sée them fled that they neyther dare assemble or execute iustice This other day I sawe in Soria where they hanged a Procurer of the citie béeing poore sicke and olde not bycause he had cōmitted any euill but for that some did wish him euill To report vnto you how they haue throwen the Constable out of Burgos the Marques of Auia frō Tordisillas the Earle and Countesse of Duneas and the knights and gentlemen frō Salamanca and Sir Iames of Mendoza from Palentia and how in place of these gentlemen they haue taken for their leaders and captaines bit makers sheremē skinners lockmakers is no smal shame to recount and infamy to heare The hurts murders robberies and scandals that is nowe committed within this realme I dare say that of this so great fault wée al are in fault bycause our God is so right a iudge that hée would not permit that all should be chastised if all were not offenders The affairs of this miserable kingdome is come to such a state the through the same there is no way sure no tēple priuiledged none that tilleth the fielde none bringeth vitailes none the executeth iustice none safe in their houses yet all confesse a king and appeale to the king but the disgrace is that none doth obserue the law none doth obey the King beleue me if your people did acknowledge the King and obserue the law neyther would they robbe the kingdome or disobey the King but for that they haue no feare of the sword nor doubt of the gallowes they do what they lust and not what they ought I knowe not how you can say that you wil refourme the kingdome since you obey not the King you consent to no gouernours you admit no royall counsell you suffer no Chancelour you haue no Iudges nor Iustices no giuing of sentence in matters of lawe neyther any euill chastised in such wise that your iudgemēt to haue no iustice in the kingedome is to refourme iustice I can not cōprehende how you wil reforme this kingdome since by your consent there is no subiect that shall acknowledge a preacher neither any Nunne that keepes hir cloyster no Frier that remayneth in his monastery neyther womā that obeyeth hir husband nor vassall that obserueth loyalty neyther any man that dealeth iustly in so much that vnder the colour of liberty euery man liueth at his owne wil. I know not how you will reforme the common welth since those of your campe do force women rauish maydens burne villages spoyle houses steale whole slockes cut downe woods and rob churches in such wise that if they leaue any euill vndone it is not bycause they dare not but for that they can not I can not conceiue how you will reforme the common welth since by your occasion Toledo is risen Segouia altered Medina burned Halaheios besieged Burgos fortified Valiodolid immutined Salamanca stragled Soria disobedient and also Valentia an Apostata I can not perceiue how you will reforme the common welth since Naiarza is rebelled against the Duke Dueas against the Earle Tordisillas against the Marques Chincon against his Lorde since Auila Leon Toro Zamora and Salamanca doe neither more or lesse than the assembly doth commaund So may my life prosper as I like of your demaund which is to weete that the King be not absent out of this Realme that he maintaine all men in iustice that he suffer no money to be transported out of the Realme that he giue his rewardes and offices vnto the natural subiectes of Spaine that they deuise not any new tributs and aboue all that the Offices be not solde but gyuen to men of most vertue These and such other like things you haue licence to craue and only the King hath authoritie to graunt but to demaund of princes with the lance that which they haue to prouide by Iustice is not the part of good vassalles but of disloyall seruants wée well vnderstand that many people of this lande doe complaine of the newe gouernement of Flemmings and to speake the truth that fault was not all theirs but in their small experience and our much enuie Further aduertising that the straungers were not more to bée blamed than our owne countrie men they knew not the state of things either what offices to craue neither how they would be solde but that they were aduised and also instructed in the skill thereof by the men of our owne nation in such wise that if in them there did abound desire of gain in vs there did excéed the vice of cruell malice Although Maister Xebes and the rest haue cōmitted some fault I know not that our Spaine hath done any offence that you should in the same and against the same rayse any warre The medicine that you haue inuented for the remedie of this mischiefe is not to purge but to kill But since you will néedes make war let vs examine here against whom is this war not against the king bycause his tender youth dothe excuse him not against the Counsell for they appeare not not against Xebes for hée is in Flaunders not against the Gouernors whiche haue but nowe entred their offices not against the Gentlemen who haue not offended neither yet against tyrantes for the Kingdome was in peace than is this war againe your own countrie and against our own lamentable common wealth The wante of prouidence in the king neither the auarice of Xebes is sufficient cause that we should sée that whiche wée doe sée the people to ryse against people fathers against the sonnes the vncles against their cousins friends against friends neighbors against neybours and brothers against brothers but that our sinne hath so deserued to be chastised and yours hath merited that you shuld be our scourge Speaking more particular you are not able to excuse your faulte for beginning as you did the assemblie of Auila from which counsell all this warre hath had his féeding and of a trouth presently I did diuine and also preache that is to witte that neuer was Monipody of any kingdome whereof did not arise some notable scandall The kingdom is nowe altered the kyng is disobeyed the people are nowe risen the hurt is alreadie begon the fire is alreadye in flame and the common wealth goeth sinking to the bottom But in the ende if it like you a good end may be made from whence may procéede all the remedie for that we haue firmely to beléeue that God will rather heare the hearts that praye for peace than the fifes and drums that proclaime warre If it may lyke you to forget some part of your anger and the gouernours to lose some part of their right I hold it all for finished And to speake you the trouth in popular and ciuil warres men do rather fight for the opinion they haue takē than for the reason that they hold My iudgement should be in this case that you should ioyne with the Gouernours to talke and conferre for the
is not to be learned by lesson but by reason Lex condita are the lawes that kings haue made in their Kingdomes and Emperours in their Empires Some of the which consiste in Reason and other some in opinion Mos antiquus is when a Custome by little and little is brought in amongst the people the force whereof dependeth vpon the well or euill obseruing thereof Of the aboue sayd it is to be gathered wée call Ius naturale the lawe whiche reason doth direct we name Lex Condita whiche is ordayned and written and we terme Mos antiquus the custome of long time vsed and presently obserued this presupposed the letters of this stampe do signifie This is the Consull Quirinus the which in the time of his Consulship did obserue and caused to be obserued that which right requireth lawe commaundeth and custome hath brought in The wordes of the other stampe are these Popil Con. Iu. Mill. fecc for the vnderstanding of these wordes is to be vnderstood that the auncient Lawyers did ordaine seuen manner of Lawes which is to wit Ius gentium Ius ciuile Ius consularis Ius publicum Ius quiritum Ius militare Ius magistratum In the old time they did call Ius Gentium to occupie that which had no owner to defende the Countrey to die for the libertie to endeuer to possesse more than others and to be of more abilitie than the rest This was named ius Gentium bycause in all Kingdomes and Nations Greekes Latines and Barbarians this manner of liuing was vsed and obserued Ius Ciuile was the order and manner in old dayes to forme their plees in lawe that is to wit to cite aunswere accuse proue denie alledge relate to giue sentence and to execute to the end eche one might obtaine by iustice that which was taken by force Ius Consulare was such orders as the Consuls of Rome did vse amongst themselues for themselues which is to say of what number they should bée what garments they should weare what company they should kéepe where they should congregate and how many houres they should assemble of what things they should conferre howe they should liue and to how much goods they should attaine This Ius Consulare did serue but for the Romane Consuls that were resident in Rome for notwithstanding there were Consuls in Capua they would not consent they should liue as those of the Senate of Rome Ius Quiritum was the lawes and priuiledges that the Romane Gentlemen did vse or enioy that did liue within the cōpasse of Rome or had the priuiledge of a Romane Gentleman which is to say that the Gentlemē and knights of Rome had foure names that is to vnderstand Patricios Veteranos Milites Quirites The which foure names according to the varietie of the time was giuen them The priuiledge or law Quiritum that the Knights of Rome enioyed was that they might sit in the tēples thei might not be arested for debt or pay for lodging or prouēder where they went to be maintained by the cōmon treasure if they became poore to make a testament without witnesse not to be accused but in Rome to pay no impost in time of tribut and also that they might be buried in an highe Tombe All these preheminences no gentleman did enioy but only such as were Citizens of Rome Ius Publicum was the ordinances and constitutious that euery people in particular did vse amongst themselues and for themselues that is to saye how they should repaire their walles conserue their waters measure their streates build their houses prouide necessary thinges to haue store houses to gather money to make their fifes to watche their cities They called these ordinances Ius Publicum because they were made by all and obserued by all Ius Militare was the lawes that the anciēt Romains made for the times that kingdoms did breake peace and entred into warres one with the other bicause they estemed muche to be wise in gouernment and to fight as men determined in order The lawes of Ius militare were how to proclaime warres to confirme peace to take truce to leuie their souldiours too pay their Campe to giue order for their watches too make their trenches to giue battaile to retire their host to redéeme prisoners and how the Conquerours should triumphe They called these lawes Ius militare which is to say the order of Knightes because they serued no further but too giue order vnto those that did follow the warres and with armes did defend the common wealth Comming now to the exposition of the stampe it is too be vnderstood that in the daies of the first Romane Dictator Quintus Cincinatus ther was also in Rome a certain Romain Consull named Popilius Vastus a man very well learned and no lesse expert in armes This Consul Popilius made lawes to be obserued in warres and gaue it in stampe in his money that which is conteyned in the stampe before rehersed in the letters hath this signification This is the Consull Popilius which made lawes for the captaines that should goe to the warres for defence of the common wealth Also it may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that if any Prince or Romane Consull did chaunce to make any law either necessary or very profitable for the people they did vse for custome to entitle that lawe by the name of him that did inuent and ordaine the same for that in the worldes to come it might bée knowen who was the author therof and also when it was made After this maner the lawe that they made to eate with dores open was called Caesaria The lawe that Pompey made too giue tutors to Orphans was named Pompeia The lawe that Cornelius made for parting of fields was intituled Cornelia The law that Augustus made to take no tribute but for the profit of the cōmon wealth was writtē Augusta The law that the Cōsul Falcidias made that none might buy the dowry of any other mans wife was nominated Falcidia The law that the Dictator Aquilius made that no Romāe should be put to death within Rome was cleped Aquilia The lawe that the Censor Sempronius made that none might disinherit his son but if he were a traytor to the Empire of Rome was termed Sempronia The wordes do followe of the other stampe Rusti prie tris ple. For the vnderstanding of these wordes it is to be noted that the order whiche the Romanes did vse in creating dignities and offices was as followeth First they had Kyngs afterward Decemuiri then Triumuiri after that Consulles and thē Censores then Dictators afterwardes Tribunes and lastely Emperoures Of their Kinges there were but seuen their Decemuiri endured ten yeares their Triumuri continued fortie yeres their Consulls foure hundreth thirtie and foure yeres their Censor one yere their Dictator halfe a yere their Tribune thrée yeres That which wée call the procurer of the people the auncient Romanes did name the Tribune of the people whose office was euery day to
they shal remember they were subiectes to our Caesar for so much as I finde in old Histories that this linage of Marshalls of Nauarre is auncient generous and valyant And for my parte I doe firmely beléeue that the Marshall had rather serue Caesar his lord than folow the French king his master The good Scipio the Affricane did vse to say that al things in the warrs ought to be assayed before the sworde be drawne And surely he did speake most truely Bicause there is not in all this world so greate a victorie as that which is obtayned withoute bloud Cicero to writing to Atticus dothe saye and affirme that the deuise that vanquisheth the enimyes with counsell is of no lesse worthynesse than he that ouercommeth by the sworde Sylla Tyberius Caligula Nero neuer could but cōmaund kill and on the other side the good Augustus Titus and Traianus coulde not but pray and pardon in suche maner that they ouercame praying as the other fighting The good Surgion oughte to cure with swéete oyntments and the good Captaine with discrete persuasions For as for yron God rather made it to eare fieldes than to kill men Plutarch dothe saye that Scipio being at the siege of Numantia when they were importunate that he should besiege the Citie and destroy the Numantins answered I had rather conserue the life of one Roman than kill all those in Numantia If these words of Scipio were wel considered of the Captains of warre peraduenture they woulde leaue to bée soo rashe in hazardyng theyr armyes in so greate and many perils Wherof doth folow oftentimes that thinking to be reuenged of their enimies they execute vengeance of their owne proper bloud All this haue I sayde noble Constable to the ende that sith Caesar hath iustified the warre of Founterabie your noblenesse of your parte should also iustifie the same And the iustification whiche you haue to make is First persuade thē before you come to besiege them bicause it doth many times happen that the prayers of a friend may doe more than the sworde of the enimie Of the good Emperoure Theodosius the historie writers recount that vntill ten dayes were past after he had besieged any Citie he did not permit his souldiours to make warre neyther to misuse the neighbors therof Saying and proclayming euery daye that those tenne dayes space hée gaue them to the ende they shoulde profite themselues by his clemency before they should make proof of his power When the greate Alexander did sée the deade bodie of Darius and Iulius Caesar the heade of Pompeius and Marcus Marcellus Syracusa burne and the good Scipio Numantia destroyed They coulde not detaine their eyes from wéeping althoughe they were mortall enimies For if the tender hearted and noble mynded reioyce of the victorie they are grieued with others spoyle Beleeue me noble Constable that pitie and clemencie doe neuer blunt the launce in tyme of warre And on the other side the Captaine that is blouddie and reuenging eyther the enimies doe kill him or else his owne doe sell hym Iulius Caesar not vndeserued shall hold the supremacie amongst the Princes of the world and not bycause hée was more fayre stronger valyanter or more fortunate than the rest but for that without comparison muche more were the enimies hée pardoned than those he ouercame or killed We doe reade of that famous Captaine Narsetes that he did subdue the Frenche ouercame the Bactrians and did conquere and gouerne the Germains and with all thys dyd neuer gyue battayle to the enimies but hée wepte in the Temples the night before The kingdome wherein the Emperour Augustus moste delighted and ioyed was that of the Mauritanes whyche is nowe called the kyngdome of Marrewcos And the reason that he gaue for this was bycause all other kingdomes he got by the sword and this kingdome he obtained by entreatance If vnto my wordes it please you to giue credite trauayle that Founterabye maye bée yéelded rather by composition than by force For that in graue and doubtefull cases firste men oughte to profite themselues with their pollicie before they make proofe of Fortune All the rest that your Lordship dothe commaunde mee I will perfourme with greate good will Whiche is to witte that I praye vnto our God for your Lordships victorie And that hée giue vnto mée of hys glorie From the towne of Victoria the .xiij. of Ianuary .1522 A letter for Sir Antonie of Cuniga Priour of Saint Iohn in the which is said that although there be in a Gentleman to bee reprehended there ought not to be cause of reproch FAmous and moste valiaunt Captayne yesterday béeyng Sainct Luces day Lopes Osorius gaue mée a letter from your woorship made at the siege of Toledo And of a truthe I didde muche reioyce therein and no lesse estéeme the same to bée written of suche a hande and sente from suche a place For in the tyme of rebellion as nowe the Knyght ought not to write from his house resting but from the Campe fightyng The Priest oughte to boaste hymselfe of his studie the husbandman of his plough and the Knyght of his launce In suche wyse that in a good common wealth the priest prayeth the husbandman ploweth the Knight fighteth He is not to be accounted a knight that is extract of noble blud in power great in iewels rich in seruāts mighty for al these things in marchauntes is many times found and also of a Iewe many tymes obtained But that whiche maketh the Knight to be a perfect gentleman is to be measured in his words liberal in giuing sober in diet honest in lyuing tender in pardoning and valiant in fightyng Notwithstanding any one be noble in bloud and mightie in possessions yet if hee bée in his talke a babbler in eating a glutton in condition ambicious in conuersation malicious in getting couetous in trauells impatient and in fightyng a coward of such we shal rather say to haue more abilitie for a carle than for a Knight vilenesse sluggishnesse nigardship maliciousnesse lying and cowardnesse did neuer take repast with knighthoode For in the good knight although there may be founde wherewith to be reprehended there ought not to be conteyned wherfore to be reproued In our age there hath bin no tyme wherin the good knight mighte better shewe his ablenesse or to what ende hee is than at this instant bicause the King is out of his kingdom the Quéene is sicke the royall Counsell is fledde the people rebell the gouerners are in Camp and all the kingdome out of quiet nowe or neuer they ought to trauaile and die to appease the kingdome and euery man to serue his king The good Knight doth now turne his gloues into gantlets Mules into horsses his buskins into greues his hattes into Helmets his doublets into Harnesse his sylke into mayle his golde into yron his hunting into fighting In such wise that the valiant knight ought not to boaste himselfe
