerning the 70. yeares captiuitie was finished 2. Chro. 36. 22. And so likewise it appeareth in this place that in the first yeare of Darius that time of 70. yeares was expired the first then of Cyrus and Darius concurred together for the rest it is like that Darius raigned not long but beeing 62. yeare old when he tooke the kingdom vpon him he might die the same yeare which was also Cyrus first see more hereof c. 6. qu. 3. 9. And whereas it is saide in one yeare of Darius which Pererius gesseth to be so called because he raigned but one yeare the reason rather is this that the word aâ—hath which signifieth one is according to the phrase of the Hebrew taken for the first as Gen. 1. the morning and euening were one day that is the first and Mark 16. it is said that our Lord rose in one of the Sabbaths that is in the first day of the weeke Polan Pintus 3. Quest. Whether in the first yeare of Darius the Chaldean Monarchie was dissolued and the 70. yeares captiuitie ended against the opinion of Iosephus Scalling lib. 6. Iosephus Scalliger a man of excellent learning who for his singular labours in that learned and exquisite worke which he hath written of the emendation of the times hath highly deserued of all men yet is in diuers points ouerseene and especially in this matter concerning the ende of the Chaldean Monarchie and of the Iewish captiuitie for lib. 6. of that worke he hath these positions 1. He affirmeth that the Chaldean state was not dissolued in the 70. yeare of the captiuitie but rather in the 60. yeare for from the 8. yeare of Ieconias captiuitie vnto the ende of the Chaldean gouernment are found saith he by Iosephus computation who therein followeth Berosus about 60. yeares 36. yeares remained after the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne when the captiuitie beganne who raigned in all 43. yeares after Nabuchadnezzer Euilmerodach 2. yeares then Niglasar 4. yeares Labosardach 9. moneths and Nabonidus whome Cyrus ouercame 17. yeares 2. He thinketh that Cyrus did not take Babylon in the first yeare of his raigne but many yeares after when he had vanquished Cresus the rich king of Lydia two yeares after that as Herodotus writeth he ouercame the Chaldeans But Cresus was ouercome as Eusebius doth cast the time in the 4. yeare of the 57. Olympiad whereas Cyrus began to raigne in the 1. yeare of the 53. Olyampiad 3. The first yeare of Cyrus he would haue concurre with the 46. yeare of the captiuitie not with the 70. yeare for the beginning of Cyrus raigne as is before shewed was in the 1. yeare of the 55. Olympiade And Babylon was taken in the 2. yeare of the 58. Olympiade which was the 14. yeare of Cyrus and the 60. yeare of the captiuitie 4. A fourth assertion is that the captiuitie ended in the last yeare of Cyrus about the 2. yeare of the 62. Olympiad when as Cyrus had now subdued many countries which could not be in the beginning of his raigne for thus Cyrus saith in his Edict for the returne of the Iewes All the kingdoms of the earth hath the Lord God of heauen giuen vnto me And whereas it is there called the 1. yeare of Cyrus that is not to be vnderstood of his raigne but of the captiuitie for so the Iewes began their account of yeares from that time Contra. 1. The first position is contrarie to that prophesie of Ieremie c. 35. 12. When the 70. yeares are accomplished I will visit the king of Babel c. then the 70. and last yeare of the captiuitie and the dissolution of the Babylonian state must fall out together as for that computation of Berosus of the yeares of the Babylonian kings it is vncerten neither doth Iosephus alwaies follow it who els where ioyneth the last yeare of the captiuitie with the first yeare of Cyrus 2. Herodotus is deceiued much in his historie in the order of time and in the computation of yeares as is euident in this one instance Nitocris the mother of Balshazar whome he calleth Labynitus the last king of Babylon he maketh but fiue generations or descents from Semiramis which exceedeth not an 165. yeares counting a generation at 33. yeares or at the most 500. yeares if we giue an 100. yeares to a generation whereas the most writers are of opinion as Hierome Eusebius Orosius Augustine with others that there were at the least a 1000. yeares betweene them 3. The two last assertions may euidently be conuinced by the Scripture which expressely setteth downe that the returne of the Iewes and so the ende of their captiuitie was in the first yeare of Cyrus which must be vnderstood of his raigne ouer Chaldea for he had raigned before in Persia and Darius in Media he might say all kingdomes were giuen him because he had ouercome the large Empire of Babylon The Iewes indeede accounted their owne yeares from such notable deliuerances as from their going out of Egypt from their returne out of Chaldea but there is no reason so to account the yeares of the raigne of forren kings neither can any such president be shewed in Scripture 4. Quest. Of the 70. yeares of captiuitie in what sense they are called seuen generations Baruch 6. 2. Whereas the Prophet Ieremie defineth and setteth downe the tearme of the Babylonian captiuitie to be 70. yeares c. 25. v. 11 12. c. 29. v. 10. it seemeth strange that Baruch c. 6. 2. should say that they should remaine in Babylon seuen generations to this obiection diuers answers are made by the Romanists who hold the epistle of Baruch to be Canonicall 1. The word generation is taken diuersly sometimes for 7. yeares as when the Physiâ—ians prescribe that a child should not be let blood till he hath accomplished two generations that is 14. yeares Eusebius taketh a generation for 20. yeares Herodotus sometime for the space of 2â— yeares sometime for 33. yeares Diodorus for 30. yeares in which sense Hâ—mer saith Nestor liued three ages that is 90. yeares Dyonisius Halycarnass by a generation vnderstandeth an 100. yeares and so it is taken in Scripture Gen. 15. 13. 16. foure generations are
nor needed any such remedie therefore the lawe was not giuen vnto him 2. The law was not giuen to him to keepe who is the ende of the law but Christ is the ende of the law as the Apostle sheweth Rom. 10. 4. and the law is a schoolemaster to bring vs vnto Christ Gal. 3. 19. 3. Christ is aboue the law and Lord of the law euen as man therefore not vnder the law or subiect vnto it the first is euident where Christ saith the Sonne of man is Lord of the Sabbath which is a part of the law and as he is Lord of part of the law so of the whole 8. Obiect The Apostle saith Heb. 10. 19. By the blood of Iesus we may be bold to enter into the holy place S. Iohn saith 1. epist. 1. 7. The blood of Iesus doth purge vs from all sinne what neede then the imputation of the innocencie and obedience of Christ Ans. 1. Though the blood of Christ onely be named yet by a synecdoche part beeing taken for the whole other parts of his oblation are signified as his obedience and innocencie whereby his blood was made a sacrifice of atonement acceptable vnto God for God was not simply delighted with the shedding of Christs blood but with his obedience as Bernard well saith non mors sed voluntas placuit spontâ— morientis not the death but the will of Christ dying of his owne accord was pleasing vnto God 2. If all were in deede ascribed to Christs blood then the oblation of his flesh and bodie the anguish and agonie of his soule had beene superfluous by the blood then the other parts are signified but the blood is named as the most conspicuous part of his oblation and because it answered to the type the blood of the legal sacrifices 3. And though the blood of Christ doe purge vs from all sinne yet not from that bâ—nd and obligation whereby we are tied to keepe the law which we are freed from by the imputation of the obedience of Christ. 4. So then the expresse mention of the blood of Christ doth not exclude his innocencie and obedience but onely the blood of the legal sacrifices and mans merit and all other humane meanes which auaile not to saluation 9. Obiect But seeing Adams disobedience by the which sinne entred was but one offence in eating the forbidden fruit one act likewise of Christs obedience which was in the sacrifice of his death may seeme to be sufficient for our iustification Ans. Though God gaue but one precept vnto Adaâ— for these reasons 1. because one commandement sufficed to exercise and make triall of mans obedience 2. And the transgression of one commandement was enough to make man guiltie of eternall death 3. And thereby mans impotencie and weaknes appeared who in the state of integritie was not able to keepe that one commandement yet in that one precept were contained and included all the precepts afterwards giuen in the morall law as Tertullian saith primordialis illa lex quasi matrix omnium praeceptorum Dei that first law was the mother and wombe as it were of all Gods precepts And as Augustine well noteth in illo vno peccato intelligi possunt plura peccata in that one sinne many sinnes may be vnderstood c. quia superbia est illic c. for there was pride in that man loued rather to be in his owne power then Gods there was sacriledge because man beleeued not God and homicide because he cast himselfe headlong into death there was spirituall fornication because the integritie of mans minde was corrupted by the enticement of the serpent and there was theft because he vsurped the forbidden fruit and couetousnes in that he desired more then sufficed Wherefore seeing that in Adams transgression we are made guiltie of many sinnes we haue neede also of Christs whole righteousnes 10. Obiect If all Christs innocencie is imputed vnto vs for our righteousnes then all Christs acts must be imputed vnto vs likewise for our iustification Ans. 1. It followeth not that because all Christs acts which concerned the iustice and fulfilling of the law are imputed vnto vs for righteousnes that therefore all his acts are imputed for his descension conception incarnation his miracles are not imputed vnto vs because they were no part of the fulfilling of the law So then it is true that all the righteousnes which is imputed vnto vs Christ wrought for vs and that whatsoeuer Christ did he wrought for vs he was conceiued borne circumcised fasted for vs yet all Christs acts are not applied vnto vs for our iustification but onely those wherein properly consisted Christs obedience and the fulfilling of the law And thus much shal suffice of this question abridged out of Polanus 26. Quest. Whether the iustice brought in by Christ exceede the iustice of Adam The righteousnes of Christ imputed vnto vs by faith is farre more excellent many waies then the iustice which Adam had in the state of his innocencie 1. That was the iustice of a meere man but this is the iustice of that person which is both God and man 2. for the effects the iustice of Christ is meritorious of eternall life it ouercame death subdued the deuill none of all which Adams righteousnes could doe 3. Christs iustice is eternall and immutable but Adams iustice was but temporarie for a time 4. And we are in Christ restored to a more excellent state then we lost in Adam which was but terrene and mutable but by Christ we receiue an heauenly euerlasting and immutable kingdome 27. Quest. Whether it standeth with Gods iustice to iustifie vs by an others righteousnes and how that may be 1. It is not agreeable with Gods iustice to iustifie a sinner by that righteousnes which is not intended vnto him nor wrought for him but seeing Christ wrought not righteousnes for himselfe but intended it wholly vnto vs and our benefit it very well standeth with Gods iustice that we should be iustified thereby 2. And this iustice of Christ which is externall and without vs is more auaileable to saue and iustifie vs then if it were in our selues for then it were subiect to change and alter as all other gifts in vs are mutable and changeable but now this sauing righteousnes is in a subiect namely Christ immutable and vnchangeable 3. And this righteousnes is verily made ours by faith it is not an imiginarie or supposed iustification but verily and in deede for as we verily are by nature guiltie of Adams transgression so is the obedience of Christ verely made ours by imputation through faith And as our sinnes were imputed to Christ and he verely suffered death the punishment of sinne so we by the imputation of his righteousnes are verely made partakers of euerlasting saluation 28. Quest. How the vision and prophesie was to be sealed vp The Latine interpreter readeth vt impleatur c. that the prophesie and vision may be fulfilled which is
leaueth vs forren witnesses are to be receiued Now seeing it is collected that the raigne of the Grecians from Alexander vnto Cleopatra Q. of Egypt continued about 300. yeares and from thence to the death of Christ the Romanes ruled 60. yeares H. Br. â—roleg in Daniel there can remaine but an 130. yeares for the Monarchie of the Persians to make vp the summe of Daniels 70. weekes that is 490. yeares So then thus farre we are directed by the holy storie as is shewed before by the age and life of Nehemias who sawe the beginning and ende of the Persian Monarchie that it could not continue 200. yeares or aboue the rest must be supplied out of the Greeke and Latine historians Here then two erroneous opinions are to be touched the one of Varro who vntill the beginning of the Olympiads holdeth no certainty of time to be gathered for he distinguisheth the age of the world into these 3. times before the flood which he saith is altogether vnknowne after the â—â—ood vnto the Olympike yeares which time he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fabulous and full of tales the third from the beginning of the Olympiads which time he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 historicall as certaine and true whereas the contrarie is euident that the historie of time from the beginning of the world vntill somewhat after the Olympiads is most certaine out of the propheticall writings but there is no certaintie of the times following because the propheticall writings were ceased The other opinion is of Paulus Burgans who thus aduiseth de quibus non habetur historia sacrae Scripturae recurratur ad historiaâ— authenticaâ— specialitâ—r Hebraeorum whereof there is no historie of the sacred Scripture we must haue recourse to the authenticall histories specially of the Hebrewes But Burgens beeing a conuerned Iew himselfe doth ascribe too much to the historicall accounts of his nation whereas after their Prophets ceased there â—re no more vncerten false and fabulous Chronicles then those of the Hebrewes are As appeareth by that one instance of the number of the Persian kings whome they generally hâ—ld to haue beene but foure This then remaineth as the best resolution concerning this matter what Chronologie is to be followed in the computation of Daniels weekes that it is safest to take direction of the Scriptures so farre as they proceede in the historie of the Persians and then to vse the helpe of the Olympiads and other forren histories for the rest of the yeares And yet further to shew what small certentie is to be found in the historicall accounts of the Gentiles concerning the Persiah Monarchie it shall not be amisse before we come to examine the true reckoning of Daniels weekes briefly to shew the great diuersitie of writers both of the number and yeares of the Persian kings 37. Quest. Of the names and number of the Persian kings 1. Hierome whome the Latine historians and interpreters follow numbreth 14. kings of the Persians as they are set downe in order before qu. 17. vpon the 7. chap. so also Pererius followeth the same account and Oecolampad in which number are comprehended Smerdes that succeeded Cambyses and Artabanus who killed Xerxes both beeing vsurpers and Xerxes the second who raigned 2. moneths and Sogdianus 7. moneths betweene Artaxerxes Longimanus and Darius Nothus These partly because they were vsurpers partly for their short raigne are not to be counted among the Persian kings for the historie of time 2. As the Latines exceede in number so the Hebrewes come as farre short Some of them doe make onely three kings of Persia Cyrus Assuerus Darius and whereas mention is made beside Ezâ— 4. 7. of Artaxerxes and then of an other Artashasht or Artaxerxes Ezâ— 7. 1. they say that the first Artaxerxes was the same with Assuerus and the second with Darius So R. Saadâ—a and R. Davison Some of them number foure kings Cyrus Assuerus Artaxerxes Darius Ab. Ezra Some count fiue as R. Moses But all these are euidently conuinced of vntruth by the historie of Ezra and Nehemia as may thus appeare First it is cleare that Xerxes was the fourth king of Persia mentioned Dan. 11. 2. who should be richer then the rest Then after this Xerxes the fourth king succeeded Artaxerxes surnamed Longimanus because he had one hand longer then an other then followed Darius surnamed Nothus because he was the base sonne of Longimanus after him raigned an other Artaxerxes who was surnamed Mnemon of his singular memorie there is mention made yet further of an other Darius who was the last king of the Persians Nehem. 12. 22. Thus it is euident that there were more kings of Persia then the Hebrewes imagine as may be gathered out of the Scripture 3. Some name but 8. kings of Persia in all As 1. Cyrus 2. Artaxerxes Assuerus 3. Darius with the long hand 4. Darius Nothus 5. Artaxerxes Mnemon 6. Artaxerxes Ochus 7. Arses 8. Darius so Annius Viteâ—biens But in this account are omitted two famous kings of the Persians Darius Hystaspis and Xerxes his sonne 4. Some make but nine which they thus number Cyrus Cambyses Darius Hystaspis Xerxes Artaxerxes Longimaâ—â—us Darius Nothus Artaxerxes Mnemon Ochus Darius Codomannus Ioseph Scalliger But here is omitted Arses the last king but one who succeeded Ochus 5. Some doe set downe tenne kings of the Persians namely all these before rehearsed so Bulling but the leaueth out Sâ—erdes the vsurper who succeeded Cambyses and raigned not one yeare but onely certaine moneths 6. Beroaldus whom H. Br. followeth reckoneth 11. kings of Persia agreeing in the number but he misseth in the order for thus he placeth them Cyrus Assuerus Artaxerxes Darius Assyrius Artaxerxes pins then Xerxes the fift then the other sixe in order But in this account he maketh Xerxes the rich king of Persia the fift king who in Daniel is the fourth c. 11. 2. and he supposeth him to haue beene the sonne of Artaxerxes pins who was indeede the sonne of Darius 7. Iuniâ—s setteth downe the Persian kings in this order 1. Cyrus 2. Cambyses his son 3. Smerdes who vsurped the kingdome a yeare 4. Darius Hystaspis 5. Xerxes 6. Artaxerxes Longhand 7. Darius the bastard 8. Artaxerxes Mnemon 9. Darius Ochus 10. Arses 11. Dariiâ—s Codomannus whome Alexander ouercame Iun. But if Smerdes be counted for one then Xerxes should be the fift not the fourth king as Dan. 11. 2. Thus much for the vncertentie of the names and number of the Persian Kings 38. Quest. Of the vncertentie of the yeares of the Persian Monarchie and of the Persian kings 1. Concerning the continuance of the Persian Monarchie the Hebrewes generally giue vnto it not aboue 50. yeares Tertullian an 107. yeares Isidor lib. 5. etymolog an 180. Annius Lucidus Driedo an 190. Dyonisius Halycar lib. de Rom. Antiquit. 200. yeares and somewhat aboue Clemens Alex. lib. 1. stromat 215. Severus Sulpit. lib. 2. sacr histor 250. Lyranus 230. so also M. Lively Pererius 232.
dead or not of so good parts as the yongest was who might therefore be nominated to the kingdome as Xerxes was made heire apparant to his father Darius his elder brother Artabazanes beeing omitted as M. Lydyat acknowledgeth pag. 67. 2. Though these authors so write yet Aeâ—â—lius Probus preferreth the restimonie of Thucidides as liuing neerest to those times and so best to be credited that Themistocles fledde to Artaxerxes 3. Artabanus might haue opportunitie to kill Xerxes fleeing from the Grecians as Bessus killed Darius Codomannus fleeing away from Alexander and Darius beeing one of the kings sonnes he might kill likewise the occasion so seruing whereas Artaxerxes beeing possessed of the kingdome was better defended against him and afterward was reuenged vpon him for his fathers death 4. But none of these answeres doe take away the former obiection that Artaxerxes raigned 8. yeares at the least before his fathers death aâ—iâ— gathered by the Olympiade reckoning 4. It remaineth then that Xerxes is the latter part of his raigne ioyned his sonne Artaxerxes with him as he raigned together with his father Darius and therefore he is named next after Cyrus Ezra 4. 7. As there Cyrus raigne is named onely for his and Cambyses so Assuerus raigne who is thought to be Darius Hystaspis standeth there for the ioynt raigne of Darius and Xerxes By reason then of this intermingling of yeares the foresaid yeares cannot be particularly assigned to the former kings Quest. 53. Of the particular yearâ—â— of the second part of the Persian Monaâ—â—hi◠〈◊〉 the finishing of the Temple to the ende thereof 1. Iunius in his first edition summeth these yeares to 90. or thereabout giuing vnto Longimanus 37. in whose 6. the Temple was finished to Darius Nothus 18. to Mâ—emon 10. to Ochus 22. to Arsen 3. and Darius the 〈◊〉 raigned 6. yeares wherein he misseth not greatly the generall somme of the Persian yeares but he counteth onely 36. to the finishing of the Temple in Longimanus 6. yeare and 90. afterward whereas so few as 30. yeares cannot be giuen to the fowre former kings Cyrus Cambyses Darius the sonne of Hystaspis and Xerxes which raigâ—ed before Longimanus 2. Oecolampadous counteth an 160. yeares after the reedifying of the Temple to the ende of the Persian Monarâ—hie which he collectâ—â— thâ—s Darius in his account raigned 4. yeares after the temple and citie repaired Xerxes 〈◊〉 Artehanus 7. moneths Aâ—taxerxes Longhand 40. yeares Xerxes the 〈◊〉 moneths Segdiaâ—us 8. moneths Darius Nothus 19. yeares 〈◊〉 40. yeares 〈◊〉 26. Arseo 4. Darius the last 6. But here beside that he counteth three among the Persian kings 〈◊〉 Xgrxes the 2. Segdiâ—â—s whose yeares of raigne are not reckoned but the best historians as is shewed before quest 37. he erreth in referring the reedifying of the Temple to Darius Hystaspis raigne the third king of Persia whereas there are reckoned in Ezra after Cyrus Assâ—â—â—us Artaxerxes and then Darius vnder whom the Temple was builded Ezra 4. 7. and 24. 3. Tertulliaâ— first setteth downe Darius to haue 〈◊〉 19. yeares then Aâ—taxerxes 41. after him Ochus 24. then Argus one and the last Darius 21. So he seemeth in all to account but an 106. yeares for the persian Monarchie whereof 49. beeing expired at the reedifying of the Temple there will remaine but 57. to the ende of that Monarchie But herein is Teriullian deceiued in making but fiue kings of Persia in all 4. Iunius in his third edition in his annotations vpon this place summeth the yeares from the 2. of Nothus to the ende of the Persian Monarchie to 93. for Nothus he counteth 19. yeares in all and from his second 18. for Mnemon 43. Ochus 23. Arses 3. Darius the last 6. so also Polanus which yeares beeing added to the 106. which he thinketh were expired from Cyrus first at the 2. of Nothus make 200. saue one But the age of Nehemiah who saw the beginning and ende of that Monarchie will not permit that so many yeares be allowed vnto it 5. Pintus giuing vnto the Persian Monarchie 191. yeares and counting 48. vnto the sinishing of the Temple must leaue an 143. yeares or thereabout for the time of that Monarchie after the finishing of the Temple But vpon the former reason of Nehemiahs age this can not be admitted 6. Pererius from the 1. of Cyrus to the 2. of Nothus counteth an 140. yeares and from thence to the ende of that Monarchie some 94. yeares M. Lively also agreeth with him in the same account Pers. Monarch p. 53. they differ but in 2. yeares Pererius allotteth to the Persian Monorchie 232. yeares lib. 13. in Dan. M. Lively 230. But it is sufficiently shewed before that the Persian Monarchie could not continue so long qu. 43. 7. But Montanus counting by the high Priests goeth beyond them in all in his reckoning for the latter part of the Persian Monarchie for he giueth vnto Eliashib 41. yeares in whose 14. yeare he saith Nenemiah returned to the king of Persia after the citie was repaired which was in 32. yeare of Mnemons raigne Nehem. 5. 14. there remaine then of Eliashibs yeares 27. then Ioiada succeeded 25. yeares Iohanan 24. yeares Iaddua to the time of Alexander 27. thus there shall be an 103. yeares from the 32. yeare of Mnemon to the ende of the Persian Monarchie vnto the which adde the 32. yeares of Mnemon and 7. yeares of Darius there will arise an 142. yeares from the finishing of the Temple to the ende of the Persian Monarchie which Nehemiahs age will by no meanes endure 8. This then is the best resolution that although in such great varietie and difference the particular yeares can not well be assigned vnto the seuerall kings of Persia which succeeded after the finishing of the Temple yet the whole summe is must not extende beyond 80. or 81. or thereabout so that thus the whole summe is made vp 49. yeares are counted from Cyrus 1. to the 6. of Darius when the Temple was finished and thence to the ende of the Persian Monarchie if 81. yeares more be added we shall haue the whole summe of an 130. yeares this account followeth Beroaldus Iunius in his annotations edit 1. H. Broughton in his proleg in Dan. who last named doth thus parcell out the yeares from Cyrus to Xerxes 6. when he warred against Grecia he giueth 30. yeares to Artaxerxes with his father and alone 42. to Ochus called also Darius Nothus alone 8. with his father 16. to Mnemon 42. to Ochus 3. to Darius the last 5. or 6. the whole summe is an 130. 54. Quest. Of the iust computation of the yeares of the Grecian Monarchie Hauing the certentie of the yeares of the Persian Monarchie in generall the next part of the 490. yeares decyphered in the 70. weekes consisteth in the due examination of the yeares of the kingdome of the Grecians where there are fiue seuerall accounts 1. by the raigne of the kings of Syria 2. by the yeares
of the high Priests 3. by the yeares of the captaines and Princes of the Iewes 4. by the yeares of the kings of Egypt 5. by the Olympiades 1. By the Syrian kings the account is vncerten there are numbred of them in all from Seleucus Nicanor the first king and founder of the familie of the Seleucians to Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus 19. kings their particular names with the yeares of their raigne it is not needefull here to set downe we shall haue further occasion to deale with them in particular in the 11. chapter But the reason why the account taken by them is not certen is this because the kingdome of Syria beganne 15. yeares after Alexanders death and after the kingdome of Egypt and it ended aboue 50. yeares before the kingdome of the Herodians began in Iudea about which time the raigne of Cleopaora the last Queene and Regent of Egypt expired 2. Likewise there is small certentie in the account taken by the yeares of the high Priests Montanus setteth them downe in this order vnto the time of Herod High Priests yeares Onias after Iaddua 27 Simon Iustus 13 Eleazar 20 Manasses 27 Simon Iustus 28 Onias Simons sonne 39 Iason 3 Menelaus 12 Ionathas 18 Simon 8 Ioannes Hircanus 31 Aristobulus 1 Iannes Alexander 27 Alexandra the widow of Alexander high Priest 9 Hircanus her son 3. moneths Aristobulus Hircanus brother 3 Hircanus restored 22 Antigonus 5 The whole summe ariseth to 293. yeares or thereabout in which account we want 7. yeares of the full number which is allowed to the Greeke Monarchie which is 300. yeares and beside there is some variance in the particular account for vnto Eleazar the third in the foresaid number Philo giueth but 20. yeares Eusebius 23. to Onias Bullinger appointeth but 25. yeares Montanus 27. And the like difference may be found in the rest as Oecolampad giueth but 26. to Ioannes Hircanus Montanus and Bullinger allow him 31. to Aristobulus and Hircanus he giueth 34. yeares the other two count but 26. betweene them So then this reckoning by the yeares of the high Priests is vncerten and the rather because the times were corrupt and confused they were made high Priests for money and sometime one was vp and an other downe 3. The third kind of reckoning is by the yeares of the Princes and captains ioyned with the yeares of the kings of Syria Oecolampad thus setteth downe the yeares of the kings of Syria vnto the time of the Macchabees and then the yeares of the Macchabees in this order The kings of Syria The Macchabees Alexander raigned yeares 5 Iudas Macchabeus gouerned yeares 3 Seleucus Nicanâ—r 44 Antiochus Sother 19 Ionathas 19 Antiochus Theos 15 Simon 8 Seleucus Callinicus 20 Ioannes Hircanus 26 Seleucus Ceraunius 3 Aristobulus 1 Antiochus Megas 36 Ianneus Alexander 27 Seleucus Philopater 12 Alexandra 9 Antiochus Epiphanes 11 Aristobulus and Hircanus 34 the summe is an 165 the summe is an 127 Both these summes put together make 292. there wanteth 6. to make vp 300. yeares And beside there is great variance and difference about the summe of these yeares Montanus setteth downe an other account of the Hebrewes who allow vnto the kingdome of the Grecians 175. yeares before the time of the Macchabees to whose gouernment they assigne but an 103. yeares which make in all but 278. here want 22. yeares of 300. Melancthon much differeth not from the last account he giueth vnto Alexander 7. yeares to the Seleucians vnto Iudas Macchabeus 146. to the Macchabees from Iudas vnto Herod 127. the whole summe is 280. there yet are wanting 20. yeares The former of these numbers agreeth with the account of yeares in the booke of the Macchabees where it is said that Antiochus died in the 149. yeare 1. Macchab. 6. 16. and three yeare before that Iudas Macchabeus beganne to oppose himselfe against the tyrannie of Autiochus Epimanes Hitherto then we can haue no certentie for the iust number of these yeares 4. The fourth way is to proceede by the account of the yeares of the Ptolomes of Egypt for Ptolomeus Lagi beganne his gouernment immediatly after Alexanders death and Cleopatra the daughter of Ptolome Auletes raigned in Egypt to the beginning of Herods raigne in Iewrie and somewhat after their yeares are set downe thus according to the computation of Clemens Alexandrinus which M. Br. followeth Alexander 6 Ptolomeus Lagi 40 Pto. Philadelph 37 Pto Eâ—ergetes 25 Pto. Philopater 17 Pto. Epiphanes 24 Ptolom Philometer 35 Physcon 29 Lathurus 36 Aulâ—tes 29 Cleopatra 22 the whole summe is 300. And in this account likewise there is great vncertentie Tertullian 1. lib. contr Iudaeos setteth downe the kings with their yeares of raigne thus Alexander 12 Sother in Alexandria raigned 35 Philadelphus 38 Euergetes 25 Philopator 17 Epiphanes 24 An other Euergetes 37 An other Sother 38 Ptolome 37 Cleopatra 22 the summe is 285. This summe commeth short of 300 by 15. and beside here are 12. yeares giuen vnto Alexanders raigne after Darius whereas he raigned but 6. or at the most 7. after the finall ouerthrow of the Persians he raigned in all 12. yeares but after Darius was vanquished 6. onely or 7. which Tertullian counteth 12. yeares And further whereas Clemens Alexandrinus reckoneth for the Grecian Monarchie three hundreth yeares some doe exceede that number as Epiphanius addeth 12. yeares more some come short as Suidas in Adam counteth lesse by 30. yeares 5. The last way then to know the iust number of yeares for the kingdome of the Greeks is by the Olympiads which is a sure reckoning as is before declared qu. 35. for the Greeke affaires Alexander died in the 1. yeare of the 114. Olympiad as Arrianus and most Chronologers doe hold and our blessed Sauiour suffered in the 1. of the 203. Olympiad Ioseph Scallig the yeares betweene these two Olympike yeares amount to 356. and with Alexanders 6. yeares 362. Iun. annotat from whence 62. must be abaâ—ed from the ende of Cleopatraes raigne vnto the passion of our blessed Sauiour so there will remaine iust 300. yeares within two for the Greeke Monarchie Polanus much differeth not counting by the yeares of the building of Rome Alexander died in the 430. yeare of the age of Rome and Ierusalem was destroyed in the 822. yeare then diducting 38. yeares from thence backward to the passion of Christ which Bullinger maketh 40. placing the destruction of Ierusalem 2. yeares later in the 824. yeare of Rome and 60. or 61. to the ende of Cleopatraes gouernment and there will by this account also remaine 300. yeares for the kingdome of the Grecians So then we haue toward the number of 490. yeares first from Cyrus 1. to the ende of the Persian Monarchie an 130. yeares and then 300. yeares for the gouernment of the Grecians there remaine 60. yeares from the ende of Cleopatra her raigne in the 4. yeare of Herod in whose 30. Christ was borne vnto the passion of Christ in the 34. of his age but
