Mode the Vice is so foolish and ridiculous in it self 't wou'd soon grow odious and out of fashion This Work such an Academy might begin and I believe nothing wou'd so soon explode the Practice as the Publick Discouragement of it by such a Society Where all our Customs and Habits both in Speech and Behaviour shou'd receive an Authority All the Disputes about Precedency of Wit with the Manners Customs and Usages of the Theatre wou'd be decided here Plays shou'd pass here before they were Acted and the Criticks might give their Censures and damn at their pleasure nothing wou'd ever dye which once receiv'd Life at this Original The Two Theatres might end their Jangle and dispute for Priority no more Wit and Real Worth shou'd decide the Controversy and here shou'd be the Infallible Iudge The Strife wou'd then be only to do well And he alone be crown'd who did excell Ye call'd them Whigs who from the Church withdrew But now we have our Stage-Dissenters too Who scruple Ceremonies of Pit and Box And very few are Sound and Orthodox But love Disorder so and are so nice They hate Conformity tho' 't is in Vice Some are for Patent-Hierarchy and some Like the old Gauls seek out for Elbow-room Their Arbitrary Governors disown And build a Conventicle-Stage o' their own Phanatick Beaus make up the gawdy Show And Wit alone appears Incognito Wit and Religion suffer equal Fate Neglect of both attends the warm Debate For while the Parties strive and countermine Wit will as well as Piety decline Next to this which I esteem as the most Noble and most Useful Proposal in this Book I proceed to Academies for Military Studies and because I design rather to express my meaning than make a large Book I bring them all into one Chapter I allow the War is the best Academy in the World where men study by Necessity and practice by Force and both to some purpose with Duty in the Action and a Reward in the End and 't is evident to any man who knows the World or has made any Observations on things what an Improvement the English Nation has made during this Seven Years War But should you ask how dear it first cost and what a condition England was in for a War at first on this account how almost all our Engineers and Great Officers were Foreigners it may put us in mind how necessary it is to have our people so practis'd in the Arts of War that they may not be Novices when they come to the Experiment I have heard some who were no great Friends to the Government take advantage to reflect upon the King in the beginning of his Wars in Ireland That he did not care to trust the English but all his Great Officers his Generals and Engineers were Foreigners And tho' the Case was so plain as to need no Answer and the Persons such as deserv'd none yet this must be observ'd tho' t was very strange That when the present King took Possession of this Kingdom and seeing himself entring upon the bloodiest War this Age has known began to regulate his Army he found but very few among the whole Martial Part of the Nation fit to make use of for General Officers and was forced to employ Strangers and make them Englishmen as the Counts Schomberg Ginkel Solms Ruvigny and others And yet it is to be observ'd also that all the Encouragement imaginable was given to the English Gentlemen to qualify themselves by giving no less than Sixteen Regiments to Gentlemen of Good Families who had never been in any Service and knew but very little how to command them Of these several are now in the Army and have the Rewards suitable to their Merit being Major-Generals Brigadeers and the like If then a long Peace had so reduc'd us to a degree of Ignorance that might have been dangerous to us had we not a King who is always follow'd by the greatest Masters in the World Who knows what Peace and different Governors may bring us to again The manner of making War differs perhaps as much as any thing in the world and if we look no further back than our Civil Wars 't is plain a General then wou'd hardly be fit to be a Collonel now saving his Capacity of Improvement The Defensive Art always follows the Offensive and tho' the latter has extremely got the start of the former in this Age yet the other is mightily improving also We saw in England a bloody Civil War where according to the old Temper of the English fighting was the Business To have an Army lying in such a Post as not to be able to come at them was a thing never heard of in that War even the weakest Party would always come out and fight Dunbar Fight for instance and they that were beaten to day would fight again to morrow and seek one another out with such Eagerness as if they had been in haste to have their Brains knock'd out Encampments Intrenchments Batteries Counter-marchings fortifying of Camps and Cannonadings were strange and almost unknown things and whole Campaigns were past over and hardly any Tents made use of Battels Surprizes Storming of Towns Skirmishes Sieges Ambuscades and Beating up Quarters was the News of every day Now 't is frequent to have Armies of Fifty thousand men of a side stand at Bay within view of one another and spend a whole Campaign in Dodging or as 't is genteely call'd Observing one another and then march off into Winter-Quarters The difference is in the Maxims of War which now differ as much from what they were formerly as Long Perukes do from Piqued Beards or as the Habits of the People do now from what they then wore The present Maxims of the War are Never Fight without a manifest Advantage And always Encamp so as not to be forc'd to it And if two opposite Generals nicely observe both these Rules it is impossible they shou'd ever come to