gréeues and things amisse and to vnderstād for the remedie therof for by this meanes you should growe to more ripenesse for the things you haue to demaund and in our king and maister more facilitie in that whiche he shoulde graunt If it may please you to leaue your armour and giue faith vnto my words I sweare by the faith of a Christian by this letter of credence that I bring with me do promise you that you shall be pardoned of the king and well intreated of his gouernors that you shal neuer for this déed be chastized neither yet in wordes be blamed or defamed And bicause it shall not séeme that your zeale hath bin in vaine and that the Gouernours doth not desire the common wealth I will here shew vnto you what they wil do for the kingdome and what kindnesse on his Maiesties behalfe they will bestowe vppon you which is as followeth First they promise you that at any time whē the kings Maiestie shall be absent from this kingdome he shall place a Castilian to gouerne Castile bicause the authoritie greatnes of Spaine endureth not the gouernment of straungers Also they promise you that all the dignities holdings and offices of the kingdome and Court shall be giuen to Spaniards and not to straungers notwithstāding there be many noble personages that haue well deserued and in whome they were well employed Also they promise you that the royall rents of the people shall be rated at an indifferent rente in such wise that the Cities may haue reasonable gayne and no greate losse to the king Also they promise you that if in the regall counsell shal be found any examiner or any other officer although it be the president vnwise or vnapt for gouernement and not learned to giue sentence or not honest of lyfe that his maiestie shall absolue him of his office notwithstanding they may be affectionate to some and also offended like other men Also they promise that from hencefoorth his Maiestie shall commaund his Iustices of Court and Chauncery that they shall not vse their commaundements so absolute neyther their chastisements so rigorous notwithstanding that sometimes they be in some things fierce bycause they may be more feared and also more esteemed Also they promyse that from henceforth his Maiestie shall commaunde to reforme his house and also remoue the excessiue charges thereof considering that disordinate expences bryng forth newe tributes Also they promise you that for any neede the Kings Maiestie may haue hée shall not carry neither yet commaund to be caried any money out of this kingdome to bée transported into Flaunders Almayne or Italy considering that incontinent trafficke decayeth in kingdomes where money wanteth Also they promise that his Maiestie shall not permitte from henceforth Biscay Iron Alum of Murcia Vitailes of Andolozia nor Sackes of Burgos to be laden in straunge botoms but in shippes of Biscay and Galizia to the ende that straungers shall not robbe and our Countrey men to gayne whereby to eate Also they promise that his Maiestie shall not permit to be gyuen from henceforth fortresse Castell bridge gate or towne but vnto Gentlemen plaine and curteous and not vnto Gentlemen or Knights of power which in reuolting times may rise with the same considering that in the ancient times none might haue Artilery or Fortresse but the King in Castile Also they do promise you that from henceforth his Maiestie shall not permitte licences to cary corne into Portingall neyther from Mancha to Valentia consideryng that many tymes to haue licence to transport thither is here amongst ourselues cause of greate dearth Also with all breuitie his Maiestie wil commaund the contentions and matters in law to be examined and considered that haue bene continued betwixt Toledo and the Earle of Velalcassar and Segonia and sir Fernando Chichon and of Iaen with the towne of Martos and Valiodolid with Simancas and that of sir Peter Giron with the Duke of Medina considring that those in possession do delay and the dispossessed complaine Also they promise that the King will commaund to reforme the excesses giue lawe for banquets reforme Monasteries visit Chanceries repayre sorts and fortifie all the frontiers considering that in all these things there is necessitie of reformation and also of correction If you my Masters bée suche as you publishe your selfe throughout Castile whiche is to witte that you bée the redéemers of the Common wealth and the restorers of the libertie of Castile behold here wée offer you the redemption and also the resurrection thereof bycause so many and so good thinges as these are neyther did you remember to demaunde eyther woulde presume to craue nowe is the houre come wherein of necessitie it muste bée manifested whither you speake and meane one thing For if yée desire the generall wealth now is it offred you and if you pretend your particuler interest it may not be graunted you for speaking the troth it is not iust but most vniust that with the sweate of the poore common wealth you shoulde séeke to amend the state of your owne houses But let it be for cōclusion since we be here in the Churche of the towne of Braxima of my part I do humbly beséeche you vppon my knées and in the behalfe of the gouernours I doe request you and on the Kings name I commaund you to leaue your armour to discamp your camp and to vnfortifie Tordisillas if not I iustifie this offer for the gouernours that all the euils mischieues and slaughters that hereafter shall happen in this kingdome be vpon the charge of your soules and not vpon the burden of their conscience As I knéeled downe at the speaking of these last wordes forthwith came vnto me Alonso of Quintanilla and Sarabia bare headed and with great courtesie did help me to rise and forced me to sitte downe During the time I didde speake all that is aforesaid it was a thing to looke vpon and worthy consideration how some of them did behold me some did stampe some did eye me and also some did mocke me but I neuer the more did leaue to note either stay to speake After I had finished my Oration they all with one voice said and desired the Bishop of Zamora to speake his iudgemente and that afterwards they would all sée what were conuenient to be done Forthwith the Bishop toke me by the hand in the name of thē all he said vnto me Father frier Antony of Gueuara thou hast spoken sufficiently and also for the authoritie of thy habite as a man ouer rash but for that thou art a yong man and of small experience neither knowest thou what thou speakest eyther vnderstandest thou what thou demaundest eyther wast thou made a Frier being a boy or else thou art angrie or knowest little of this worlde or thou wantest iudgement since thou presumest to speak such things wouldest make vs beleue but thou father being stayd within thy monasterie knowest not of tirānies
to be drowned the finall end of youre Realme of Iudea and of the Crowne of Israell What shall we say of your most auncient Temple so magnificent in buildings and so holy in the action of sacrifice surely ye haue no other thing but the lies For ye well know that forty yeares and no more After ye crucifyed the Lorde Iesus Christe the Emperours Titus and Vaspasian the father and sonne did sack destroy and burne the same Of the Monarchy of your kingdome muche lesse haue you not of any thing than the lies for that from the time the great Pompâ—y passed into Asia and subdued Palestine he neuer after committed fayth to any Iewe I say to giue him any speciall charge of gouernmeÌ„t in the Citie or defence of any fortresse but perpetually did shew your selues subiect to the Romaynes not as Vassals but rather as slaues If we should speake of your auncient language of the old carrecters of your wrightings we should likewise finde that you haue not any thing left but lies and for proofe thereof first I pray you tell me whiche is he amongst you that knoweth the language of your ancesters either can reade or else vnderstand any of the auncient Hebruish bookes But nowe to bring you to the knowledge thereof I shall deduce notwithstanding it doth not like you directly and successiuely the beginning of your Hebrewish tong and how by little and little it was lost agayne Wherein you haue to vnderstand that the Patriarke Noe with his children and Nephewes escaping the Floud went and did settle in the countrey of Caldea the situation whereof is vnder the fourth Climate the RegioÌ„ after the Floud first inhabited and populat from whence be issued the Aegiptians Sarmits Greekes Latines and all other Nations In the same Region I meane beyond the riuer Euphrates and neare vnto Mesopotamie the Patriark Abraham was borne and nourished the whiche being called of God came to dwell in the countrie of Canaan afterwardes named Siria the lesse the countrey where the good old Abraham and his generation did most inhabit In those days in that countrey of Canaan they had in vse to speake another language named Sirien very differeÌ„t from the Calde tong But as Abraham and hys posteritie dwelling in that countrey many yeares these two languages by processe of time grewe to be corrupted Abraham hys family and successors being not able to learne the Sirien spéeche neyther the Siriens the Calde tong of these two languages there remayned in vse one which was named the Hebrew Also you haue to vnderstand that this name Hebrew is as much to say as a man that is a straunger or come from beyond the Riuer and for that Abraham was come from the other side of the Riuer Euphrates he was generally called Hebrew in such wise that of this name Hebrew by the which Abraham was called the spéeche tong and language was also named Hebraique and not Caldean notwithstanding that hée was of Caldea Many Doctors Gréekes and Latins haue sayde that the Hebrew tong doth come from Heber the sonne of Sale and that it was the language which was in vse and spoken before the generall Floud notwithstanding Rabialhazer Mosanahadach Aphesrura Zimibi and Sadoc your most anciente and famous Hebrew doctors do sweare and affirme that the first spéeche and language in this world was lost in the construction or to say better the confusion of the towre of Babylon without perfection remayning in any one word of their language And then since the language of Noe was lost the Caldean conuerted into the Sirien and the Sirien into the Hebrew it came to passe that Iacob with his twelue sonnes went to dwel in Egipt where they did soiorne so long Captiues that very neare they forgate the Hebrue tong neyther aptly coulde learne the Egiptian language remayning in their spéech and pronounciation corrupted And as after the destruction of the second Temple as also the totall and finall losse and destruction of the holy lande That your brethren were dispersed throughout the worlde for the most part Captiues and that in you ther remayned nothing but the lies of Iacob the things desolate of Israell God did permitte that they shoulde ioyntly take ende both the forme of your life and the manner of your spéech Behold here honorable Iewes sufficiently proued by your owne doctors that of your countrey language renowne glory and the whole state of your Sinagoge ye haue nothing left but the lies as the Prophet sayth and the dregs and grounds of the tubbe In suche manner that ye haue neither Lawe to obserue King to obey Scepter to estéeme priesthood to aduaunce youre honor Temple to pray in Citie to inhabit neyther language to speake And for that the scope and proofe of your obstination and oure healthe and saluation doth lye and consist in the veritie of the Scripture whiche we haue receyued and the falshoode and corruption of theÌ„ which you confesse it shall be expedient to recite how where and when youre Scriptures were corrupted and lost euen as I haue produced and broughte foorth the losse of your language Ye haue therefore to vnderstande that the fyue bookes of the lawe the which your greate Duke Moyses did write after he came foorth of the Land of Egypt and before he entred the lande of promisse and those whiche were written by the Prophet Samuell and Esdras were all written in the Hebrew tong without any addition of the Egiptian language for youre Moyses being inspired by God in all the things hée did take in hand did wright these bookes in the most auncient Hebrew tong which is to vnderstande in the very same that Abraham did speake at his comming out of Calde God giuing you thereby to vnderstand that you should haue folowed your father Abraham not onely in the forme of your life but also in your spéech During the time that Moyses Aaron Iosue Ezechiell Caleph Gedeon and all the fourtéene Dukes did gouerne your Aliama vntill the decease of the excellent King Dauid the lawe of Moyses was alway well vnderstood and indifferently wel obserued But after the decease of these good personages and the kingdome and gouernment being come into the handes of the successors of Dauid the Sinagoge was neuer more well gouerned neyther the Scriptures well vnderstoode I woulde saye not well vnderstoode generally of the twelue Tribes There were notwithstanding alwayes some particular persones of the house of Israell the whiche were agreable and also acceptable vnto God and to the common wealth very profitable That your law was not from thencefoorth wel vnderstood is most euident for it was prohibited and defended in your Aliama that neyther the visions of Ezechiell the sixt Chapter of Esay the booke of the Canticles of Salomon the booke of Iob neyther the lamentations of Ieremy should be read or commented by any person whiche was done not bycause the bookes