more agreeable to the text that Amaziah raigned 29. yeares and then his sonne succeeded not immediatly as Oecolampad setteth him but there was an interregnum or intermission of the raigne for eleuen yeares the kingdome beeing gouerned by the States as it may thus be gathered Amaziah liued 15. yeares after the death of Ioash king of Israel in whose 15. yeare beganne Ieroboam the sonne of Ioash to raigne ouer Israel 2. king 14. 17. 23. so then of Amaziahs 29. yeare there remained yet 15. then in the 15. yeare of Ieroboam Amaziahs raigne endeth afterward in the 27. yeare of Ieroboam beganne Vzziah to raigne then must needes the kingdome lie void eleuen yeares from the 15. of Ieroboam to the 27. H. Br. Concent Genevens And it can not stand that Vzziah raigned together with his father for he was but 16. yeare olde when he beganne to raigne which was in the 27. of Ieroboam 2. king 15. 1 2. whereas his father died in the 15. yeare of Ieroboam when Vzziah was by this account but 4. yere old And it is noted in direct words that as soone as Azariah was made king in his fathers stead he built Elath after his father had slept with his fathers 2. king 14. 21 22. So it is euident that Iunius making Vzziah to beginne to raigne immediatly after the 17. yeare of Amaziah commeth short of the iust summe 22. or 23. yeares for he leaueth out 12. yeares of Amaziahs raigne and omitteth the time of the vacancie which was eleuen yeares more 2. In that Iunius counteth an 106. yeares from Cyrus 1. to the 2. of Darius when the Temple beganne to be reedified and so extendeth the Persian Monarchie 199. yeares therein he exceedeth by 69. yeares the yeares of the Persian Monarchie which were an 130. as is before shewed qu. 43. So that I rather approouâ— Iunius iudgement in his first edition not allowing aboue an 130. yeares to the Persian Monarchie 5. Oecolampad thus casteth the yeares from the creation of the world vnto the Messiah from the creation to the flood 1656 from thence to the departing of the Israelites out of Egypt â—13 from the departure vnto the destruction of the first Temple in the 11. yere of Zedekiah 910 from the destruction to the building againe of the Temple and citie 94 from the Temple and citie reedified in the 32. of Darius vnto Alexander 160 from Alexander to the Macch. 165 from the Macchabees to Herod 127 froÌ„ the beginning of the raigne of the Herods to the ende thereof at the finall destruction of Ierusalem 103 But in this account there are diuers errors committed for in the summe of yeares vnto the first destruction of the Temple which are summed to 3379. or thereabout which in true account rise to 3420. yeares he commeth short 41. yeares which error falleth out by this occasion 1. he misseth of 60. yeares in the summe from the flood to Abraham placing him to be borne in the 70. yeare of Terah whereas he was borne in the 130. yeare of his father as is shewed further els where 2. from the death of Iacob to the departure of Israel out of Egypt he counteth 230. yeares which exceede not an 194. yeares for when Iacob died at 147. Ioseph was 56. beeing 39. at Iacobs 130. yeare so Ioseph liuing an 110. yeares suruiued his father 54. from Iosephs death to Moses birth are counted 60. yeares and in Moses 80. yeare departed Israel these three summes 54. 60. 80. make 194. here then Oecolampadius counting 230. yeares exceedeth the iust number by 36. yet he faileth in the whole summe 41. yeares or thereabout for the iust summe of yeares from the creation to the departure of Israel out of Egypt commeth to 2510. yeares Iun. H. Br. but his two summes of a 1656. and 813. laid together make but 2469. 3. In the yeares of the Kings next vnto Amaziahs 29. yeares he placeth Vzziahs 52. yeares whereas there came betweene an interregnum or vacancie of the kingdome for the space of an 11. yeares as is shewed before but this number of a 11. yeares he taketh vp in adding so many in the seuerall raignes of the kings as in giuing 8. yeares to Ioram who raigned alone but foure one to Ahaziah whose time is not counted 7. to Athaliah who raigned but 6. and so he recompenseth by an other supplie in the addition of these and other yeares to seuerall kings the want of the said number of a 11. yeares so that here he agreeth in the whole summe of the yeares of the kings which was from the beginning of Salomons raigne vnto the 11. yeare of Zedekiah 430. In the next summe from the 11. of Zedekiah vnto the destruction of Ierusalem which maketh 649. these errors arâ— found 1. He counteth but 70. yeares from the first destruction of the Temple vnto the reedifying thereof in the 2. of Darius whereas in the least reckoning there remained 50. yeares of the captiuitie from the destruction of the Temple to the first of Cyrus and from thence 7. weekes that is 49. yeares more to the building and finishing of the Temple as is shewed before qu. 58. 2. He giueth vnto the Persian Monarchie 160. yeares after the 32. of Darius Hystaspis whome he thinketh to haue raigned 36. yeares and to Cyrus and Cambyses he giueth betweene them 17. yeares so he extendeth the whole Persian Monarchie to 214. yeares which must be cut short to an 130. as is likewise declared before qu. 43. 3. He numbreth but 292. yeares for the kingdome of the Grecians and Macchabees which made 300 qu. 54. so that here he wanteth 8. yeares 4. This whole last summe of 649. yeares 73. beeing abated from the last destruction of the citie to the birth of Christ maketh 576. which ioyned to the foâ—mer number of 3379. maketh 3955. whereas the iust summe to Christ birth from the creation is 3927. or rather 3935. or thereabout so that here is an ouerplus of 20. yeares in the whole summe or there about 6. Bullingers account is this he setteth â—he 11. of Zedekiah in the yeare of the world 3365. the ende of the Persian Monarchie in the yeare 3640. the ende of the kingdome of the Macedonians which was in the 22. of Cleopatra in the yeare 3940. and the birth of our blessed Sauiour in the yeare 3970. 1. But in the first summe of 3365. he commeth short by 55. yeares the iust number beeing in Zedekiahs 11. yeare â—420 which oddes is like to arise because Bullinger following the common account setteth Abrahams birth in the 70. yeare of Terah which was in the 130. yeare and there faileth of 60. yeares â— the 5. odde yeares he might make vp in adding to the yeares of the raigne of the kings 2. In the next summe of 3640. he exceedeth giuing vnto the Persian Monarchie 215. yeares which he beginneth at Cyrus in the yeare of the world 3425. whereas the whole exceedeth not 130. yeares 3. In the
next summe he accounteth right numbring 300. yeares from Alexanders first vnto the last of Cleopatra 4. But in the last summe placing Christs birth in the yeare 1970. he exceedeth about 35. yeares it was by iust account 3927. or rather 3935. yeares as now shall be made to appeare 7. Thus then may the yeare of the world be found out wherein our blessed Sauiour was borne first we take the number before set downe by Iun. artic 4. vnto the destruction of Ierusalem in the 11. of Zedekiah which is iust by true account found to be 3398. yeares sauing that there wanteth 22. to be added which Iunius cutteth off from the raigne of Amaziah to whome he giueth but 17. yeares whereas he raigned 29. and from the time of vacancie of the kingdome which was 11. yeares as is there shewed adde these 22. yeares to the former summe and we shall haue iust 3420. yeares from the creation to the desolation of Ierusalem in the 11. of Zedekiah from hence to the death of our blessed Sauiour there are two accounts Some counting the beginning of the captiuitie in the 1. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer and the 4. of Iehoiakim when Daniel was carried away captiue and Ierusalem was destroied in the 19. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer doe make reckoning but of 50. yeares more to Cyrus 1. and thence to Christs death 490. yeares so that the yeare of the world by this account was 3960. at the holy passion of Christ and 33. yeares beeing abated for the age of Christ his natiuitie shall be in the yeare of the world 3927. or thereabout H. Br. in his Concent But because the better opinion is and more probable to beginne the 70. years in the captiuitie of Iechoniah in the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer from whence Ieremie beginneth it c. 29. 10. as Iosephus Scaliger sheweth lib. 6. de emendat tempor we must adde 8. yeares more to the foresaid number because we beginne the captiuitie later and so these 8. yeares beeing added we haue the 3935. yeare of the world for the birth of our blessed Sauiour But it will be obiected that whereas the yeare wherein our blessed Sauiour suffered is held to haue beene a yeare of Iubile the 28. Iubile beeing cast vp to fall in the yeare of the world 3960. his birth beeing placed in the yeare 3927. we shall by adding of 8. yeares more misse of a yeare of Iubile in the yeare of Christs passion We answer that they which cast the 28. Iubile to be in the yeare 3960. beginne the first Iubile in the 8. yeare of Ioshuahs gouernment H. Br. which may better take beginning 8. yeares after in the 16. of Ioshuah when he gathered all Israel to Sechem and made a couenant with them for then the people had rest from their enemies Iosh. 24. 1. 8. M. Lydyat placeth the birth of Christ in the yeare of the world 4007. and so exceedeth the former reckoning by 72. yeares the reason of which difference is because he giueth 204 yeares to the Persian Monarchie beginning the same in the yeare 3471. and ending in the yeare 3675. whereas it is prooued before that the Persian Monarchie could not exceede an 130. yeares or thereabout qu. 43. 67. In what yeare of the raigne of Herod our blessed Sauiour was borne An other account of yeares which the Iewes make is by the yeares of the raigne of their kings now then because Herod a stronger had obtained from the Romanes the kingdome of the Iewes it most be examined in what yeare of Herods raigne our blessed Sauiour was borne And here three things must be enquired when Herod beganne his raigne how many yeares he raigned and in which of them the natiuitie of our Sauiour was 1. Iosephus thinketh that Herod was creâ—â—â—ed king by the Romanes in the 184. Olympiade Cn. Domitius Calvinus and C. Asinâ—â—â— Pollio beeing Consuls and that 3. yeares after he tooke Ierusalem and slew Antigonus and so â—â—â—oyed the kingdome peaceably from his first creation are counted 37. yeares but from the death of Antigonus onely 34. Thus Ioseph lib. antiqu 14. 17. But this opinion of Iosephus can not stand 1. for if Herod beganne to raigne in the 184. Olympiad he must die in the 193. Olympiad which was 37. yeares after and then should Christ be borne 7. or 8. yeares after the raigne of Herod namely in the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad which is contrarie to the historie of the Gospel Matth. 2. for Herod died after Christ was borne and fled into Egypt 2. Iosephus againe is contrarie to himselfe for lib. 16. antiquit cap. 9. he placeth the 28. yeare of Herod in the 192. Olympiad but if Herod beganne his raigne in the 184. Olympiad his 28. yeare will fall out not in the 192. but in the beginning of the 191. Olympiad 3. Dio lib. 48. and Onuphrius in chron doe place the Consulship of Cn. Calvinus and Asiaius Pollio in the 2. yeare of the 185. Olympiad which was the 714. yeare of the building of Rome 2. Onuphrius in chronic assigneth the beginning of Herods raigne to the 3. yeare of Augustus Caesar Beda lib. de 6. aetatibus to the 11 yeare But Eusebius more truely in the 10. yeare of Augustus Caesar so also Bullinger 3. It is agreed with most historians that Herod raigned 37. yeares complete onely Beda appointeth vnto him 36. yeares 4. But there is great difference about the yeare of Herod wherein Christ should be borne Beda nameth the 31. yeare lib. de 6. aetatib Eusebius the 32. Bullinger Epiphanius heres 51. and Sulpitius lib. 2. the 33. so also M. Lydyat pag. 135. Onuphrius the 36. Suâ—lyga and Keplerus about the 35. Perorius in this vncertaintie leaueth the matter in doubt not resoluing in what yeare of Herod Christ was borne 5. Iosephus Scaliger is confident that Christ was borne in the 37. yeare of Herod which he would prooue thus 1. the beginning of Herods raigne was in the next yeare after the Consulship of Calvinus and Pollio which was in the 714. yeare of the citie as Dio and Onuphrius cast it this was in the 15. yeare of Augustus which was the 715. yeare of Rome from hence to the 42. yeare of Augustus are 37. yeares then by this reckoning the 37. of Herod and the 31. of Augustus and the 3. yeare of the 194. Olympiad shall concurre together 2. Christ was then newely borne when the wisemen came to worship for as yet the time of purification was not come according to the law for to what ende els should Marie stay in Bethlehem the starre appeared before the conception of Christ 1. yeare before Christs birth and they so cast their iourney as that they came presently after the birth of Christ Now Christ immediately after his mother was purified was carried into Egypt and after a while Herod died and then he returned out of Egypt to this purpose Ioseph Scalig. lib. 6. de emendat tempor Contra. 1. There were two beginnings of
Herods raigne one from the time of his creating king which might be in the 4. or 5. of Augustus raigne in the 714. or 15. yeare of Rome but an other beginning was after the death of Antigonus when he tooke possession of his kingdome which was as Eusebius setteth it in the 10. yeare of Augustus as Beda in the 11. yeare from this latter beginning must the 37. yeares of Herods raigne be counted and not from the first 2. Concerning the time of the appearing of the starre and of the comming of the wisemen 1. I neither thinke that Christ was two yeare old at such time as the infants were killed as Aretius thinketh in his commentaries vpon Matthew and M. Calvin that Herod deferred the execution of his malice almost two yeares for by the text it appeareth that as soone as Herod sawe himselfe mocked of the wisemen he forthwith in his rage caused the infants to be killed Matth. 1. 16. 2. neither is it like that the starre appeared 1. yeare or 2. before Christs natiuitie for how then should the wisemen haue knowne when to set forward and to come iust against the natiutie of Christ if the starre had appeared so long before and not at and after the birth of Christ. 3. Therefore it is more probable that the wisemen vpon the â—ight of the starre which appeared not before Christ was borne came toward the ende of the dayes of Maries purification and returned backe againe Christ being then newly borne for otherwise Marie would not haue staied in Bethlem she might continue there 40. dayes in the ende whereof the wisemen might come from the East not from Chaldea which was North from Ierusalem nor from Persia which was too farre off beeing fowre moneths iourney Ezra 7. 9. But as Pellican thinketh they might come from some nearer countrey as Sabea which was counted in the East countries toward the South so that toward the ende of the 40. dayes of purification they might well accomplish their iourney and in the meane time as they returned while Herod expected their returne Marie went to Ierusalem to be purified 4. neither doth it followe that they fleeing into Egypt should make aboad there but certaine moneths some thinke they might stay there 5. yeares Emman Sa. some 7. ex Pellicano there is no certaintie of the time of their aboad there they stayed till Herod was dead 5. And whereas Herod in his rage caused the infants to be killed from two yeare old and vnder according to the time which he had diligently enquired of the wisemen it followeth not that this was the second yeare of the appearing of the starre as Iosephus Scaliger inferreth But Herod to be sure that the childe should not escape putteth all to the sword from a day old to two yeare old so Pellican so that these words according to the time may as well be referred to those which were vnder two yeare old though they were but a day or a moneth or two olde as to those which were fully two yeare old 5. Wherefore although there be no certaintie of this in what yeare of Herods raigne Christ was borne neither is it necessarie for the vnderstanding of Daniels weekes yet it is most probable that our Blessed Sauiour was borne about the 30. of Herod complet and the 31. begunne which falleth into the 41. yeare of the raigne of Augustus Caesar complete and the 42. begunne as it may be thus gathered the Herodians are held to haue continued in the gouernement of Iudea to the destruction of Ierusalem 103. yeares which may be counted thus by the particular account of the yeares of the Herodians Herod the sonne of Antipater raigned 37. Herod Archelaus 9. Herod the Tetrach 24. Herod Agrippa 7. Agrippa the sonne of Agrippa 26. Oecol these yeares ending at the destruction of Ierusalem in the 2. of Vespasian make an 103. Then counting backeward from the destruction of Ierusalem 73. yeares we shall come iust to the 42. of Augustus and to the 31. yeare of Herod as may euidently appeare to those that will compare the yeares of the Emperours and lay them together I therefore thinke Beda his opinion of the rest most probable who placeth the beginning of Herods raigne in the 11. yeare of Augustus and the birth of Christ in 31. of Herod which by this reckoning falleth into the 41. of Augustus complete or the 42. yeare begunne And as there is small certaintie in what yeare of Herod Christ was borne so neither is it agreed vpon by all into what yeare of Augustus raigne Christs birth should fall Cassiodorus assigneth the 40. yeare Ireneus and Tertullian the 41. but the most resolue vpon the 42. yeare of Augustus as Eusebius in chron Epiphanius haeres 51. Beda But these may be vnderstood to speake of the 42. initiate onely and begunne the other of the 41. complete for if Christ beeing held to haue beene baptised and begunne to preach in the 15. of Tiberius Luk. 3. 1. there must be 15. yeares remaining of Augustus who raigned in all 56. to make vp 30. yeares in which yeare of his age Christ was baptized Quest. 68. In what yeare of his age Christ was baptized 1. Some are of opinion that Christ was 30. yeares complete before he was baptized of which opinion was Beda that Christ was baptized the 6. of Ianuarie 13. dayes after he was full 30. yeare old lib. de ration temp c. 41. So also Chrysostome hom 10. in Matth. Euthymius in 3. c. Matth. Bernard serm 1. de Epiphania doe thinke that Christ came to be baptized after he was full thirtie yeare old the same is the opinion of Iosephus Scaliger lib. 6. de emendat tempor But this opinion is thus refelled 1. because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi as it were 30. yeare old Luk. 3. 23. sheweth that he was not full 30. yeare old Scaliger answereth that sometime this is not a word of doubting but of affirming as Ioh. 1. 14. we sawe the glorie thereof as the glorie of the onely begotten c. But he should haue giuen vs an instance where this word is vsed in numbring otherwise then vncertainely and by way of geffe 2. the words are Iesus was about 30. yeare old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beginning the meaning of which words must be that he beganne to be about 30. yeare old Euthymius to make his opinion good readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is entring or proceeding referring it to his preaching but the words is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beginning Iosephus Scaliger thinketh that the word is not referred to the 30. yeares but put absolutely after the phrase of the Hebrewes as he giueth instance of that place Gen. 9. 20. Noah beganne to be an husbandman But this instance is against him for Noah beganne then first after the â—â—ood to be an husbandman and this word beginning cannot stand absolutely in any good sense vnlesse there should be relation to something
herein applyeth himselfe to their capacitie and as he alleadgeth out of Chrysostome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he doth incorporate his cause that is speaketh as it were grossely to their vnderstanding such he taketh those speaches to be of the Angel that wrestled with Iacob which was Christ let me alone because the day is risen and the Lord said to Moses Exod. 32. let me alone tht I may destroy them But these speaches are not alike for there God hath to doe with men and so applyeth his speach to their best vnderstanding but here the Angel is helped of Michael which must be taken properly this matter beeing done among the celestiall spirits Then to say that Christ is helped and ayded of the Angels is a verie improper speach and agreeth not with the analogie of faith 4. Bullinger and Calvin thinke that although God could haue protected his people by one Angel yet quo magis testatam faceret curam c. alterum submisit Angelum the more to testifie his care to his Church he sendeth an other Angel to helpe But this is more to the comfort of Gods people when they vnderstand that not onely the Angels fight for them but euen Michael the Prince of the Angels the Sonne of God himselfe protecteth them 5. Wherefore it is the sounder opinion that this Angel was helped non accessione numeri sed virtutis not by the encrease of the number but by the accession of a greater power and strength Iun. Polan for it is sufficiently prooued in the former question that this Michael was Christ. Quest. 24. How the Angel saith he was left with the kings of Persia. 1. The Septuag whom Theodoret followeth read thus whom I left with the kings of Persia that is Michael but the true reading is I remained or was left with the kings of Persia 2. the ordinar gloss which Hugo Cardinal followeth by the king of Persia vnderstandeth Michael but the construction of the text will not beare it for Michael helped him against the Prince or king of Persia. 3. Oecolampad referreth it vnto Christ who is said to remaine in Persia in his members that were captiues there as Paul is said to haue persecuted Christ in his members But the text sheweth that this is giuen as a reason why the Angel came no sooner to Daniel because he remained all that while and was staied in Persia by occasion of the businesse which there fell out the Angel speaketh then of a personall remaining or staying which could in no wise agree vnto Christ who was not yet incarnate and as he is God he is in euerie place at once 4. the most by the kings of Persia doe vnderstand the Angels which were presidents of Persia against whom this Angel striued for the people of God But Rupertus reasoneth against this because Angels are not called kings of countreys and beside he would haue said be remained against rather then with those Angels which did contradict him 5. Therefore Rupertus though by the Prince of Persia before he vnderstood the euil Angel of Persia yet here resolueth that by the kings of Persia must be vnderstood Darius or Cyrus with whom the Angel furthered the businesse for the returne of the people and afterward in the raigne of Assuerus he preuented the mischieuous counsell of Haman against the Iewes and turned it vpon his owne head And this indeede is the right meaning of these words sauing that the Angel speaketh onely of his remaining at this time with the kings of Persia Cambyses and his nobles or Cyrus and Cambyses rather not of his remaining there still as though the charge of that Prouince were committed still vnto this Angel for no such thing can be gathered out of the Scripture that the nations and kingdomes of the earth are assigned to particular Angels as their presidents Quest. 25. Who it is whome Daniel calleth Lord v. 17. 1. Lyranus vnderstandeth it of the Angel Gabriel that spake vnto Daniel before and some thinke that Daniel modestiae causa for modestie sake doth so call the Angel Lord whereas indeede the Angels count the Prophets their fellow seruants Apocal. 22. 8. Vatab. Pintus so also Calvin honorifice cum Angelo locutus est he giueth honourable tearmes vnto the Angel so also Iunius readeth thus how can this the seruant of my Lord talke with that my Lord that is I so weake a man talke with an Angel so glorious Osiander But it is euident that he to whom Daniel spake was an other beside him that stood by the riuer described v. 4. for this that he here speaketh to stood before him v. 16. but the other cloathed in linen stood by the riuer c. 12. 6. Neither is it like that the Angel would haue receiued this submission of so great a Prophet seeing he refused it at Iohns hand Reuel 22. 8. and take him as his seruant whose fellow seruant he was as the Angel saith to Iohn in that place He calleth the Angel afterward Lord which was an honourable saluation vsed among men but seruant he was onely to Iesus Christ. 2. Oecolampadius taketh this to be Christ whose seruant Daniel here professeth himselfe to be and he noteth therein the distinction of persons in that Daniel speaketh to one present of an other absent the seruant of that my Lord. But he thinketh all this to be vttered also by Christ and not by the Angel whereas it is euident that many things here spoken in this conference with Daniel cannot be vnderstood of Christ as that he was sent that he speaketh of Michael which was Christ as an other person beside himselfe in that he saith he was helped and remained in Persia these things cannot agree vnto Christ. 3. Wherefore I thinke rather with Polanus that Daniel turning himselfe to the Angel Gabriel which was before him speaketh of Christ that glorious person which appeared v. 4. as may be gathered by the demonstratiue which he vseth how can the seruant of that my Lord talke with that my Lord that is seeing I am so afraid talking with thee how should I be able to endure to talke with yonder my Lord So it is euidēt that there is an interchange of persons in this chapter as shall further appeare now in the next question Quest. 26. Who it was that had this communication with Daniel in this vision 1. Some thinke that the Angel which appeared at the first in that glorious manner v. 4. hath this conference with Daniel so Hierome in hominis figura videtur Angelus c. the Angel is seene in an humane shape and stretcheth forth a mans hand vnto Daniel that he should not be afraid So also Hugo Cardin. Perer. Pintus Pappus Bullinger Calvin with others But it is shewed before quest 12. that it was Christ not a created Angel which so appeared v. 4. 2. Some thinke that as Christ appeared there so it was he that had all this conference with Daniel and thrice touched him with his hand so
onely can foretell things to come v. 1. The time appointed was long Hereby the God of Daniel sheweth himselfe to be the true God because he could foreshewe things that should come to passe long after Things at hand which alreadie are begunne in their causes the subtile spirits can giue notice of nay we see that diuerse creatures by their naturall sense can prognosticate of the change of weather which is instant But things a farre off and to come none but God can foretell as he saith by his Prophet Isay 44. 7. what is at hand and what things are to come let them shewe vnto them The Lord by this argument sheweth himselfe onely to be God and all the idols of the heathen to be but vaine because they can declare no such things aforehand 4. Doctr. Of the diuerse kinds of feare v. 7. A great feare fell vpon them so that they fledde away c. Here is great difference betweene the feare of Daniel and his companions they were so frighted that they ranne away and hid themselues and so were depriued of this goodly vision but Daniel though much amazed yet staieth by it and to him is this vision reuealed So there are some which through their infirmitie and weakenesse doe quite fall away others though they haue their imperfections yet doe recouer themselues and returne againe Iun. of this sort was Peter of the other Iudas and to this purpose saith the Apostle Heb. 12. 13. make streight steppes vnto your feete least that which is halting be turned out of the way but let it rather be healed 5. Doct. Of the office of Angels v. 14. Now I am come to shewe thee c. Here are three speciall things expressed wherein the Lord vseth the ministrie of Angels to the comfort of his children 1. They are sent of God vpon their praiers to comfort them as God sent his Angel to Peter beeing in prison Act. 12. 2. their office is to protect and defend the children of God as here the Angel fighteth against the Prince of Persia in defense of the Iewes so was the Angel sent to stoppe the lions mouthes against Daniel 3. they are employed to instruct men and giue them knowledge of such things as concerne them as here the Angel reuealeth diuerse things to Daniel that afterward should come to passe so the Angel appeared to Cornelius aduising him what course to take for his further instruction 6. Doct. Of the power of Angels These Angels are spirits of great power to whom all earthly Potentates must giue place there is no creature that can withstand them beeing armed with power from God therefore they are called principalities Rom. 8. 38. Principalities and powers in heauenly places Ephes. 1. 21. One Angel in Dauids time destroyed 70. thousand when Dauid had numbred the people 2. Sam. 24. 15. One Angel slue in Senacheribs host in one night an 185. thousand 2. king 19. And here one Angel encountreth with the whole power of the king of Persia yet the Angels power is limited they can goe no further then they are authorized of God 7. Doct. Of the presence of Angels The Angels though they are of great agilitie and can speedily passe from place to place yet are they not euerie where nor in many places at once this Angel while he was stayed about these affaires in Persia could not be present with Daniel and while he was communing with Daniel he was absent from Persia as he saith v. 20. knowest thou not wherefore I am come vnto thee but now will I returne to fight with the king of Persia Onely it is peculiar vnto God to fill heauen and earth with his presence and to be euerie where in the same instant as he saith by the Prophet Heauen is my seate earth is my footstoole Isay. 66. 1. 8. Doctr. The cause of the ruine of kingdomes The efficient cause is the Angel the minister of Gods wrath and vengeance as here the Angel sighteth against the kings of Persia vntill by little and little their kingdome was taken away from them by the Prince of Grecia The occasion of the fall of kingdomes is the afflicting and oppressing of the Church of God as the Babylonians for holding the people of God in captiuitie were surprized by the Persians and they likewise for hindering the worke of Gods house and suffering the people of God to be molested were subdued by the Grecians and these also especially the Seleucians for tyranizing ouer the people of God were rooted out by the Romanes 9. Doctr. Of the certaintie of Gods decrees v. 21. I will shewe thee what is decreed in the Scripture of truth that is in the prescience of God who needeth not any bookes to put him in mind but this is taken from the vse of Princes and Iudges which haue their Registers and Records wherein their decrees and ordinances are set downe This Scripture of truth is nothing els but Gods infallible and vnchangeable decree which cannot alter But as the Lord hath decreed so certainely shall euerie thing be fulfilled Isay. 14. 24. The Lord of hosts hath sworne saying Surely like as I haue purposed so shall it come to passe and as I haue consulted it shall stand 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. Against superstitious fasting v. 3. I ate no pleasant bread c. Daniel beeing purposed to humble himselfe by fasting did not onely abstaine from flesh but from wine also yea from fine bread and from other delicates as in annointing himselfe with oyle whereby their nice superstition or superstitious nicenâ—sse is reprooued who though they forbeare the eating of flesh in their fastings yet will fill their bellies with other delicate meates with daintie fish and curious confections But here Daniel contenteth himselfe with course bread and water Calvin Neither did he thus fast as thereby thinking to merit any thing at Gods hand but only that he might be the more humbled thereby and to make his prayers more feruent and effectuall Osiand See more of the abuse of fasting elsewhere 2. Controv. That Paradise was a terrestriall place v. 4. I was by the side of the great riuer Hiddekel Whereas some were of opinion that the historie of Paradise with the trees and riuers is spiritually to be vnderstood and in an allegorie as Plilo lib. 1. allegor Valentinus apud Ireneum lib. 1. aduers. hares c. 1. Origen mentar in Genes and of late daies Franciscus Georgius tom 1. problemat S. Hierome out of this place confuteth them where mention is made of one of the riuers which flowed out of Paradise namely Hiddekel or Tigris Hieromes words are these Vnde eorum deliramenta conticescant qui vmbras imagines in veritate quaerentes ipsam conantur evertere veritatatem c. whence their madde conceits are put to silence who seeking shadowes shewes in the truth goe about to ouerthrow the truth in making an allegorie of Paradise of the trees and riuers thereof 3. Controv. Against the