fight I grant that this way of making War spends generally more Money and less Blood than former Wars did but then it spins Wars out to a greater Length and I almost question whether if this had been the way of Fighting of old our Civil War had not lasted till this day Their Maxim was Whereever you meet your Enemy fight him But the Case is quite different now and I think 't is plain in the present War that 't is not he who has the longest Sword so much as he who has the longest Purse will hold the War out best Europe is all engag'd in the War and the Men will never be exhausted while either Party can find Money but he who finds himself poorest must give out first and this is evident in the French King who now inclines to Peace and owns it while at the same time his Armies are numerous and whole but the Sinews fail he finds his Exchequer fail his Kingdom drain'd and Money hard to come at Not
till both are arriv'd to be Publick Grievances and indeed are now almost grown scandalous Of PROJECTORS MAN is the worst of all God's Creatures to shift for himself no other Animal is ever starv'd to death Nature without has provided them both Food and Cloaths and Nature within has plac'd an Instinct that never fails to direct them to proper means for a supply but Man must either Work or Starve Slave or Dye he has indeed Reason given him to direct him and few who follow the Dictates of that Reason come to such unhappy Exigencies but when by the Errors of a Man's Youth he has reduc'd himself to such a degree of Distress as to be absolutely without Three things Money Friends and Health he Dies in a Ditch or in some worse place an Hospital Ten thousand ways there are to bring a Man to this and but very few to bring him out again Death is the universal Deliverer and therefore some who want Courage to bear what they see before 'em Hang themselves for fear for certainly Self-destruction is the effect of Cowardice in the highest extream Others break the Bounds of Laws to satisfy that general Law of Nature and turn open Thieves House-breakers Highway-men Clippers Coiners c. till they run the length of the Gallows and get a Deliverance the nearest way at St. Tyburn Others being masters of more Cunning than their Neighbours turn their Thoughts to Private Methods of Trick and Cheat a Modern way of Thieveing every jot as Criminal and in some degree worse than the other by which honest men are gull'd with fair pretences to part from their Money and then left to take their Course with the Author who sculks behind the curtain of a Protection or in the Mint or Friars and bids defiance as well to Honesty as the Law Others yet urg'd by the same necessity turn their thoughts to Honest Invention founded upon the Platform of Ingenuity and Integrity These two last sorts are those we call Projectors and as there was always more Geese than Swans the number of the latter are very inconsiderable in comparison of the former and as the greater number denominates the less the just Contempt we have of the former sort bespatters the other who like Cuckolds bear the reproach of other Peoples Crimes A meer Projector then is a Contemptible thing driven by his own desperate Fortune to such a Streight that he must be deliver'd by a Miracle or Starve and when he has beat his Brains for some such Miracle in vain he finds no remedy but to paint up some Bauble or other as Players make Puppets talk big to show like a strange thing and then cry it up for a New Invention gets a Patent for it divides it into Shares and they must be Sold ways and means are not wanting to Swell the new Whim to a vast Magnitude Thousands and Hundreds of thousands are the least of his discourse and sometimes Millions till the Ambition of some honest Coxcomb is wheedl'd to part with his Money for it and then Nascitur ridiculus mus the Adventurer is left to carry on the Project and the Projector laughs at him The Diver shall walk at the bottom of the Thames the Saltpeter-Maker shall Build Tom T ds Pond into Houses the Engineers Build Models and Windmills to draw Water till Funds are rais'd to carry it on by Men who have more Money than Brains and then good night Patent and Invention the Projector has done his business and is gone But the Honest Projector is he who having by fair and plain principles of Sense Honesty and Ingenuity brought any Contrivance to a suitable Perfection makes out what he pretends to picks no body's pocket puts his Project in Execution and contents himself with the real Produce as the profit of his Invention Of BANKS BANKS without question if rightly manag'd are or may be of great Advantage especially to a Trading People as the English are and among many others this is one particular case in which that Benefit appears That they bring down the Interest of Money and take from the Goldsmiths Scriveners and others who have command of running Cash their most delicious Trade of making advantage of the necessities of the Merchant in extravagant Discounts and Premio's for advance of Money when either large Customs or Foreign Remittances call for Disbursements beyond his common Ability for by the easiness of Terms on which the Merchant may have Money he is encourag'd to venture further in Trade than otherwise he would do not but that there are other great advantages a Royal Bank might procure in this Kingdom as has been seen in part by this As advancing Money to the Exchequer upon Parliamentary Funds and Securities by which in time of a War our Preparations for any Expedition need not be in danger of Miscarriage for want of Money though the Taxes rais'd be not speedily paid nor the Exchequer burthen'd with the