Saule In the beginning when Rome was founded and the Romanes began to be Lords of the worlde forthwith they did create kings to rule them and Captaines to defende them They found themselues so gréeued with that maner of gouernment that they suffred but seuen kings not withstanding they thought them seuen hundred And bicause the soothsayers had saide that this name King was consecrate vnto the Gods the Romanes cōmaunded that he should be called King that was no king And this was the high priest of the god Iupiter in such maner that he held only the name of king the office of priest Hauing spoken of the name of king nowe let vs speake of the name of Emperour that is to say how it was inuented where it was inuented and to what ende it was inuented since it is the name in all this world most reuerēced also most desired And although amongst the Syrians the Assyrians Medes Persians Grekes Troyans Parthians Palestines Aegyptians their haue bin princes glorious in armes in great estimation in their cōmon wealths yet they neuer obteyned the name of Emperor either intituled themselues therwith In those ancient tymes in those goldē worlds the good men and the noble personages did not lay vp their honor in vaine titles but in noble valiāt and glorious acts This name Emperour the Romanes first brought into this world whiche they inuented not for their Princes but for their Captains generall In suche wise that in Rome he was not intituled Emperoure that was Lorde of the Common wealth but that was chosen generall of the warre The Romanes euery yere in the Moneth of Ianuarye did choose all their officers of the Senate and in their such election they did firste ordeyne the high Priest which they named King then the Dictator then the Consull then the Tribune of the people then the Emperor then the Censor and then the Edill By this election it may be gathered that the same which is nowe an Imperiall dignitie was in those dayes but an office giuen in the moneth of Ianuary and ended in the moneth of December Quintus Cincinatus Fabius Camillus Marcus Marcellus Quintus Fabius Annius Fabricius Dorcas Metellus Gracchus Sempronius Scipio the African and the greate Iulius Caesar when they did gouerne the Romane hostes were called Emperors but afterwards when in the Senate the office was taken away they were named by their proper names But after the great battayle of Pharsalie in whiche Pompey was ouercome and the field remayning to Caesar it hapned that the cōmon wealth came into the hands of Caesar The Romanes made request he should not take vnto himselfe the Title of king bicause it was odious vnto them but that he would vse some other at his liking vnder which they woulde obey and serue him Being at that time Captain generall of the Romanes and therefore then called Emperour he chose his name and not the name of Kyng to doe the Romaines pleasure in suche wyse that this greate Prince was the firste of the worlde that left this name annexed vnto the Emperour Iulius Caesar beeing deade Octauius his cousin did succéede him in the Empire then Tyberius then Caligula then Claudius then Nero and Vitellius and so of al the other Princes to this day The whiche in memorie of the first Emperour be intituled Augustus Caesars and Emperours Of the seuen conditions that a good king ought to haue with an exposition of a text of holie Scripture THis name of Kyng béeyng declared and the inuention of the title Emperour being spoken of moste Noble Emperoure it shall be méete that we declare howe a good king ought to gouerne his kyngdome and howe the good Emperour oughte to rule his Empire for béeing as they are the two greatest offices in this worlde it is necessarie that the two beste men in thys world doe vse them It were great infamie to the person and no small offence to the common wealth to behold a man earing at the plough that deserueth to reigne to sée him reign that deserueth to go to plough Wherfore most soueraigne Prince it is cōuenient you vnderstand that to be in honor is a thing of smal effect but to deserue the same is of most great worthinesse If he which is only a King be bound to be good he that is king Emperour is he not bound to be good very good The euil Princes be ingrate and forgetful of benefites be they great or little but the good Princes and the Christian Emperours recompence euery seruice bountifullye The Prince that is to God ingrate and of the seruice they do him vnthankfull in his person it will be séene and in his kingdome it will appeare bicause all his attempts do falle out confused or with shame And for that it shal seeme wée speak not of fauour or at large we will expound vpon the same a certaine authoritie of holie Scripture wherein is shewed what a one the King ought to be in his own person and how he ought to gouerne his common wealth for it is not sufficient that the Prince be a good man but that his common wealth be good neyther is it sufficient that the cōmon welth be good but the Prince also bée good In Deutero 18. Chapter God sayd vnto Moyses If the people shal aske thée a King thou shalt giue them one but beware that the King whiche thou shalt giue them be natural of the kingdom that he haue not many horsses that he turne not the people into Egipte that he holde not manye wyues that hée gather not muche treasure that he bée not proud and that he reade in Deuteron Vpon euery one of these commaundementes to speake what myght be sayd should be neuer to make an ende only we will briefly speake of euery of them Before all things God cōmaunded that the Kings should be natural of the kingdome that is to vnderstande that hée shuld be an Hebrue circūcised no Gentile for that god would not they shold be gouerned that honoured one God by those that did beléeue in many Gods. The Prince to whome it aperteyneth to gouerne Christians it is conuenient hée be a good Christian and the signes of a good Christian are these when the offences to God he dothe chastise and his owne hee doth forget Then is the Prince naturall of the kingdome when he doth obserue and defend the Gospell of Christ For to speake according to truth and also with libertie he dothe not deserue to be king which is not zealous of Gods law God also commaundes the Prince not to haue many horses that is to say that he wast not the treasure of the common wealth in superfluous cost in maynteyning a great house and in sustayning a greate sumptuous trayne of horses for vnto the Christian Prince it is more sound counsell rather to séede a few men than to haue many horses Notwithstanding I will not say
but that in the houses of Kynges and of high Princes many must enter many must serue many must liue and many must eate but that whych is to be reprehēded is this that many times more is spoiled than is spent If in the Courtes of Princes there were not so many horses in the stable so many haukes in the mewe so many gibers in chambers so many vagabondes in pallace and so greate disorder in expences I am sure that neyther shoulde they so go ouercharged eyther their Subiectes so much gréeued God in commaunding the Prince not to haue many horses is to forbid him that he vse not excessiue expences bycause in déede and in conclusion they shal giue an accoumpt vnto God of the goodes of the common wealth not as Lords but as tutors Also God dothe commaunde that hée which shall be King do not consent to turne the people intoo Egipt that is to say that he do not permit them to commit Idolatrie ne yet to serue King Pharao for oure good God will that we adore him alone for Lorde and that we hold hym for our creator To come out of Egipt is to come out of sinne to turne into Egipt is to turne into sin for this cause the office of a good Prince is not only to remunerate the vertuous and such as liue wel but also to chastise the wicked and suche as liue euil It is no other thing to return into Egypt but boldly openly and manifestly to sinne the which the good Prince ought not to consent vnto eyther with any in lyke cace to dispence bicause the secrete sinnes to God are to be remitted but those whiche are manifest the good king ought to chastise Then doth the Prince suffer any to return into Egipt when openly he suffreth him to liue in sinne that is to say to passe his life in enuious reuenging to holde by force that which is due to an other to be giuen to folow the lusts of the fleshe and to dare to renue his olde age into wanton affections in which the Prince doth so much offend God that although he be no companion in the fault yet in the worlde to come hée shall not escape to be partaker of the payne For a kyng to gouerne well in his kingdome oughte to be asmuche feared of the euyll as beloued of the good And if by chaunce any bée in his house that is in fauour that is a quareller or any seruaunt that is vicious I denie not but vnto suche a one he may impart of his goods but not with his conscience Also God commaundeth him which shall be king that he hold not in his companie many women that is to vnderstand he shal content himself with his Queene with whom he is maried without vngodly acquayntance with any other for the great Princes and mighty potentates doe more offend God with yll example they giue than with the faultes they committe Of Dauid of Achab of Assa and of Ieroboam the scriptures do not so much complaine of their sinnes as of the occasion they gaue vnto others to sinne bicause very seldome wee sée the people in awe of correction when their lorde is vicious As Princes be more high and also mightyer than the rest euen so are they more behelde also more viewed thā others And for this cause according to my iudgement if they be not chast yet at the least they should be more secrete Among the heap of sinnes this maye be one wherewith God is not a little offended And on the other part it is wherwith the cōmon welth receiueth most sclander for in cases of honor none wil that they haunt his house request his wyfe or defloure his daughter The writers of histories do much prayse Alexander the great Scipio the Affrican Marcus Aurelius the greate Augustus the good Traian which onely vsed not to force women in libertie but did not so much as touch suche as were their captiues taken in battaile and truly they were iustly praised for vertuous mē For it procedeth of a more noble corage to resist a prepared vice thā to giue an onset vpō a cāp of great power Also God doth commaund him which shal be king that he hoord not vp much treasure that he be not scarce or a nigard for the office of the marchant is to kéep but of a King to giue and to be liberal In Alexander the great is muche more praised the largenesse be vsed in giuing than his potencie in fighting the which doth clearly appeare when we wil praise any man we do not say he is mightie as Alexander but franke as Alexander To the contrary of this Suetonius writeth of the Emperor Vespasian the which of pure miserie nigardship and couetousnesse commanded in Rome to be made publike places to receyue vrine not to kéepe the Citie more swéete but to the end that they should giue him more rente The diuine Plato did counsell the Atheniens in his bookes of a good comon wealth that the gouernour whiche they had to choose should be iust in his iudgements true of his word constant in that he takes in hand secrete in that he vnderstandeth large and bountiful in giuing Princes and great potentates for their power they be feared and for their magnificēt liberalitie they are beloued But in déed and in the end fewe folow the king not only for that his conditions be good but bicause they think his giuing is much and verie noble Gods commaunding in his lawe that the Prince shal not hourde vp treasures is no other thyng to saye but that all shall serue hym of good wyll and that bée vse towarde all men of his liberalite for that many tymes it dothe happen that the Prince in béeyng vnchearefull in giuyng it commeth to passe in proces that very few haue any mind to gratifie or serue hym Also God commaunded the kyng that should gouerne his people that he should not be proude tha◠he should always read in Deuteronomie which is the Booke of the Lawe And bycause wée haue alreadie made a large discourse we will leaue the exposition of these two woordes for an other day There resteth that we pray vnto the Lord to giue your Maiestie his grace and vnto you and vs his glorie to the which Iesus Christ bring vs Amen A discourse or conference with the Emperour vpon certayne moste aunciente stampes in Mettalles the whyche he commaunded the Author to reade and to expounde wherin are touched many antiquities S. C. C. R. M. SO greate be the affaires of Princes and so muche laden wyth studious cares that hardlye remayneth tyme to sléepe or eate muche lesse to recreate or ioye themselues with gladsome pastyme Oure forces are so small our iudgemente so weake oure appetite so variable and oure desyres so disordinate that sometyme it is necessarie and also profitable to giue place to the humanitie to bée recreated vppon condition that the truth bée
neuer gaue obedieÌ„ce to any but alwaies made a Seigniory of it selfe The seate of the Citie of Sagunto was foure leagues from Valentia where is now Monviedro he that shall say that which we call now in Castile Ciguenca was in time paste the Citie Sagunto it shall be because he dreamed it not to haue read it Being Inquisitor of Valentia I was many times at Monviedro as well to visite the Christians as to baptise the Moores And considering the sharpnesse of the place the antiquitie of the walles the greatnesse of the colledge the distaÌ„ce from the Sea the statelinesse of the buildings and the monstrousenesse of the sepulchers there is none but he may vnderstand that to be Monviedro which was Sagunto and that which was Sagunto is now Monviedro In the fields of Monviedro and in the ruinous buildings that be there at these daies there are found many stones ingraueÌ„ and many auncient Epitaphes of the Hannibals of the Asdrubals that died there in the siege of Sagunto the which were two linages of Carthage very notable of bloud and also famous in armes Neare to Monviedro there is a certaine place that in those daies was called Turditanos is now named Torres torres for that they were mortall enemies of the Saguntines Hanniball put himself in with them and from thence did make his batterie did throw downe burne the citie of Sagunto not succoured then of the Romanes or euer after reedified Behold here my Lords how your contention was which was Sagunto and not whiche was Numantia So that Soria and Samorra doth rather giue doubte whiche was Numantia and Monviedro and Sigentia which was Sagunto But the resolution and conclusion of all the aforesayde considering the merites of the processe and what eyther partie hath alledged for him selfe I doe say and declare by my definitiue sentence that the Archbishop of Ciuile did faile and the Duke of Naiara did erre in the thing that both did contend and lay their wager And I condemne either of them in a good Mule to be employed vpon him that shall declare whiche was the greate Numantia I my Lordes will now recount and declare whiche was that Citie Numantia and also say who was the founder therof where it was foÌ„nded how it was founded and what time it lasted and also how it was destroyed for that it is an history very delectable to read worthie to be vnderstood pleasant to recount and lamentable to heare VVhich was the great Citie Numantia in Spaine THe Citie of Numantia was founded by Numa Pompilius the second king of Romanes in the fiftie and eight yeere after the foundation of Rome and in the eightenth yeare of his raigne in suche sorte for that the founder thereof was called Numa it was named Numantia In the old time they did much vse to name their Cities they builded by their owne proper names as Ierusalem of Salem Antioche of Antiochus Constantinople of Constantine Alexandria of Alexander Rome of Romulus and Numantia of Numa Onely seuen Kings there were of Romanes The first of the which was Romulus the seuenth was Tarquine of these seuen the moste excellent of them all was this Numa Pompilius for he was the first that brought the Goddes into Rome he did inclose the vestall Virgins builded the temples and gaue lawes to the Romanes The situation of this Citie was neare the riuer of Dwero and not farre from the head of the same and it was set vpon the heigth of an hill and this heigth was not of a Rocke but vpon a certaine plaine Neither was it towred within nor walled without onelâ— it was compassed about with a broade déepe dischâ—… was inhabited with more than fiue and lesse than sixe thousand households two partes of the which did follow the warres and the third parte their tillage and labour Amongst them exercise was much praised and idlenesse greatly condemne which is more not couetous of goods and yet very ambitious of honour The Numantins of their naturall coÌ„dition were more flegmatike than colericke suffring dissembling suttle and of great actiuitie in such wise that that whiche they did at one time dissemble at another they did reuenge In their Citie there was but one crafts man that was the Smith Goldsmiths Silkworkers Drapers Fruters Tauerners Fishmongers Butchers such like they would not coÌ„sent to liue amongst them For al such things euery maÌ„ ought to haue in his owne house not to séeke them in the common wealth They were so valiant and so doubtie in the affayres of warre that they neuer saw any Numantine turne his barke or receiue any wound in the same in such wise that they did rather determine to die than to flée They could not go a warfare without licence of their common wealth and those also must goe altogether and followe one quarell for otherwise if one Numantine did kill another Numantine the murtherer afterwards was put to death by the common wealth Foure kind of people the Romanes had very fierce to tame and very warlike to fight that is to wit the Mirmidones whiche were those of Merida the Gauditanes whiche were those of Calis the Saguntines whiche were those of Monviedro and the Numantines whiche were those of Soria The difference amongst these was that the Mirmidons were strong they of Calis valiant the Saguntines fortunate but the Numantines were strong valiant and fortunate Fabatus Metellus Sertorius Pompeius Caesar Sextus Patroclus all the other Romane Captaines that by the space of one hundred and foure score yéeres held warres in Spaine did neuer conquere the Numantins neither at any time had to doe with them Amongst all the Cities of this world onely Numantia did neuer acknowledge hir better or kisse the hands of any other for lord This Numantia was somewhat Rockie halfe coÌ„passed with out-towers not very well inhabited and lesse riche With all this none durst hold hir for enemie but for confederate and this was the cause for that the Fortune of the Numantins was much more than the power of the Romanes In the warres betwene Rome and Carthage Caesar and Pompey Silla and Marius there was no King or kingdome in the world that did not follow one of those partes and against the other did not fight except the proude Numantia which always made aunswere to those that did persuade hir to followe their opinioÌ„ that not she of others but others of hir ought to make a head In the first Punick warres neuer would the Numantines follow the CarthaginiaÌ„s or fauour the Romanes for which occasion or too say better without any occasion the Romanes determined to make warre vpon the Numantins not for anye feare they had of their power but for enuie of their great fortune Fouretene yeares continually the Romanes besieged the Numantins in which great was the hurt the Numantins receiued but much more meruelous of the Romane Captaines that there died There were slaine in