confirmed and established who had as much as in him lay deliuered Daniel from his enemies and sealed the stone vpon the mouth of the lions denne that none of his aduersaries should goe in to hurt him But the phrase sheweth I stood vp to strengthen him that this is not vnderstood of prayer or desire to strengthen him but of a power whereby he was strengthened 2. Some thinke that these words were vttered by the Lord Iesus Christ as the former also in the 10. chapter Oecolampad But Christ needed not the assistance of any Angel as he saith that Michael helped him v. 13. and Michael which helped the Angel is rather vnderstood to be Christ see before c. 10. quest 22. 3. Therefore this was the Angel Gabriel who spake before vnto Daniel and continueth his speach still for whereas he faith I stood vp to strengthen him he speaketh not this as though he did it by his owne power but in Dei persona in the person of God Calvin and officium suum solum commemorat the Angel sheweth onely his office and ministerie Polan he did onely strengthen him as Gods minister therein 3. Quest. Who it was whom the Angel stood vp to strengthen 1. Lyranus vnderstandeth here Daniel whom the Angel strengthened in offring vp his prayers vnto God that as Daniel prayed for Darius so the Angel furthered therein Daniels prayers quia efficacior est virtus angeli quam hominis because the strength of an Angel is greater then of a man But beside that the Scripture doth not giue any such office vnto the Angels to be the presenters of our prayers the Angel speaketh to Daniel in the second person v. 2. I came to shew thee but this speach is vttered in the third person I stood vp to strengthen him 2. Some doe take this to be Michael the Arkeangel whom this angel strengtheneth Oecolamp Vatab. and some make this the sense that these two Angels ioyned together to suppresse Sathan who animated and stirred vp the Persians against the people of God Oâ—â—and But in the first of Darius nothing was attempted against the Lords people all made for them for the people then by the ioint edict of Cyrus and Darius were set free some expound it thus that if these two angels Michael and Gabriel were able to assist Darius to ouercome the mighty Monarchie of Babylon much more were they able to preserue the people of God now Bulling This sense is much to the purpose sauing that he vnderstandeth Michael here to be an Angel who is before prooued to be Christ himselfe c. 10. quest 22. who could not be helped by a ministring Angel beeing the commander and helper of Angels himselfe 3. The meaning then is that the Angl helped Darius to subdue the Monarchie of Babylon and herein is shewed the accomplishment of the vision of the hand writing the destruction of Balthazar and his kingdome vpon the wall Dan. 5. which handwriting was made by the Ministerie of the Angels who by Gods appointment assisted Darius in the subduing of the Babylonian state and Monarchie so in effect the Angel thus reasoneth that seeing by their ministerie the Babylonian Monarchie was ouerthrowne and the Persian state set vp they are as able to bridle the rage and furie of the Persian kings as they were first to set them vp Calviâ— and the Angel here maketh mention of Darius because he would briefely set forth both the beginning and ende of the Persian Monarchie Quest. 4. Why the Persian Monarchie is so briefely touched and the Grecians set forth at large These reasons may be yeelded thereof 1. because that the Empire of the Persians was not so greiuous vnto the Iewes neither did they so cruelly entreat the people of God as did the Grecians as the kingdome of the Seleucians and Pâ—olomies therefore the Angel 〈◊〉 them lightly ouer 2. And an other reason is seeing the people were to endure much affliction vnder the kings of Syria and Egypt but especially of Syria it was requisite that the people should be comforted against those times and therefore the Angel at large declareth such things as should befall the people of God vnder those kings but chiefely vnder Antiochus Epiphanes Iun. commentar Quest. 5. That there were more then three kings of Persia as may be gathered out of the Scripture 1. Concerning the iust number of the kings that there were neither three onely as the Hebrewes nor 5. as Tertullian lib. aduers. Iudaeos nor 8. onely as Isidor lib. 5. Etymol and Ioannes Annius whom Iâ—annes Driedo and Ioannes Lucidus followe not yet so many namely 14. as Pererius and the most doe hold as is shewed before quest 37. vpon the 9. Chapter 2. But the opinion of the Hebrewes who most of them hold that there were but 3. kings of Persia Cyrus Assuerus the husband of Esther and Darius whom Alexander ouercame and some of them name a fourth beside Cambyses betweene Cyrus and Assuerus This opinion may euidently be refelled by Scripture which maketh mention at the least of 5. kings of Persia Pererius thinketh that sixe are named in Scripture 1. Cyrus 2. then Assuerus called also Artaxerxes which was Cambyses who hindered the building of the Temple Ezra 4. 3. then Darius the sonne of Hystaspis vnder whom the Temple was reedified Ezra 5. vnder whom the Prophets Haggie and Zacharie prophesied 4. Artaxerxes Longimanus by whom Ezra and Nehemiah were sent Ezra 7. Nehem. 2. 5. the fift was Assuerus the husband of Esther which is thought to be Artaxerxes Mnemon 6. and the sixt was Darius whom Alexander ouercame in whose time Iaddua was high Priest Nehem. 12. 22. But in this collection Pererius diuersely faileth 1. in that he maketh Assuerus and Artashasht mentioned Ezra 4. to be all one whereas the last named was Cambyses the other Darius Hystaspis as is shewed before quest 58. c. 9. 2. he thinketh the Temple beganne to be reedified vnder Darius Hystaspis which was Darius Longimanus as is shewed before likewise quest 45. c. 9. 3. he taketh Assuerus Esthers husband to be Artaxerxes Mnemon which was rather Darius Hystaspis for Mordecai his age who was one of the captiuitie of Iechonia will not suffer the storie to be deferred so long see before c. 9. quest 44. 3. This then may be affirmed that at the least fiue seuerall kings of Persia are named in the bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah as Cyrus is mentioned Ezra 4. 3. then Assuerus which was Darius Hystaspis and before him Artashasht that is Cambyses which first hindered the worke of the Temple Ezra 4. 6 7. afterward Darius which was Artaxerxes Longimanus Ezra 6. 1. called also Artashasht v. 24. and Darius the last king Nehem. 12. 22. Quest. 6. Who were these fowre kings of Persia here named 1. Hierome leauing out Cyrus because the account beginneth from him nameth Cambyses then Smerdes the vsurper after him Darius Hystaspis and the fourth Xerxes so also Hugo Car. and vnto this opinion inclineth
Iunius in his commentarie and he yeeldeth this reason thereof because Smerdes though he were an vsurper yet quietly a while enioyed the kingdome But this Smerdes is not to be counted any of this number because both he was an vsurper for this Smerdes or as Polanus out of Ctesias calleth him Sphendadates was he that accused Tanyoxares Cambyses brother whom Cambyses caused to be taken out of the way by giuing him bulls blood to drinke and then this Sphendadates was taken for Cambyses brother and Cambyses beeing dead he vsurped the kingdome But he beeing discouered by Tibethes Eunuch vnto Amytis Cambyses mother the 7. gouernours of Persia conspired to kill him and then Darius Hystaspis was elected king because he procured by art his horse first to neigh at the rising of the Sunne whom the Persians worship as their God as was agreed betweene them before Beside as this Sphendadates was an vsurper so he raigned onely 7. moneths as Herodotus therefore in both these respects because he was an vsurper and held not the kingdome long he is to be excluded out of the number of the Persian kings Bulling 2. The Hebrewes thus count them Cyrus Cambyses Artaxerxes Assuerus making Darius the fourth whom Alexander ouercame But it is prooued before quest 5. that the Scripture maketh mention of more kings of Persia then these and this Darius as Hierome saith was the 14. king from Cyrus but he was in true account the tenth at the least 3. Pintus out of Metashenes thus setteth them downe after Cyrus the first was Artaxerxes Assuerus then Darius Longimanus after him Darius Nothus and the fourth was Artaxerxes Mnemon But here are two famous kings omitted Cyrus who must be numbered for one because this vision was in the 1. of Darius from him Cyrus was the first and Xerxes who was indeede that rich king of Persia. 4. Melancthon likewise omitteth Xerxes and nameth Artaxerxes Longimanus for the fourth because he raigned at home while Xerxes made warre abroad in Europe But this fourth king must be he that stirred vp all against Grecia which was Xerxes and not Artaxerxes his sonne 5. Oecolampadius and Pellican doe thus name them 1. Cyrus 2. Cambyses 3. Smerdes 4. Darius Hystaspis But this Darius of purpose inuaded not the Grecians but set vpon Asia minor and then the Grecians chalenging Ionia to belong vnto them by that occasion Darius also encountred with the Grecians and was ouercome by Miltiades at Marathon But Xerxes continued the warre begunne by his father and did of purpose prouoke the Grecians to battell Iun. commentar 6. These then were the three Rings 1. Cyrus 2. Cambyses his sonne 3. Darius Hystaspis 4. and the fourth was Xerxes who is described by his riches and his attempting of warre against the Grecians to the three first kings the Grecians gaue these titles Cyrus was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a father Cambyses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Lord ouer them and Darius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a merchant a railer and extorter of tribute H. Br. in Daniel this reckoning followe Calv. Pol. Iun. in his annot Osiand Pappus Quest. 7. Of the fourth king of Persia his riches and power Two things are here expressed concerning this fourth king 1. that he should be richer then they all for beside the great summes of treasure which Darius Xerxes father had gathered together he was 6. yeares after in making preparation for the warres of Grecia and beeing thus growne to exceeding great riches then he beganne these wars against the Grecians which though intermitted a while yet were not fully ended vntill the Monarchie of the Persians was finally ouerthrowne by the power of Grecia vnder Alexander 2. it is said he should raise all against the realme of Grecia herein three things are to be considered 1. the preparation to this warre 2. the successe thereof 3. the ende of this rich king First his preparation was wonderfull Polanus out of Ctesias saith his armie consisted of 800. thousand men and a thousand shippes Calvine reckoneth 900. thousand Osiander out of Iostine counteth a 1000. thousand men and a 1000. thousand shippes but Herodotus goeth yet further and maketh the whole summe 23. hundred thousand Pererius exceedeth them all collecting that the whole armie quinquies continebat decies centena millia conteined 5. times 10. hundred thousand But this number seemeth to be incredible yet without question he prouided an huge armie in so much that it is said he drunke vp riuers made bridges ouer the Sea cast downe huge mountaines and made them euen with the ground 2. now for his successe he was ouercome in 4. battells and within the space of two yeares all this huge companie was vanquished and destroyed first he was foyled at Thermopilae where 300. Lacedemonians discomfited the whole armie of the Persians then he was ouercome by Sea at Artemisium afterward at Salamine where finding the bridge broken downe he was constrained to flie away in a small boate lastly Mardonius by whose counsell he tooke that warre in hand was vanquished at Plateae And such was the successe of that warre 3. Now the ende of Xerxes was this at his returne he fell into inordinate lust and cruelty he committed incest with his brothers wife and daughter and caused his owne brother Masistes to be slaine and he himselfe was killed by Artabanus who a while vsurped the kingdome after him And this was the ende of this rich and mightie king of Persia. Quest. 8. Why the Angel leaueth at the fourth king of Persia seeing there were more 1. Lyranus his opinon here is not sound that thinketh following the Hebrewes that none of the Persian kings are here omitted and taketh this fourth king to be the last Darius that was ouercome by Alexander but both the continuance of the Persian Monarchie and the number of the Persian kings agreed vpon almost by all historians ouerthroweth this opinion 2. yet although there were more kings of Persia then sowre diuerse reasons may be alleadged why the Angel staieth at the fourth and proceedeth no further 1. the spirit of God intended not to followe the order of the historie sed praeclara quaeque praestringere but to touch onely the principall and speciall things Hierome Hugo Card. 2. Theodoret saith the reason is because the Angel would onely set downe the most mightie kings of Persia omitting the rest and to the same purpose Bullinger and Polanus because it is said there shall stand vp three kings of Persia the Angel onely speaketh of the flourishing state of â—â— at Empire before it beganne to decay as it did presently after Xerxes time 3. Some giue this reason that the other kings of Persia are omitted here because they are supplied out of other bookes of the Scripture as of Ezra Nehemiah and some of the Prophets Pappus 4. Iunius addeth because the historie of the Persian kings following concerned not the people of God their chiefe businesse afterward fell out with the
Grecians in commentar 5. But the most speciall reason is the Angel onely nameth those kings by whom the Iewes were held in captiuitie and such as hindered the worke of the Temple and as Oecolampad out of Eudoxius their gouernements are spoken of in which there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the hinderance of the worke and staying of the building of the Temple which the Prophet tooke greatest care and thought for to the same purpose M. Calvin by standing vnderstandeth those kings which stood against the people of God 6. Adde hereunto that the Prophet maketh a cursary mention of them to insinuate in what short time these foure kings should runne out the race of their kingdome for first Cyrus in whose third the Temple was hindered raigned not long after some thinke that Cyrus going against a people of the Indians called Derbices which vsed to deuoure their parents when they were old thinking it a more honourable ende for them then to be eaten of wormes fell from his horse and then was wounded in the thigh by a dart cast at him by an Indian and so died Polan ex Cresia but the more receiued opinion is out of Herodotus that he was slaine of Queene Tomyris and his head beeing cut off was cast into a bowle of blood yet Xeâ—ophon writeth that Cyrus beeing aged died in his bed giuing fatherly and graue exhortations to his sonnes After him Cambyses hauing raigned not much aboue 6. yeares was wounded by his owne sword and so died Darius Hystaspis beeing 20. yeares old when Cyrus went against Queene Tomyris and liuing but 43. yeares in all enioyed not his kingdome 36. yeares as most thinke nor yet halfe so much Xerxes time could not be long H. Br. giueth but 31. yeares to the Persian Monarchie vnto the second of Darius Longimanus and maketh the 49. yeares for the reedifying of the Temple to coucurre with the 20. of Darius Longimanus whom he supposeth raigning at home while his father Xerxes was occupied in the Greeke warres beeing but then a young man to haue giuen libertie in his 2. yeare for the reedifying of the Temple but if 30. yeares be onely allowed for the raigne of Cyrus Cambyses Darius and Xerxes Darius Longimanus cannot be thought to be then of yeares to haue sonnes as he had Ezra 6. 10. But allowe 49. yeares vnto the 2. of Darius as is further prooued c. 9. quest 58. this was but a short time for the raigne of fowre such potent kings 7. This also beeing ioyned to the former may make the former reasons more full why the Angel endeth it at Xerxes and so passeth vnto Alexanders time because then the quarrell begunne betweene the Persians and the Grecians which was neuer laid downe till the Grecians had ouerthrowne the Persian Monarchie And so Alexander in an epistle to Darius Codomannus as Arrianus writeth lib. 2. pretendeth this as the cause of his warre against the Persians Maitores vestri Mecedoniam ingressi c. Your Auncestors invaded Macedonia and all Grecia beside and offred them many wrongs whereas they had receiued none wherefore I beeing created Emperour of the Grecians beeing willing to reuenge their wrongs am come ouer into Asia beeing prouoked by you Quest. 9. A briefe description of the rising and fall of Alexanders kingdome v. 3. 4. The Angel briefely toucheth both the rising vp and the fall of Alexanders kingdome 1. the rising of his kingdome is described by two adiuncts 1. he shall be mightie for with 30. thousand footemen and 5. thousand horsemen he tooke vpon him to conquer the whole world 2. and it is said he shall stand vp whereby is noted the suddennesse of his rising and the singular dexteritie that was in him to atchieue that which he intended and purposed the effects are likewise two 1. he shall rule with great dominion his Empire was large for beside other countreys which he subdued he possessed all the great Monarchie of Persia 2. he shall doc according to his pleasure he shall be prosperous in all his enterprises and preuaile in his warres according to his owne desires 2. The fall and ruine of his kingdome is likewise described first in generall then in particular 1. In generall both by the circumstance of time when he shall stand vp that is after he hath stood a short time for not aboue seuen yeares had Alexander raigned when his kingdome together with his life was dissolued Iun. commentar and euen when his kingdome was come to the height and he expected embassadours at Babylon from al the world he died at Babylon As also the manner is shewed by a Metaphor it shall be broken like as when a brittle thing is broken into many peices and shiuers 2. In particular two things are expressed the subiect of this kingdome and the qualitie and condition of it 1. the subiect is declared affirmatiuely it shall be diuided into the 4. winds that is to fowre kings and chiefe gouernours negatiuely not to any of his posteritie which is amplified by a Metaphoricall speach it shall be pulled vp as a thing by the rootes in respect of his owne succession and others shall be planted in their stead in the place of his successors for so is the meaning of those words to others beside those that is it shall be giuen vnto those fowre successor of Alexander beside his owne heires 2. For the qualitie of these kingdomes they shall not be like in power vnto Alexanders as it is said not according to his dominion Quest. 10. Of Alexanders birth and education acts and life ende and death abriged 1. For the first Philip king of Macedonia was father to Alexander and his mothers name was Olympias he was borne about the 2. yeare of the 106. Olympiad the same day wherein he was borne the great Temple of Diana at Ephesus was set on fire which the Magicians interpreted to signifie that one was then borne who should set all Asia on fire at 15. yeares of age he was committed to Aristotle to be instructed and in his youth was of such magnanimitie that when his father had conquered any citie he would say that his father would leaue nothing for him to winne 2. At 20. yeares of age he sit vpon the conquest of all the world in his acts and life three things are memorable his vertues his monuments and exploits his notable vices 1. his vertues may be thus diuided into his morall and militarie vertues As his morall were these his continencie before he tasted of the pleasures of Asia he preserued the chastitie of Darius beautifull wife and daughters and would not so much as see them his clemencie and humanitie was great euen towad his enemies but his liberalitie exceeded all the rest he gaue 23. thousand talents among his souldiers see more of his vertues c. 2. quest 48. His militarie vertues were excellent 1. his courage that with 30. thousand footemen and 5. thousand horsemen durst aduenture to bid battell to the whole
sonne of Seleucus Nicanor as Iustine writeth lib. 41. By others then here are meant none els but those fowre generall captaines who diuided Alexanders kingdome among them yet it shall not be amisse here somewhat to touch the petie diuisions of the kingdome before it grew into fowre parts and of Alexanders seuerall captaines with their endes 14. Quest. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines before it grew into fowre and of their mutuall dissension Three things here shall be briefly touched concerning Alexanders captaines 1. of their feuerall diuisions 2. of their ciuill warres which they made one with an other 3. of their bloodie endes 1. After that Alexanders captaines had by a generall consent chosen officers for the whole kingdome Arideus was appointed Viceroy during the nonage of Alexanders children Perdiccas protectour whome Antipater afterward succeeded in that place Seleucus generall for the armie Craterus Treasurer then they sorted the seuerall Prouinces among them Ptolomeus had Egypt Laomedon Syria Philotas Cilicia Antigonus Lycia Pamphylia and Prygia the greater Cassander Caria Menander Lydia Leonatus Phrygia the lesse Eumenes Cappadoeia and Paphlagonia Phiton Media ex Curtio Lysimachus Thracia Antipater Maâ—edonia H. Br. And Iustinus maketh mention beside of others to Nicanor called Seleucus were committed the Parthians to Amyntas the Bactrians to Neoptolemus the Persians to Peucestes the Babylonians to Philippus the Hircanians And the other Prouinces remained vnder their gouernment which held them Alexander yet liuing Thus Alexanders Empire beeing distributed among so many petie gouerners 15. or 16. in all could not long so continue vnder so many masters but they presently fel at variance among themselues And in this respect Demades wittily compared Alexanders armie when he was dead to Cyclops the huge gyant when he had lost his eye for as that huge bodie wanting light to direct it hit here and there and could not guide it selfe so this vnruly companie wanting a guide dashed one vpon an other as a shippe without a pilote runneth vpon the rocks and sands 2. We are in the next place then briefly to see the ciuill dissention and warres which were mooued among these captaines 1. The first warre was begunne thorough the ambition of Perdiccas who beeing in greater authoritie then the rest intended to marrie Cleopatra Alexanders sister and so to take vpon him the gouernement which his purpose that he might the better atchieue he first enterpriseth to remooue the lettes and impediments and sendeth Eumenes against Antipater and Antigonus and he himselfe goeth against Ptolome into Egypt but he was slaine of his owne souldiers and not long after Alcetas his brother and his sister were slaine also and this was his ende who was the first beginner of sedition 2. After this a second stirre beganne betweene Eumenes and Antigonus in which battell Neoptolemus and Craterus were slaine and Eumenes was betraied by his souldiers vnto Antigonus whome he killed 3. Then Cassander after he had most treacherously extinguished Alexanders familie quarrelleth with Antigonus from whome he would haue taken certaine cities in Asia and ioyneth with Ptolome and Seleucus who feared Antigonus greatnes but Antigonus vanquisheth Cassander and maketh him to restore the cities in Asia 4. After this Antigonus setteth vpon Seleucus and Ptolome but first he was ouercome by Ptolome at Tyrus who tooke Demetrius Antigonus sonnes pauilion with all the princely furniture but restored it againe afterward Demetrius surprized Cilles one of Ptolomes captaines and 8000. men but returned them safe to Ptolome to requite his former humanitie and kindnes 5. Then followed a soare battell betweene all of the chiefe captaines remaining not farre from Ephesus on the one side were Seleucus and his sonne Antiochus Lysimachus and Ptolomes forces on the other Antigonus the night before the battel Antigonus had a vision wherein Alexander appeared saying vnto him that now he would goe vnto his enemies whereby Antigonus vnderstood that hauing beene hitherto victorious he should be ouercome now And so it fell out for as he pursued Antiochus in battell he was slaine by Seleucus horsemen beeing almost 80. yeare old his sonne fledde to Athens and renewed the warre but he was taken by Seleucus and long suruiued not his father then the rest diuided the kingdome of Antigonus among them 6. The last battell betweene Alexanders captaines was betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus This Lysimachus was a man of valour for beeing familiar with Callisthenes whome Alexander killed he was commanded to be cast vnto the lyons but he killed the lyon and so escaped for which his valour he was afterward much made of by Alexander But this Lysimachus among his vertues had enormous vices he married two sisters and had children by them both but the one killed the others child the mother for succour fledde vnto the other kings allied vnto her hereupon beganne the quarrell betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus but Lysimachus beeing ouercome was slaine Melancth ex Pausan. 3. In the last place let vs take a view of their bloodie endes Perdiccas first killed Meleager Ptolome killeth Cleomenes Perdiccas friend and Perdiccas himselfe is slaine of his owne souldiers going against Ptolome Craterus and Neoptolemus are slaine in battell Philotas killeth Phiton and he with Eumenes are slaine by Antigonus Antigonus fighting against Seleucus is killed Lysimachus by Seleucus Seleucus is slaine by Ptolome Ceraunus brother to Ptolome Philadelphus then raigning in Egypt and the same Ceraunus not long after was slaine by Brennus Demetrius Antigonus sonne rooteth out the house of Cassander and so he and his posteritie held the kingdome of Macedonia vntill the Romans possessed it And this was the ende of Alexanders captaines 15. Quest. Why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South and of the North omitting the the rest Two reasons may be yeelded hereof 1. The other kingdomes the one of Asia the lesse in the North to Egypt which fell vnto Antigonus after he was slaine and vanquished by Seleucus was diuided among the other captaines and so it was extinguished and the other kingdome of Macedonia in the West was translated from Cassander and his posteritie vnto Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus neither was it in power answerable vnto the other two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt and therefore these onely are mentioned for vers 5. the Angel speaketh onely of two mightie kingdomes which should preuaile aboue the rest 2. An other reason is Iudea stood in the middes betweene these two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt by which occasion these kings waging battell one against an other Iudea beeing in the middes went to wracke betweene them Melancthon And sometime the Iewes fauoured one and sometime an other and then the aduersarie part still afflicted them and thus betweene these two kings were the Iewes molested the space of three hundred yeares Lyranus And a third cause there was of trouble vnto the Iewes sometime the Ptolomies of Egypt challenged the gouernment and soueraigntie of Iudea
sometime the kings of Syria but in the last sociall warre against Antigonus it was agreed that the most part of Iudea should belong vnto the Seleucians as Antiochus the great alleadgeth in an embassage sent vnto Ptolome Philopator king of Egypt Polyb. lib. 5. Therefore mention is made onely of these two kings because they onely had to doe with the people of God and as Hierome saith scripturae propositum est non externam absque Iudais historiam texere it is the intent and purpose of the Scripture not to follow a forren historie without respect vnto the Iewes And Iosephus hereof thus writeth Antiocho magno in Asia regnante c. While Antiochus the great raigned in Asia Iudea was continually troubled and Coelesyria for while he had warre with Ptolomeus Philopator and his sonne Epiphanes whether he did ouercome or were ouercome they went to wracke euen like vnto a shippe driuen to and fro of the windes inter prosperam adversam Antiochi fortunam iactat a est Iudea was tossed vp and downe betweene the prosperous and aduerse fortune of Antiochus Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit c. 3. 16. Quest. Of the Kings of Egypt and Syria of whome Daniel prophesieth in this Chapter The kings of Egypt which succeeded one another after the diuision of Alexanders kingdome into foure parts were these 1. Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagus called Ptolomeus Soter which signifieth a sauiour because he rescued diuers kings that fledde vnto him for succour as Seleucus and Pirrhus king of Epyrus but he contrarie to his name made hauocke of Syria and Iudea 2. Ptolomeus Philadelphus so called either because he married his owne sister or by the contrarie because he killed two of his brothers Iun. in commentar 3. Ptolome Euergetes a benefactour he was a great fauourer and patron of learning as his father was the Egyptians called him a benefactour because he brought home the images from Babylon which Cambyses had carried away 4. Ptolomeus Philopator so called by the contrarie for he killed his father mother and brother 5. Ptolomeus surnamed Epiphanes that is the famous or renowned 6. Ptolomeus Philometor which signifieth a louer of his mother or beloued of his mother by the contrarie for his mother hated him 7. Ptolomeus Physcon so called of his great bellie 8. Ptolome Lathurus so named because beeing exiled by his mother he secretly practised to returne againe 9. Ptolome Auletes so surnamed the piper because he would publikely in his princely habit contend with fidlers and pipers to exceede them in fidling and piping 10. He left behind him his sonne Ptolome Dyonisius and Cleopatra this Dyonisius caused Pompey to be killed that fledde thither for succour beeing ouercome of Cesar who because he afterward practised against Iulius Cesar was by him commanded to be slaine and the kingdome was giuen to Cleopatra his sister who afterward married to Antonius ex Melancth Bulling And these were the Egyptian kings vntill the Romanes reduced it into a Prouince after the death of Antonius and Cleopatra These also were the kings of Syria called the kings of the North. 1. The founder and beginner of this kingdome was Seleucus surnamed Nicanor 2. Next vnto him was Antiochus surnamed Soter a sauiour 3. Then Antiochus called Theos which signifieth God because he required diuine hoâ—â—â—â— to be giuen vnto him Bulling or as Pausanias he was saluted by that title of the Mileâ—ians for expelling their tyrants 4. Seleucus Callinicus which signifieth an excellent warriet the sonne of Antiochus Theos by Laodice his brother Antiochus Hierax so tearmed for his rapacitie raigned together with him in an other part of the kingdome 5. Seleucus Ceraunus that is a flashing or lightning was the next but he raigned not long therefore by some he is omitted as Hugo Card. Melancth 6. Antiochus surnamed Megas the great succeeded his brother Ceraunus 7. Then Seleucus Philopator so called because his father loued him raigned but not long 8. Antiochus Epiphanes the famous by the contrarie for he was of a base nature and despised v. 2. or rather as some call him Epimanes the madde or furious Antiochus succeeded Philopator Thus farre the prophecie of Daniel is extended to the 8. king of Syria which was Epiphanes and to the 6. of Egypt Ptolome Philometor At these the prophesie staieth because the principall intendement of this prophesie is to foreshew the troubles which the people of God should endure vnder Antiochus Epiphanes and this prophesie there ending signifieth that the comming of the Messiah was not farre off and beside after this time when such â—auocke was made of the people of God by Antiochus the kings of Syria as a iust recompence for their crueltie against Gods people did one cut an others throat and so the kingdome by ciuill dissention was rent a sunder vntill it came vnto the Romanes These then were the kings that succeeded Epiphanes 9. Antiochus Eupator Epiphanes sonne whome Demetrius his vncles sonne killeth 10. Demetrius succeedeth whome one Alexander faining to be Epiphanes sonne killeth and vsurpeth the kingdome by Ptolome Philometors meanes 11. Demetrius Nicanor sonne of the other Demetrius killeth Alexander 12. Antiochus Sedetes expelleth Demetrius his brother 13. Tryphon killeth Sedetes and is king 14. Antiochus the brother of Demetrius called Eusebes for his pietie because hauing besieged Ierusalem in the feast of the Tabernacles for reuerence of their feast he did forbeare them and sent them sacrifices to offer he killeth Tryphon and he himselfe is slaine in a batâ—ell by Arsaces king of the Parthians 15. Demetrius Nicanor is restored againe to his kingdom 16. One Alexander vsurpeth the kingdome who is ouercome by Antiochus Gryphus 17. Antiochus called Gryphus of his Eagles or hooked nose was the sonne of Demetrius betweene him and Antiochus Cyzicenus so named of the place where he was brought vp the sonne of Sedetes was great warre 18. Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus prosecuteth his fathers quarrell he killeth Cyzicenus Thus the familie of the Seleucians by mutuall discord was at the length extinquished and then Tygranes king of Armenia taking aduantage of this ciuill dissention vsurped the kingdome and held it certaine yeares vntill he was subdued by Pompey Melancth Bulling 17. Quest. Of the first Ptolome called here the king of the South 1. This Ptolome was held to be the sonne of Lagus but in truth he was the sonne of Philippus king of Macedon who married his mother beeing great with child vnto Lagus 2. Alexander for his singular valour exalted him Iustin. for when Alexander was in daunger at Oxydrace he onely of all his friends rescued him 3. He was the chiefe author of diuiding the Empire and tooke vpon him the gouernment of Egypt slaying Cleomenes the gouernour thereof and he ouercame Perdiccas that came against him with an armie 4. After the death of Perdiccas he recouered Phoenicia Syria and Cyprus to his kingdome and by his sonne Megas obtained Cyrene Pausan. in Attic. 5. He restored Pirrhus king of Epyrus to