excessive Interests paid in former Reigns upon Anticipations of the Revenue Landed Men might be supplied with Moneys upon Securities on easier Terms which would prevent the Loss of multitudes of Estates now ruin'd and devour'd by insolent and merciless Mortgagees and the like But now we unhappily see a Royal Bank Establish'd by Act of Parliament and another with a large Fund upon the Orphans Stock and yet these Advantages or others which we expected not answer'd tho' the pretensions in Both have not been wanting at such time as they found it needful to introduce themselves into publick Esteem by giving out Prints of what they were rather able to do than really intended to practice So that our having Two Banks at this time settl'd and more Erecting has not yet been able to reduce the Interest of Money not because the Nature and Foundation of their Constitution does not tend towards it but because finding their Hands full of better business they are wiser than by being slaves to old obselete Proposals to lose the advantage of the great Improvement they can make of their Stock This however does not at all reflect on the Nature of a Bank nor of the Benefit it would be to the publick Trading-part of the Kingdom whatever it may seem to do on the practice of the present We find Four or Five Banks now in view to be settl'd I confess I expect no more from those to come than we have found from the past and I think I make no breach on either my Charity or good Manners in saying so and I reflect not upon any of the Banks that are or shall be Establish'd for not doing what I mention but for making such publications of what they would do I cannot think any Man had expected the Royal Bank shou'd Lend Money on Mortgages at 4 per Cent. nor was it much the better for them to make publication they wou'd do so from the beginning of Ianuary next after their Settlement since to this day as I am inform'd they
pay and make good all Losses Damages Avarages and Casualties whatsoever as fully as by the Custom of Assurances now is done without any Discounts Rebates or Delays whatsoever the said 4 l. per Cent. to be stated on the Voyage to the Barbadoes and enlarged or taken off in proportion to the Voyage by Rules and Laws to be Printed and publickly known Reserving only That then as reason good the said Office shall have Power to direct Ships of all sorts how and in what manner and how long they shall sail with or wait for Convoys and shall have Power with Limitations to lay Embargoes on Ships in order to compose Fleets for the benefit of Convoys These Rules formerly noted to extend to all Trading by Sea the Coasting and Home-Fishing Trade excepted and for them it should be order'd First For Coals the Colliers being provided with Men at 28 s. per Month and Convoys in sufficient number and proper Stations from Tinmouth-Bar to the River so as they need not go in Fleets but as Wind and Weather presents run all the way under the Protection of the Men of War who shou'd be continually cruising from Station to Station they would be able to perform their Voyage in as short time as formerly and at as cheap Pay and consequently cou'd afford to sell their Coals at 17 s. per Chaldron as well as formerly at 15 s. Wherefore there shou'd be paid into the Treasury appointed at Newcastle by Bond to be paid where they deliver 10 s. per Chaldron Newcastle Measure and the stated Price at London to be 27 s. per Chaldron in the Pool which is 30 s. at the Buyers House and is so far from being dear a time of War especially as it is cheaper than ever was known in a War and the Officers shou'd by Proclamation confine the Seller to that Price In consideration also of the Charge of Convoys the Ships bringing Coals shall all pay 1 l. per Cent. on the Value of the Ship to be agreed on at the Office and all Convoy-Money exacted by Commanders of Ships shall be relinquish'd and the Office to make good all Losses of Ships not Goods that shall be lost by Enemies only These Heads indeed are such as wou'd need some Explication if the Experiment were to be made and with submission wou'd reduce the Seamen to better Circumstances at least 't wou'd have them in readiness for any Publick Service much easier than by all the late methods of Encouragement by registring Seamen c. For by this Method all the Seamen in the Kingdom shou'd be the King 's hired Servants and receive their Wages from him whoever employ'd them and no man cou'd hire or employ them but from him The Merchant shou'd hire them of the King and pay the King for them nor wou'd there be a Seaman in England out of Employ which by the way wou'd prevent their seeking Service abroad If they were not actually at Sea they wou'd receive Half-Pay and might be employ'd in Works about the Yards Stores and Navy to keep all things in Repair If a Fleet or Squadron was to be fitted out they wou'd be mann'd in a Week's time for all the Seamen in England wou'd be ready Nor wou'd they be shye of the Service for it is not an Aversion to the King's Service nor 't is not that the Duty is harder in the Men of War than the Merchant-men nor 't is not fear of Danger which makes our Seamen lurk and hide and hang back in a time of War but 't is Wages is the matter 24 s. per Month in the King's Service and 40 to 50 s. per Month from the Merchant is the true cause and the Seaman is in the right of it too for who wou'd serve his King and Countrey and fight and be knock'd o' the head at 24 s. per Month that can have 50 s. without that hazard And till this be remedied in vain are all the Encouragements which can be given to Seamen for they tend but to make them Insolent and encourage their Extravagance Nor wou'd this Proceeding be any damage to the Seamen in general for 24 s. per Month Wages and to be kept in constant Service or Half-Pay when idle is really better to the Seamen than 45 s. per Month as they now take it considering how long they often lye idle on shore out of Pay For the extravagant Price of Seamens Wages tho' it has been an Intolerable Burthen to Trade has not visibly enrich'd the Sailors and they may as well be content with 24 s. per Month now as formerly On the other hand Trade wou'd be sensibly reviv'd by it the intolerable Price of Freights wou'd be reduced and the Publick wou'd reap an immense Benefit by the Payments mention'd in the Proposal as 1. 