greatnesse of their bodies so monstrous and so fearefull that other men séemed in their presence as Crikets or Grashoppers do séeme before men The first King of Israell which was Saule how much difference is betwixt the shoulders and the crowne of the head so much was he higher than all the men of his kingdome The great Iulius Caesar was of bodie high and leane although of face not very faire It is sayd of Augustus the Emperour that he was so highe of stature that of the high trées with his owne hands he did gather fruite Also it is written of the Consull Silla that his greatnesse was so excessiue as hée alwayes stouped to enter at euery doore Titus Liuius sayth that Scipio the Affrican was of so great a stature that none was equall to him in minde neither did passe him in heigth of bodie Plutarch sayth of Alexander the Great that according vnto such a minde as he possessed vnto the world it did seeme they had more than inough of Alexander and to Alexander it did séeme that for himselfe the whole world was not sufficient Sir this do I say in the ende hereby to consider howe the heart of man may be contained in a little bodie Since vnto it the whole world séemeth very straight A man to be very great or very little of these two inconueniences the lesse is to be great bycause the large garment easely is made lesse but that whiche is too little without blemish or deformitie cannot be made greater Allonso Henricus Aluergomes Salaia Valderrauano and Figueroa whiche be little of bodie although not of minde euer as I sée them go in Court séeme to me to be proude furious troubled and angrie And of this I do not much meruayle bycause little chimneys alwayes be somewhat fumishe or smokie In the Monastery of Toros of Guisando I found there a very little Frier whiche for that I knockt thrice arowe he did braule with me very frowardly and when I sayde vnto him that he had little pacience he made me aunswere that I had lesse good maner I intreated him to giue me some drinke and that we might cease chiding where vnto he answered Brother although you sée me you knowe me not I giue you to vnderstand that I am as you sée but little but there withall I am a péece of stéele and suche greate men and vnweldie as you are if they speake to me by day by night they dreame of me for this other day I caused my self to be measured and founde the heart to haue aduauntage of the body fiue yardes in measure whereunto I replied father therof is great necessitie that the heart haue fiue yardes of measure in heigth since in all your body there is not two Cubites and a half but after the father heard this he ceased to chide and also left me without drinke Sir beleue me the short haquebuts soonest breake the smalest fortes be soonest besieged the shalowest Seas do soonest drowne in the narowest waies is greatest peril the straytest garments be soonest rent and little men bée soonest angrie In little beasts there is not such strēgth neither such grace as in the great bycause the Elephant the Dromedary the Ox the Bul the Horse which be great beasts do profite for seruice But the Flie the Rat the Flea the Grashopper and the Criket serue not but onely to offend And also you note me that in saying of seruice I am very long and in contemplation not short and likewyse as tedious therein as M. Prexmus in telling his tale But I promise your Lordship that if I be long in praier your Lordshippe is not shorte in communication for many times I haue seene you begin a long tale that I neuer durst tary the end therof for if I had so done either I should come to the court at none or goe to bed at midnight Sir I do conferre the moments of my contemplations with the sinnes of my life and I do find by my rekoning that it is not a iust thing to be large in sinning and short in praying The maker and redéemer of the worlde did vse great measure in all things except in praying wherin he was alwayes long which he shewed most clearely in the garden of Gethsemany where how muche the more the agony did oppresse him so much the more did he enlarge his prayer Also your Lordship doth say that in preaching I am long and tedious wherto I answere that in the whole world there is no long sermon if the hearer do giue eare as a Christian and not as to curious I remember the lent past being with your Lordship they presented vnto your honour certaine Samons of Penia Melera whiche you praised for very good and yet complained that they were very little In such sorte that your Samons are neuer sufficiently large or sermons short inough It is thirtie eight yeares since I was brought to Caesars Court during which time I haue séene all things increasing except sermons which alwaies doe stand at one staye This séemeth to be true for that in our eating we adde more time in our sleeping we consume more houres all our garmentes hold more cloth our houses are more large our expences more excessiue our apparell more costly and the men more vicious Finally I say that in our talke or in any other thing no syse is suffered but in sermons whiche must not passe aboue an howre Wheras your Lordship saith I am so short in writing to this I aunswere that if I be not deceyued to talke there néedeth but a certaine liuelinesse but to write it is necessary to haue muche wisedome because to proue if a man be wise or foolish there is no other néed than to put a paire of spurres to his héeles or a pen in his hand In all things I confesse my selfe to be large except in writing which I repent nothing for an inconsidered woorde I may incontinent reuoke but the firme of my hand I can not denie To speake something with too much simplicitie or inconsidered is a sheepishnesse but to firme it with the hand is meere folly Salust saith that if the tyrant Catilene and other his felowes had not firmed the letter of their coniuration although they were accused they had not bene condemned in such wise that as well killeth the penne as the launce If Laertius Plutarch Plinie Vegetius Sulpitius and Eutropius doe not deceiue vs by their histories many Poetes Orators Philosophers Kings Princes haue bin in the worlde past of whome it is read that in their talke they were very large but in their writings very considerate Caesar in a letter that he did write from the Persicke warres of Rome said no more but these wordes Veni vidi vici I came I haue séene and I ouercame Octauius the Emperour writing vnto his Cousin Caius Drusius said thus For that thou art in Illiria remember thou art of the Caesars that the Senat
hath sent thée and that thou art a yong man my nephew and a Citizen of Rome The Emperour Tiberius writing vnto his brother germain said thus The Tēples be reuerenced the Gods be serued the Senate in peace the common wealth in prosperitie Rome in health Fortune gentle and the yeare fertile this is here in Italy the same we desire vnto thée in Asia Cicero writing vnto Cornelius sayeth thus Bée thou merry since I am not euill for likewise I shall reioyce if thou be well The diuine Plato writing from Athens vnto Dionysius the tirant saith thus To kill thy brother to demaund more tribute to force thy people to forget me thy friende and to take Photion as an enimie be workes of a tyrant The great Pompeius writing from the East vnto the Senate saith thus Conscript Fathers Damascus is taken Pentapolis is subiect Syria Colonia and Arabia is confederate and Palestina is ouercome The Consull Cneius Siluius writing newes of the battel of Pharsalia vnto Rome saith thus Caesar did ouercome Pompeius is dead Rufus is fled Cato killed himselfe the gouernement of Dictator is ended and the libertie lost Behold Sir the manner that the ancients vsed in writing to their peculiar friends which with their breuitie gaue vnto all men wherefore to be noted but we in neuer making an end giue large occasion to be corrected No more but that I pray the Lord to be your protector and giue me grace to serue him From Valiodolid the eight of October in the yere 1525. A letter vnto the Marques of Pescara wherein the Authour doth touch what a Captaine ought to be in the warres BEing with Caesar in Madrid the .xxij. of March I receiued a letter from your Lordship written the .xxx. of Ianuary and God be my witnesse that when I sawe and read it I would rather the date thereof had bin not from the siege of Marcellus but from the conquest of Ierusalem For if it were from Asia and not from France your iourney should be more famouse and magnified and of God much more accepted Titus Liuius reporteth of no small variance betwixt Mar. Marcellus and Quintus Fabius which did arise vpon the Cenfulships of the warres for that the good Mar. Marcellus would not be Captaine of the warre which was not very well iustified And Quintus Fabius did not accept to go to the warres were it not very daungerous The Romanes were in a maruelous vaine glory in that worlde when these twoo noble Princes were borne but in the ende muche more was the estimation of Marcus Marcellus for being iust than of Quint. Fab. for being valiaunt The Romanes were neuer so foyled or euer did incurre so muche dishonor in the warres of Asia either in Africa as they receiued at the siege of Numantia And this was not for defaulte of batterie eyther bicause the Citie was very strong but for that the Romanes had no reason to make them warre And the Numantines had iust cause to defend themselues Helie the Spartan doth say that onely the Emperour Traian was hee that neuer was ouercome in battell And the reason thereof was this that he did neuer take any warre in hand wherein he did not iustifie his cause The King of Pontus whiche was called Mithridates dyd wryte a certaine Letter vnto the Consull Silla being bente in warres moste cruelly the one against the other wherein was thus written I doe muche wonder of thée Consull Silla to take warre in hande in so straunge a lande as this of mine and that thou darest aduenture to deale with my great fortune since thou knowest shée neuer deceiued mée neither had acquaintance with thée To these woordes the Consull did answere Oh Mithridates I weighe it very little to holde warre farre from Romae since the Romanes haue fortune alwayes by them And if thou say that she did neuer fayle thée nor euer know mée thou shalt now sée how in vsing hir office she shall passe to mée and take hir leaue of thée And although it be not so I do neither feare thée or doubte hir for that I hope that the Goddes will do more for my iustice than for thée thy great fortune Many times the Emperoure Augustus vsed to say that warres to be good must be incommended vnto the Goddes accepted of Princes iustified of Philosophers and executed of Captaines Thus much I haue saide vnto your Lordship to this end that if your warre had bin vpon Ierusalem it were to be holden for iust but for that it is vpon Marsellius alway we hold it for scrupulous The kings hart is in the hand of God saith the diuine scripture If it be so who may attaine vnto this so great a secret whiche is to wéete that the Kings hart being in Gods hand he dare offend God which doth appeare most cleare in that we see no other thing but warres amongst the Christians and leaue the Moores to prosper and liue in rest This businesse to me is so difficulte that although I cā speak thereof I know not how to vnderstand it since all day wée sée no other thing but that God doth permitte by his secrete iudgements that the Churches where they prayse him be destroyed and throwen downe and the cursed remaine sound and frée where they do offend him Your Lordship is a Christian a good man at armes my neare kinseman and my speciall friend any of which things doth much binde me to féele your trauaile and to be gréeued with your perill I speake of trauell to the bodie bycause the Captaine that holdeth much of his honour ought to estéeme little of his life I say perill vnto the soule bicause amongst Christians there is no warre so iustified that in the same remayneth not some scruple Herein your Lordship shall sée that I desire to saue you in that I will not delite you with lies But only to say vnto you that which I do conceiue to the end that afterwards you may do what is méete If you know not wherunto you are bound I wish your Lordship to vnderstand it is that the Captaine generall do auoyde vniust wrongs correct blasphemers succour innocents chastise quarellers pay his armie defend the people auoyde all sackings and obserue fayth with the enemies Assure your selfe my Lord that there shall come a time in whiche you shall giue an accompt to God and also to the king not onely of what you haue done but likewise of that whereunto you haue consented Sir Iohn of Gueuara was your Grādfather and my cousin and he was one of the Gentlemen at armes that passed out of Spayne into Italy with the King Sir Alonso and there did helpe to get this kingdome of Naples and in recompence of his seruice hée made him Lorde greate Seneshall of the kingdome Of whiche you may gather howe muche your Lordship ought to trauell to leaue suche another renoume vnto your successours as hath bene left vnto you by your predecessors As
great trauelles that vnprofitable friends bring with them is that they come not to seeke vs to the end to doe what we wil but to perswade vs to doe what they will. It is great perill to haue enemies and also it is greate trauell to suffer some kind of friendes for to giue the whole hart to one is not much but how much lesse when amongst many it is reparted neyther my condition may beare it either within the greatnes of your estate may it be cōtained that we should loue after such sort neither in such maner to behaue ourselues for that there is no loue in this worlde so perfect as that which holdeth no scruple of intereste Your Lordship saith in your letter that you write not vnto me for that I am rich or mighty but because I am learned and vertuous And you instantly desire me that I write vnto you with mine owne hand some thing that maybe worthy to be vnderstood and plesaunt to be read To that which you say that you hold me to be wise to this I aunswere as Socrates did whiche is too wit that hée knew not any thing more certaine but in perceyuing that he did know nothing Very great was the Philosophie that Socrates did inclose in the aunswere for as the deuine Plato doth say the lesser part that we vnderstand not is much more than al that we know In all this world there is not the like infamie as a man to bée imputed ignorant either the like kind of praise as to bée called wise bycause in the wise death is very euil imployed and in the foole life is much worse bestowed The tirant Epimethes séeing the Philosoher Demosthenes wéep immeasurable teares for the death of a Philosopher demaunded for what cause hée wept so muche since it was a straunge thing for Philosophers to wéepe To this Demosthenes answered O Epimethes I do not wéepe bycause the Philosopher died but for that thou liuest and if thou knowest not I will giue thée to vnderstand which is that in the scholes of Athens we do more wéepe bycause the euill doe liue than for the death of the good Also your honour doth saye that you doe iudge me to be a man solitarie and vertuous might it please the diuine clemencie that in al this and much more you speake the truth bycause in case for one to be or not to bée vertuous I dare venter to speake that how muche sure it is to be and not too séeme to be so daungerous it is to seeme to be and not to be in déede Man is naturally variable in his appetites profoūd in hart mutable in his thoughts incōstant in his purposes indeterminable in his conclusions wherof we maye well gather that man is easie to knowe and very difficile to vnderstand Your excellencie giues me more honour in calling me wise and vertuous than I giue to intitle you Duke of Sesa Marques of Bitonto Prince of Guilache and aboue all great captaine For to my vertue and wisedome warres can giue no impeachment but your potencie and greatnes is subiect vnto fortune Your honour writeth vnto me that I certifie you of my opinion in that the king our master doth commaund now of new that you passe once more into Italy by occasion of the battell that the Frenchmen of late haue ouercome at Rauenna whiche in the worldes to come shall be so famous as it was now bloudie Vnto this answering your honour I saye that you haue great reason to doubt and vpon the same too vse counsell for if you do not accomplishe what you be commaunded the Kyng takes displeasure and if you doe what they entreat you you contend with fortune Two times your honour hath passed into Italy and twice woon the kyngdome of Naples in which two iorneyes you ouercame the battell of Garrellano and the battell of Chirinola and slewe the best people of the house of Fraunce And that which is most of all you brought to passe that the Spanish nation of all the world were feared and obtained vnto your selfe renoume of immortall memory This being true as it is it were no wisedome either suretie once more to returne thither to tempt fortune which with none doth shew hir self so malicious and double as with such as spend long time in the warres Hanniball a Prince of the Carthaginians not contented too haue ouercome the Romanes in those great and famous battailes of Trene Trasmene and Canna but as hée would alway force and wrestle with fortune he came to be ouercome of those which he many times had ouercome Those that haue to deale with fortune must entreate hir but not force hir they must heare hir but not beleue hir they must hope in hir but haue no confidence in hir they must serue hir but not anger hir they muste bée conuersant with hir but not tempt hir For that fortune is of so euill a condition that when shee fauneth she biteth when she is angred she woundeth In this iourney that they commaund your honour neither do I perswade you that you go either diswade you to tary Onely I say and affirme with this third passage into Italy you returne to put your life in perill and your fame in ballance In the two first conquests you obtaine honour with them that be present fame for the worldes to come riches for your children an estate for your successours reputation amongst straungers credit amongst your owne gladnes for your friends and grief vnto your enemies Finally you haue gotten for excellencie this renoume of great Captaine not only for these our times but also for the world to come Consider well what you leaue and what you take in hand for that it may rather be imputed for rashnes than for wisedome that in keping your house where al doth enuie you should depart where al men should be reuenged You ouercame the Turkes in Paflonia the Mores in Granada the Frenchmen in Chirinola the Picardes in Italy the Lombardes in Garellano I holde it to be doubted that as fortune hath not more nations to giue you to ouercome she will now leade you where you shall be ouercome The Dukes the Princes the Captaines and vnder Captaines against whom you haue fought eyther they be deade or else gone In suche sort that nowe against an other kinde of people you must deale and fyght I sayd it for that it may chaunce that fortune which then did fauour you now maye fauour them To accepte warres to gather people to order them and to giue battaile it belongeth vnto men but to giue victorie appertaineth only to god Titus Liuius saith that many times with greate ignomie the Romaines were ouercome at Furcas Caudinas in the ende by the counsell of the Consull Aemilius they changed that Cōsul which had the charge of that army where they were before that time ouercome were frō thence forward conquerours of their enimies Of