North and South Ptolome Lagi and Seleucus was afterward broken which was vpon this occasion Antiochus Soter succeeded Seleucus and married his fathers wife Stratonica by the aduise of Erasistratus his Physitian by whome he had issue Antiochus Theos Megas the brother of Philadelphus king of Egypt married a daughter of this Soter by which occasion Megas claiming to be king of Cyrene which his father made him gouernour of was aided by his father in law against Philadelphus and so the truce was broken 2. Then Philadelphus to accord this dissention giueth his daughter Berenice to wife to Antiochus surnamed Theos the sonne of Soter and Philadelphus accompanied her vnto Pelusium giuing vnto her a rich dowrie of siluer and gold whereupon she was called Phernophoras of her great dowrie 3. But this coniunction did not long hold for Antiochus Theos had a former wife Laodice by whome he had two sonnes Seleucus Callinicus and Antiochus Hierax whome he did repudiate and tooke Berenice to wife by whome he had a sonne But not long after Laodice with her sonnes were receiued to fauour which Laodice suspecting the inconstancie of her husband poisoned him and her sonne Callinicus tooke Berenice and her sonne and all her companie and put them to the sword wherupon the quarrell was renewed between the kings of the North and South Appianus in Syriac thinketh that these were two sisters Laodice and Berenice both daughters to Philadelphus but that is not like because the text speaketh but of the kings daughter not daughters of the South that should come to the king of the North. 4. Thus haue we the meaning of these words shee shall not reteine the power of the arme shee namely Berenice should not long continue in grace and fauour with Antiochus who was as an arme to embrace the two kings together neither should be continue and his arme some read and his seede L. Calvin because vau is wanting in the latter word whereas zeroagh with vau signifieth an arme which word was vsed before but it is an vsuall thing in the Hebrew tongue sometime to expresse and sometime to suppresse that letter Lyranus expoundeth it of Berenice and her seede but that can not be for the verb is put in the masculine some referre it to Antiochus that he should not stand with his arme he should cast off Berenice who was suborned as an arme to bind them together Iun. but it may better be referred to Philadelphus that he should not long continue after nor this his arme his daughter which he vsed as a band of peace but shee shall be deliuered to death for Callinicus tooke Berenice and all her companie and put them to death before they could be rescued and her sonne Iun. Polan Lat. rather then he which begate her Genevens Vatab. And he which had comforted her or made her mightie in his times that is Antiochus Theos who had before aduanced her and cast of Laodice should not continue for his wife poisoned him Osiand Polan some vnderstand it of those which tooke her part Iun. but because it is put in the singular number and mention is made before of those which had brought her out of Egypt and so attended on 〈◊〉 the former sense is better 5. Thus we see fulfilled that which was reuealed long before vnto Nabuchadnezzer c. 2. 43. that they should mingle themselues with the seede of men but they should not ioyne one with an other as yron cannot be mixed with clay this place therefore sheweth that that vision of the yron and clay legs is vnderstood of the two kingdoms of the North South Quest. 21. What king of the South this was whose daughter came to the king of the North. 1. It is agreed that this was Ptolome Philadelphus as is before shewed but some mistake Ptolome Ceraunus for Philadelphus his brother affirming that this Philadelphus killed Seleucus that had slaine Lysimachus that had married his sister Arsinoe Oecolamp whereas it was Ceraunus not Philadelphus that killed Seleucus 2. This Philadelphus was the sonne of Ptolome Lagi by his second wife Berenice he had other sonnes by Euridice his first wife the daughter of Antipater but he disinherited them and for loue of his wife Berenice he made Philadelphus his youngest king as Iustine â—aith while he liued but as Pausanias it was a little before his death he killed two of his brothers that he might be more secure in the kingdome and therefore was called by the contrarie Philadelphus a louer of his brethren Iun. 3. He had an other enormous fault beside he married his owne sister Arsinoe who died before she was deliuered of child and afterward had children by an other Arsinoe daughter of Lysimachus of the first Arsinoe was the region Arsinoitis called Pausan. in Aâ—tic 4. This Philadephus was exceeding rich as is partly touched before Hierome here writeth that he had 200. thousand footemen and 20. thousand horse 400. elephants and 1500. long shippes of warre and a 1000. shippes of burthen he receiued yearely out of Egypt 14. thousand and eight hundred talents of siluer and 15. thousand measures of wheat called artaba which conteyned 3. bushels and almost an halfe and least this might seeme incredible that Egypt should affoard yearely so great a tribute Strabo lib. 17. reporteth out of Cicero in one of his orations that Ptolome Auletes who was but a remisse and negligent Prince receiued yearely 12. thousand and 500. talents of siluer 5. This king is commended for his singular loue of learning whom Tertullian affirmeth in Apologet. to haue beene most learned himselfe he founded a famous librarie at Alexandria whereof Demetrius Phalereus had the ouersight he caused the Scriptures to be translated into the Greek tongue by the 70. interpreters whom Eleazar the high Priest sent vnto him which booke was carefully kept in the kings librarie wherein were many thousand bookes for the question beeing asked by him of Demetrius how many thousand bookes he had gathered together he answeared he had gotten 200. thousand but shortly he would make them vp 500. thousand Perer. 6. This Philadelphus was verie beneficiall to the Iewes he redeemed an 120. thousand of them that were slaues in Egypt and sent them home and bestowed many rich gifts vpon the Temple at Ierusalem Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit c. 2. Quest. 22. Of the translation of the Septuagint which was procured by this Ptolome Philadelphus Seeing mention is made of the acts of this Ptolome Philadelphus among the which the most famous was the translating of the Hebrewe Scriptures into the Greeke tongue it shall not be amisse to insert somewhat concerning that translation 1. It is euident that the translation which goeth vnder the name of the Septuagint in many places is verie corrupt and varieth from the originall as Pagnin sheweth Isagog c. 9. And as it is euident Gen. 5. and 11. they fained a 1350. yeares more and Gen. 11. they put in Cainan one more then the originall text hath and they
make but 70. persons to descend into Egypt with Iaakob to answer vnto the 70. languages which they thinke to haue beene spread ouer the earth Gen. 10. Hierome thinketh that the speciall principles of our faith they either omitted in their translation or interpreted after an other manner to the intent to conceale the secrets of their faith 2. Ireneus Iustinus Chrysostome Hilarie Augustine doe ascribe verie much vnto this translation and thinke that the interpreters were put into so many seuerall celles and yet agreed together except only in some certaine places But Hierome praefat in pentateâ—â— thinketh that to be a fable of their 70. celles at Alexandria 3. But there is great vncertaintie beside 1. Hierome writeth that it is the generall opinion of the Iewes that the Septuag onely translated the 5. bookes of Moses in 5. cap. Ezech. 2. And there were diuerse copies of the Septuagint Alexandria and all Egypt followed Hesychius copie Constantinople and all vnto Antioch vsed Lucianus edition And the middle Prouinces betweene them preferred the translation amended by Origen and set forth by Pamphilus Hierome praefat in Paralip 4. And beside the translation of the Septuag whereof there were so many editions there were other translations of the Scriptures into the Greeke tongue as by Aquila Symmachus Theodotian wherefore in so great varietie and vncertaintie of translations the most sure way is to haue recourse vnto the originall as Hierome and Augustine doe well aduise ex Bulling Quest. 23. Who was the bud of her rootes v. 7. and of his exploits 1. Theodoret giueth this interpretation here these warres here prophecied of he vnderstandeth of the warres betweene Ptolomeus Philopator and Antiochus the great by one of his captaines before spoken of v. 6. he would haue vnderstood Scopas generall of Philopators armie who wunne diuerse places out of Antiochus iurisdiction and ioyned them to his kingdome After this Ptolome gaue his daughter in mariage vnto Antiochus but she was returned home againe yet there came a bud of her she had a sonne that became an enemie vnto her father Contra. This exposition cannot stand 1. the warres betweene Antiochus the great and Philopator are afterward spoken of in this chapter 2. It is vnlike that one of his captaines should be said to be greater then the king himselfe seeing all his endeauour was to aduance the honour and dominion of the king 3. neither did the king of Egypt giue his daughter to Antiochus the great but he gaue his daughter Cleopatra in mariage to Ptolome Epiphanes 4. beside this bud here spoken of inuadeth the kingdome of the North whereas Theodoret vnderstandeth this bud to rise vp an enemie to the king of the South 2. This then is the true interpretation 1. This bud of her that is Berenices rootes was Ptolome surnamed Euergetes her naturall and Germane brother who rose vp to reuenge his sisters death 2. He came with an armie and invaded Syria and wunne the strong holds many cities abhorring the cruell fact and parricide of Callinicus reuolted and submitted themselues to Ptolome who tooke possession of the countrey and caused himselfe to be crowned king 3. but hearing of some commotion in Egypt he returned and carried away with him many nobles captiues and a verie great spoile beside 40. thousand talents of gold and many pretious vessels and 2500. images of their gods and among them those which Cambyses before had carried out of Egypt whereupon the superstitious Egyptians called him Euergetes benefactor Hierome 3. After Ptolome was returned Seleucus prepared a great nauie which was ouerwhelmed in the Sea and he himselfe hardly escaped with a fewe of his companie hauing nothing left of all that great preparation in so much that his case was pitied of those which before had reuolted from him Then he craued aid of Antiochus Hierax his brother which Ptolome perceiuing made peace with Seleucus for 10. yeares Oecol Melanct. ex Iustin. 4. Hierax seeing this then turneth his force against his brother Seleucus which warre tended to the ruine and destruction of them both for Hierax was slaine of certaine robbers and theeues and Seleucus died of a fall from his horse 5. All this beeing thus reported by forren writers Iustin. lib. 27. Polybius lib. 5. agreeth with this prophesie of Daniel both of the preparation and expedition of Ptolome Euergetes against Callinicus v. 7. his successe in carrying away much spoile and captiues v. 8. and his returne into his countrey v. 9. 6. But where it is said v. 8. he shall continue more yeares then the king of the North some referre it to the time of their raigne Calvin saith whom the Genevens followe that Euergetes raigned 46. yeares Oecolamp 26. whereas Callinicus raigned but 20. yeares but it is better vnderstood that Euergetes continued diuerse yeares in this victorious estate hauing the chiefe dominion in Syria Iun. Polan for this best agreeth with the former words wherein his victorie and prosperous successe is described And Polybius writeth that Euergegetes and Callinicus died much about the same time lib. 5. 7. Iâ— his returne which is mentioned v. 9. Iosephus writeth that Euergetes comming to Ierusalem did offer sacrifices vnto God for his great victorie and bestowed great gifts vpon the Temple lib. post aduers. Appion yet afterward he demaunded the ordinarie tribute 20. talents of siluer which was detained by the couetousnesse of Onias the high Priest Euergetes sent vnto him threatening that if the tribute were not paid he would diuide their countrey among his souldiers Then Iosephus Onias sisters sonne went in the name of the Iewes in embassage vnto Ptolome and pacified him and grewe in great fauour with him Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit c. 3. Quest. 24. Of the third battell betweene the king of the South and the king of the North v. 10. 11. 12. This battell is described in three parts 1. the preparation made by the king of the North and their diuerse attempts v. 10. 2. the resistance made by the king of the South with his good successe v. 11. 3. the euents that followed vpon this victorie v. 12. 1. The attempts made are either ioyntly by the two sonnes of Seleucus Callinicus namely Seleucus Ceraunus and Antiochus surnamed Megas the great in these words his sonnes shall be stirred vp and shall assemble a mightie great armie or seuerally by Antiochus Megas onely in the latter part of the verse First Ceraunus and Megas ioyning together partly to reuenge their father Callinicus and their grandmother Laodices death partly in hope to recouer Syria out of Ptolome Philopators hand who succeeded Euergetes whom some thinke he killed and therefore was called Philopator that is a louer of his father by the contrarie they first set vpon Ptolomies captaines which held Syria for Philopator But Cerannus passing ouer the mount Taurus to goe against Attalus who possessed the countrey beyond Taurus was slaine by the treason of Apaturius and Nicanor in the 2. or 3. yeare of
his raigne of whom Acheus that went with Seleucus beeing his kinsman was presently reuenged and put them to the sword Polybius lib. 4. all this agreeth well with this prophecie sauing that Polybius writeth that Acheus went in this battell with Seleucus and that Antiochus the great liued as yet a priuate life not medling at all lib. 5. But it is euident by this prophesie that both the sonnes of Callinicus ioyned together Now then Seleucus beeing dead Antiochus Megas taketh vpon him the kingdome being then as Polybius writeth not aboue 15. yeare old two of his expeditions are here described the one in passing thorâ—gh in recouering Syria and other parts of his owne countrey the other in assaulting Ptolome at home euen at his owne fortresse and munition cities in the borders of Egypt In the first expedition Antiochus had two great lettes in his way which he ouercame first two brethren Molan and Alexander contemning Antiochus youth would haue vsurped all the countrey beyond Taurus them first he ouercame then he had to deale with Ptolomes captaines which held Syria for him but here Theodotus helped him who reuolted from Philopator both taking aduantage of his voluptuous and slouthfull life and for that he had sustained some disgrace beeing called to Alexandria where he was in daunger of his life This Theodotus vpon these occasions betraied Syria into Antiochus hands And vpon this aduantage he still proceeded and recouered many cities and countreys as Polybius sheweth at large lib. 5. Then sent Ptolome an embassage vnto Antiochus somewhat to stay him vntill he might make himselfe strong and Antiochus admitted some parle and treatise of peace But there could be no agreement for Ptolome challenged those countreys as belonging vnto him by right of inheritance Antiochus layd claime vnto them by a former composition made by Cassander Seleucus Ptolome when they ouercame Antigonus that Syria and Palestina should belong vnto Seleucus Thus they breaking off without any conclusion of peace Antiochus goeth forward and had diuerse conflicts with Nicolaus Philopators captaine both by Sea and land and still preuailing he commeth euen vnto the munition townes in the borders of Egypt and pitcheth at Raphia which was 4. dayes iourney from Pelusium Hierom. Bulling Oecolamp Perer Iun Polan 2. Now followeth the second part of the description how Philopator beeing thus prouoked euen at his owne doores did come against Antiochus with a great armie and encountred with him at Raphia and preuailed as is shewed here v. 11. more particularly thus is this storie reported by Polybius and Iustine 1. Ptolome while the treatise of peace was in hand hired souldiers out of Grecia and gathered together a great armie of 70. thousand footemen and 5000. horsemen and 73. elephants Antiochus also came against him with an other great armie of 62. thousand footemen 6000. horsemen elephants 102. 2. These armies meeting at Raphia after certaine dayes ioyned battell the fight was at the first doubtfull for the right wing of Antiochus had the better but the left wing the worse But at last the victorie fell out vnto Ptolome but not without great slaughter of his mercenary men 3. In the 3. booke of the Macchabes in the beginning an other circumstance is added which furthered the fight on Ptolomes side how Arsinoe Ptolomes sister went vp and downe the campe as they were in fight calling vpon the souldiers and encouraging them promising to each man two pound of gold if they got the victorie But whether this were so or not Ptolome obtained the victorie and of Antiochus side there were 10. thousand footemen slaine and 300. horsemen 4000. taken prisoners and 3. elephants were killed in the fight and two afterward died of the wounds which they had in the battell thus according to the text the multitude was giuen into his hands 3. The euents which followed this victorie are rehearsed to be three 1. the insolenciâ— both of Ptolomes armie called here the multitude for he had as great an armie as Antiochus and of Ptolome himselfe who thinking it sufficient that he had gotten the victorie was content giuing himselfe to case and pleasure to accept of conditions of peace which Antiochus entreated of him whereas as Iustine writeth spoliavisset regno Antiochum si fortunam virtute iuvisset he had spoiled Antiochus of his kingdome if by his owne valour he had helped his good fortunes 2. An other euent was he shall cast downe housands which Hierome vnderstandeth of his former victorie but it may better be referred to his cruell outrage practised vpon the Iewes for comming to Ierusalem he pressed to goe into the most holy place but was gainesayed by the high Priest yet he forcing to enter was striken of God and carried away halfe dead whereupon he afterward returning to Alexandria gaue forth verie cruell edicts against the Iewes commanding many to be killed others to be fettred and imprisoned and some to be trampled vpon vnder the camels feete 3. Macchab. c. 7. Bulling Melancth Polan And hereof Iosephus maketh mention that betweene Antiochus Megas and Philopator Iudea was as ship tossed to and fro of the waues and went to wracke on both sides lib. 12. c. 3. 3. The last euent is he shal not preuaile which was diuers waies effected 1. for he neither preuailed against Antiochus who escaped his hands and held his kingdome still Hierome 2. And notwithstanding his rage against the people of God the Lord defended them 3. After this he gaue himselfe to all beastly pleasure for he killed his wife and sister Euridice he kept both a male concubine Agathocles and Agathoclea his sister Iustin. lib. 30. 4. And within fewe yeares he himselfe died Melancthon Quest. 25. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt v. 13. 14. Now followe diuerse other expeditions and attempts of this Antiochus against the king of Egypt vnto v. 18. with his ende v. 19. In this first is set forth his preparation v. 13. then his successe v. 14. In his preparation there are three things expressed the number of his armie the time after certaine yeares and his great riches for Philopator beeing now dead and Epiphanes his sonne left but young whose tuition together with the gouernement of the kingdome was committed to Agathocles an infamous person Philopators minion by which occasion many fell away from the king of Egypt Antiochus took this to be a fit opportunity to recouer his former estate both in the nonage of the young king who was but 4. yeare old when his father died and because the Egyptians were at variance among themselues for they rose vp against Agathocles and killed him and the strumpets they hanged vp and then sent embassadors to Rome that they would take vpon them the protection of the young king and his kingdome to whose trust Philopator dying had commended his sonne The Romanes twice sent embassadours to Antiochus who had inuaded diuerse cities in Syria belonging to the king of Egypt
Hannibals counsell who was with him who gaue him aduise to remooue his forces into Italie and to occupie the Romanes at home at their owne doores was in such feare of the Romanes that he fled from Chersonesus leauing all the furniture and prouision of his owne behind which the Romanes surprised then he sent Embassadours vnto the Scipios offering to beare halfe the charges of their battell and to relinquish all the cities which he had taken in Ionia and Aeolia but they made answer that they would haue all the charges of that expedition which he had beene cause of and he must surrender all the countrey on this side the mount Taurus But Antiochus refusing these hard conditions encountred with the Romanes againe who had not aboue 30. thousand men and he 70. thousand in which battell he was discomfited and lost 50. thousand men and all his Elephants sauing 15. which were taken aliue and thus his proud spirit was abated and his contumelies offered vnto the Romanes in word and deede were at an ende 2. Then last of all his shame was brought vpon his owne head for vpon a second embassage he was forced to accept of most hard conditions 1. that he should leaue all Asia on this side Taurus 2. he should pay in present money fifteene hundred talents for the charges of the warre 3. he should deliuer vp all his Elephants and shippes so many as they should require and should be stinted afterward for the number of his shippes 4. he should pay yearely 12. thousand talents for tribute for 12. yeares 5. and giue 20. hostages whereof one should be his sonne for the performance of these conditions all which he vndertooke and thus his owne shame returned vpon him and further in disdaine whereas he was called before Antiochus the great it grew into a byword among the Romanes Antiochus sometime the great king ex Livio decad 4. l. 8. and App. in Syriac 29. Quest. Of the death of Antiochus the great v. 19. Two things are here declared his shamefull flight and his shamefull ende 1. After that he had receiued the last great ouerthrow with the losse of so many men he fled away incontinently and about midnight came to Sardis thence to Apamea from whence he sent Embassadors which concluded the former peace with the Romanes vpon those hard conditions Then he betooke himselfe to the remote parts of his kingdome to his munitions and holds beeing in such feare as that he durst not endure the sight of Cn. Manlius who succeeded L. Scipio Thus Antiochus was confined within Taurus who in this disgrace was wont to say iestingly as Tullie reporteth in his oration pro Deiotaro benigne sibi à Romanis factum c. he was beholding to the Romanes who had eased him of the trouble of so great a kingdome that he now contented himselfe with a lesse 2. Now touching his ende there are diuers opinions 1. after that he had such an imposition of tribute laid vpon him partly through necessitie and partly of a couetous minde he went about 〈◊〉 robbe a Temple of their treasure Lyranus thinketh it was the Temple of Naneas among the Persians where he entring into the Temple with his companie were hewen in pieces as the storie is set downe 2. Macchab. c. 1. and therefore it is said here he was no more found c. because his bodie beeing thus mangled could not be knowne But that storie rather sheweth the ende of Antiochus Epiphanes this Antiochus sonne as may appeare by comparing that place with 2. Macchab. c. 9. see more before c. 8. qu. 33. 2. Some following Iustine lib. 32. thinke that he would haue inuaded the Temple of Iuppiter Dyndinaeus or Dodonaeus but he was farre off from that place Bulling 3. Hierome following Strabo lib. 16. saith that he with all his armie was slaine of the Elymeans when he went about to robbe the Temple of Iuppiter Belus so also Polan and so it is said he was no more found because he was tumultuously killed of the rude people comming together to defend their Temple Calvin H. Br. in Daniel and because he died in Persia and returned not into his owne countrey Osiand 30. Quest. Of the acts and ende of Seleucus Philopator the sonne of Antiochus the great v. 20. First it must be agreed who this was who is said to rise vp in his place 1. Pâ—rphyrius as Hierome sheweth vpon this place taketh this to be Ptolomeus Epiphanes king of Egypt but as Hierome well sheweth he did not succeede Antiochus the great in his kingdome and therefore can not be saide to stand vp in his place 2. R. Levi vnderstandeth here the sonne of Antiochus Epiphanes called Antiochus Eupator who was slaine by his vncles sonne Demetrius and the former part of the prophesie he interpreteth of Antiochus Epiphanes ex Oecolampad But it is euident that hitherto the Prophet hath described the acts and exploits of Antiochus surnamed the great for he it was that gaue his daughter Cleopatra in marriage vnto the king of Egypt as is prophesied v. 17. And the rest of the prophesie can agree to none other 3. Some Hebrewes as Hierome also here writeth thinke that this was Tryphon which was the tutor of Antiochus sonne but that can not be for Tryphon followed many generations after for after Antiochus the great succeeded in order Seleucus Epiphanes Eupator his sonne Demetrius Alexander Antiochus before Tryphon vsurped the kingdome He that rose vp in Antiochus place was the 7. king of Syria but Tryphon was the 13. or 14. Bulling Perer. 4. Wherefore this that rose vp in Antiochus place was Seleucus his sonne Antiochus the great had three sonnes Antiochus Seleucus and Antiochus Epiphanes but Antiochus beeing a Prince of great hope and towardnes died about the same time that his father fleeing to Apamea sent Embassadors to the Romanes about the former conclusion of peace not without suspition of poison then succeeded Seleucus Philopator so called because he was beloued of his father called also Soter Ioseph lib. 12. c. 4. Polan Secondly we come to the parts of the description 1. This Seleucus acts are described he shall cause to passe vp and downe an exactor of tribute not take away the exactor of tribute as Vatabl. for the word is ghabar which signifieth to passe and in hiphâ—l to causâ— to passe And so was Seleucus a great exactor of tribute for beeing giuen to voluptuous liuing he must needes also be immoderate in his expenses when he was admonished by his familiar counsellers that he should take heede least he alienated the mindes of his friends by his immoderate taxations he would answer them that his money was his friend This Seleucus is he that sent Heliodorus to spoile the treasure of the Temple at Ierusalem which Simoâ— had bewraied vnto him which Heliodorus comming thither and offering by violence to take the treasure away he and his companie were terrified by a fearefull 〈◊〉 they saw an horse with a terrible
shall ayde and assist him as the Lybians and Aethiopians which shall helpe him to take the spoile of Egypt here then are in all these fowre particular members 1. of the battell betweene the king of the South and the North. 2. of the pleasant land 3. of Edom Moab and Ammon which escaped 4. of Lybia and Aethiopia that helped of all these how they should be taken there are diuers opinions 1. Some doe vnderstand all this of the Antichrist who as they imagine shall come in the end of the world 1. he shal be that king of the North who shal first subdue Egypt 2. and theÌ„ he shal inuade Iudea called the pleasant or glorious laÌ„d because of the miracles which were wrought there 3. Moab Ammon Edom shall escape because diuerse in that great persecution of Antichrist shall saue themselues there in the mountaines for these were hilly countreys 4. he shall take also Lybia and Aethiopia which shall first of all be subiect vnto him Hierome Lyran Perer. But this exposition of such a singular Antichrist hath beene refused before vpon these two reasons 1. because the Angel prophesieth onely of such things as should befall the people of the Iewes for whom Daniel was so soliicitous and carefull 2. that there shall be no such singular Antichrist whom they suppose to be one particular person is shewed afterward controv 2. 2. M. Calvin giueth this interpretation 1. that the king of the South and the North shall encounter with the Romanes for so Mithridates and Tigranes in the North had long warre with the Romanes and Cleopatra with Antonie in Egypt fought a great battell with Augustus 2. the Romanes shall preuaile and inuade Iudea also 3. But the hillie countreys of Moab Edom Ammon shall escape them or they shall not greatly regard them 4. the Romanes also shall conquer the Lybians and Aethiopians But this exposition cannot stand 1. because the kings of the North and South doe not ioyne together but it is said the king of the North shall come against him that is against the king of the South 2. here is no mention made of any third king or power beside the king of the North and South and he that is the king of the North is said to doe all that followeth in the next verses v. 41. he shall enter into the pleasant land v. 42. he shall stretch forth his hands that is the king of the North shall doe all this 3. Bullinger thus interpreteth 1. by the king of the North and South he vnderstandeth the Turkes and Saracenes which should come from the North and South with huge armies of footemen and horses and strong shippes 2. They shall inuade the pleasant land and many shall falk which he referreth to the holy warres decreed against the Turke by Gregor 2. in the Councell of Claromont which was the occasion of the ruine and ouerthrowe of many 3. Edom Moab and Ammon that is the people inhabiting those countreys shall ioyne themselues vnto the Turkes and Saracenes and so be free 4. The Lybians also and Aethiopians shall be confederate with the Turkes who shall ouercome Egypt and expell the Sultane thereof which was brought to passe by Selymus the great Truke But these exceptions likewise may be here taken 1. that this prophesie beginning with Antiochus is not like to end with the Turke and so the space of a thousand yeares comming betweene should be left vntouched 2. the kings of the North and South are not here confederates but they one fight with an other 3. the names of Moab Edom Ammon and their generation were extinguished before the Turkes Monarchie beganne this prophesie then cannot be extended so farre but must be restrained to those times while these names and nations continued 4. Osiander and Pappus 1. by the king of the North vnderstand the Romane Antichrist by the king of the South Christ for as from the North they say commeth all euill so from the South that which is good and thus the king of the South that is Christ hath raised vp from time to time diuerse of his saithfull seruants which haue opposed themselues to Antichrist 2. by the pleasant land is vnderstood the Church which Antichrist shall continually afflict 3. Edom signifieth redde Moab the father Ammon my people and these three sorts shall be free from the corruptions of Antichrist the martyrs that are made redde with their blood they which depend onely vpon the mercies of God the father and the first of Ammon that is infants which are as the first fruites of the people of God 4. And though the Popes authoritie be not receiued in Lybia Aegypt Aethiopia yet he challengeth iurisdiction ouer them all c. But this exposition also faileth 1. the king of the North and South are literally to be taken as before in the rest of this chapter and who seeth not how improperly Christ is said to be king of the South if the Pope of Rome be the king of the North Christ borne in Ierusalem which is not South but East to Rome is vnfitly called king of the South And seeing he is king of all the world his kingdome must not be restrained to the South 2. by the pleasant land Iudea is vnderstood here as also before v. 16. 3. as Egypt and other countreys are here vnderstood literally for the nations so called so likewise must Edom Moab and Ammon be taken 4. Lybia and Aethiopia which neuer yet receiued the Pope are verie improperly said to be in subiection to him 5. It remaineth then that all this was historically fulfilled in Antiochus 1. the occasion of his comming agaiâ—st Egypt was this Philometor king of Egypt had an other brother called Physcon who sought to expell Philometor out of his kingdome with Physcon Antiochus taketh part and prepareth an armie to come and helpe him which Philometor vnderstanding here called the king of the South went against him and this is the battell here spoken of betweene the king of the South and of the North But the king of the North preuailed whose armie is compared to a whirlewind and to an ouerflowing water but the other is said onely to push at him This historie is touched by Florus in the Epitome of Livie lib. 46. and by Iustine also and Zonaras tom annal 2. 2. As Antiochus returned from the spoile of Egypt he tooke Iudaea and other countreys in the way and spoiled them also 3. But he spared the Edomites Moabites and Ammonites because they tooke his part against them and much molested the Iewes and therefore Iudas Macchabeus did fight against the children of Esau and Timotheus the captaine of the Ammonites besieged their cities and put them to the sword 2. Macchab. 5. Ioseph lib. 12. antiqu c. 11. 4. The Lybians also and Ethiopians which before were on Philometors side beeing allured by his faire promises ioyned with Antiochus and therefore it is said they were at his footesteppes or pases that is they followed