4 s. per Month upon the Wages of all the Seamen employ'd by the Merchant which if we allow 200000 Seamen always in Employ as there cannot be less in all the Ships belonging to England is 40000 l. per Month. 2. 40 s. per Ton Freight upon all Goods imported 3. 4 per Cent. on the Value of all Goods exported or imported 4. 10 s. per Chaldron upon all the Coals shipp'd at Newcastle and 1 per Cent. on the Ships which carry them What these Four Articles wou'd pay to the Exchequer yearly 't wou'd be very difficult to calculate and I am too near the End of this Book to attempt it But I believe no Tax ever given since this War has come near it 'T is true out of this the Publick wou'd be to pay Half-Pay to the Seamen who shall be out of Employ and all the Losses and Damages on Goods and Ships which tho' it might be considerable wou'd be small compar'd to the Payment aforesaid for as the Premio of 4 per Cent. is but small so the Safety lies upon all men being bound to Insure For I believe any one will grant me this 't is not the smallness of a Premio Ruins the Ensurer but 't is the smallness of the Quantity he Insures and I am not at all asham'd to affirm That let but a Premio of 4 l. per Cent. be paid into one Man's hand for all Goods Imported and Exported and any Man may be the General Ensurer of the Kingdom and yet that Premio can never hurt the Merchant neither So that the vast Revenue this wou'd raise wou'd be felt no where neither Poor nor Rich wou'd Pay the more for Coals Foreign Goods wou'd be brought home cheaper and our own Goods carri'd to Market cheaper Owners wou'd get more by Ships Merchants by Goods and Losses by Sea wou'd be no Loss at all to any Body because Repaid by the Publick Stock Another unseen Advantage wou'd arise by it we shou'd be able to out-work all our Neighbours even the Dutch themselves by Sailing as cheap and carrying Goods as cheap in a time of War as in Peace an Advantage which has more in it than is easily thought of and wou'd have a noble influence upon all our Foreign Trade For what cou'd the Dutch do in Trade if we cou'd carry our Goods to Cadiz at 50 s. per Ton Freight and they give 8 or 10 l. and the like in other Places Whereby we cou'd be able to Sell cheaper or get more thau our Neighbours There are several considerable clauses might be added to this Proposal some of great advantage to the General Trade of the Kingdom some to particular Trades and more to the Publick but I avoid being too Particular in things which are but the Product of my own private Opinion If the Government shou'd ever proceed to the Experiment no question but much more than has been hinted at wou'd appear nor do I see any great difficulty in the Attempt or who wou'd be aggriev'd at it and there I leave it rather wishing than expecting to see it undertaken The Conclusion UPon a Review of the several Chapters of this Book I find that instead of being able to go further some things may have suffer'd for want of being fully express'd which if any person object against I only say I cannot now avoid it I have endeavour'd to keep to my Title and offer'd but at an Essay which any one is at liberty to go on with as they please for I can promise no Supplement As to Errors of Opinion tho' I am not yet convinc'd of any yet I no where pretend to Infallibility However I do not willingly assert any thing which I have not good Grounds for If I am mistaken let him that finds the Error inform the World better and never trouble himself to animadvert upon this since I assure him I shall not enter into any Pen and Ink Contest on the matter As to Objections which may lye against any of the Proposals made in this Book I have in some places mention'd such as occurr'd to my Thoughts I shall never assume that Arrogance to pretend no other or further Objections may be rais'd but I do really believe no such Objection can be rais'd as will overthrow any Scheme here laid down so as to render the thing impracticable Neither do I think but that all men will acknowledge most of the Proposals in this Book would be of as great and perhaps greater Advantage to the Publick than I have pretended to As for such who read Books only to find out the Author's faux Pas who will quarrel at the Meanness of Stile Errors of Pointing Dulness of Expression or the like I have but little to say to them I thought I had corrected it very carefully and yet some Mispointings and small Errors have slipt me which 't is too late to help As to Language I have been rather careful to make it speak English suitable to the Manner of the Story than to dress it up with Exactness of Stile chusing rather to have it Free and Familiar according to the Nature of Essays than to strain at a Perfection of Language which I rather wish for than pretend to be Master of FINIS ERRATA INtroduction Page 3. Line 7. for Elodgments read Lodgments Page 9. Line 19. put the Comma between probable and so Page 316. Line 10 for 896000 read 89600.