was afflicted Man by the multitude of his sinnes doth deserue to be an offence and a scourge of the good Much did the Diuell offend Iob in tempting him but much more did holy Iob deserue in suffering that temptation Bycause in the persecutions of the iust God doth more behold the pacience of him that suffreth than he doth the malice of him that doth persecute Also you will that I write vnto you what it was I preached this other day vnto the Emperour which is to wit that the Princes which tyraÌ„nously gouerne their common wealthes haue more cause to feare good men than those that be euill Sir that whiche I sayde in this case was that the tyrants whiche in the common wealthes haue offices of most preheminence haue much more respect to the bountie of the good than to the conspiracies of the euill For that amongst many other thinges this priuilege is coÌ„tayned in vertue that is to vnderstand amongst the least inferiors it giueth dismay with the equall it moueth enuie and to the great mightie it yeldeth feare The Siracusan Dionisius had more feare of the diuine Plato which was in Grecia than of al the enemies he had neare him in Cicilia Kyng Saule had more respect to the deseruings of Dauid than to the armies of the Philistines The proud Aman that was so priuate with Kyng Assuerus was more grieued with the good Mardocheus that he held him in no reuerence than with all the rest of the kyngdome Herod Escalonite did hold in more reuereÌ„ce and also did more feare only Iohn Baptist than all the kingdome of Iudea Finally I do say and affirme that none may with a troth say or affirme that he hathe an enemie but when he hath some good man to his enemie Bycause the euil man doth hurt with his knife but the good doth hurt with his credit Sir alwaies haue regard not to striue or contend with a man that naturally is good and hath credite in the common wealth with all men For he shall do you more hurt with his word than you shall offend him with a blowe of a launce Sir as touching the Commendathor Iohn of Towres that would not the gouernment this yéere which the gouernours had giuen him saying that he deserued better and that the king when he shall come from Flaunders will giue him more to this I aunswere that it seemeth to me lacke of wit and also a surplusage of foolishnesse to leaue a reward certaine for a hope doubtfull Sir also you coniure me that I write vnto you what I thought of the Lorde President Sir Antony de Roias when I talked with him in your businesse to this I aunswere that hée séemeth to mée sharpe in his aunsweres and wise in his dealings I do not like well with many of this Court that depraue him for his speache and do not afterwards consider of his doings as it is true so likewise many of our fréends giue vs wordes by Kintals but workes by the ounce Also you will mée that I write vnto you what I iudge of the Embassadour of Venize for that I am conuersant with him and hée confesseth himself with me Sir I can tell you that hée is in science learned in his life reformed and in conscience much considerate And it may bée sayde by him thatwhich Plato saide by Phocion his friend he did more loue to bée than séeme to be vertuous In the other secrete and particular businesse that Alonso Espinell commoned with mée off in your behalf with the same faith that your worship sent me the message receyue yée also the aunswere From Toledo the .xxx. of Iune in the yeare of our Lord. 1525. A letter vnto Master Frier Iohn Beneuiades wherein is expounded that which is sayd in the scripture that the euill spirite sent of God came vpon Saule REuerend and welbeloued Father the letter that your fatherhod made in Salamanca I haue receiued héere in Soria the which forthwith I read and afterwardes many times did turne to reade For that I receyued very great consolatioÌ„ in remembring my self from whom it came and in noting what it contained In the letter of a very friend the spirits do reioyce the eyes delight the hart is recreated friendeship confirmed and the vnderstanding is comforted For Plutarch sayth in the book of the fortune of Alexander that the great Alexander did neuer reade the letters whiche tyrantes did send him eyther did teare the letters that Philosophers did write vnto him All the letters that Marcus Antonius did write vnto Cleopatra and all the letters that Cleopatra did write vnto Marcus Antonius were found by the Emperoure Augustus very well laide vp after the death of Marcus Antonius The letters that Cicero did write to Publius Lentulus to Atticus to Rufus to Fabarius and to Drusius which were his familiar frends were all found in their keping and not in his originall As coâ—cerning that your fatherhode wryteth and by this letter comaund me to write it may be very well answered as saint Agneda did answer the virgin Lucie which is to wete Quid a me petis Lucia Virgo nam ipsa poteris praestare continuò matri tuae In this case and in this demaund I can not tell whether of vs deserueth more paine your fatherhode for tempting my patience or I in aduenturning my selfe to publishe my ignorance For hée is not worthy lesse fault that sinneth than hée that is the cause of sinne Si nequeo ascendere in montem cum Loth ad minus saluabor in Segor I would say that if your fatherhode bée not satisfied with that whiche I shall aunswere it maye please you to bée satisfied with that I would aunswere For as Plato sayd hée that doth trauel not to erre misseth very narowly You will that I write vnto you what I iudge and how I vnderstand that text whiche is written in holy scripture 1. Regum cap. xvj where it is said speaking of King Saul and of his infirmitie Spiritus Domini malus arripiebat Saulem The fyrst King of Israell was named Saul he was chosen of the Tribe of Beniamin which was the last Tribe of all the Tribes and in the second yeare of his raigne an euill spirit sent of God did vex him whiche would not come out of him neyther leaue to torment him vntill the good King Dauid came before him to play and to sing But now the dout is how it may be vnderstoode and agrée withall that the scripture should say the euill spirit of the Lord did take Saul if the spirit were of the Lord how was he euell and if he were euill how was he of the Lord it séemeth an hard thing and not intelligible to say of the one part that that spirit which held Saul was of the Lord and of the other part to say that the spirit was euil But if the spirite were of the Lord how was he then euil and if he were euill
they will rather amēd God than correct themselues Let houses fal the vines be blasted the stormes spoile corne the flocks die and rent gatherers run away if we giue thanks to God for that he leaueth vs if we do not murmur for that he taketh away if we grow not dul to serue him he will neuer grow negligent to giue vs prouision They say vnto me that your Lordship is vexed sorowfull and also vntractable these are priuileges of olde menne but not of wise olde men for it shoulde be a muche greater losse to haue the wit blasted thā the Corne destroied Vncle you know very well that in all the the markets of Vilada Palencia we shal find bread to be sold but in none of the faires of Medina shal we find wisdome to be bought For which cause men ought to giue more thanks vnto God for that hée did create them wise than for that he made them rich It is a more sounde welthinesse for a man to estéeme himselfe wise than to presume to be of great wealth for with wisdom they obtaine to haue but with hauing they come to lose thēselues The office of humanitie is to féele trauells and the office of reason is to dissemble them For when sodaine assaultes come vpon vs and infortunes knocke at our gates if the hart should receiue them all and of euery one complaine and bewayle he should euer haue wherof to recount and neuer want wherfore to lament Prometheus that gaue laws to the Aegiptians said that the Philosopher should not wepe for any thing but for the losse of his friend for all other things are contained in our chestes onely the friend dwelleth in the hart If Prometheus did not permit to shew any griefe but for a friende it is not credible that he would wéepe for the corne in the field wherin he had greate reason for notwithstandyng that the losse of temporall good is wherewith we be moste grieued yet on the other part it is that wherein our losse is least Séeing the incertayntie of this lyfe and the continuall chaunges that be in the same as little suretie men haue thereof that be in their houses as the corne that is in the field I dare say that wée haue very little wherin to trust and many things wherof to be afrayd It is not vnknowen to your Lordship that in this lyfe there is nothyng sure since wée sée the corne blasted trées striken downe floures fall woodde wormeaten cloath deuoured with moathes cattell doe ende and menne doe dye and that all thynges well marked in the ende all thyngs haue an ende Men that haue passed thrée score yeares haue for their priuiledge to sée in their houses great misfortunes whiche is to witte absence of friendes deathe of children losse of goodes infirmities in their persones pestilences in the common wealth and manye nouelties in Fortune and for thys cause Plinie durste saye that men ought not to bée borne if that he being borne foorthwith should die Oh howe well sayde the diuine Plato that men oughte not to be carefull to liue long but to lyue well I thought good thus muche to write vnto you to the ende you shoulde vnderstande to profite your selfe by olde age since you had skil to enioye the dayes of youth for in the age of fourescore yeares it is a tyme to make small accounte of lyfe and to vse great skill and no small reckening of death All these thinges I haue written vnto your Lordshippe and my good vncle not for that you haue néede but bicause you shall haue wherein to reade and also to the ende you shall vnderstande that although I go bescattered and wandring in thys Court I doe not leaue to reknowledge the good No more but that our Lorde be your protectour From Madrid the eleuenth of Marche 1533. A letter vnto Master Gonsalis Gil in which is expounded that which is sayd in the Psalmist Inclinaui cor meum ad faciendas iustificationes tuas in aeternum RIght reuerend and eloquent Doctor ad ea quae mihi scripsisti quid tibi sim respōsurus ignoro although I saye that to so many things I know not to answer I should haue sayd better that I dare not to wright For the affaires of our common wealth are come to that estate that though we be bound to féele them we haue no licence to reporte them It is too gréeuous in our humanitie to suffer iniuries but it is much more gréeuouse vnto the hart to kéepe them secret and not to vtter them for the remedie of the sorowfull hart is to discouer his poyson and to vnburden where he loueth He deserueth much and can do very much that hathe a hart to féele things as a man and dissembleth them as discret For he is of a greater courage that forgettes the sorowe that once entreth into the hart than he which reuengeth it If my memorie should reueale what it doth retaine my tong speake what it doth knowe and my pen write what me listeth I am sure those that be present would maruell and suche as be absent would growe offended for nowe burneth the pearcher without tallow and at randon all goeth to the bottom The armie of gentlemen be here in Medina del ryo secco and they of the communaltie in Villa Braxima in suche wise that too the one we desire victory and of the other we haue compassion For the one be our good Lords and the others our good friēds I desire that the part of the gentlemen may ouercome and it grieueth me to sée the deathe and fall of the poore chiefly for that they know not what they aske either vnderstand what they do If the trauell of the warre and the perill of the battel might light vpō their shoulders that were inuenters therof and that haue altered the people it shoulde be tollerable too sée and iust to suffer but alas the sorow they fight in safetie and chase the bull in great suretie wée haue the monasterie full of souldiors and the Celles occupied with knights wherin there is no place for a man to withdrawe eyther a quiet houre to studie In such wyse that if my Bookes be scattred also my wits be wandring What quietnesse or contentation will you that I haue séeing the king is oute of his kingdome the commons rebell the counsell fled the Gentlemen persecuted the townes men altered the gouernours astonied and the people sacked euery houre entreth men of warre euery houre they make alarums euery houre they sound to battell euery houre they ordeine ambushes euery hour there is skirmishes euery houre they intende repayres and also euery houre I sée them bring men wounded The Cardinal and the gouernours commaunde me to preache and instructe them in the affaires of peace that which I can say is euery thirde day I goe from one campe to an other and they of the cōmonaltie will not beléeue me neither will be conuerted in suche wise that