the sonne of the said Friderike by the procurement of Pope Innocent the 3. who established transubstantiation was slaine at Bamberge by Otto Count Palatine Otto the 4. and Friderike the 2. were excommunicate by Pope Innocent the 3. and Gregor 9. Henrie the 7. was poisoned with a consecrate host by a Monke of the faction of the Guelphes which was on the Popes side the Gibellines were an other faction which held with Emperour Lodovike the 4. was likewise excommunicate by the Pope who sent forth his Monkes and Friers into euerie quarter to defame the Emperour and the Cardinals did stirre vp the Princes to warre against him Avent And thus haue the Popes handled the Emperours Kings and Princes opposing themselues to their superstition haue found no better measure 2. Childericus king of France was deposed and thrust into a monasterie Rachis king of the Lombards was by the same Pope Zacharie put into a monasterie Lodovike the 12. was much encumbred by Iulius the second who himselfe leading his armie from Rome as he went ouer the bridge of the riuer Tiber threw S. Peters keies into the riuer and seeing they would doe him no good he said he would betake himselfe to Pauls sword Henrie the 4. now king of Fraunce was assaulted by 6. Popes Gregor the 13. Sixtus the 5. Vrbane the 7. Gregor the 14. Innocentius the 9. Clement the 8. who the last named hauing brought the king to be reconciled to the Church of Rome did thereupon triumph insolently ouer him As in a certaine booke set forth of that matter there is a tractate de victoria Clementis 8. de Henricâ— 4. c. gloriose triumphantis of the victorie of Clement the 8. most gloriously triumphing ouer Henrie the 4. king of Fraunce and Navarre Thus haue the famous kings also of this Realme of England beene serued by the Popes and their ministers King Iohn was poisoned by a Monke King Henrie the 8. that most famous and renowned king was by the bull of Paulus the 3. depriued of his kingdome and his subiects freed from their oath of alleagance Queene Elizabeth our late Gracious Soueraigne of blessed memorie before she came to her crowne was persecuted by her sister Queene Marie and her chiefe agent Stephen Gardener for her religion and after that by Gods fatherly prouidence and care to his Church she was aduanced to the kingdome she was practised against by nine Popes the sixe before named and by Paulus the 4. Pius the 4. Pius the 5. both by open warre and hostilitie wherein the two Philips of Spaine bare the chiefest stroke and by priuie treacherie and treason Our kings maiestie that is now both in Scotland had experience of Popish practises against him and since his happie comming into England some of the Popish faction haue more then once or twice conspired against him But blessed be God he hath escaped their snares 3. Now in the third place Some Princes and nobles shall be produced whom the Popes haue cruelly assaulted The Exarcâ— or viceroy of Ravenna vnder Leo the 3. Emperor by the Popes faction was slaine with his sonne The Medices at Florence were set vpon in the Church by the counsell of Sixtus the 4. the Popes legate gaue the signe when the host was lift vp Volaterran lib. 5. Geograph The Earle of Tholouse was pursued by the French king by most fierce warre at the instigation of the Pope onely because he fauoured the Albigenses Iohn Friderike Duke of Saxonie and Philip the Lantgraue of Hassia were assaulted by most cruell warre onely for the cause of religion Count Egmond and Count Horne were beheaded for fauouring the Protestants The Prince of Condie was poisoned Caspar Colignius slaine in the Massacre in Fraunce Antelot and Cardinall Castilion poisoned William prince of Aurane was slaine by a villane Charles the king of Spaines sonne because he was thought to fauour the Protestants whom they call heretikes was made an ende of by the Inquisitors for religion neither could his father or would not deliuer him 4. These learned confessors also and some holy martyrs haue in diuerse ages opposed themselues against the Pope and were euill entreated for it Vigilantius Bishop of Barcellona in Spaine because he found fault with the adoration of reliques and with single life was counted an heretike The Bishops and Presbyters which held a synod at Eliberine in Spaine were adiudged heretikes by Pope Adrian in a synod at Frankefort Ann. 840. Bertram writ against transubstantiation So did Ioannes Scotus Ann. 869. and was slaine of his schollers with their writing pens Ann. 964. Huldericus Bishop of Augusta impugned the single life of the Clergie Ann. 1039. Berengarius bent himselfe against transubstantiation Ann. 1157. Ioannes Sarisburiens did teach that the Pope was Antichrist and Rome Babylon Arnoldus Bishop of Brixia denied vnto the Pope the vse of the temporall sword About the same time liued Peter Bloix who publikely maintained in his writings that Rome was Babylon the Popes officers harpies his Priests Baalites Ann. 1160. Petrus Waldo of Lions ann 1240. Petrus de Vineis ann 1260. Gulielmus de S. Amore ann 1306. Petrus Cassiodorus a learned Noble man of Italie 1314. Dulcimus of Navarre 1315. Arnoldus de noua villa 1383. Iohn Wicleffe in England 1405. Iohn Hus and Nicolaus Clemangis a Doctor of Paris Hyeronym Savonarola a Monke of Ferrara whom Alexander the 6. caused to be burned Antonius Mancinellus Gulielmus Occam All these were great impugners of the Pope Ann. 1517. Martin Luther ann 1519. Huldericus Zuinglius and since many learned men in Germanie Oecolampadius Capito Melancthon Martyr Bullinger with others in Fraunce Calvin Beza Farellus Viretus with others in England B. Cranmer B. Ridley B. Hooper M. Latimer M. Filpot M. Bradford holy martyrs and since B. Iewell D. Fulke D. Whitakers D. Reynolds with many more excellent writers and worthie preachers haue discouered the nakednesse of the whore of Babylon 5. Lastly whole Churches haue beene persecuted for resisting the Pope and his doctrine the Albigenses vnder Innocentius the 3. the Waldenses vnder Pope Iohn the 22. the Church of Calabria of Sevill in Spaine of England in Queene Maries dayes and the Curches of Fraunce vnder Charles the 9. and Henrie the 3. endured much oppression by the tyrrannie of the Popish faction And thus doth the Pope resemble Antiochus in persecuting with fire and sword the faithfull seruants of God professing the truth 15. Controv. Of the pride and blasphemie of Antichrist against God 10. v. 36. He shall magnifie himselfe against all that is God This is most true of the Antichrist of Rome for he exalteth himselfe aboue the Angels which are called gods in respect of their excellencie of nature and condition making himselfe iudge of the Angels Princes and Magistrates also are called gods them hath the Pope caused to kisse his feete and hath troad vpon their neckes disposing of their kingdomes at his pleasure Innocentius the third
Antichrist shall in deede sit in the true Church of God for he shall be an enemie to the Church of Christ but he shall sit in the visible Church so reputed and he shall style and title himselfe by the Church As he taketh vpon him to be Head of the Church and to be Christs Vicar in earth Melancth Papp Fulke annotat 2. Thess. 2. v. 4. He sitteth also in the temple of mens consciences taking vpon him to haue power to forgiue sinnes and to make lawes to binde the conscience Bulling 4. Some that hold the Turke to be Antichrist may by the Temple vnderstand those places where sometime was the Church of God but the Apostle speaketh of the Temple that shall then be so reputed and taken at the time of Antichrists sitting therein 17. Controv. Of the prosperitie and outward successe of Antichrist As it is here said of Antiochus that he shall doe what him list and againe that he shall prosper so the Romane Antichrist hath both so taught that he is to doe what he list and he hath practised and prospered accordingly For the first Nicolaus the Pope thus writeth to Michael the Emperor à seculari potestate nec ligari posse nec solvi Pontificum c. that the chiefe Bishop can neither be loosed nor bound of the secular power and then he inferreth how that Constantine the Emperor called the Pope God and so concludeth nec posse Deum ab homme iudicari manifestum est it is manifest that God is not to be iudged of man c. And these are their positions in their Canons that the Pope is without law and that he is to be iudged of none and if all the world should determine any thing against the Pope yet the sentence rather of the Pope must stand and seeing he hath all fulnesse of power no man is to say vnto him why doe you so for his will standeth for reason distinct 19. 17. quaest 4. nemini And as this is their doctrine that the Pope may doe what he list and no man is to checke or controll him so he hath mightily prospered in his wicked proceedings as Antiochus did for Emperors Kings and Princes haue furthered his enterprises learned men haue and doe desend his errors All kingdomes almost in the Christian world Vniuersities schollers haue applauded him So many Monasteries in diuers countries with their Monks and Fryers depended of him This is the prosperitie and externall happie successe which the Romanists doe boast of and Bellarmine among the rest maketh it a speciall note to know the true Church by but as Antiochus prosperous successe against Christs Church was no signe of Gods fauour toward him no more is it in the kingdome of Antichrist But I will here stay a while a little further yet to sift and examine this point 18. Controv. That externall happines is not a sure note of the Church Bellarmine making externall felicitie a note of the Church giueth these instances of the good successe of the Romanists in their battells 1. In the time of Innocentius the 3. the Catholikes in France with an armie of 8000. conquered an 100. thousand of the Albigenses Aemil. lib. 6. hist. Francor 2. Anno 1531. the Helvetian Papists had fiue conflicts with the Helvetian Protestants and still had the better 3. Charles the 5. ann 1547. obtained a miraculous victorie against the Protestant Princes in Germanie 4. In France and the low countries the Papists haue had many victories not without miracle and the Protestants seldome had the better 1. Ans. These instances produced by Bellarmine are false as shall now appeare in the particular examination of them 1. Mathias Parisiens reporteth farre otherwise of that battell writing that Lewes the French king died in the siege of Avenion and that his sonne hauing the leading of a great armie against the Albigenses was ouercome ab exiguis copijs of a few small bands And this is like to be the truer report for it seemeth not probable that the persecuted Church of the Albigenses could set forth such an huge armie 2. The Popish Helvetians had not so many battells with the Protestants there was but one battell and a skirmish the Popish sort had the better hauing the aduantage of the higher ground neither was it such a great victorie for they were glad to aske peace and to compound the matter vpon equall conditions 3. It was no miracle for Charles the 5. to preuaile in that battell setting vpon Duke Fredericke on a sudden and some of his confederates hauing forsaken him neither did the Emperor long enioy that victorie for he was not long after by Mauritius who ayded him against Duke Frederike chased out of Germanie for the wrongs offered vnto Philip the Lantgraue and neuer after that returned he into Germanie againe 4. Of the successe of the battells in France and low Germanie they haue no cause to brag Henrie the 4. â—ow king of France and Navarre when he professed and maintained the Gospel was alwaies superiour in battell and how the warres haue prospered on the Protestants sides in the low countries no man is ignorant So that if the goodnes of the cause is to be esteemed by the good successe if they had no other arguments to defend themselues this might plead for them that God hath aboue these 30. yeares vpheld that small countrey miraculously against all the power of Spaine But they haue diuers reasons besides which may iustifie their warres against the king of Spaine 1. The breaking of their priuiledges by the Duke of Albanie 2. the vnreasonable exacting of tribute vpon things which were sold 3. the vniust execution of diuers both noble and others 4. the setting of garrisons of strangers in their cities 5. the building of castles and sconces 6. the constituting of Iudges of the Spanyards and not of their owne countrey 7. the generall restraining of their libertie Polan p. 1070. 8. beside the bringing in among them of a strange religion 2. Now that outward prosperitie is not a signe of Gods fauour or a marke whereby to discerne the Church it is euident by the example of Antiochus here who mightily prospered in his wicked attempts against the people of God So also Nebuchadnezzer preuailed against Ierusalem and destroied the very Temple All the tribes of Israel beeing assembled together against the children of Beniamin hauing the better cause yet were twice ouercome Iudg. 20. God then in suffering his Church to be for a time afflicted and oppressed doth not thereby testifie his fauour toward their oppressors but doth rather shew his wrath against his owne people for their sinnes which was the cause that Antiochus prospered whome the Lord vsed as his scourge as it is here saide till wrath be accomplished that is Gods wrath kindled against his people And the same is one of the reasons why the Lord shall suffer Antichrist to rage in the world whereof more shall be here inserted in the next
God man and the Pope did so thinke also he should not be damned and at the same time Henricus the master of the Palace said to the same Embassadors Papa potest mutare S. Evangelium potest S. Evangelio pro loco tempore alium sensum tribuere the Pope may change the holy Gospel and may giue an other sense to the Gospel according to time and place ex Polan Argum. 2. Antichrist shall care for no God at all But the Pope worshippeth God the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost yea all the Saints in heauen images and reliques in earth if we will beleeue the Protestants saith Bellarmine he adoreth also Answ. In that the Pope inuocateth Saints praieth vnto images adoreth reliques and so setteth vp other gods it is an euident argument that he denieth the true God Argum. 3. Antichrist shall ouerthrow the policies and states of kingdomes so doth not the Pope Answ. The contrarie is euident for Gregorie the 2. forbad any obedience to be yeelded to Leo the 3. and Gregorie the 3. depriued him of his Empire Alexander the 3. so serued Frederike the 1. Frederike the 2. and Lewes the 4. were so likewise vsed Gregorie the 7. deposed Bolâ—slaus king of Polonia Iulius the 2. gaue away the kingdome of Navarre How then is not Bellarmine ashamed these things beeing so manifest to say that the Pope is not an enemie to politike states Argum. 4. Antichrist shall prosper but the Pope since the Protestants made him Antichrist hath much decreased he hath lost a good part of Germanie of Fraunce Helvetia Bohemia Pannonia Eagland and all Suetia Gothia Norway Denmarke but Luther hath prospered by his carnall preaching seducing many who of a silly Monke became as it were Pope ouer all Germanie he rather may be taken for Antichrist Answ. 1. The Protestants in these dayes are not the first that discouered Antichrist he was so called and counted many yeares since 2. the prospering here spoken of is not vnderstood of any spirituall successe by the preaching of the Gospell but of such prosperous euents as are compassed by violence and force of armes and cunning deuises 3. it is no carnall preaching to teach men not to be addicted superstitiously to carnall â—ites and ceremonies which was the scope of Luthers preaching 4. neither did Luther affect a papall preeminence ouer Germany though it be true that of late one Felix Peretus of a poore Monke came to be vniuersall Pope called Sixtus 5. 5. God be thanked that many good morsells are snatched out of the wolues mouth he speaketh but of a good part of England that is reuolted from the Pope But all England in generall and Scotland doe detest the Pope with his superstitious and treacherous practises except onely a fewe thaâ— are Popishly addicted whose number I trust daily will decrease 6. And though Antichrist doe not prosper as he hath done and I am sure neuer shall yet that followeth not but he is Antichrist still for he shall prosper onely for a time not alwaies 21. Controv. How Antichrist shall forsake his fathers God v. 37. v. 37. He shall not regard the god of his fathers 1. This is most true of the Pope who hath swarued and departed from the religion and faith taught by the holy Apostles and Apostolicall men in the purer ages of the Church 1. as S. Paul teacheth 2. Tim. 3. 17. that the Scriptures are able to make the man of God perfect to all good workes and so consequently are perfect and all-sufficient so Tertulliane aliunde suadere non poterunt de rebiâ—â— fidei quam ex literis fidei de praescript haeretic c. 15. they can not otherwise perswade of matters of faith then by the Scriptures of faith But the Pope teacheth that beside the word of God written there are traditions which he calleth the word of God not written which they make of equall authoritie to the Scriptures and so they bold that the Scriptures containe not all things necessarie to saluation 2. Their forefathers haue taught that the Scriptures are plaine and easie and therefore are to be heard and read of all as Iren. lib. 2. adv haeret c. 46. vniversae Scripturae c. apertae ab omnibus audiri possunt all the Scriptures are open and may be heard of all But the Pope holdeth them to be obscure and not safe to be read of the lay-people 3. Clemens teacheth ex ipsis Scripturis capere sensum veritatis oporâ—et we must take the sense of the truth out of the Scriptures distinct 37. c. relatum but the Pope will haue the sense of Scripture depend of his owne mouth 4. Their fathers haue taught that the translation of the Scriptures must be examined by the originall distinct 9. c. 6. veâ—erum librorum fides de Hebraeis voluminibus examinanda est the credit of the bookes of the old Testament must be examined by the Hebrew but now among the Romanists the vulgar Latine is made authenticall Trident. sess 4. and preferred before the originall Hebrew and Greeke 5. Their Elders haue taught that we are onely iustified by faith Basil. concion de humilitat this is perfect righteousnes c. when a man knoweth himselfe sola fide in Christum iustificatum to be iustified by faith onely in Christ so also Ambrose impius sola fide iustificatur apud Deum a wicked man is iustified onely by faith with God in 4. ad Roman But the Romanists hold that we are also iustified by the merit of our workes 6. The Fathers haue taught that there are no other mediators of our prayers but Christ as Chrysostome nihil tibi opus est patronis apud Deum c. you neede no patrons with God for God will not heare so easily if other pray for vs as if we pray our selues though we be full of euill c. And in many other points of doctrine it is euident that the Pope hath lost and forsaken the faith and the religion of the auncient Fathers and so consequently their God also But Bellarmine thus would wipe away this marke that this no way can be fastened vpon the Pope who confesseth the God of his fathers God the Sonne God the Father and God the holy Ghost lib. 3. de Roman Pontif. c. 21. Contra. In words indeede they confesse Christ to be their God but in fact they denie him 1. They doe not acknowledge him to be their onely Prophet seeing they detract from the Scriptures making them obscure and imperfect whereas Christ onely is to be heard in the Scriptures yea Boniface the Archbishop of Mentz vttered this blasphemous speach magis ab ore eius quam à sacris paginiâ— antiquam Christianae religionis institutionem expetant let them seeke and desire the auncient institution of Christian religion rather at his mouth then from the sacred booke c. which horrible blasphemie is inferted in their Canon law distinct 40. cap. Si Papa Bellarmines best answer here is to doubt
commandeth himselfe to be worshipped as appeareth lib. 1. ceremon Pontifical sect 3. c. 3. quod omnes mortales c. that all men of what dignitie soeuer as soone as they come into the Popes sight shall thrice bend their knees and then come and kisse his feete And that diuerse of the Popes haue beene great Magicians is extant in histories Sylvester the 2. gaue himselfe to the deuill to obtaine the Papacie Platin. fascicul tempor Benno writeth of Gregorie the 7. that he sent two young men to fetch a booke of Necromancie which he had forgotten charging them not to looke vpon it but they thereupon were the more desirous to prie into it and while they read in it the deuils ministers came about them to knowe what they should doe who beeing amazed at the first bid them presently to cast downe a great wall which was neere vnto Rome which was done forth with Luithprandus writeth of Iohn the 22. that he was wont Diabolum in alea invocare to call vpon the deuill as he plaied at dice And diuerse of the Popes beside haue beene noted to vse familiaritie and conference with spirits So that taking Bellarmines owne sense we shall finde the Popish Antichrist to worship this God Manzzim 2. Bellarmine hath here an other euasion that Mauzzim is like to be the name of the place where Antichrist shall lay vp his treasure and shall there secretly worship the deuill Answ. 1. Thus Bellarmine shifteth vp and downe not knowing what to make of this Mauzzim one while he thinketh it to be Antichrist himselfe then againe he will haue it to be the deuill and now a name of a place 2. But we admit it that Mauzzim is the name of a place for it signifieth a munition or garrison And may not such a place be found out in Rome where the Popes treasure lyeth namely the castle of S. Angel 3. Bellarmine addeth yet further that Antichrist shall worship this god in secret for openly he shall worshp no god at all because the text saith he shall not care for any God but this cannot be said of the Pope who professeth publikly the seruice of God Contra. 1. These two may well agree together not to care indeede for any god and yet to pretend outwardly a kind of publike worship in hypocrisie as Antiochus set vp the idol of Iupiter Olympius at Ierusalem beeing himselfe without all sense of religion 2. So the Romane Antichrist doth professe himselfe a Christian yet is indeede an enemie to true Christianitie And though he pretendeth to be but Christs Vicar yet he doth magnifie himselfe against Christ and his gospel as hath beene shewed before 26. Controv. How Antichrist shall distribute honours and possessions vnto his fauourites and that for money As Antiochus bestowed vpon the idolatrous Iewes offices and dignities and possessions but not without money for Iason and Menelaus brought the Priests office for money so the Antichrist of Rome taketh vpon him to be the Lord of the world to giue kingdomes Lordships Manners to those which will receiue the marke of the beast here two things are expressed of Antiochus what he giueth and for what The like are obserued concerning Antichrist The things which are giuen are three honours places of authoritie and command lands and possessions in euerie one of these kinds the Pope taketh vpon him to be a distributor both in the Church and commonwealth for Ciuill titles and honours he taketh vpon him to create Emperours Kings Dukes and to dispose of the kingdomes of the world as there is extant lib. 6. Avent an epistle of Pope Adrian to the Archbishops of Trevire Mentz and Collen to this effect sicut Zacharias transtulit imperium à Graecis ad Theutonicos as Zacharie translated the Empire from the Greekes to the Germanes so we may remooue it from them to the Grecians againe ecce in potestate nostra est dare illud cui volumus behold it is in our power to giue it to whom we will wherefore we are set by God ouer nations and kingdomes to destroy and plucke vp to build and to plant c. And thus said the deuill to Christ that all the kingdomes of the world were his to giue vnto whom he would In like manner the Pope hath Church dignities to bestowe Cardinalships Archbishoprikes Bishoprikes Abbies and such like which he conferreth vpon those which will worshippe the beast Bulling But for the manner he bestoweth them as Antiochus did the Priesthood not without money Alexander the 6. made 12. Cardinals not of those which best deserued but of such as would giue most for them Guicciardin lib. 5. histor sui tempor Leo the 10. had two calles or elections of Cardinals wherein he made verie fewe without money Clement the 7. as Onuphrius writeth sold 3. Cardinals hattes to those which would giue most Hereupon it commeth to passe that many vnworthie persons are preferred in the Popish Church such as are able to giue most as Bernard complained in his time honorati incedunt de bonis Domini qui Domino honorem non deferunt c. plus calcaria quam altaria fulgent c. they iet vp and downe honoured with the goods of the Lord but themselues giue no honour vnto the Lord c. whence it is that they weare more gold in their bridles and spurres then is to be seene in the altars c. ser. 33. super Cant. Budaeus hath the like complaint that the rewards of learning and vertue were bestowed vpon such asses and doults vt illis anima data sit pro sale vt suibus that their soule seemeth to serue for their bodies as falt for swines flesh that is to keepe it from corruption But Bellarmine to helpe out his Grand-master telleth vs 1. that there haue beene many learned men among them which haue taken great paines as Eckius Cochleus Latomus Driedo Tapperus Petrus à Soto with others that haue not receiued an halfepennie of the Pope for their great paines 2. and yet they laboured night and day to suppresse the furies of Protestants 3. who expect their reward from heauen for setting forth and maintaining Gods glorie 4. And if the Pope doe bestowe the reuennues of the Church vpon Cardinals and Bishops he is not said so much to conferre them as they who in their godly zeale gaue such large reuennues to the Church Thus Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pontif. c. 21. Contra. 1. Bellarmine discrediteth the Pope and noteth him with the infamous marke of ingratitude in that he suffreth such patrons and defenders of his papall sepremacie to goe vnrewarded and yet there was none of these whom he nameth but enioyed much more then many worthie ministers of the gospell 2. can he for shame obiect furie vnto the Protestants seeing it is notorious that diuerse of these his learned men became furious and madde indeede Eckius when he died cried out why doe not ye giue me my gold where is my gold
successors as appeareth by the little horne which in the vision of the 7. chapter commeth out of the fourth beast but in the 8. chapter both that great horne which was Alexander and the 4. hornes which came vp in the place thereof and the little horne which came forth out of one of the fowre hornes doe all arise out of one and the same beast namely the goat 2. these fowre principalities in the 7. chapter are 4. heads of that beast while they managed the affaires of the kingdome vnder Alexander and Arideus his brother But after they tooke vpon them to be kings they are said to be fowre hornes which did rise vp in the place of the great horne Argum. 4. In the 8. chapter the goat is interpreted to be the kingdome of Grecia and the great horne is the first king thereof namely Alexander he then maketh not that beast alone but the whole kingdome of Grecia is vnderstood whereof Alexander was but the first king Answ. It is granted that the goat in the 8. chapter signifieth the whole kingdome of Grecia both of Alexander and his successors but it followeth not that the third beast the Leopard in the 7. chapter should therefore comprehend likewise both the one and the other as is shewed in the answer to the former argument 2. in the 11. chapter v. 4. there is an euident distinction made betweene the kingdome of Alexander and of his successors for it is said his kingdome shall be broken and shall be diuided toward the fowre winds and not to his posteritie Graserus here answereth that the same kingdome remained still for that which is diuided is not destroyed or dissolued pag. 43. If this were a good answer the 4. Monarchies described by the image c. 2. should be all one for they made all but one generall bodie set forth by that image one succeeding another as the parts and members of the bodie doe one depend vpon another Argum. 5. The 4. beast was vnlike to all the rest it had yron teeth it was more fierce and terrible then the former but so was not the kingdom of the Seleucians more terrible to the world then the three former of the Chaldeans Persians Alexander it cannot therefore be taken for that kingdome p. 50. And whereas Iunius well obserueth that these beasts are described respectiuely as they were toward the people of God vnto whom the Seleucians were more cruell then any of the other Monarchies Graserus would thus remooue this answer 1. The beasts c. 7. are not more strictly to be taken then the parts of the image cap. 2. but there they are described generally by the defferent qualities of gold siluer brasse yron one beeing thus compared to an other 2. Daniel in particular sheweth in the description of the little horne wherein this beast should be more terrible to the people of God then the other so that in so generall a description it had beene superfluous to insinuate the same 3. If these visions had specially concerned the people of God the Prophet would haue penned his prophesie in the Hebrewe not in the Chalde tongue Graser p. 52. 53. Answ. 1. In the vision of the image the fowre Monarchies are compared together by those different qualities of the fowre mettals yet with relation vnto the people of God toward whom the first Monarchie in generall was as gold the second as siluer to the rest see quest 45. c. 2. 2. though in particular that little horne were more cruell to the people of God then the other hornes yet generally also the fourth beast was more sauage vnto Gods people then the precedent Monarchies therefore in this description there is no superfluous iteration and yet it is not denied but that typically this fourth beast may shadowe forth the Monarchie of the Romanes because c. 7. 23. it is said to deuoure the whole earth and the Euangelist S. Iohn Apocal. 13. in the description of the Romane Empire which is likened to a beast with 7. heads and ten hornes hath reference to this vision 3. This booke is written in Chalde because when Daniel wrote he was in Chalde where these things were shewed and done and therefore for the more credit of the storie it is written in the Chalde And beside it was requisite that the Chaldeans should vnderstand what was to befall them in time to come how their Monarchie should be subuerted for their pride and oppression that hereby they might be admonished to be more equall toward the people of God see more hereof in the generall obseruations premised concerning the diuerse readings vsed in this booke Argum. 6. This fourth beast is set forth to haue yron teeth it deuoured and brake in peices and stamped the rest vnder the feete this description agreeth not vnto the kingdome of the Seleucians or Antiochians 1. for they did not not stampe the rest vnder their feete they were rather stamped vpon and troden vnder feete by the Romanes who triumphed ouer Antiochus the great who farre exceeded in power his sonne Antiochus Epiphanes p. 58. 2. and if this be referred to the violence offred to religion for the which Antiochus did grieuously torment diuerse others did the like before as Nebuchadnezzar by setting vp a golden image would haue drawne them from their religion p. 56. 3. neither did Antiochus so preuaile against the Iewes for in the end they resisted him and restored religion and setled the state of the commonwealth p. 62. Answ. 1. This their stamping and treading vnder feete is especially meant of the oppression of the people of God although Antiochus also did more hurt and damage vnto Egypt then any of his fathers before him c. 11. v. 24. 2. though Nebuchadnezzar commaunded his golden image to be worshipped yet that was but one speciall act in a particular place he did not cause a generall reuolting from religion not yet prophaned and polluted the Sanctuarie which things Antiochus did 3. In the end Antiochus tyrannie was stayed by the valiant resistance of the Macchabees as there is no tyrannicall gouernement perpetuall but yet while he had his time he did much mischiefe and tyrannized more cruelly then euer any had done before Argum. 7. Iunius interpreteth the 10. hornes of the fourth beast c. 7. to be the tenne kings of Syria among whom two kings of Egypt must be counted Ptolome Euergetes and Ptolome Philopator who subdued Syria and so Antiochus Epiphanes was the 10. from Seleucus Nicanor Against this interpretation Graserus thus obiecteth 1. that if these tenne hornes were tenne kings whose particular historie is described c. 11. why should there be more then 10. kings there spoken of there are 14. kings of the North and South at the least there pointed at 2. there is no reason if any of the Egyptian kings shoud be numbred among the Seleucians that the first Ptolome the sonne of Lagus should be omitted that twice subdued Syria p. 66. 3. Iunius himselfe excludeth Seleucus Nicanor in that
Antiochus caused him to be killed neither was he any of the ten hornes he was not king before Antiochus these three hornes then are rather three kingdomes which this litle horne should surprise p. 84. 2. Iunius by a time two times and a part vnderstandeth the tearme of 3. yeares and 10. daies during which the profanation of the Sanctuarie continued But then the spirit of God had of purpose wrapped vp a manifest historie in obscure tearmes and the word here vsed signifieth rather halfe then a part of time this propheticall prediction of a time two times and an halfe is in the Apocalyps applied to signifie the whole time of the persecution of the Church vnder Antichrist which is set forth by such obscure tearmes to the ende that the time of Christs comming which should immediatly follow after that tearme ended be not knowne Graser p. 86. Ans. 1. Though Philopators horne that is gouernment in Egypt were not pulled away yet his power and dominion ouer Syria was remooued by Antiochus Epiphanes and so his horne there was broken And although Antiochus entred peaceably by flatterie yet he might secretly contriue the death of Seleucus his elder brother as he did the third horne plucked vp before him was not Demetrius but rather Antiochus his father whome he procured to be slaine in a certaine sedition see before c. 7. qu. 28. in the ende 2. The time of prophaning the Temple is expressed in prophetical tearmes as other prophesies are not with affected obscuritie but to the ende that they might be held in suspense vntill they saw the accomplishment thereof the word pelag vsed c. 7. 25. and chatz c. 11. 7. signifieth not onely an halfe but a part of time see before c. 12. qu. 19. in the end In the Apocalyps there is an allusion to this time but the historicall accomplishment was before the first comming of Christ. Argum. 11. Whereas Iunius vnderstandeth c. 7. 11. by the slaying of the beast the death of Antiochus by the destruction of his bodie the extirpation and rooting out of his familie and by giuing it to the burning fire the torments which he endured beeing aliue Graserus thus obiecteth 1. That S. Paul referreth this to the destruction of Antichrist which he setteth forth in three degrees the reuealing or detecting of that wicked man the consuming of him by the spirit of Christs mouth and his vtter abolishing with the brightnes of his comming and he vnderstandeth not the first comming of Christ in the flesh as Iunius but his glorious comming to iudgement 2. Thess. 2. 8. Graser p. 89. 2. Whereas Iunius thinketh the little horne described in the vision in the 7. c. and in the 8. c. to be the same Graserus thinketh that the little horne spoken of in the 7. signifieth Mahomet and the little horne in the 8. the Pope p. 92. 3. Whereas Iunius thinketh that the historie of this little horne is more fully described in the end of the 11. ch these reasons are against it 1. because no mention is made in the 11. ch of the ten hornes nor of the three hornes taken away before the little horne 2. nor of the eyes and mouth of the little horne 3. and his end is farre diuers for c. 7. his bodie is destroied and giuen to the burning fire but in the 11. chap. he is described dying by some fatall disease as beeing forsaken of his friends p. 98. Ans. 1. S. Paul may in the same phrase of speach set forth the destruction of Antichrist whereby Daniel describeth the death of Antiochus and yet not vnderstand the same thing As in the Apocalyps the Euangelist in the phrase of speech alludeth to diuers visions in Ezekiel and Daniel and yet applieth them to a diuers purpose 2. The litle horne spoken of c. 7. and c. 8. is the same as may appeare by the description of it it is in both places called a little horne in the 7. it hath a mouth speaking presumptuous things v. 8. and in the 8. ch v. 25. he shall extoll himselfe against the Prince of Princes Mahomet and the Pope came too late to be historically vnderstood by this little horne for this little horne must come forth out of one of the foure hornes which did rise vp in the place of the great horne which was Alexander beeing broken But there was no remainder of Alexanders kingdome long before the rising vp of the Mahometane or Popish sect 3. It is not necessarie because the particular historie of the little horne is more at large followed c. 11. that therefore there should be a rehearsall of the same things which were touched before concerning the same horne but rather one vision supplieth that which was omitted in the other for to what purpose should the vision be renewed if the same things in euery respect should be iterated The foure Euangelists doe write the same historie of the doings and sayings of Christ yet some haue one thing that is not to be found in an other And the diuers relation of the ende of Antiochus is no such matter to insist vpon for the diuersitie is herein that chap. 7. the destruction of the beast that is of the kingdome of the Seleucians is set forth and in the 11. c. the death of Antiochus as is before shewed at large c. 7. qu. 38. Argum. 12. Graserus proceedeth to deliuer and confirme his owne interpretation of these visions by the fourth beast he vnderstandeth the Romane Empire and by the two legges of the image the two parts of the Romane Empire one in the East the other in the West which was extended in length from one to the other 700. Germane miles this diuision beganne vnder Augustus and Antonius afterward Constantine built new Rome in the East and these two legges to this day are the Turke in the East and the Pope in the West p. 99. 100. Ans. That neither the Romane nor Turkish Empire is signified by the two legges of the image c. 2. nor by the fourth beast c. 7. is at large shewed before c. 2. qu. 49. and c. 7. qu. 21. whether I referre the Reader And further this euident argument there is thereof that the toes of the image beeing partly of yron partly of clay are saide to mingle themselues with the seede of men they shall ioyne in marriage one with an other but that band shall not hold this was euidently performed when the kings of the North and South were linked in marriage together as Ptolome Philadelphus gaue his daughter Berenice to Antiochus Theos in marriage as is prophesied Dan. 11. 6. see c. 11. qu. 20. 21. and the king of the North namely Antiochus Megas gaue his daughter to wit Cleopatra to wife to Ptolome Epiphanes c. 11. 17. Seeing that the Prophet himselfe expoundeth the vision shewing how and of whome this mingling of seede is to be vnderstood they wearie themselues in vaine that seeke for the accomplishment of this prophesie elswhere as Graserus
doth in the Papacie where there hath beene such combination of marriages p. 103. But he can not shew how the two legges the kings of the North and South haue in the Papacie so ioyned and combined themselues Arg. 13. 1. By the ten hornes are rather vnderstood ten kingdomes then kings as Grecia Macedonia Asia Syria Egyptus Africa Hispania Gallia Germania Illyricum 2. The litle horne signifieth Mahomet called litle in respect of his obscure beginning 3. The 3. hornes plucked vp before it are the 3. kingdomes of Syria Egypt Africa which the Turke inuaded 4. The mouth speaking proud things is the new Law of the Turkes Alcaron brought in by Mahomet p. 109. Answ. 1. That these visions appertaine not vnto the Romane or Turkish Empire is shewed at large c. 7. quest 21. whether I desire the Reader to haue recourse 2. seeing the 10. hornes and the 3. hornes which were plucked vp before the little horne are interpreted by the Angel to be so many kings not kingdoms it is too great boldnesse to vnderstand them to be kingdomes not kings 3. this little horne must come out of the fourth beast or Monarchie and haue the power thereof But Mahomet and the Turke did not spring out of the Romane Empire but alwaies did oppose themselues vnto it 4. though Mahomet had a mouth speaking presumptuous things it followeth not that he was this little horne for not one of the properties but all must agree vnto him that is signified by this little horne 5. Graserus himselfe conesseth spiritum sanctum in hac visione Antiochi historiam tractare that the holy spirit doth in this vision handle the storie of Antiochus but yet so as that he maketh him a patterne to describe and proportion our Antichrist by p. 91. If then this prophesie were historically fulfilled in Antiochus it is not properly referred to any other but onely typically and by way of analogie which we doe not denie Argum. 14. These visions shewed vnto Daniel concerne the last times toward the end of the world as 1. appeareth by the phrase of speach which the Prophet vseth as c. 8. 17. in the last time shall be the vision v. 19. I will shew thee what shall be in the last wrath but the wrâ—th which Antiochus shewed against the people of God was not the last p. 103. v. 26. it shall be for many daies p. 115. and c. 10. 1. the time appointed is long 2. The Prophet Isai speaking of the reiection of the Iewes and calling of the Gentiles saith c. 29. 17. Yet a little while and Lebanon shal be turned into Carmel c. this was aboue 500. years before the comming of Christ if the space of 500. yeares be counted but a little time how then can halfe that time be counted long from the time of this prophecie to the destruction of the Temple by Antiochus Graser p. 119. 3. The Prophet himselfe maketh euident mention in these prophesies of the second comming of Christ to iudgement as c. 2. he speaketh of the cutting out of the stone without hands whereby is signified the suddennes of Christs second comming and c. 7. of the setting vp of the thrones and of the comming of the Sonne of man in the clouds and c. 12. euident mention is made of the resurrection of the dead p. 121. 4. The Prophet is bid to seale vp the vision because it was for many daies c. 7. 26. as for the same reason Iohn is bid not to seale vp the words because the time was at hand Apoc. 22. 10. p. 122. 5. And that Daniels prophecie concerneth the last times may be thus gathered Apoc. 10. 7. there it is said The mysterie of God shall be finished as he hath declared to his seruants the Prophets of these Prophets Daniel was one therefore to him was declared this mysterie concerning the finall destruction of Antichrist p. 123. Ans. 1. The words in the time of the ende shall be the vision are well interpreted by Iunius in the time defined or determined legneth ketz at the ende of time signifieth the same that lemoghed ketz the appointed time of the ende so likewise v. 19. the words are what shall be in the last of this wrath not in the last wrath for the word acharith is a substantiue and signifieth the extremitie and end of this wrath which should be shewed by Antiochus 2. Time is said to be long short in respect of the subiect matter in hand so that the same continuance of time may be said to be long in one respect which is counted short in an other The Prophet Isai counted but a short time vnto the comming of Christ in regard of the continuance of the Church of Christ afterward and so all the time after the first comming of Christ in the flesh is but short in comparison of his euerlasting kingdome This notwithstanding this tearme of 300. yeares from Daniels time vntill Antiochus may be counted long in respect of the present state of the Iewes Commonwealth which was not to continue long So the seruant whose eare was boared through is saide to serue his master for euer Exod. 21. 6. namely vnto the yeare of Iubile which might take vp the whole tearme of his life 3. That neither in this place c. 2. nor in the other prophesie c. 7. the second comming of Christ to iudgement is described see before at large c. 2. qu. 55. c. 7. qu. 31. and to what purpose also mention is made of the resurrection of the dead c. 12. see further handled c. 12. qu. 7. qu. 8. 4. Iohn is willed not to seale vp the prophesie because part thereof was presently to take effect but Daniel is bid to seale vp his because yet 300. yeares should expire before the prophesie should take place 5. The Prophets which are there spoken of might be the Apostles as S. Paul among the rest to whome the mysterie of iniquitie was reuealed and the olde Prophets also prophesied of the last times which also was reuealed to Daniel but hereof it followeth not that therefore Daniel in these visions specially prophesieth of the great Antichrist whome notwithstanding typically we graunt he describeth vnder this propheticall prediction of Antiochus The second Exercise In this second part Graserus taketh vpon him to prooue that in the 11. chapt from v. 36. the historie of Antichrist is set downe and not of Antiochus whose acts and doings were treated of before and this difference he maketh betweene the prophesie in the 8. chapt and this in the 11. chap. that there the Prophet speaketh of Antiochus and Antichrist ioyntly together confuso typo cum eius antitypo the type beeing confounded with that which answereth to the type but here seâ—r sim tractat c. he handleth asunder the historie of both p. 107. His arguments are these Argum. 1. These generall reasons he enforceth that this part of the 11. chap. from v. 36. can not be interpreted of Antiochus 1. The Prophet
vseth manifest words of digression from the former historie of Antiochus v. 35. thatâ—â— is yet an appointed time or period p. 128. 2. The Prophet had absolued all the acts of Antiochus before both against Egypt and especially his attempts against the people of God excepting onely that clause concerning his death when then and at what time should these things be done by Antiochus which are contained in those ten verses following 3. There is a manifest difference in the phrase the Prophet vseth certaine strange words and tearmes which doe insinuate some deeper mysterie then of Antiochus p. 131. 4. And if these exploits were done by Antiochus they must fall out within the compasse of 2. yeares which could not be vnles we wil make an other Alexander of Antiochus p. 131 5. If all these things were determined in Antiochus and his doings against the Iewes it may seeme strange that the Prophet maketh no mention of the restitution of the Temple and religion p. 132. 6. And if nothing were intended beside the historie of Antiochus the Prophet would not haue counted them such great wonders as he doth c. 12. 6. p. 132. Ans. 1. The like words of digression were vsed before v. 27. chi ghod ketz lamoghed because yet the ende shall be at the time appointed Graserus would make some difference betweene this forme of speech vsed v. 27. and the other v. 35. but there is none at all sauing that in the former the word ketz is vsed which signifieth the ende which word must be supplied in the other 2. The historie of Antiochus by his owne confession is not complete and absolued before the 36. verse because the clause of his death followeth last cf all v. 45. And these things expressed in the ten last verses were done in such order as is set downe after he had begunne to tyrannize and rage against the Church of God 3. It is no maruell that the phrase is somewhat strange and changed because he toucheth more strange acts and practises of Antiochus then he had done before 4. Neither are Antiochus exploits here set downe to be compared with Alexanders acts for his chiefe attempts were against the pleasant land and Egypt v. 40. 41. 43. which might easily be done in the compasse of two yeares 5. This reason as well may exclude Antiochus altogether out of this prophecie as from the latter part thereof for it may be as well obiected against the former propheticall narration to v. 36. that no manifest mention is made of the restitution of the Temple after the profanation thereof by Antiochus And yet this also is insinuated both v. 34. where it is said they shall be hâ—lpen with a little helpe and v. 35. that this persecution should be vnto the appointed time which was before shewed c. 7. 25. a time two times and a part or diuiding of time which maketh 3. yeares and 10. daies for so long the profanation of the Temple continued 6. Though all this historie be determined in Antiochus yet might it seeme a great wonder vnto Daniel that God would suffer such a wicked Tyrant so to preuaile and to defile his Temple in such sort as it was neuer profaned before Argum. 2. Graserus further taketh vpon him to prooue that the 36. v. is not vnderstood of Antiochus but properly of the Romane Pope 1. Hitherto the Prophet hauing spoken of the kings Seleucians and Ptolomes vsed the distinct tearmes of the kings of the South and the kings of the North but here he saith absolutely the king shall doe what him list without any addition which name of king agreeth vnto the Pope to shew a difference betweene him and Christ whose kingdome was not of this world but the Pope taketh vpon him to be a terrene king nay to be the king of kings p. 144. 145. 2. And this clause shall doâ— what him listeth agreeth not to Antiochus who was curbed by the Romanes and was circumscribed by Popilius drawing a circle with his rodde and made to returne out of Egypt but it doth most fitly agree vnto the Pope who doth all things according to his owne will he boasteth omnia se iura in scrinto pectoris habere that he hath all lawes enclosed in his breast Graser p. 152. 153. Ans. 1. Though in this place the addition king of the North be not expressed yet afterward it is supplied he is called the king of the North and the king of Egypt the king of the South v. 40. and though the Pope take vpon him the Ciuill and temporall power yet directly he nameth himselfe not a king but he challengeth chiefly to be head in spirituall matters 2. And though it be most true that the Pope holdeth himselfe tied to no law but doth what he list yet it followeth not that euery king that doth what him list should be here signified for so did also Caligula and Nero and other wicked Emperors Though Antiochus were restrained from Egypt by the Romanes yet this his vnlimited will he followed in his owne kingdomes and specially in Iudea where he preuailed for a certaine time according to his owne vntoward and wicked desire for he abolished true religion and brought in the rites of the heathen abrogatee the lawes of God and burnt the bookes of Scripture and set vp an abominable idol in the Temple and so he ruled all according to his owne will Argum. 3. An other note is set forth of Antichrist that he shall magnifie himselfe against all that is called God which is most fitly applied to the Popes who onely by a certaine inherent ambition haue aspired vnto such degree of pride nec divino aut humano iure by neither diuine or humane right although they pretend but without all shew of ground the prerogatiue of Peter giuen him by Christ and the donation of Constantine which allegations if they were true both S. Peter might be condemned of great simplicitie and all the Bishops of Rome for a 1000. yeares vntil the time of Gregorie the 7. and Boniface the 8. who neuer tooke vpon them this princely prerogatiue Graser p. 155 156. But Antiochus succeeded in the kingdome by descent from his father and so held the kingdome by right of succession Ans. 1. We denie not but that Antiochus was herein an euident type of Antichrist as S. Paul prophesieth of him that he shall exalt himselfe aboue all that is called God 2. Thess. 2. 4. but literally this is vnderstood of Antiochus as is euident by comparing this place with c. 8. 11. where he which thus extolleth himselfe against the Prince of the host that is God is saide also to take away the daily sacrifice and to cast downe the Sanctuarie which things were so fulfilled and came to passe vnder Antiochus 2. Though Antiochus was rightly descended of Antiochus the great and so vnder that title possessed the kingdome yet to that height of pride in exalting himselfe against God his Temple sacrifices and lawes and so
mandates I will obserue with all my power and procure to be obserued of others they which are rebells as all schismatikes and heretikes vnto our Lord or his said successors I will to my power persecute and impugne Beeing called to a synode vnlesse I be hindered by some cononicall let I will be present the Apostles threshhold that is palace or Church the Court beeing at Rome if I be on this side the mountaines once euery yeare if beyond euerie third yeare will I visit by my selfe or my messenger vnlesse I be freed by the Apostolike licence the possessions belonging to my table I will not giue nor lay to pawne nor let out to fee farme though it be with the consent of the Chapter of my Church without the priuitie of the Bishop of Rome As God shall helpe me and his holy Gospels c. In which oath this is worthie to be obserued that the Popes Bishops are not bound by any promise or otherwise to preach the Gospell of Christ to feede his flocke to reade and studie the Scriptures but onely to be true vnto the Pope and to maintaine the rights and priuiledges of that Sea And thus it is euident how the Pope of Rome doth distribute the honours of the earth vnto his flatterers by a certaine compact and couenant Graserus p. 293. 294. Answ. 1. All this we graunt to be most true that is here alleadged and more too that the Pope doth not onely exact an oath of obedience of his Prelates but he doth euen sell them their prelacies Cardinalships Bishoprickes Abbacies and other preferments for momoney as is at large shewed c. 11. contr 26. 2. Yet notwithstanding this was historically performed by Antiochus who expelled the auncient inhabitants of Iudea and Ierusalem out of their possessions and parted their lands among strangers 1. Macchab. 3. 36. the Priesthood also was sold to Iason first and then to Menelaus for money 2. Macchab. 4. see c. 11. quest 47. in the ende The sixt Exercise Wherein is expounded the 40. vers which Graserus also contendeth to be vnderstood of the Romane Antichrist and not at all of Antiochus by these reasons Argum. 1. At the ende of the time shall the king of the South push at him c. Whereas Iunius vnderstandeth this literally of the king of Egypt Philometor who withstood Antiochus by force comming to aide his brother Physcon against him Graserus thus obiecteth 1. If Daniel here had meant by the kings of the North and South the kings of Syria and Egypt he would haue so expressed them by those names as the other Prophets doe and not by so generall tearmes p. 304. 2. This Iunius supposeth to haue beene done in the last yeare but one of Antiochus raigne but then he wanting money tooke his iourney into Persia there to gather tribute 1. Macchab. 3. 39. how then was he able to furnish himselfe with such great power to goe against Egypt 3. And seeing he had beene discharged out of Egypt before by the Romanes Popilius beeing sent vnto him it is not like that he durst attempt and aduenture to goe into Egypt againe 4. If Antiochus had lately made such a conquest in Egypt it is not like when newes was brought him in Persia how the Iewes had preuailed against his captaines that he would haue taken it so to the heart he might easily haue recouered that losse p. 307. 5. In the last yeare but one of his raigne Antiochus went into Persia which is quite opposite to Egypt neither did he send his captaines thither for he left Lysias with halfe of his armie to inuade Iudea neither did he giue him charge concerning Egypt p. 308. 6. And the king of the North here doth not offer battell to the king of the South but onely defendeth himselfe 7. Iustinus lib. 34. saith that after Antiochus was discharged out of Egypt by the Romanes reuersum in regnum ibi decessisse relicto filio impubere he returned into his kingdome and there died leauing his young sonne behind him after that discharge then he returned not into Egypt p. 309. 8. We reade but of two expeditions of Antiochus into Egypt in the second whereof he was sent out of Egypt by Popilius in the Romanes name he made not a third expedition pag. 303. Answ. 1. As though throughout this 11. chapter the kings of Syria and Egypt are not continually expressed by the names of the king of the North and the king of the South 2. The iourney which Antiochus tooke into Persia was after his returne out of Egypt from the which though he brought great riches and spoiles yet his treasure was wasted by his exceeding liberalitie toward his souldiers which farre passed other kings that had beene before him for he gaue vnto his souldiers a yeares pay aforehand 1. Macchab. 4. 28. 30. 3. It is not like he would after that discharge by the Romanes inuade Egypt by way of hostilitie and conquest yet as a friend to one of the brethren to aid him against the wrongs of his brother he might although he were discharged enter into Egypt or he might notwithstanding this discharge yet after practise againe against Egypt 4. It was so much the more grieuous to Antiochus to be foyled of the Iewes hauing ouercome the power of Egypt And Gods hand beeing then vpon Antiochus he was striken with such a feare that he knewe not how to bestirre himselfe but partly of greife of minde and partly tormented by the stroke of Gods hand he vpon that occasion ended his dayes 5. Neither doe we say that Antiochus made this conquest of Egypt at that time when he went into Persia but he had spoiled Egypt before and therefore he needed not giue any charge to his captaines concerning Egypt but onely concerning the Iewes 6. While Antiochus was preparing to come and helpe Physcon against Philometor then Philometor hearing thereof did also prouide to resist him which here is called pushing at him and then Antiochus came vpon him like a whirlewind so both may be true that first Antiochus made his preparation but before he gaue the onset the king of the South first prouoked him to battell 7. Iustins report is in some things imperfect that Antiochus died presently after he was charged by the Romanes to depart out of Egypt for after that he went into Persia 1. Macchab. 3. 31. Iustinus as well may faile also in the rest that Antiochus returned no more into Egypt after this discharge by the Romanes for Florus in his epitome of Liuies historie lib. 46. after that Antiochus had beene thus discharged by Popilius out of Egypt whereof he maketh mention in his 45. booke writeth that the embassadors of the king of Bythinia called Prusias complained of king Eumenes eum conspirasse cum Anitocho contra populum Romanum that he had conspired with Antiochus against the people of Rome it seemeth then that after this discharge Antiochus practised secretly against the Romanes 8. Antiochus made
them but betweene them and seeing here there is euident description of a place the words are to be taken literally not in allegoricall sense as Nahum 3. 9. art thou better then No full of people which lay vpon the waters whose ditch was the Sea c. 2. True it is that the Church of God is in diuerse prophesies resembled to a mountaine by allusion vnto the mountaine whereupon the Temple was built but to appropriate this to any particular place as namely to the citie of Trent in that sense is not safe for so the title of the true Church of Christ should be giuen to that Antichristian assemblie This may more fitly be applied vnto that Laterane Councel vnder Leo the 10. which was held at Rome which is situate indeede betweene two Seas Tyrrhenum and Adriaticum 3. If the Prophet had in direct tearmes expressed the Seas by their names it had beene an historie rather then a prophesie and it is euident that in Scripture that salt lake is called by the name of the Sea as Numb 34. v. 6. the Mediterranean is called the great Sea and the other the salt Sea v. 3. wherefore seeing we can find this prophesie to haue beene literally and historically fulfilled when Antiochus captaines pitched in Emâ—aus in the beginning of the mountaines as hath beene shewed at large cap. 11. quest 50. it is in vaine to runne to allegories Argum. 3. The words following also he shall come to his endâ— and none shall helpe him Graserus proceedeth to applie vnto the Romane Antichrist and sheweth the fatall end of his Antichristian kingdome to be at hand which 1. he doth gather by two arguments the great insolencie of the Papall Sea for pride goeth before a fall and the most desperate means which the Romanists vse to maintaine their kingdome their sophisticate doctrine and their perfidious and treacherous practises which beeing the chiefe meanes which are left vnto them it is euident that their disease is dangerous and deadly the meanes beeing so desperate pag. 462. 2. And further it is said none shall helpe him herein Antiochus in his miserable end was a type of the ruine of Antichrist who was striken with such a loathsome disease that his own friends did forsake him and could minister no helpe vnto him Such was the fal of Babylon as the Prophet describeth it Ierem. 51. 8. howle for Babel bring balme for her soreâ—f she may be healed So the sickenesse of Antichrist when God striketh him shall be incurable and remedilesse By two speciall meanes is Antichrists kingdome vpheld by the Iesuites corrupt seducing and by the seâ—ular arme afflicting the Church especially by the Spaniards But neither of these can restore vnto Antichrist the former glorie of his kingdome The first may be likened vnto the Assâ—ssines among the Turkes whose founder was one Alohadinus who inuented this deuise to encrease his sect he caused to be planted in a most fruitful valley pleasant orchards and gardens which all kind of carnall delight varietie of delicate ments with beautifull damsels to attend vpon them This beeing done this Alohadinus fained himselfe to be Mahomets companion and to haue receiued power of him to conferre Paradise vpon whom he would Hereupon he would make choice of the best witted and most goodly young men whom he with a certaine drinke would cause to be cast asleepe and then conuay them to that valley where awaking they should enioy al terrene pleasure then he would cast them into a sleepe againe and conuey them thence so they made report that they had beene in Paradise and by this deuise he drewe vnto him 60000. to be of his sect the like sleights doe the Iesuites vse to promise heauen and releasing out of purgatotie to those that will set afoote their wicked deuises But they notwithstanding labour in vaine So likewise the secular powers haue laboured to aduance the papall kingdome as Henrie the 3. in Fraunce the king of Spaine in the lowe countreys which warres the Prince of Parma confessed had cost the king of Spaine vnto the yeare 1585. sixe hundred tunne of gold The like attempt he made against England in the yeare 88. which he assaulted with that great nauie and armie the maintenance whereof stood him in 30000. ducates euerie day yet they â—aue missed of their purpose Thus Christ the king of his Church sheweth his power in abating the pride of Antichrist but he at once thinketh it not good to dissolue his kingdome to trie the fidelitie of his seruants and to take away securitie to this purpose Graserus p. 465. to p. 467. Answ. All this we willingly confesse may typically be applyed and that verie fiâ—ly to the Romane Antichrist so that the historicall ground be first layd in Antiochus which Graserus seemeth to acknowledge whose singular industry and iudicious application of this prophesie deserueth much commendation though he faile in the historicall sense And this shall suffice briefely to haue beene touched out of Graserus God be praised A Table of the questions THe prophesie of Daniel explaned Generall obseruations vpon the whole booke Of the diuers languages vsed in this booke and why Daniel writeth a great part therof in the Chalde tongue 1. qu. Of the author of this propheticall booke of Daniel 2. qu. Of the signification of the name Daniel 3. qu. Of the kinred of Daniel 4. qu. Why Daniels kinred is not particularly expressed in the text 5. qu. When Daniel began to prophesie and at what age 6. qu. Of the time when Daniel had his seuerall visions 7. qu. Of the whole time of Daniels age and time of prophesying 8. qu. Why Daniel is not mentioned to haue returned with the rest out of captiuitie 9. qu. Of the times wherein Daniel liued compared with forren Chronicles and of the memorable things which happened therein 10. qu. Of the excellencie vse and vtilitie of this booke of Daniel 11. qu. Of the authoritie of the prophesie of Daniel 12. qu. Of the obscuritie of this prophesie Questions vpon the first Chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Of the third yeare of Iehoiakim which is called the fourth Ierem. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled 2. qu. How this third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne is to be counted 3. qu. Of Iehoiakim and Iehoachaz what difference betweene them 4. qu. Why the king of Babel had such an enuie against Iehoiakim 5. qu. Of Nabuchadnezzer the king of Babel and how many there were of that name 6. qu. Of the acts exploits of Nabuchadnezzer 7. qu. Of the time of Nabuchadnezzers raigne 8. qu. Of the citie of Babylon 9. qu. Of the citie Ierusalem 10. qu. v. 2. What this phrase meaneth to be giuen into ones hand 11. qu. How Iehoiakim was giuen into Nabuchadnezzers â—and whether he carried him to Babylon 12. qu. Whether Daniel at this time went into captiuitie with Iehoiakim 13. qu. Why it pleased God that Daniel and others that feared God should be taken captiues 14. qu.