life and iust in youre tribunall or iudgements I wold not gladly heare that those that do praise that which you do should complaine of that whiche you say with a Lorde of so high estate and with a iudge of so preheminent an office my pen should not haue presumed to write what it hath written if your Lordship had not commaunded My Lord I saide it bycause if this that I haue here written vnto you shall not like you that it may please you to sende too reuoke the licence that you haue giuen Also you will that I shall write vnto youre Lordship if I haue founde in anye auncient Chronicle what is the cause wherefore the Princes of Castile do call themselues not onely Kings but also Catholique Kings And that also I write vnto you who was the first that called himself Catholique King and what was the reason and the occasion to take this so generous and Catholique title There were ynowe in thys Court of whome you might haue demaunded and of whome you might haue vnderstood in yeares more auncieÌ„t in knowledge more learned in bookes more rich and in writing more curious than I am But in the end my Lord be sure of this one thing that that which I shall write if it be not written in a polished stile at the least it shall be all very true Comming to the purpose it is to be vnderstood that the Princes in olde time did always take proud ouer-names as Nabugodonozer that did intitle him selfe King of Kings Alexander the greate the king of the world the king Demetrius the conqueror of Cities the great Haniball the tamer of kingdomes Iulius Caesar the Duke of the Citie the king Mithridates the restorer of the world the king Athila the whip of nations the king Dionisius the host of all men the king Cirus the last of the Gods the king of England defender of the Church the king of Fraunce the most Christian king and the king of Spaine the Catholique king To giue your Lordship a reckoning who were these kings and the cause why they did take these so proude titles to me it should be painfull to write and to your Lordship tedious to reade it is sufficient that I declare what you commaunde me without sending what you craue not It is to wit that in the yere seuen hundreth fiftie two the fift day of the month of Iuly vpon a sunday ioyning to the riuer Bedalake about Xeres on the frontiers euen at the breake of day was giuen the last and most vnfortunate battell betwixt the Gothes that were in Spaine and the Alarues that had come from Africa in whiche the sorowfull king Sir Rodrigo was slaine and all the kingdome of Spaine lost The Moore that was Captaine and that ouercame this famous battell was named Musa which did know so well to folow his victorie that in the space of eight moneths he did win and had dominion from Xeres in the frontieres vnto the rocke Horadada which is neare to the towne of Onnia And that whiche séemeth to vs most terrible is that the Moores did win in eighte moneths which in recouering was almost eight hundred yeres for so many yeares did passe from the time that Spaine was lost vntill Granado was wonne The fewe Christians that escaped out of Spaine came retiring vnto the mountaines of Onnia neare vnto the rocke Horadada vnto which the Moores did come but from thence forward they passed not either did conquer it for there they found great resistance and the land very sharp And when they of Spaine did see that the king Sir Rodrigo was dead and all the Gothes with hym and that without Lord or head they could not resist the Moores they raysed for king a Spanish Captaine that was named Sir Pelaius a man venturous in armes and of all the people very well beloued The fame being spread thoroughout all Spaine that the mountaine men of Onia had raised for king the good Sir Pelaius all men generouse and warlike did repaire vnto him with whome he did vnto the Moores greate hurt and had of them glorious triumphes Thrée yeares after they had raysed the good sir Pelaius for King hée married one of his daughters with one of the sonnes of the Earle of Nauarn who was named Sir Peter and his sonne was called Sir Alonso This Earle Sir Peter descended by right line of the linage of the blessed King Richardos in whose tyme the Gothes did leaue the sect of the curled Arrius by the meanes of the glorious and learned Archbyshop Leonard The good king Pelaius being dead in the eighteene yeare of his raigne the Castilians exalted for king a sonne of his that was named Fauila the which two yeares after he began to raigne going on a certaine day to the mountaine meaning to flea the Beare the Beare killed him And for that the king Fauila died without children the Castilians elected for king the husband of his sister whiche is to wit the sonne of the Earle of Nauarne who was named Alonso the whiche began his raigne in the yeare .vii. C.lxxij hys raigne endured eightene yeares which was as much tyme as his father in law the good King Sir Pelaius had raigned This good King was the firste that was named Alonso which tooke his name in so good an houre that since that daye amongst all the kings of Castile that haue bin named Alonso we reade not of one that hath bin euill but very good Of thys good king Alonso the historiographers do recite many landable things to recompt worthy to be knowen and exemplars to be followed The King sir Alonso was the first that out of Nauarne entered Galizia to make warre vppon the Moores with whome be had many encounters and battells in the ende he ouercame and droue them out of Astorga Ponferada Villa franca Tuy and Lugo with all their Countries and Castelles This good king Alonso was he that did win of the Moores the Citie of Leon and builded there a royall place to the ende all the Kings of Castile his successors should there be resideÌ„t and so it came to passe that in long time after many Kings of Castile did liue and die in Leon. This good King Alonso was the firste that after the destruction of Spaine began to builde Churches and to make Monasteries and Hospitalles in especially from the beginning the Cathedrall churches of Lugo Tâ—y Astorga and Ribeâ—ew the which afterwards did passe to Mondonedo This good king Alonso did buiâ—d many and very solempne Monasteries of the order of saint Benet and many hospitalles in the way of saint Iames and many particular Churches in Nauarne and in the Countrey of Ebro whiche he endewed all with great riches and gaue them opulent possessions This good King Alonso was the first that did séeke and commaunded to be sought with very great diligence the holy bookes that had escaped the hands of the Moores and as a zelous Prince commaunded that
they shoulde bée caried to the Church of Oiendo to be kept and gaue great rewards vnto such as had hid them This good King Alonso was the firsts that commaunded that all the greate writers and singers should resort to Leon to the end they should write great singing bookes and litle breuiaries to pray on the which he gaue and deuided amongst all the Monasteries and Churches that he had founded for the cursed Moores had not left a Church in Spaine that they did not ouerthrow either booke that they did not burne This good king Alonso was the first that did begin to make all the Bishops houses ioyning to the Cathedrall Churches bycause the heate in the Sōmer either the colde in Winter should not let them to be resident in the Quier and to sée how they worshipped God. This good king Alonso the first died in the age of .lxiiij. yeres in the Citie of Leon in the yeare of our Lord. 793. And hys death of the Castilians and Nauarrois was as much bewayled as of all men his life was desired How acceptable his life was vnto God it appeared most cleare in that the Lord shewed by him at his death whiche is to wit that at the point of his last breath they heard ouer his chamber Angelike voices sing and say Beholde how the iust dieth and no man maketh account thereof his dayes be ended and his soule shall bée in rest The lamentation was so great that was made through out Spaine for the deathe of this good King Alonso that from thence forward euery time that any named his name if hée were a man he put off his cap and if a woman she made a reuerence Not thrée months after the death of the good King Alonso all the mightie of the Kingdome ioyned in parliament wherein they did ordeyne and commaund by a publique Edict that from thence forward and for euermore none should presume to say coldly or driely the king Alonso but for his excellencie they should cal him the king Alonso the Catholique for that he had bin a prince so glorious and of the diuine seruice so zelouse This good king was sonne in law of sir Pelaius he was the third King of Castile after the destruction thereof he was the first king of this name Alonso he was the firste that founded Churches in Spaine he was the first King at whose death such Angelike voyces were heard he was the first king that was intituled Catholike by whose deseruings and vertues all the kings of Spaine his successors be called to thys day Catholike Kings My Lorde it séemeth to me that since the kings of Spaine presume to inherit the name they should also presume to follow his life which is to wit to make warre vpon the Moores and to be fathers and defendours of the Church And for that in the beginning of this letter I did vse the spéech of a friend and in this I haue accomplished what you craued as a seruāt I say no more but that our Lord be your protector and gyue vs all his grace From Segouia the xij of May. 1523. A letter vnto Mosen Rubin of Valentia beeing enamoured wherein is touched the displeasures that the amorous dames giue vnto their louers MAgnificent and old enamored being in Madrid the fourth of August where I receyued a letter of youres and for that it was torne and the firme somewhat blotted I sweare vnto you by the law of an honest mā I could not find meanes to read it or imagine or cal to remembrance who should write it For notwithstanding we were acquainted when I was Inquisitor in Valencia it is almost a thousand yeares since we saw eche other after I awakened and called my selfe to remembrance and did read and read againe your letter I fell in the reckoning that it was of Mosen Rubin my neighbour I say Mosen Rubin the enamored I remēber that sometimes we were wont to play at the chesse in my lodging and cannot aduise me that you gaue me the dame but I do certainly remember that you did not suffer me to sée your enamored I remember that at the rock of Espadon at the encounter we had with the Moores I escaped wounded and you with a broken head where wée could neyther finde Chirurgion to cure vs or as muche as a clout to bind vs I remember that in reward for that I caused your bill to be firmed by the Quéene you sent me a Mule which I did gratifie and not receyue I remember that when we went to accompany the French King to Requena whē we came to the seuen waters I complayned for want of meate and you for lacke of lodging and in the ende I receyued you into my lodging and you went foorth to prouide victualles I remember when Caesar commaunded me to repaire vnto Toledo you gaue me a letter to be deliuered vnto the Secretarie Vrias vppon a certaine businesse of yours to whome I dyd not only speake but also obtained your sute I remember that chiding with a Chaplayne of youre wiues in my presence when he said vnto you that it were not conuenient you shuld deale fowly with him for that he had charge of soules was a Curat you made answer that he was not a Curat of soules but of fooles I remember that I counselled you and also perswaded you being in Xatina that you shoulde giue to the Diuell the loue that you wot of and I also doe knowe bycause they were tedious perillous and costly I remember that after in Algezira you reported wéeping and sighing that you had no power to chase them from your minde either roote them from your hart and ther I returned to say and sweare that it was no loue eyther pleasant to your persone or too your estate conuenient I remember that after we mette at Torres where I demaunded to what conclusion you had framed your loue you answered in a thousand sorrowes and trauelles for that you had escaped from thence wounded abhorred beflouted infamed and also be pilled Of many other things I remember I haue both séene and hard you speake and do in that time that we were neighbours and couersant in Valentia whereof although we may talke they are not too be written In this present letter you aduertise me that now you are enamored and taken with other new loues and that since I sayd the troth in the first you pray me to write my opinion in the second holding it for certaine that my skil serueth to let bloud in the right vayne and also to bind vp the wound Sir Mosen Rubin I woulde you had written or demaunded some other matter for speaking the very troth in this matter of loue you are not in the age to follow it eyther may it be contained with my ingrauitie to write it of my habit of my profession and of my authoritie and grauitie you shoulde haue demaunded cases of counsell and not remedies of loue
a wype To the Father Prior of Corta caeli I sende a riche palia for my sake I pray you to cōmaunde that it bée giuen him in my behalf to visit him bicause I lodged long time with him am much bound affectioned vnto him No more but that our Lord be your protector and kéepe you from an euill lemman and heale you of your goute From Madrid the thirde of Marche .1527 A letter vnto the Bishop of Zamora Sir Anthony of Acuna wherein he is sharply reprehended for that he was captain of the commons that rebelled in Spaine REuerent and seditious Prelate Zalobrena the sergeant of your bande gaue mée a Letter of yours whiche presently I coulde not vnderstand but after I had read returned againe to reade the same I did sée it was no letter but a bill that the Bishop of Zamora had sente wherein he dyd desie and threaten that he woulde kill me or commaunde mée to be chastized The cause of this defiaunce your Lordshippe declareth to procéede for that in Villa Braxima I withdrew Sir Peter Giron from your parcialitie and counselled hym to cease to followe you and retire to serue the king I my Lorde doe accept your defiance and hold my selfe defyed not that wée kill our selues but that we examin our selues not to the ende wée goe vnto the fielde but to incommende our selues to reason Which reason as a viewer of our factes shall declare whether of vs is moste culpable I in followyng and obeying the Kyng or you in altering and reuolting the kingdome I remēber me being as thē but yong in Trecenon a manour house of Gueuara I did sée my vncle Sir Ladron sir Beltram my father mourne in black for your father in verie trouth my lord Bishop seeing you as I did sée you in Villa Braxima compassed with artillery accōpanied with souldiours and armed at al points with more reason we might weare gréen bicause you liue than black for that your father died The diuine Plato of two thinges did not discerne which first to bewayle that is to wit the death of good men or the life of the wicked for it is a most great grief vnto the heart to sée the good so soon to die and the wicked so long time to liue A certain Greeke béeing demanded for what cause he shewed so great sorow in the death of Agesilaus He answered I wéepe not bicause Agesilaus died but for that Alcibiades remaineth liuing whose life offendeth the Goddes and escandalizeth the world A certain Gentleman of Medina who is named Iohn Cnaso reported that being appointed to haue the ouersight of your bringing vp he was driuen to change foure Nursses in six moneths for that in nursing you were fierce wayware and importune in suckyng It séemeth vnto mée my Lorde Bishop that since in your childhoode you were so paynfull and in your lyfe so sedicious it were great reason that in your olde yeares as you shoulde be quiet if not for your deseruing yet to repose you shoulde seeke quietnesse holding as you haue in youre possession thrée score yeare completed ▪ and shortely maye boaste youre selfe of thrée score and tenne accomplyshed it seemeth to mée no euyll counsayle that you offer if it lyke you the flower to God for that you bestowed so muche branne in the worlde Since your gardein is blasted your vinedage ended youre floure fallen your primetyme finished your youthe passed you olde age come it were muche more conueniente to take order for amendment of olde sinnes reformation of youre life than to execute the office of Captaine ouer rebelling cōmoners If you will not followe Christe that made you yet folow sir Lewes of Acuna that begat you at whose gates many poore euery day did féede and at your gates we sée not but playing and blaspheming souldiours To make of souldiours priests it passeth but of priests to make souldiors is an acte moste scandalous whervnto I wil not say your Lordship consented but that you exactely haue perfourmed You broughte from Zamora to Tordissillas thrée hundreth Massing Priestes not to instructe the Kinges subiectes but to defend that Town against the King and to remoue your Lordship from euill toungs as also for the better saluation of their soules you brought them from Zamora in the beginning of Lent in such wise that like a good pastor an excellent Prelate you remoued thē from praying to fighting in the assault which the Gentlemē gaue at Tordessillas against your bande I saw with mine eyes one of your priests with an harquebuse ouerthrow eleuen men behinde a window the grace was that when he did leuell to shoote he blessed him selfe with his péece and killed them with the pellot I sawe also before the assaulte was ended the Souldiours of oure side that were without giue that good Prelate such a blow in the forehead with an arrow that the death of that caytise was so suddain as he had neither time to confesse his sinnes nor yet so muche as to blesse himselfe But nowe the soule of that Bishop that remoued that priest from his churche the soule of that priest that slew so many men what excuse can they haue before men and what accounte maye they make to God It were a sinne to take you from the warres but much greater to make you of the church since you be so offensiue in nothing scrupulous hereof we be most certain for that you make no account to fight to kill and also to be irregular I woulde gladly knowe in whether booke you haue read most which is to wit in Vegetius whiche entreateth of matters of warres or in S. Austine his booke of Christian doctrine and that whiche I durste auouche is I haue séene you many tymes handle a partisan but neuer anye booke and it séemeth vnto mée not a little gréeuous that to the souldioures that assaulted and fel at the taking of the fort of Impudia they say that you sayde So my sonnes vp fight and die beholde my soule for yours since you dye in so iust an enterprise and a demaunde so holye My Lorde Bishop you well knowe that the Souldiors that there were slayne were excommunicate for sacriledge traytours to the King robbers of churches théeues on high ways enemies of the common wealth and maintainers of ciuill warre It is most euident that the soule of that Bishop that speaketh suche blasphemie is not much scrupulous that desireth to die as a souldiour neither doe I maruell that he desireth to die like a desperate Souldiour that neuer made account of his estate as a Bishoppe If you had raysed this warre to reforme the common wealth or to haue made frée your countrey from some oppression and taxation it might séeme you had occasion although in déed no reason but your Lordship hath not risen against the king for the weale of the kingdom but to make exchange for a better Bishoprike
pierced vnto your heart for I did not write that you should read it but that you shuld reade and feele it The patiēt that doth determine to receiue a litle rubarbe suffreth the bitternesse that it leaueth in the throte for the profite it doth him against his feuer I woulde say that it shall little profite your Lordship though you know how to complaine if you do not likewise determine how to amende for that your Lordship is an Oforio in bloud in dignitie a Bishop in authoritie a gentleman or a knight and in profession a Christian I hold you in great reuerence but ioyntly therewith as concerning your furious complainses and threates I esteeme them very little for there is a God that beholdeth his seruants and a Prince that standeth for his subiects I conceyue no euil that you be a warriour and that you go armed vpon condition that your armour be such as the Apostle speaketh of quòd arma militiae nostrae non sunt carnalia sed spiritualia bicause your warre ought not to be with enemies but with vices and as Seneca sayth more glory was deserued by Cato in banishing vice out of Rome than of Scipio for conquering the Carthaginians in Africa But since you would needes go on warfare and make warre vppon the whole common wealth of Castile to foyle your enemie the Earle of Alua de Lista what faulte had the King and Quéene committed To pardon many for the merite of one is the office of Christians but to chastise many for one mans offence is the condicion of tyrants in suche sorte that from henceforth we may not call you Bishop of Zamorra but tirant of the common wealth Many times I stay to cōsider to what purpose your Lordship would néedes disobey the king alter the kingdome raise vp the people make armies ioyne with communers cast away your selfe and hurt and endamage the common welth I am not able to comprehend any occasion muchlesse any reason except it be that as you desire to be Archbishop of Toledo you would obtaine by strength that whiche you deserue not by vertue If the matter might come in iudgement before God yea and also before mē your Lordship may be sure that more demerites would be found in you to be dispossessed of your Bishoprike that you now possesse than merits wherefore to giue you the Archbishoprike that you craue The dignities of the Church of God ought not to be giuen vnto suche as doth procure them but vnto those that do refuse them for so muche the more worthy is he to gouerne soules that thinketh himselfe most vnworthy to performe the same To deserue the Archbishoprike of Toledo your Lordship ought rather to shed teares than bloud to be in the temple and not in the fields to accompany the religious and not souldiers too pray at your houres and not to alter the common wealthe but your Lordship séeing that you cannot deserue by vertue you determined to obtaine by armed strength You ought too haue remembred that God hath chosen you for a Bishop and not for a Captaine for the Church and not for the warre to preach and not to fight to be inuested with surples and not with a shirt of maile to succour Orphanes and not souldiers and also to giue orders and not to order stales and ambushes to skirmish The first bishop of this world which was S. Peter founde amongst all the Apostles but two swordes to defende Christ and there is to be founde a M. Hagbuts within youre house to ruinat this Realme In such wise we haue to praise you not for your bookes that you reade in but for the armour you do possesse Maldonado your seruant and my friende hath aduertised me that you haue giuen him a benefice of ij C. Ducats I demanding if he vnderstood to read his diuine prayers He made aunswere Sir you are in a wrong accompt for at this instāt in the house of my Lord Bishop none hath skill to pray but we all learne to skirmish The houses of good prelates are not but certaine schooles of vertues where none may haue acquaintance with lies or learne to play the glutton or too goe at large or to be idle either yet to delight in much talke either to quarrell or to be ambitious which is not so in your house where all become absolute and glory and presume too be dissolute When the gouernours of the kingdome thys other daye sente me thither vnto you to offer condicions of peace with those of the conuocation in the towne of Braxima and sawe your Lordship armed like a clocke compassed with souldiers inuironed with such multitude of shot acompanied with such numbers of commoners and laden with affaires and businesse of so greate importance I was in a dout with my selfe whether that which I saw was a dreame or else the Byshop Sir Turbin were risen againe from deathe If you will not call to remembrance that you are a Christian that you are a priest that you are a Preacher and that you are a natiue of this kingdome yet become aduised that you descended of noble bloud and of an auncient house although it bée most true that as you be an Osorio in bloud so are you rash and desperat in condition It grieueth me my Lord Bishop that you vse armour not as a wise man but as one ouerrash not as one that defendeth but as one that offendeth not as you ought but as you list for I perceiue you follow opinion and flie reason all your displeasure riseth for following your will and imploying your abilitie to a wrong purpose but as Seneca sayth in the house where will doth commaunde very sildome reason doth inhabit and as Muscoso maketh report that eating many times you saye at youre table is there no man that will take me master Gueuara to hang him at a windowe for the disceite and intising away of sir Peter Giron out of oure percialitie To say that I deceyued him I denie it to saye that I deliuered hym from disceite I confesse it and whether it be good or euill for him to remayne there or turne hyther I am sure he repenteth not to haue beléeued me neyther I to haue giuen hym counsell Youre Lordship doth well remember when youre Captaine Lares did take me and so taken brought me before you and notwithstanding you reprehended and delte euill with me I requested you on the behalf of the gouernours that you would leaue warre and accept an honest concorde in whyche Embassage you estéemed me very little of that I said made smal accompt also and skoffed at that which I spake My lord Bishop you do well knowe how many euil dayes I haue passed how many iniuries I haue suffred what froward words with me haue bene vsed what perills I haue past what despites haue bene done vnto me with what threatnings I haue bin threatned and also what slaunders they haue raysed vpō me for that I haue folowed
the King and procured peace vnto the Kingdome When I was at the towne of Braxima with your Lordship and with the Commoners I preached nothing vnto you but penitence and to the kings gouernours at Medina del rio secco I perswaded nothing but clemencye for it was impossible if the one did not repent and the other pardon that these kingdomes might be remedied neither so many euilles and daungers cut off Now since I haue traueled after this maner and suffered so greate trauails I knowe not why you should call me traytor desire to kill me and to hang me at a window since I desire not to sée your Lordship hanged but amended Titus Liuius maketh mention of a Romane Patricide who being ambitious of honour a coward to obtaine the same determined to set fier on the treasure house where all the people of Rome layd vp their treasure This euill disposed fellow being taken tormented and examined of the cause of his enterprise made answer I would haue done this hurt to the commō welth for that writers should make mention of me in their Chronicles whiche is to wit as touching the treasures of Rome though I had not abilitie to obtaine them yet had I skill to burne them I thought good too put youre Lordship in remembraunce of this historie to the end you may vnderstande considering I am Preacher and Chronicler vnto his maiestie in which imperiall Chronicle there shall be sufficient report of your Lordship not that you were a father and a pacifier of your countrey but rebellious and an inuentor of these warres How maye I with troth write of the rebellion of Toledo the death of the ruler of Segouia the taking of Tordesillas the imprisonment of the counsell the siege of Alaheios the conuocation of Auila the burning of Medina the alteration of Valiodolid the scandall of Burgos the losse of Toro Zamora and Salamanca without I make mention of your Lordship How may I make report of the euils that Vera the Lockier hath cōmitted in Valiodolid Bobadilla the shereman in Medina the Lockiar in Auila and Burgos and in Salamanca the Skinner but that in that holy brotherhood we must find the Bishop of Zamora I report me vnto you my Lord Bishop shall I raise any slaunder vpon you by reporting in my Chronicle that I sawe at the towne of Braxima all the artillerie brought togither to the gates of your house I saw watch ward kept rounde about your lodging I saw all the Captaines of your bands féede at your table I saw them all ioyne to consult in your chamber and that al did exclame for long life to the bishop of Zamora All these things which your Lordship hath done I woulde gladly leaue them vnwritten if your Lordship would amend and also remedie the mischiefe you haue in hand but I beholde you with suche eyes and with such an opinion that you will rather lose your life wherewith you liue than the opinion which you follow I conceiued no small compassion when this other day I saw you compassed with the commoners of Salamanca with villaines of Saiago with manquellers of Leon with rebelles of Zamora with Cappers of Toledo and with hit makers of Valiodolid All which in generall you are bound to content and not licence to commaund This kind of people that you leade of the communaltie is so vaine and fickle that with threates they will followe you with intreatance bée sustayned with promises be blinded fighting with feare walking with suspition liuing vpon hope not contented with little or pleased with gifts for their intente is not to followe those that haue most right but such as giue best wages There is a certayne difference betwixt vs and you which is that we whiche follow the King hope to be rewarded but you haue no suche hope but by violence to please your selues which we knowe well that you your selfe haue promised to your selfe the Archbishoprike of Toledo we well knowe that Iohn of Padilia hée himselfe hath promised vnto himselfe the Mastership of S. Iames we do know that Clauero himselfe hath promised vnto himselfe the Mastership of Alcantara we well knowe that the Abbot of Compludo he himselfe hath promised vnto hym selfe the Bishoprike of Zamora we well know that the Prior of Vadiodolid he himselfe hath promised vnto himselfe the Bishoprik of Valentia sir Peter Pinentel Maldonado Quintanilla Sarabia the Licēciat Barnardine and the doctor Cowsehed None of these at this day wil giue their hope for a good quēt of rent Ramir Nunez Iohn Braue do accept to be called Lordes Iohn Braue for that he hath hope to be Earle of Chincon Ramir Nunez Earle of Luna it may be that one of thē or both may first lose their heads before they haue obtayned their estates Wherefore my Lord Byshop retire repent and amend bycause the loyaltie of Castile doth not suffer but one king neyther endure but one lawe No more but that our Lord bée youre instructor From Tordesillas the tenth of March. 1521. A letter vnto Sir Iohn of Padilla Captaine of the Commoners against the King wherein he perswadeth him to surcesse that infamous enterprise MAgnificent and vnaduised Gentlemā the letter that with youre owne hande you haue written vnto mée and the credite and trust you sent me with your seruant Montaluan I haue receyued here in Medina and to say the troth I did not more delight to sée your leter than I receyued griefe to heare youre message for that it séemeth you determine to procéede with youre enterprise and to finish the ruine of this common wealth Sir you do well vnderstande at the assemblie of Auila I saide vnto you that you were lost deceyued and solde bycause Hernando of Auila Sir Peter Giron the Bishop of Zamora and the other commoners had not inuented this Ciuill warre with zeale too redresse the offences in the common wealth but to take vengeance of their enemies Sir also I saide vnto you that the resolution of that assembly séemed vnto me great vanitie and no small vaunte and that which the common people demaunded which is to witte that in Castile all shoulde contribute all shoulde be equall all shoulde paye and that they should be gouerned after the manner of segniories in Italy the whiche is scandalous to heare and blasphemie to speake for as it is impossible to gouerne the body without armes so is it impossible that Spaine be sustayned without Gentlemen Also I said vnto you that being of bloud vndefiled of persone so well compact in armes so expect of minde so valiant in iudgemente so aduised in condition so well liked in age so tender and in the flowers of youre youth it were muche more conuenient for you to serue the King in Flaunders than Castile to trouble his kingdome Also I did aduertise you how in that of late the King had created the Admiral and the Constable for gouernours whiche
Emperour Traiane did vse to say men that possesse noble heartes and blushing vysages ought neuer to beginne that whiche lyeth not in their handes to performe for otherwyse they shall leaue with great shame that they beganne with great hope Sir you doe well knowe that all those that you leade in your campe against the king be théeues murtherers blasphemers and seditious Commoners all whiche as they are a base people and men of handicrafte you haue to intreate them but not to force them suffer but not to chastise to pray but not to commaunde to flatter but not to threaten for they followe you not to remedie things amisse but to rob the goods that others haue in possession That daye that the king shall enter into Castile that day that you shal lose any battell and also that daye that you haue not to paye the men of warre then shall you sée howe they will trudge from you without takyng any leaue and also make a secrete sale of you Sir haue compassion of your age so tender and of youre bloud so vndefiled of your parentage so honorable of youre house so auncient of your condition so good of your abilitie so â—ntier and of your youth so euill imployed all which things you haue vnfauourly infected and also in a maner mortifyed If you will beléeue me and giue credite vnto my wordes incommende your selfe vnto God leaue this enterprise turne vnto the king goe vnto the Gouernours and shake handes with these commoners Forasmuche as the king is pitifull and all men desire your remedie and welfare hée woulde much more accept your comming to serue with the rest than to haue raised this war against him Let not the deuil deceiue you either any vaine or fantasticall imagination hinder you to performe the same neither to conceiue that they haue to charge you with vnstablenesse in that you haue enterprised either as a traitor for that you haue taken in haÌ„d bicause in al the histories of this world they be acompted loyal that serue their king and such as rebell be called disloyall traitors Also if a GeÌ„tleman be reproued for slouthfulnesse he riseth more early and vseth more diligence if they call him babbler he kéepeth silence if they accuse him for a glutton he vseth temperance if they charge him as an adulterer he abstayneth if they burden him to be furious he suffereth if they impute him to be ambicious he abaseth if they name him a sinner he amendeth but if they call him by the name of a traytor there is no water that may wash or make it cleane either any excuse that may excuse it Neyther is the King so muche offended or the kingdome so much altered or affaires so aforehand nor the Gouernours of so hard disposition but that you maye be reduced and finde time very conuenient to serue the King. The which if you woulde performe I promise you by the faith of a Christian and do sweare vnto you by the lawe of an honest man that amending this wrong my penne shall change his stile Montauan maister of your house and I haue communed in secrete things of greate importaunce and since he did herein credit me it shal not be amisse that you beleue him there and if you will not I washe my handes of all your faulte and from hence forwarde doe take my leaue of your friendship No more but that with the faith and credit that I haue receiued your letter with the verie same it may please you to receyue this of myne From Medina del camop the eight day of Marche in the yeare of our Lorde .1521 A letter vnto a Gentleman and secrete friend to the Author wherin he doth aduise and reprehende him for his wretched couetousnesse MAgnificent and couetous GeÌ„leman the good Emperor Titus that was son to Vaspasian and brother to Domitian was of himself so vertuous of al the Romane Empire so welbeloued that at the tyme of his death they did engraue these words vpoÌ„ his sepulcher Delitiae moriuÌ„tur generis humani which is to say To daye is dead in Rome that did reioyce all mankynd Of this good Emperor Titus is read in Suetonius that being at supper on a time with many Princes of the empire other Embassadors of diuers kingdoms sodeinly gaue a great sigh sayd Diem amisimus amici as if he should say more cléere Let not this day be accompted amongst the days of my lyfe bicause this day I haue not performed any bountie neither giuen any reward Plutarke doth report of Alexander the great that when many Philosophers had disputed in his presence wherein consisteth the good happe of this lyfe hée made answere Beléeue me friends and be out of doubt that in all this worlde there is not equall delighte or lyke pleasure as to haue wherwith to be liberall and not wherefore to chastise Also it is said of Theopontus the Thebane who béeing a Captayne of men of warre a souldioure craued of him some péece of money to buye breade and hauing none to giue pulled of his shoes saying If I had better I would giue thée better but in the meane while take these shoes of myne for that I haue no money for it is more iust that I goe barefoot than thou an hungred Dionysius the tyrant entring vpon a certain day into his sonnes chamber and séeing there many iewels of siluer and gold sayde Sonne I did not giue these riches to the end thou shouldest kéepe them but bicause thou shouldst giue and imparte them For there is no man in this world of more power than the giuing and liberall man for with his giuing he conserueth his frends and maketh teÌ„der his enimies I haue made this discourse to vtter a certaine thyng vnto you which if you were in Castile as you are in Andolozia my penne should neuer haue written vnto you but my toung should haue spoken it into your eare for our assured friendes notwithstanding wée haue licence to blame them yet we may not vse our libertie to defame them Some of Andolozia hath told me here and some of your frendes haue written me from thence that your delite excéedeth to farre in hoording vp of money and no lesse enimie with the spendyng therof Of which déede and disposition I am not a little grieued also muche ashamed bicause honor auarice be so contrarie and in such contention and defiance that they neuer dwell in one person neither at any time had any affinitie All vicious men in this life haue some tast in their vices except it be the miserable and most vnfortunate couetous nigard which is tormeÌ„ted with that which others do possesse takes no tast in that whiche he hath The painfull trauell of the couetous nigarde is that always he walketh suspicious and in feare that the raging flouds carrie awaye his Milles that the hierd eate vp his meades that hunters steale his game and