the armes and breasts of siluer what it was 44. qu. v. 39. why the Persian Monarchie is said to be inferiour to the Babylonian 45. qu. whether the Monarchie of the Chaldeans or of the Persians was more cruel toward the Iewes 46. qu. why the Persian Monarchie is compared to siluer 47. qu. why the third Monarchie is likened to the belly and the thigh and vnto brasse 48. qu. Of the largenes of Alexanders Empire and of other memorable and notable things in him 49. qu. v. 40. whether this fourth kingdome must be vnderstood to be the Roman Empire 50. qu. That this fourth kingdom diuided into two kingdoms resembled by the twâ—â—â—gges of the image was the kingdom of Syria and Egypt 51. qu. Of the beginning and continuance of the fowre generall Monarchies of the world 52. qu. v. 43. Of the meaning of these words they shall miagle themselues with the seede of men 53. qu. v. 44. What manner of kingdome the Prophet speaketh of which God should set vp 54. qu. Whether the stone cut out of the mountaine do signifie Christ and his kingdome 55. qu. Whether this prophesie be fulfilled in the first or second comming of Christ. 56. qu. The description of the kingdome of Christ by the Prophet v. 44. 45. 57. qu. That this kingdome which God shall raise vp must be vnderstood of the kingdome of Christ. 58. qu. That this kingdome of Christ is a spirituall no temporall kingdome 59. qu. v. 44. In the dayes of what kings Christs kingdome should be raised vp 60. qu. How Christs kingdome is said to destroy other kingdomes 61. qu. Whether Christ at his comming did indeede destroy the temporall dominions 62. qu. How Christ is said to be the stone cut without hands 63. qu. In what sense Christ is compared to a little stone and how it filled the earth 64. qu. v. 46. Whether Nebuchadnezzar did well in bowing vnto Daniel and commanding odours to be offered vnto him 65. qu. Whether Daniel refused this worship offered vnto him 66. qu. Of Nebuchadnezzars ample and large confession of God 67. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezzar had the true knowledge of God 68. qu. Whether Daniel did well in accepting the gifts and honours which the king bestowed on him 69. qu. Whether Daniel could with a good conscience be set ouer the wise men and soothsayers of Babylon 70. qu. How Daniel is said to haue sate in the kings gate 71. qu. Whether it be lawfull for a Christian to liue in an idolatrous kings Court Questions vpon the 3. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. At what time Nebuchadnezzar set vp this great image 2. qu. To whom Nebuchadnezzar erected this image 3. qu. To what ende this image was set vp 4. qu. How it came to passe that Daniel hindred not the kings purpose in setting vp this image 5. qu. of the place where this image was set vp 6. qu. of the greatnes of this image compared with others and in it selfe 7. qu. of the mystical applicatioÌ„ of this image 8. qu. of the seuerall names and titles of the kings nobles officers here rehearsed v. 2. 9. qu. why Nebuchadnezer onely called his nobles and officers 10. qu. v. 5. of the diuers kinds of instruments here rehearsed 11. qu. v. 5. of their falling downe and worshipping this image 12. qu. That it is not lawfull to bow vnto an image though one in his heart abhorre it 13. qu. Of the malice of the Chaldees against the Iewes 14. qu. why they say in the plural they wil not serue thy gods v. 12. whereas there was but one image 15. qu. why these three Shadrach Meshack and Abednego are onely called 16. qu. what age these three were of when they were brought before the king 17. qu. why Daniel mâ—de not intercession to the king for his three freinds 18. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers speech vnto these three brought before him 19. qu. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three conuented before the king 20. qu. why the Lord doth not alwaies deliuer his out of temporall dangers 21. qu. why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image 22. qu. whether the Prince is by fire sword to root out theÌ„ which are of contrarie religioÌ„ 23. qu. of the extraordinarie heating of the fornace 24. qu. of the exquisite cruelty and torments which these three were put vnto 25. qu. of the apparel which they were cast into the fire with 26. qu. why Daniel was not cast into the fierie fornace with the rest 27. qu. How the flame of the fire slew those which were the ministers of the kings cruelty 28. qu. How these three men cast into the fire were preserued 29. qu. of 7. miraculous things concurring in this preseruation of them from the fire 30. qu. whether any thing without miracle may be preserued from the fire being in the flames therof 31. qu. That these three were true martyrs though they escaped by miracle the daunger of death 32. qu. whether all those are to be held martyrs which die constantly and couragâ—ously 33. qu. Why it pleaseth not God alwaies to deliuer his seruants out of daunger as he did these at this time 34. qu. v. 25. In what sense the king saith that the fourth was like the sonne of God 35. qu. of the apparition of Angels in humane shape what maner of bodies they appeared in 36. qu. why the Angels vsed to appeare in humane shape 37. qu. Of the sudden change and conuersion that was in Nebuchadnezzer with the parts thereof 38. qu. whether this were a true conuersion in Nebuchadnezzer 39. qu. whether blasphemie is to be punished with death 40. qu. whether the 3. last verses doe belong vnto this third chapter Questions vpon the 4. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. of the kings epistle the summe and parts thereof 2. qu. At what time Nebuchadnezer wrote this epistle 3. qu. How Nebuchadnezer could write vnto all the people in the world 4. qu. Of the signes and wonders which Nebuchadnezer declareth 5. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were now at the last truly conuerted 6. qu. Of the author of this epistle 7. qu. whether this historie contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezers transmutation were so done in deede 8. qu. why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar 9. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezer saith that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods 10. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers dreame and the summe therof 11. qu. why this tree is said to be in the mids of the earth 12. qu. why Nebuchadnezer is compared to a tree 13. qu. v. 11. who are vnderstood by the beasts and foules 14. qu. v. 12. how Nebuchadnezer was bound with a band of yron and brasse 15. qu. v. 11 12. why this prophecie is vttered in the imperative moode hew downe the treâ— c. leaue the stumpe 16. qu. v. 14. why the Angels are called watchmen 17. qu. By whom the 14. v. was pronounced by the Angel or by the King 18. qu. v. 14.
Of the meaning of those words According to the request of the holy ones 19. qu. of the meaning of those words v. 14. appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men 20. qu. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre 21. q. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies 22. qu. That a tyrannical gouernment is better then an Anarchie or no gouernment 23. qu. v. 20. What is meant by hewing down the tree 24. qu. v. 22. How Nebuchadnezzer was driuen from among men dwelt with beasts 25. qu. How Nebuchadnezzer did eat grasse like an oxe 26. qu. How the kingdom of Babylon was gouerned in Nebuchadnezzers absence 27. qu. v. 22. what is vnderstood by 7. times 28. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers transmutation but first in generall of the diuers kinds of transmutations 29. qu. what manner of change Nebuchadnezers was 30. qu. How Nebuchadnezzers bodie was changed 31. qu. v. 24. How Daniel gaue counsel to the king to preuent this iudgement seeing it was determined 32. qu. whether Daniel did counsell the king to redeeme his sinnes by almes deedes 33. qu. whether Daniel spake doubtfully saying v. 24. It may be thy prosperitie may be prolonged 34. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer did follow Daniels counsell 35. qu. Of the greatnes of the citie of BabyloÌ„ 36. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were the builder of Babel 37. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers pride in saying which I haue built for the house of c. 38. qu. what manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen 39. qu. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebuâ—hadnezer 40. qu. v. 30. of the execution of the sentence vpon Nebuchadnezer he did eat grasse c. 41. qu. v. 31. After the end of what daies Nebuchadnezer was restored 42. qu. of the restitution of Nebuchadnezer 43. qu. That God onely is without check and not to be controlled in his works 44. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were saued 45. qu. why Nebucdadnezer was saued and not Pharaoh both being in the same cause 46. qu. why Nebuchadnezer being thus conuerted the Iewes kept in captiuitie were not deliuered nor Iehoâ—akim released out of prison Questions vpon the fift chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Why this chapter is transposed and noâ— set downe according to the order of time 2. qu. Of the kings of Chalde which succeeded after Nebuchadnezer 3. qu. Of the diuers names of this Balthazar 4. qu. In what yeare of Balthazar 's raigne this historie fell out 5. qu. of the greatnes of Balthazar 's feast 6. qu. of the maner and order of this feast 7. qu. of the occasion of this feast 8. qu. who commanded the vessells of the Temple to be brought and how 9. qu. Of Balthazar 's prophaning of the holy vessels 10. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezer did not likewise prophane the vessels in laying them vp in his idols temple 11. qu. Of the blind and obscene idolatrie of the Chaldeans 12. qu. How farre it is lawfull to applie some things to prophane vses 13. qu. Of the fingers which appeared on the wall how they were caused 14. qu. whether it were the likenes of an hand onely and seene of Balthazar alone 15. qu. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand 16. qu. Why the hand appeared ouer against the candle sticke 17. qu. Of Balthazar 's sudden feare and the manner thereof 18. qu. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest 19. qu. How it came to passe that the wise men could not so much as read the writing 20. qu. What Queene it was which came in 21. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezzar is called Balthazar 's father 22. qu. of the Queenes oration to the king 23. qu. of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene 24. qu. of Belshazars speech vnto Daniel 25. qu. Of Daniels answer to the king and the seuerall parts thereof 26. qu. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speech to the king v. 17. keepe thy rewards to thy selfe 27. qu. why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 28. qu. why Daniel receiueth the like rewards from Nebuchadnezer and refuseth them from Balthazar 29. qu. VVhether Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. 30. qu. whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 31. qu. Of the writing and interpretation thereof in generall 32. qu. Of the interpretation by writing in generall 33. qu. why the first word Mene is doubled 34. qu. Of the meaning of the word tekel 35. qu. Of the meaning of the word Pheres 36. qu. Of the tropological that is the morall application of this vision 37. qu. why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes 38. qu. Of the honours here bestowed vpon Daniel 39. qu. whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours 40. qu. why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance as he had done Nebushadnezzar before 41. qu. v. 30. whether Balthazar were slaine at that time 42. qu. whether Balthazar were slaine the same night and the citie taken 43. qu. whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon 44. qu. By what meanes Babylon was taken 45. qu. By whom Balthazar was slaine 46. qu. By whom the citie of Babylon was taken 47. qu. who was chiefe in the taking of Babylon Darius or Cyrus and why mention is made onely of Darius 48. qu. Of the cause of this Babylonian war 49. qu. whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according to the predictions of the Prophets 50. qu. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued 51. qu. Of the yeares of the raigne of the seuerall kings of Babylon Questions vpon the sixt chapter of Daniel 1. qu. what Darius this was which tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 2. qu. of the diuers names which Darius had 3. qu. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 4. qu. when Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of the Chaldeans 5. qu. Of the officers which Darius appointed and the reason thereof 6. qu. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel beeing a stranger ouer the whole realme v. 3. 7. qu. Whether Daniel did well in taking vpon him to beare office in an idolatrous kings court 8. qu. How the rulers failed in their purpose finding no fault at all in Daniel 9. qu. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel the occasion thereof and iniustice therein 10. qu. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians v. 8. 11. qu. why Daniel did not stay the kings decree by his contrarie aduise 12. qu. Of Daniels constancie of praying with the circumstances therof 13. qu. How Daniels custome in opening the windows when he praied agreeth with our Sauiours precept Matth. 6. to shut the dores of the chamber in praier 14. qu. Why Daniel opened the window of his chamber toward Ierusalem 15. qu. why Daniel praied thrice in a day 16. qu. whether Daniel did well in this
Of the meaning of these words v. 12. the armie was giuen vp with the daily sacrifice by iniquitie 22. qu. Of the meaning of the word Palmoni v. 13. 23. qu. What Angel that was vnto whom one of the Angels spake 24. qu. Of the time prescribed v. 14. of 2300 dayes how it is to be taken 25. qu. When this tearme of 2300. beganne and ended 26. qu. When the kingdome of the Greekes so often mentioned in the booke of the Macchabees tooke beginning 27. qu. Why the kingdome of the Greekes is counted from the raigne of the Seleucians 28. qu. of the name Gabriel 29. qu. v. 16. Vpon these words make this man to vnderstand the vision whether Augels can giue vs vnderstanding 30. qu. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia 31. qu. of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise vp in the latter ende of their kingdome v. 25. 32. qu. The description of Antiochus and of his doings 33. qu. Of some differences in the storie of the Macchabees concerning the death of Antiochus 34. qu. Of the agreement of other persecutions of the Church with this description of Antiochus 35. qu. Why it is called the vision of the euening and morning v. 26. 36. qu. Why Daniel is bidden to seale vp the vision 37. qu. What kings businesse Daniel did v. 27. 38. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 27. none vnderstood or perceiued it 39. qu. The historie of Antiochus Epiphanes raigne abridged for the better vnderstanding of this vision Questions vpon the 9. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. What Assuerus this was whose sonne Darius is said to be 2. qu. of the yeares of Darius raigne and how this vision is said to be in his first yeare 3. qu. Whether in the first yeare of Darius the Chaldean Monarchie was dissolued and the 70. yeares captiuitie ended against the opinion of Ioseph Scaliger lib. 6. 4. qu. of the 70. yeares of captiuitie in what sense they are called seuen generations Baruch 6. 2. 5. qu. When the 70. yeares of captiuitie mentioned v. 2. tooke their beginning 6. qu. when the 70. yeares of captiuitie ended 7. qu. of Daniels prayer v. 4. to v. 20. 8. qu. How Daniel prayeth for the deliuerance of the people seeing it was certainely promised after the 70. yeares 9. qu. Of the properties required in the prayers of the faithfull obserued here in Daniels prayer v. 20. 10. qu. Of the apparition of the Angel Gabriel v. 21. 11. qu. How Daniel descerâ—ed this to be a good Angel 12. qu. Whether the Angels haue bodies 13. qu. Why the Angel came about the time of the euening sacrifice v. 21. 14. qu. Why Daniel is called a man of desires v. 23. 15. qu. v. 24. Seuentie weekes are determined How Daniels prayer is heard praying for the peoples deliuerance 16. qu. v. 24. How the seuentie weekes must be vnderstood 17. qu. Why 70. weeks are said to be cut out or determined 18. qu. Why this tearme of 490. yeares is expressed by weeks 19. qu. Why the Angel saith vpon thy people and vpon thine holy citie 20. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 24. to finish or rather restraine wickednesse 21. qu. Of the sealing of sinnes 22. qu. What it is to reconcile iniquitie 23. qu. v. 24. How the Messiah brought euerlasting righteousnesse 24. qu. Why it is called euerlasting righteousnesse 25. qu. Whether as Christs satisfaction for the punishment of sinne is imputed to vs by faith so likewise his innocencie 26. qu. Whether the iustice brought in by Christ exceede the iustice of Adam 27. qu. Whether it standeth with Gods iustice to iustifie vs by anothers righteousnesse and how that may be 28. qu. How the vision and prophesie was to be sealed vp 29. qu. Of the annointing of the holy one who is signified thereby 30. qu. Why Christ is called the holy of holies 31. qu. How Christ was anointed 32. qu. When Christ was anointed 33. qu. Of the obscurenes and difficultie of this prophesie 34. qu. Of the diuerse interpretations of Daniels weekes with an answer to the cauill of the Iewes concerning the dissension of our interpreters 35. qu. What Chronologie and computation of time is to be followed in the account of the 70. weekes which make 490. yeares 36. qu. whether the account of the Olympiake yeares be a certain direction for the vnderstanding of Daniels weeks 37. qu. Of the names and number of the Persian kings 38. qu. Of the vncertainty of the yeares of the Persian Monarchie and of the Persian kings 39. qu. That Daniels weeks do signifie a certain definite number of yeares 40. qu. That Origens account cannot stand beginning the 70. weeks at Adam and ending them at the destruction of Ierusalem 41. qu. That the 70. weekes must not begin before the peoples returne out of captiuitie 42. qu. That the 70. weeks doe not beginne in the raignes of the other kings of Persia after Cyrus 43. qu. That Daniels 70. weekes must take beginning from the proclamation made by Cyrus for the returne of the people 44. qu. Vnder which of the Persian kings Mordecai liued and of his age 45. qu. which of the Persian kings it was that renewed the decree for the reedifying of the Temple 46. qu. VVhat Artaxerxes it was in whose 7. yeare Ezra was sent and in whose 20. Nehemiah 47. qu. That Daniels 70. weeks were determined neither before Christs passion nor at the destruction of the citie 48. qu. That the 70. weeks ende not after the destruction of Ierusalem 49. qu. That the 70. weeks must end at the passion of Christ. 50. qu. Of the iust and exact computation of yeares from Cyrus first vnto the passion of Christ. 51. qu. Of the yeares of the Persian kings in particular to make vp the said summe of 〈◊〉 130. yeares and first of the yeares to the finishing of the Temple 52. qu. That Xerxes raigne was intermingled with his fathers in the beginning and with his sonnes in the end 53. qu. Of the particular yeares of the second part of the Persian Monarchie from the finishing of the Teple to the end therof 54. qu. Of the iust computation of the yeares of the Grecian Monarchie 55. qu. The seuerall interpretations of Daniels 70. weekes dispersedly handled before summed together 56. qu. Why the 7. weeks are seuered from the 62. v. 25. vnto the Messiah shall be 7. weekes and 62. weekes 57. qu. Whether these 7. weekes must be â—ted before the 62. weeks or after 58. qu. When this tearme of 7. weeks that is 49. yeares beganne and when it ended 59. qu. Whether that place Iohn 2. 20. that the Temple was 46. yeares in building haue any agreement with these 7. weekes 60. qu. Vnto Messiah the Prince shall be 7. weekes v. 25. who is here vnderstood by the Messiah 61. qu. The street shall be built againe in a troublesome time how this was fulfilled 62. qu. Of the 62. weeks how they are to
be vnderstood 63. qu. Shall Messiah be slaine v. 26. who this Messiah was that should be slaine 64. qu. And he shall haue nothing or rather not for himselfe of the meaning of these words 65. qu. Of the yeare of the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour 66. qu. Of the computation of yeares from the creation to the natiuitie of our Blessed Sauiour 67. qu. In what yeare of the raigne of Herod our blessed Sauiour was borne 68. qu. In what yeare of his age Christ was baptised 69. qu. How many yeares Christ liued on earth and in what yeare of his life Christ was put to death 70. qu. Of the number of Pasches which Christ solemnized in the dayes of his flesh whereby the time and yeares of his preaching is certainly gathered 71. qu. At what time of the yeare Christ was borne 72. qu. Of the space and distance of time that was between Christs baptisme and his passion 73. qu. Vpon what day of the week Christ suffered and whether vpon a festiuall day 74. qu. Who are meant by the people of the Prince to come 75. qu. how long after the Messiah was slain this destruction happened by Titus 76. qu. Why mention is made of the destruction of Ierusalem here seeing it is without the compasse of the 70. weeks 77. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 26. the ende thereof shall be with a flood and vnto the ende of the battell it shall be destroyed 78. qu. That the end of the state of the Iewes not of the Romanes is here signified 79. qu. Of the most grieuous calamities that fell vpon the Iewes in the finall destruction of their citie 80. qu. That all this miserie came vpon the Iewes for putting to death the Messiah 81. qu. He shall confirme the couenant with many for one weeke how this one week is to be vnderstood 82. qu. What is vnderstood by the couenant 83. qu. How this couenant was ratified and confirmed 84. qu. When this Testament beganne to be ratified and confirmed by the preaching of Christ. 85. qu. v. 27. In the halfe of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice to cease when this halfe weeke beganne 86. qu. How and when the sacrifices were caused to cease and were abolished 87. qu. What is meant by the ouerspreading of abhomination v. 27. of the best reading thereof 88. qu. What this abhomination of desolation was 89. qu. v. 27. Whether the desolation of Ierusalem here spoken of should be finall Questions vpon the tenth chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Of the excellencie of this vision reuealed in this chapter and the two next vnto Daniel 2. qu. How the third yeare of Cyrus is here to be vnderstood 3. qu. Of Daniels vnderstanding of this vision 4. qu. v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazar 5. qu. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heauinesse 6. qu. Of the time that Daniel mourned which was three weeks of dayes 7. qu. Of Daniels abstinencie 8. qu. Of the custome and vse of annointing which Daniel also forbeareth 9. qu. Of the riuer Hiddekel where Daniel had this vision 10. qu. Whether Daniel were onely in spirit or bodily present by the riuer Tigris 11. qu. Why this vision was shewed vnto Daniel by the riuer Tigris 12. qu. Whether it were an Angel or Christ which appeared here vnto Daniel 13. qu. Of the description of the manner how Christ appeared and first of his apparell 14. qu. Of the glorious parts of this heauenly body which appeared vnto Daniel 15. qu. How Daniel is said to see the vision alone 16. qu. The causes of Daniels great feare 17. qu. Whose hand it was that touched Daniel 18. qu. Why Daniels prayer beeing heard at the first yet the Angels comming was deferred 21. dayes v. 12. 19. qu. What it was that Daniel prayed for and how he was heard 20. qu. Who is vnderstood to be the Prince of Persia. 21. qu. How the Prince of Persia is said to haue withstood the Angel 22. qu. Who this Michael was which helped the Angel 23. qu. How Michael helped the other angel 24. qu. How the angel saith he was left with the kings of Persia. 25. qu. Who it is whom Daniel calleth Lord v. 17. 26. qu. Who it was that had this communication with Daniel in this vision 27. qu. Who is meant by the Prince of Grecia 28. qu. Of the originall of the Grecians here called Iavan v. 21. 29. qu. In what sense the Angel saith that none held with him but Michael their Prince Questions vpon the 11. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Whether this vision in the 11. chapter be diuerse from the former vision in the 10. chapter 2. qu. v. 1. Who it was that here saith I stood vp c. 3. qu. Who it was whom the Angel stood vp to strengthen 4. qu. Why the Persian Monarchie is so briefly touched and the Grecians set forth at large 5. qu. That there were more then three kings of Persia as may be gathered out of the Scripture 6. qu. Who were those fowre kings of Persia here named 7. qu. Of the fourth king of Persia his riches and power 8. qu. why the Angel leaueth at the fourth king of Persia seeing there weâ—e more 9. qu. A briefe description of the rising and fall of Alexanders kingdome 10. qu. Of Alexanders birth and education acts and life end and death abridged 11. qu. Of the 4. successors of Alexander 12. qu. How all Alexanders posteritie was rooted out that none of them succeeded in the kingdome 13. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 4. It shall be for others beside these 14. qu. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines before it grewe into fowre and of their mutuall dissension 15. qu. why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South and of the North omitting the rest 16. qu. Of the kings of Egypt and Syria of whom Daniel prophesieth in this chapter 17. qu. Of the first Ptolome called here the king of the South 18. qu. v. 5. One of his Princes shall preuaile who is meant hereby 19. qu. That this kingdome of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog 20. qu. Of the first variance betweene the king of the South and the king of the North and of their ioyning together againe 21. qu. what king of the South this was whose daughter came to the king of the North. 22. qu. Of the translation of the Septuagint which was procured by this Ptolome Philadelphus 23. qu. who was the bud of her rootes v. 7. and of his exploits 24. qu. Of the third battell betweene the king of the South and the king of the North v. 10. 11. 12. 25. qu. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt 26. qu. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes 27. qu. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Megas against Epiphanes v. 17.
not the Romane Empire but the kingdom of the Seleucians in Syria and of the Ptolomies in Egypt as hath beene prooued at large before qu. 49 50. 2. the kingdome of Christ here prophecied of is not his second but his first comming as hath bin also before shewed q. 55. 9. Controv. v. 45. Whether the virgin Marie be the mountaine out of the which the stone was cut Pererius applieth this to the virgin Marie 1. because it is not vnusuall in Scripture to expresse the generation of man by this phrase as Isa. 51. 1. Looke vnto the rocke whence ye are hewen and to the hole of the pit whence ye were digged c. 2. And she is compared to a mountaine propter excellentiam virtutum because of the excellencie of her vertues cuius fundamenta super culmina sanctorum locata sunt c. whose foundations are placed vpon the toppe and height of the Saints 3. he applieth vnto the virgin Marie those places in the Psalmes as Psal. 68. 15. The mountaine of God is a fat mountaine c. God delighteth to dwell in it yea the Lord will dwell in it for euer and Ps. 87. 1. His foundation is among the hills Contra. 1. The Prophet in that place by the rocke vnderstandeth Abraham and by the hole of the pit Sarah as it followeth in the next verse Consider Abraham your father and Sarah that bare you but Christ had no father out of whose loynes he should be taken forth and as it were cut out therefore this phrase of speach nothing helpeth his conceit of the virgin Marie 2. The question is not how Marie may be said to be a mountaine in respect of other Saints and yet it may be doubted of whether Marie doe so farre excell in vertue all the Saints that euer liued but the doubt is whether Marie can be saide to be a mountaine in comparison of Christ who is the stone cut out of this mountaine to make Marie the mountaine and Christ the little stone cut out thence is a presumptuous comparison for so Marie should be greater then Christ. 3. It is euident that the Psalmist speaketh there of the hillie countrey of Canaan and specially of mount Sion where the Lord had made choice to make his habitation and so Psal. 87. he expoundeth himselfe in the second verse The Lord loueth the gates of Zion aboue all the habitations of Iaakob glorious things are spoken of the citie of God c. Wherefore it is a fond exposition to appropriate that to Marie which is spoken of the whole Church of God neither can they shew how Marie beeing a mortall woman could be the habitation of God for euer 4. This mountaine then is not vnderstood of Marie 1. she can not be likened to a mountaine and Christ to a little stone as greater then he 2. this stone is cut out without hands that is without any humane helpe at all but in the incarnation of Christ woman was an instrument though not man therefore it was not without hands 3. Marie doth make her selfe of low degree Luk. 1. 52. she was then more like a valley then a mountaine see more of the true meaning of this place before qu. 54. 10. Controv. Whether Christ verily encreased in the gifts and graces of his soule Pererius handling this point how Christ compared here vnto a stone which grew into a mountaine and filled the earth encreased affirmeth that in respect of the graces of his soule he encreased not quam inde ab exordio sui conceptus tantam habuit quam iam nunc habet c. which he had as great from the beginning of his conception as now he hath it Contra. Though we also agree that this growing and encreasing of Christ is not meant of his personall growing in respect of his bodie or soule in the daies of his incarnation but of the growth of his Church in the world yet Pererius assertion is false for the Scripture is euident that Christ encreased in the gifts and faculties of the soule as he did in stature of bodie Luk. 2. 52. Iesus encreased in wisdome and stature As it pleased him to take vpon him an infants statute and bodie which still encreased so also he encreased in wisdome and other graces of the soule see more hereof Synops. Controv. 5. err 2. 11. Controv. That the Pope is not to be reuerenced honoured and worshipped through the world Pererius in the same place shewing how Christ hath filled the earth not onely with the knowledge of himselfe preaching of the Gospell fame of his miracles but also with the worshipping and reuerencing of his name addeth further and of that man who is his Vicar the high Bishop quem vniuersus Christianus Catholicus orbis honorat colit veneratur c. whome the vniuersall Christian Catholike Church doth honour worship reuerence and his answers and decrees receiueth with no lesse reuerence then the diuine oracles c. Contra. 1. It is a friuolous application to expound that of the fame of a mortall man whose kingdome is transitorie and temporall which is vnderstood of Christ whose kingdome shall stand for euer 2. If the Pope be to be honoured no otherwise then Christs Vicar then he must not be honoured at all for Christs Vicar he neither is nor can be as is before shewed Controv. 7. 3. Neither is it true that the vniuersal Catholike Church doth so honour and reuerence him for neither the Greeke Church doth giue him such honour and well-nie the third part of Christendome doth hold him to be Antichrist he is in deede honoured of the Romane Church but that is not the Catholike Church for a particular and vniuersall Church which is signified in the word Catholike are diuers The Pope if he were a good Bishop which now were a miracle in that seat of pestilence should be reuerenced as other good Bishops are but not as hauing any superioritie aboue the rest 4. But to receiue his decrees as the oracles of God as holding them to be equall thereunto unto is an horrible blasphemie to equalize the corrupt and erring decrees of ignorant prophane erroneous if not hereticall Popes to the most sacred rule of truth 12. Controv. That it can not be prooued out of Daniels prophesie that the Pope is not Antichrist v. 44. It shall breake and destroy all these kingdomes Bellarmine taking it for graunted that the fourth kingdome here mentioned is the Romane Empire which must be dissolued before Antichrist shall come as S. Paul sheweth 2. Thessal 2. 7. Onely he which now withholdeth shall let till he be taken out of the way but the Romane Empire is not yet dissouled for the Emperours of the West doe still remaine one succeeding an other therefore Antichrist is not yet reuealed to the world to this purpose Bellar. l. 3. de Rom. Pont. c. 5. Contra. 1. Bellarmine taketh that for graunted which is denied as that the Romane Empire is the fourth kingdome which is prooued to
be otherwise before qu. 49. For seeing this kingdome is vnderstood of the first comming of Christ for after his second comming his kingdome should not encrease and fill the earth beeing then at the full perfection and at Christs comming the Romane Empire was in the pride and height it can not be the fourth kingdome which the kingdome of Christ as soone as he commeth in the flesh shall destroy 2. The Romane Empire is long since dissolued both in authoritie and in the name and title he is now called not the Emperor of Rome but of Germanie neither hath he any Imperiall authoritie saue in some few cities of Germanie ouer other kingdomes which were sometime subiect to the Romane Empire he hath no iurisdiction So that there remaineth now nothing but the image of the former beast as it is called Apoc. 13. 14. 13. Controv. Of the lawfulnes of Magistracie against the Anabaptists v. 48. He made him gouernour ouer the whole prouince of Babel In that Daniel was aduanced by Nabuchadnezzer to this high place of gouernment and he accepted of â—t it is euident that the calling of a Magistrate is lawfull and that a Christian may please God in that place and function which further appeareth against the wicked opinion of the Anabaptists which allow no Magistracie among Christians 1. by the author and founder of Magistrates which is God himselfe by whome the powers that be are ordained Rom. 13. 1. 2. by the examples of good kings and gouernours as Dauid Iehosaphat Hezekiah Iosias who were acceptable vnto God by their faithfull seruice in those places 3. by the ende of Magistracie and gouernment which is for the praise of well doers and the punishment of the wicked Rom. 13. 3 4. 4. by the effects namely obedience which euery where the Scripture commandeth to be giuen vnto Magistrates as Rom. 13. 1. 7. which were not to be yeilded vnto them if their authoritie and calling were not of God 6. Morall obseruations 1. Observ. Witches and Sorcerers are not to be sought vnto v. 2. Then the King commanded to call the Inchanters c. Like vnto Nabuchadnezzer here who in this his perplexitie of minde sought not vnto God but vnto Sorcerers and Inchanters are carnall men who when any thing befall them in their bodie or goods resort vnto Wizzards Witches Sorcerers and such like But as the king found no helpe at their hands so they which take such courses doe but wearie themselues in vaine So Ahaziah that idolatrous king of Israel who lay sicke on his bed vpon an hurt which he had by falling through a lattice window sent vnto Beelzebub the god of Ekron yet he found no ease thereby but died miserably God if it had pleased him could haue caused Daniel to be sent for at the first but this made more to Gods glorie that the blindnes and impotencie of these Chaldeans might first appeare Polan 2. Observ. Of mutuall prayer v. 17. Daniel shewed the matter to his three companions that they should beseech the God of heauen c. Daniel though an holy man yet trusteth not to the strength of his owne prayers but requireth the helpe of his godly brethren So Iames when any is sicke would haue the Elders sent for that they may pray for him c. 5. 14. the ioynt prayer of many is more effectuall then of one And to this purpose may be applied that saying of the Preacher Two are better then one c. if two sleepe together they shall haue heat c. Eccl. 4. 11. so the prayers of many together are the more zealous 3. Observ. Of the efficacie of faithfull prayers v. 19. Then was the secret reuealed to Daniel God heard the prayers of Daniel and his other faithfull companions for as S. Iames saith the prayer of the righteous auaileth much if it be feruent c. 5. 16. so also the Prophet Dauid Psal. 145. 18. The Lord is neare vnto all that call vpon him yea vnto all that call vpon him faithfully he will fulfill the desires of them that feare him he will also heare their crie and saue them The prayer then of the righteous is neuer in vaine for either he presently attaineth his desire or at a more conuenient time or els a better thing and if God sometime deferre the desire of his children it is because the physitian better knoweth what is good for his patient then himselfe 4. Observ. The vnderstanding of the Scripture is obtained by prayer As Daniel here by prayer had opened vnto him the secret of this dreame so the speciall way whereby to attaine to the vnderstanding of the Scripture is by prayer which should well be considered of Diuines who many times trust to their owne wit in searching the sense of Scripture Polan But Dauid besought the Lord saying Psal. 119. 17. Make me to vnderstand the way of thy precepts and I will meditate in thy wondrous workes 5. Observ. We must loue our enemies v. 24. Daniel hauing obtained of God the reuealing of this dreame went vnto Arioch and said vnto him Destroy not the wise men of Babel They bare a spitefull and enuious heart against Daniel for they would not call him with them when the king sent for them and beside afterward they practised against his life c. 6. yeâ— Daniel doth recompence them good for euill he spareth their life who sought for his and seeketh their welfare who would haue reioyced at his fall By this example we are taught to loue our enemies to pray for them that curse vs and to doe well vnto them that hate vs according to the holy doctrine of our blessed Sauiour Matth. 5. 44. 6. Observ. Of the fraile and mutable state of of the world v. 31. Behold a great image The state of the kingdome of this world is compared to an image and that in a dreame which sheweth the frailtie thereof and this image hath feete part of clay part of yron by the mixture of clay is signified the brittle estate of the world wherein there is nothing firme and permanent Bulling as the Apostle saith The fashion of this world goeth away 1. Cor. 7. 31. Like as the Sea sometime ebbeth sometime floweth the Moone encreaseth and decreaseth so the world continually altereth and changeth 7. Observ. The Church of God in the world is kept vnder by affliction v. 40. The fourth kingdome shall he strong as yron It should be as yron that is hard and heauy to the Church of God which endured much vnder all these foure Monarchies though some were more tolerable then other Euen the Monarchie of the Babylonians which in comparison of the rest was as gold yet was sharpe enough to the people of God The Lord would giue vnto his Church a continuall prosperous estate but he seeth it better for the Church to be kept vnder by affliction 1. thereby carnall securitie is shaken off 2. the seruants of God are taught to put their hope and confidence in God 2. Cor. 1.
is like the Moone sometime encreasing and againe sometime decreasing which teacheth vs that the members of the Church should in the prosperitie thereof looke for change that they may not be vnprepared but say with Iob the thing which I feared is come vpon me 2. Obseruat That not euery one which vpon a sudden passion confesseth God is truely conuerted This notably appeareth here in Nebuchadnezzar who before beeing astonished at the interpretation of his dreame confessed the true God and yet after this he setteth vp an image So Herod did reuerence Iohn and heard him gladly and did many things yet was he but an hypocrite We must not then be hastie to giue approbation of such as doe shewe some sodaine fruites and effects of religion nor be too forward to commit our selues to their trust but we must expect a while and we shall soone see them to returne vnto their old guise Po. to this purpose saith the wiseman be that praiseth his friend with a loud voice that is without cause it shall be counted to him as a curse Prou. 27. 14. 3. Obseruat We ought rather to die then to denie our religion As these three faithfull seruants of God are willing not onely to loose their honour and place of dignitie but their life also rather then to dishonour God Some write that there is a certaine little beast called the mouse of Armenia which will rather die then be defiled with any filth or vncleane thing in so much as if her hole be desmeared with durt she will rather choose to be taken then to be polluted Such ought the seruants of God to be to endure any thing rather then to corrupt and defile their consciences Pin. Such was the excellent resolution of S. Paul Act. 21. 13. I am readie not to be bound onely but to die at Ierusalem for the name of the Lord Iesus 4. Obseruat We must obediently submit our selues and all we haue to the Lords good will and pleasure Vers. 18. Our God whom we serue it able to deliuer vs but if not c. Here these holy men doe commit themselues to Gods prouidence whether he deliuer them or no they are contented they will not be vnfaithfull they will not condition with God as though their present deliuerance should be the reward of their seruice but they referre themselues wholly to his will and pleasure as Theodoret excellently saith gubernatori nostre quocunque ei libuerit nauem dirigendam committimus we doe commit our barke to our Pilate to be guided which way it pleaseth him Perer. So the disciples answâ—red Paul when they sawe him so resolute the will of God be done 5. Obseruat Of the vtilitie of affliction Vers. 25. I see walking in the middes of the fire and they haue no hurt As this fierie fornace hurt not the bodies of these three men so affliction is profitable not hurtfull to Gods children thereby their patience is tried and God glorified like as the most wholesome medicines are most vnpleasant so affliction though profitable to the soule is vnsauourie to the flesh Pintus So the Prophet Dauid saith Psal. 119. 71. It is good for me that I haue beene afflicted 6. Obseruat Of the contentment of Gods children in the middes of their affliction Vers. 26. As here these holy men would not come forth of the fierie fornace vntill Nebuchadnezzar called them but had their comfort and contentment in God so the seruants of God in their affliction doe patiently expect and waite the ende and terme which God hath set for their triall Polan as Iob excellently saith cap. 13. 15. Lo though he slay me yet will I put my trust in him and Dauid saith Psal. 39. I held my peace because it was thy doing Such comfort did the holy martyrs finde in their greatest torments that they made no hast to come out of them nay they most desirously ranne vnto them CHAP. IIII. 1. The Argument and Method THe summe of this chapter is to shewe how Nebuchadnezzar was after a most extraordinarie manner humbled for his pride in the which narration the efficient cause of his humiliation is described to be God the materiall cause Nebuchadnezzar himselfe the formall it is set downe in the manner of an epistle the finall cause is the conuersion of Nebuchadnezzar to Gods glorie and the comfort of his Church The Chapter hath two parts 1. the inscription of the epistle in the three last verses of the last chapter which are rather to be referred vnto this as is shewed before cap 3. quest 40. the order and parts of the inscription are also shewed before cap. 3. quest 37. 1. The bodie of the epistle consisteth 1. of the exordium or beginning describing in generall 1. the dreame of the king who where and in what manner he dreamed 2. the inquisition for the interpretation thereof of the wise men which was frustrate to ver 6. 2. The narration followeth where 1. there is the declaration of the dreame to vers 16. 2. the interpretation thereof vers 26. 3. the accomplishment ver 26. to the ende 1. In the declaration there is 1. the description of the tree vers 8. 9. 2. of the ouerthrowe of the tree with the manner thereof ver 13. 3. the certaintie of it with the end v. 14. 2. In the interpretation 1. there is the preamble to it wherein is contained Nebuchadnezzars request vnto Daniel v. 15. and Daniels delberate answer after a certaine pause v. 16. 2. then followeth 1. the interpretation it selfe consisting of the exposition both of the tree and the beautifull state thereof vers 19. then of the ouerthrowe of the same what is signified thereby ver 20. to vers 24. 3. the counsell of Daniel to the king v. 24. 3. The accomplishment comprehendeth 1. the occasion by the proud words of Nebuchadnezzar where are expressed the time place and words which he vttered 27. 28. 2. the iudgement 1. denounced vers 28. 29. 2. executed in his humiliation ver 30. restitution to his humane condition and vnderstanding 31. and to his kingdome vers 33. 3. the effects are the praising of God and confessing of his power ver 32. 34. 2. The diuerse readings 1. ver Nebuchadnezzar king vnto all people nations and languages that dwell in all the earth world G. peace be multiplied vnto you this with the two verses following though they are vsually put to the third chapter yet are better ioyned with the fourth chapter as the argument of the epistle sheweth which is but a preface vnto the narration following and thus V. I. L. B. doe deuide and distinguish the chapter 2. It seemed good vnto me it was meet before me C. it became me I. it was my dutie V. it pleased me L. but these doe omit the word kadam before to declare the signes and wonders which the high God hath wrought toward me 3. How great are his signes and how mightie are his wonders his kingdome is and
Olympiad Bulling Perer. and their reason is this because they hold Christ to haue died in the 33. yeare of his age in the 4. yeare of the 202. Olympiad by which account his birth will fall out in the 4. of the 194. Olympiad Here Cyril Hycrosol is found to be in a great error who affirmeth catech 12. that Christ was borne in the 4. yeare of the 186. Olympiad which was aboue 30. yeares before so that by this reckoning Christ in the 15. yeare of Tiberius when he was baptized should be aboue 60. yeares old 66. Quest. Of the computation of yeares from the creation to the the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour 3. We will come now to the Iewes computation which is either by the casting of the yeare of the world or by the yeares of their kings and gouernours other waies they haue to recken by but these are most pertinent to this busines in hand 1. Pererius counteth from the beginning of the world to the birth of Christ 4022. yeares which summe he thus collecteth by parcels From the creation to the flood were yeares a 1656. as may be gathered Gen. 5. by the age of the fathers then he reckoneth from the flood to the birth of Abraham counting 30. yeares for Cainan 322. from the birth of Abraham vnto the Promise 75. Gen. 12. from the Promise to the giuing of the Law 430. Gal. 3. frō thence to the building of Salomons Temple 480. 1. king 6. 1. then to the beginning of the Olympiads in the 8. yeare of Ahaz 283. and from the 1. Olympiad to the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad wherein Christ was borne 776. yeares all these summes laid together from the beginning of the world to the birth of Christ he summeth to 4022. yeares in all But Pererius diuersly faileth in this his reckoning 1. for in the second summe from the flood to Abrahams birth he committeth two great errors for 1. he counteth 30. yeares for Caynan which is not in the originall but onely in the Septuagint 2. and beside he reckoneth but 292. yeares supposing Abraham to haue beene borne in the 70. yeare of his fathers age whereas he was borne in the 130. yeare for he was but 75. yeare old when his father was 205. so that from the flood to Abrahams birth were 352. yeares he then with forged Cainans 30. making but 322. yeares wanteth yet 30. more of the iust reckoning 3. further he setteth the beginning of the Olympiads in the 8. yeare of Ahaz whereas it is more probable they beganne 23. yeares before in the 2. yeare of Iotham here then he commeth 23. yeares too late 4. and in his last summe of 776. he ouerreacheth aboue an 100. yeares for from Ahaz 8. yeare to the 11. of Iehoiakim when the captiuitie beganne are but an 134. yeares as may be gathered by the seuerall yeares of the raignes of the kings of Iudah from thence to Cyrus 70. from Cyrus first to the passion of Christ 490. from which summe must be diducted 33. years from the passion of Christ to his birth the whole summe is but 661. 2. Let vs then further see how these yeares from the beginning of the world vnto the birth of Christ are otherwise summed The chronologie and computation of yeares added in the ende of the Genevean translation counteth from Adam to Christs incarnation 4017. yeares which they gather thus From the creation to the flood 1656. from the flood to Abrahams departing from Chalde 423. from Abrahams departing thence to the departing of Israel out of Egypt 430. from thence to the building of the Temple 480. from thence to the captiuitie of Babylon in the 11. yeare of Zedekiah 441. then to the building againe of Ierusalem 143. from thence to Christs death 478. The whole summe is 4051. from whence 33. yeares and an halfe beeing diducted there will remaine 4017. yeares and an halfe But this account may be thus excepted against 1. they count from the 4. yeare of Salomon when the Temple beganne to be built to the 11. yeare of Zedekiah 441. yeares wheras from the 1. of Salomon to the last of Zedekiah by Iunius computation there are but 412. yeares or thereabout by some others not aboue 430. Oecolampad H. Br. Concent 2. they count form the first destruction of Ierusalem to the passion of Christ 621. yeares whereas there are at the most but thence to Cyrus first 59. which with the 11. yeares from Ieconias captiuitie make vp the 70. yeares and 490. which put together make 549. So that they doe exceed in these two last summes almost 90. yeares but they differ more in the whole summe from the creation to the natiuitie as shall be shewed in the true computation 3. But they are farre wide which doe recken from Adam vnto the birth of our Sauiour 5199. yeares which summe they doe gather by these particulars From the creation to the giuing of the Law they account 3689. yeares from thence to the natiuitie of Christ 1510. which make the said summe of 5199. wherein this is a great ouersight committed for from the creation of the world to the giuing of the Law there are not aboue 2500. and odde yeares which are counted thus from the creation to the death of Ioseph are 2368. yeares from thence to Moses birth 60. yeares who was 80. yeares old at their departure out of Egypt when the Law was giuen all make but 2508. yeares which summe wanteth of the foresaid number of 3689. a 1181. yeares 4. There is an other account made by the yeares contained in the seuerall historicall bookes of Scripture as Iunius hath summed them thus Genesis containeth the historie of 2368. yeares Exodus 142 The other bookes of the Pentateuch to the death of Moses 40 Ioshuah 17 Iudges 299 The 1. of Samuel 80 The 2. of Samuel 40 The 1. of Kings 118 The 2. of Kings to the destruction of Ierusalem in the 11 of Zedekiah 294 Thence to Cyrus 1. 59 To the building of the Temple 106 Thence to the destruction of Ierusalem 490 The whole summe of these yeares put together amounteth to 4053. from which summe if 73. years be diducted from the birth of Christ to the destruction of the citie 33. to his passion and 40. thence to the ende of the citie there will remaine from the creation of the world to the natiuitie of our Sauiour 3980. yeares In which summe two things may be excepted against 1. in the yeares ending in the 11. of Zedekiah which are cast to 3398. there want iust 22. yeares for the 11. of Zedekiah was in the yeare of the world 3420. and the cause of the fayling is this Iunius giueth but vnto Amaziah 17. yeares and then immediatly to Vzziah or Azariah 52. for he thinketh that whereas the storie saith that Amaziah raigned 29. yeares the last 12. he spent in a priuate life and so those yeares are counted to his sonnes raigne thus Iun. annot 2. king 14. 2. 21. But it is
trampling vnder feete all diuine things he had no shew neither of diuine nor humane right as neither hath that Romane Antichrist See c. 11. qu. 43. Argum. 4. Further he shall speake maruelous things against the God of gods which most properly fitteth the Romane Antichrist both in respect of his maruelous and strange doctrine which he hath brought in full of curious questions and schoole diuinitie in which sense he is said to vnderstand darke sentences c. 8. 23. p. 163. and beside his sophisticate doctrine this may be applied also to that counterfeit seruice which he hath brought into the Church onely feeding the eye and eare bewitching the senses with superstitious obiects of images and such like p. 165. adde hereunto his sophisticate and cousening miracles p. 166. and the snaring and entangling of mens consciences with auricular confession his penall iniunctions workes of satisfaction and such other All these things most truly are verified in the Pope But to Antiochus they agree not who either had no knowledge at all of this great God or he spake rather open blasphemie then maruelous things against him p. 167. Answ. 1. We denie not but that all these things giuen in instance are most liuely and euidently verified in the Pope but yet this prophesie is rather thus typically accommodated to him then literally spoken of him 2. And this prophesie was verily accomplished in Antiochus who in respect of his subtiltie and cunning his fetches and deuises in compassing his purposes is saide to vnderstand darke sentences though he had no true knowledge of God he might blaspheme him so much the more for if he had knowne him he would not haue blasphemed him and what els are blasphemies but wonderfull and strange things vttered the same which are here called niplaoth maruelous wonderfull things are said to be rabhreban presumptuous things c. 7. 8. in a Chalde word 3. But Graserus would haue that place vnderstood of Mahomet this of the Pope p. 168. whereas it appeareth by the description of the little horne both c. 7. and 8. and the properties that in both places the same enemie is discouered by the Prophet Argum. 5. 1. It followeth it shall prosper till the wrath be accomplished c. The long prosperitie which here the Prophet speaketh of better agreeth vnto the Pope of Rome then vnto Antiochus he vseth here the word tzalach to prosper which thrice before is inserted in the prophesie c. 8. 12. 24 25. In setting downe the prosperous successe of Alexander the Prophet vseth not this word so that he speaketh of a longer prosperitie then Alexander had which is not seene in Antiochus p. 173. 2. Neither neede this limitation be added the determination is made if Antiochus onely were here meant for his prosperous successe must needes determine with his life p. 180. 3. Therefore it is most fitly referred vnto the perpetuall prosperous successe of the Popes who for sixe hundred yeares together haue so wonderfully preuailed and prospered that they onely haue not deluded the world to receiue their pretended title of their supreame Vicarship in earth but haue by the ayde and helpe of temporall Princes enlarged their kingdome and triumphed ouer those that set themselues against them p. 176. to 178. Ans. 1. In that this very word of prospering is vsed in the former vision c. 8. where euident mention is made of taking away the daily sacrifice and casting downe the Sanctuarie it is manifest that these things were fulfilled the Iewes Temple and Sanctuarie yet standing And the reason why Alexander is not saide so to prosper is because he attempted no such things against the Iewes neither so prospered in any deuise against them 2. Though Antiochus prosperous preuailing in these his enterprises could not exceede the tearme of his life yet it was requisite that the Church of God should be comforted vnderstanding that this successe against the Church of God should be but for a time And indeede this his prosperitie ceased before his death at the appointed time before likewise v. 35. which Graserus confesseth to be vnderstood of Antiochus the like phrase is vsed there is an appointed time that it neede not seeme strange the like clause to be added here Exercise 3. Wherein Graserus out of the 37. and 38. v. goeth about to prooue this prophecie literally and historically to be vnderstood of the Romane Antichrist and not of Antiochus Argum. 1. He shall not regard the God of his fathers 1. This was not true of Antiochus for he set vp the idols of Iuppiter Olympius and Iuppiter Xenius or Hospitalis and caused them to be worshipped which were the idols of the Grecians p. 183. 2. But this is performed by the Pope for he regardeth not Christ the God whome the Apostles worshipped whose successor he boasteth to be he is not said to denie or abjure him but not to regard him Aben Ezra malitiously here vnderstandeth Constantine who did for sake the idols which his fathers adored when he embraced the Christian faith But he is said here not absolutely to reiect the God of his fathers he onely shall not haue due respect vnto him And the Romanists can not wipe away this imputation from the Pope though he often make mention of Christ in all his edicts and bulls he may notwithstanding and in truth doth little regard him not so much opposing himselfe to his person as impugning his offices both regall in arrogating vnto himselfe power ouer heauen earth and hell p. 185. and priestly in setting vp an other propitiatorie sacrifice of the Masse in making other Mediators his Propheticall in detracting from the authoritie of the Scriptures making them imperfect and adding thereunto traditions which they are not afraid to call the word of God vnwritten and the Pope reserueth vnto himselfe power to interpret Scripture as he list And thus he derogateth both from Christs kingdome priesthood prophecie and so regardeth not his fathers God p. 186. to 190. Answ. 1. Antiochus did diuersely depart from his fathers Gods 1. those idols of the Grecians were new gods among the Syrians whom he made to forsake their owne lawes and rites to receiue his newe idoles 1. Macchab. 1. 43. 2. Macchab. 2. 3. 2. he cared not in effect for the idols of the heathen otherwise then they were for his profit and advantage for he would haue robbed the Temple at Persepolis 2. Macchab. 9. 2. 3. whereas some of his predecessors had great respect vnto the Temple at Ierusalem giuing vnto it great gifts as namely Seleucus and Antiochus the great as it shewed c. 11. quest 44. he robbed spoiled defaced and polluted it 2. All these things are also typically verified in the Romane Antichrist as further hath beene declared c. 11. controu 21. he many wayes is departed from the faith and doctrine of the Apostles and auncient fathers of the Church and in effect vseth the name of Christ but for his owne gaine and aduantage but yet the historicall application