by the feare of death The couetous wretched niggard that he goeth seeking is carefulnesse for himselfe enuie for his neighbours spurres vnto his enemies a pray for théeues perill for his person damnation for his soule malediction for his heires and law for his children All these thinges Sir I thought good to write thereby to giue you to vnderstande the grosse office you haue taken in hande and the euill opinion they do couceyue of you the which to vs your friends is great shame and to you a most great infamie Sir amende youre fault and take some other order in your life for in the house of any honest manne any lacke of goodes is tollerable but no want in honour If you shall alwayes continue to be a miser a niggard and shall giue your selfe to kéepe and hoord money from henceforward I take my leaue of your friendship and also to call you my acquainted For I neuer delighted to hold acquaintance with the man that woulde presume to lie and giue himselfe to kéepe This letter I send you without head or foote which is to wit without date or firme for going with such choler and so vnsauorie it is not reason he shoulde bée knowen that did write it neither to whome it was written No more A letter vnto the Lady Mary of Padilia wife to Don Iohn of Padilia wherein the Authour doth perswade that she tourne to the seruice of the king and giue no occasion of the losse of Castile MAgnificent and vnaduised Lady in the dayes that the good Emperour Iustinian did raigne in the East a certaine Captaine of his dyd gouerne the kingdomes in the West that was named Narsetes a man of greate capacitie to gouerne and of great valiantnes in fighting and giuing battell of this Narsetes the Romanes did saye that in him only was the force of Hercules the boldnesse of Hector the noblenesse of Alexander the wisdome of Pirrhus the valiantnesse of Antheus and the fortune of Scipio After that thys glorious captain had ouercome and slaine Atholia King of the Gothes Vncelino king of the French men Sindual king of the Brittons and also pacified and triumphed ouer all the kingdomes of the West the Romanes sought meanes to disgrace him with his Lorde and maister Iustinian saying and giuing him to vnderstand that he sought meanes to obtaine the Empire wherefore Narsetes was constrayned to departe from Rome and to passe into Asia to appeare before the Emperour Iustinian and the Empresse Sophia his wife to declare his innocencie and to make proofe that enuie had raised that sclaunder certaine dayes were then past that the Empresse Sophia had conceyued disdaine against Narsetes some say it was for his great wealth others for that he commaunded in the Empire with too much authoritie and others bycause he was a gelded man and when she sawe time to vtter hir hatred she said vnto him in Court on a certaine day since thou Narsetes art lesse than a man and halfe a woman being an Eunuche I commaunde thée to leaue the gouernment of the Empire and that thou get thée vp to weaue where my maydes doe weaue and knit caules and that there thou help them what they commaund thée Although Narsetes were a man of great authoritie and of no lesse grauitie these words did so deepely pearce him to the quicke that he chaunged countenance the teares brake from his eyes and so chafed with teares he said Serene Princes I woulde right gladly that you shoulde chastise me as a Lady but not to defame me like a woman it gréeueth me not so much of that you haue said as the occasion which you giue me how to make you answer and said more I presently depart vnto Italy to weaue knit and frame such a toyle that neyther thou maist comprehend nor yet thy husband able to vnweaue Comming now to the purpose my Lord Abbot of Compludo gaue me here in Medina a letter frō your Ladiship which contained such ouerthwarts such want of measure and so greate rashnesse that he was ashamed too haue deliuered it and I astonied to sée the contents thereof And as the good Narsetes aunswered the Empresse Sophia it gréeueth me not of that you haue saide but of that whiche I must answer for of necessitie my penne must stand foorthe to make combat with your tong Your Ladiship doth say in your letter that you haue séene the letter that I sent vnto youre husband Iohn of Padilia and that it dothe well appeare in the same that it came from a frier irreguler foule spoken ouerthwart absolute and dissolute and that if I were one of the world not only I would not dare to wright such things neyther yet so much as in corners to speake them Also you do extréemely charge me that I haue suborned Sir Peter Lasso disswaded sir Peter Giron contended with the Bishop of Zamora resorted to Villa Braxima for the Gouernours that I preache publikely againste the commoners and that in my mouth there is no truth nor in my déedes any fidelitie Also you blame me charge condempne and threaten me for the letter I did write vnto your husbande and for the counselles and aduertisementes I gaue him affirming and swearing that since he had conference with me he hathe alwayes bene sorowfull penūue melancholicke and also vnfortunate Also you note blame and charge me that I neuer cease too lye vnto the gouernours deceyue the commoners discourage his men of warre preach against the commonaltie promise that which the King commaundeth not goe and come to Villa Braxima and to leade all Castile in suspence These and such other things are contayned within youre letter vnworthy the writing and scandalous to recount But since youre Ladiship hath first laide hand vpon the sword complaine not if I happen to giue you some wound on the head To that which your Ladiship sayth if I were of the world as I am of religion I durst not wright suche a letter vnto youre husband your Ladiship speaketh greate troth for I being the son of Sir Beltram of Gueuara and cousin to Sir Ladron of Gueuara and to be there in the worlde I shoulde not write vnto him but fighte with him not make pennes but sharpen the launce not gyue counsell or perswade your husbande but defye him bycause the contention betwixt loyaltie and treason ought not to be tried with wordes but with swords I am in profession a Christian in habite religious in doctrine a diuine in linage of Gueuara in office a preacher and in opiniō a gentleman and no commoner for which cause I presume to preach the troth and to impugne the communaltie I holde for sure that those whiche defende the troth be the most noblest knights and gentlemen in your Camp for they rob not vpon high wayes neyther steale out of Churches destroy no corne burne no houses spoyle no people neither do consent to men of vile conditions for they obserue the law
sayd of him that he neuer made error in that he prognosticated either in any disease he tooke in cure Ipochras dyd giue counsel to Phisitions that they should neuer take in hād to cure anye disordered patient and did counsell the sicke to shunne the vnfortunate Phisition for sayth he he that cureth may not erre where the patient is of good gouernment and the Phisition fortunate The Philosopher Ipochras being dead for that his disciples began to cure or to say more truly to kill many sicke people of Grecia for that the science was very new and the experiēce muche lesse it was commaunded by the Senate of Athenes not only that they shoulde not cure but also depart out of all Grecia After that the disciples of Ipochras were thrust out of Grecia the art of Phisicke was banished and forgotten an hūdred and thréescore yeres so as none durst to learn and much lesse to teache the same for the Gréekes had their Ipochras in suche estimation that they affirmed that Phisicke was borne and buried with him Those hundred and thréescore yéeres being past another Philosopher and phisition was borne named Chrisippus in the kingdome of the Sicionians whiche was as renoumed amongst the Argiues as Ipochras amonst the Athenians This Philosopher Chrisippus although he were very well learned in Phisicke and very fortunate in the experience thereof of the other part he was much opinionatiue and of presuming iudgement for all the time of his life lecture and in all his bookes that he did write his purpose was none other but to impugne Ipochras in all that he had said and only to proue most true that which he affirmed in suche wise that he was the first Phisition that pulled medicine out of reason and put it in opinion The Philosopher Chrisippus being dead there was great alteration amongst the Gréekes whiche of the two doctrines they should follow whiche is to wit that of Ipochras or of Chrisippus and in the end it was determined that neither the one should be followed or the other admitted for they sayd that neyther life nor honor ought to be put in disputation After this the Gréekes remayned an other hundred yeres without Phisition vntill the time of one Aristrato a philosopher which did rise amōgst them He was cosin to the great philosopher Aristotle and was residēt in the kingdome of Macedonia where he of new did exalt the art of Phisicke not for that he was more learned than his predecessours but for that he was more fortunate than all the rest This Aristrato recouered fame by curing king Antiochus the firste of a certayne disease of the lights in reward whereof the yong prince his son that was named Ptholemus did giue a thousande Talents of siluer and a cup of golde in such wise that he wan honor thoroughout all Asia and ritches for his house This Philosopher Aristrato was he that most defamed the art of Phisicke bycause he was the first that set Phisicke asale and begā to cure for money for vntill this time all phisitions did cure some for friendship and some for charitie The Phisition Aristratus being dead ther succéeded him certaine his disciples more couetous than wise which for that they gaue thēselues to be more handsome men of their money than to cure diseases they were commaunded by the Senat of Athens that they should not presume to teach phisicke much lesse to cure any person Of other trauels that Phisick did passe ANother hundred yeres in Asia was phisick forgotten till the time that Euperices was raysed in the kingdome of Tinacria but for that he and another Phisition did vary vpon the curing of King Crisippus the which at that time raigned in that Ile it was determined by those of the kingdome that they should only cure with simple medicines and not presume to mixe or make compositiōs Long time the kingdome of Sicill continued and also the greater part of Asia without the knowledge of the art of medicine vntill the time that in the I le of Rhodes there remayned a certain notable phisition and philosopher named Herosilo a man that was in his time very learned in phisick and very skilfull in Astrology Many do say that this Herosilus was master to Ptolomeus and others say that he was not but his disciple but be it as be may he lefte many bookes written of Astrology and taught many scholers also This Herosilus held opinion that the pulse of the patient ought not to be taken in the arme but in the temples saying that there neuer wanted that which in the arme was sometime hidden This phisition Herosilus was of suche authoritie amongest the Rhodians that they held this opinion to take the poulse in the temples all the dayes of his life and also the liues of his scholers who with his scholers being all dead the opinion tooke an end although it were not forgotten Herosilus béeing deade the Rhodians would neuer more bée cured neither admit any other phisition in their countrie the one cause was not to offend the authority of their philosopher Herosilus and the other for that naturally they were enimies vnto straunge people and also no friendes of newe opinions This being past phisicke fell asléepe other .iiij. score yeres as wel in Asia as in Europa vntill the great philosopher phisition Asclepiades was raysed in the Ilande Mitiline A man sufficiently well learned and most excellent in curing This Asclepiades helde opinion that the pulse ought not to be sought in the arme as nowe they seeke but in the temples or in the nose This opinion was not so farre besides reason but that long time after him the phisitions of Rome and also of Asia did entertaine the same In all these times it was not read that any phisition was borne in Rome or came into Italy for the Romanes were the last of this world that did entertaine Clockes Iesters Barbars Phisitions Foure hundred iij. yeares and ten months the great city of Rome did passe without the entertayning of any Phisition or Chirurgian The first that hath ben read to haue entred Rome was one that was named Antony Musa a Greeke borne and in science a Phisition The cause of his comming thither was the disease of Sciatica that the Emperor Augustus had in his thigh the which when Antony Musa had cured and therof wholy deliuered him in remuneration of so great a benefite the Romanes did erect vnto him a picture of Porphiry in the fielde of Mars and farther and besides this did giue him priuiledge of citizen of Rome Antony Musa had gathered excéeding great riches also obtained the renoume of a great Philosopher if with the same he could haue bene contented and not to haue excéeded his Art of phisick but this was the chance of his sorrowfull fate Giuing him selfe to cure by Chirurgery as also by medicine it is some time necessary in that Art to cut of féete or fingers and
Gonsalis Fernandes of Cordoua great captaine in vvhich is touched that the knight escaping the vvarres ought not from thenceforth to depart his house 77 A letter to sir Enrique Enriques vvherein the author dothe aunsvvere to many gratious demaundes 83 A letter for sir Anthony of Cneua vvherein is expounded an authoritie of holy scripture 88 A letter vnto Maister frier Iohn Beneuiades vvherein is expounded the text vvhich sayth The euill spirite sent of God came vpon Saule 94 A letter vnto the Marques of Velez vvherin he vvriteth vnto him certaine nevves of the court 98 A letter vnto the Bishop of Tui nevve president of Granado in vvhiche is sayd vvhat is the office of Presidents 103 A letter vnto the VVarden of Alcala in vvhiche is expounded the Psalme vvhich sayth Let the liuing descende into hell 1â—7 A letter vnto Diego de camina vvherin is treated hovv enuy raigneth in all men 111 A letter vnto syr Iohn de Moncada in vvhich is declared vvhat thinge is ire and hovv good is pacience 115 A letter vnto sir Ierome Vique in vvhich is treated hovve greate libertie is much hurtfull 121 A letter vnto sir Ierome Vique vvhere in is declared an Epitaph of Rome 125 A letter vnto the Bishoppe of Badaioz vvherein is declared the auncient lavves of Badaioz 127 A letter vnto sir Iohn Palamos vvherein is declared vvhich vvas Saians horse and Toloze gold 129 A letter vnto the Duke of Alba syr Frederique of Toledo vvherein is intreated of infirmeties the profits of the same 134 A letter vnto sir peter of acunia Earle of Buendia vvherein is declared a prophesie of a certaine Sibill. 138 A letter vnto Ynigo Manrique in vvhich is recompted vvhat happened in rome betvvixt a slaue and a Lion 141 A letter vnto sir Peter of Acunia Earle of Buendia vvherein is touched hovv lordes should gouerne their estates 152 A letter vnto the Admirall sir Frederique Enriques in vvhich is declared that olde men haue to bevvare the yere three score and three 168 A letter vnto the admirall sir Frederique Enriques vvherein is expounded vvherefore Abraham and Ezechiell did fall forvvarde and Hely backevvardes 172 A letter vnto the abbot of Monserrate vvherein is touched the Oratoris that the Gentyls vsed 176 A letter vnto the Admirall syr Frederique Enriques vvherein is declared a certayne authoritie of holy Scripture 178 An other letter vnto Levves Braue vvherein is touched the conditiones that honourable olde men ought to haue 185 A letter vnto sir Ieames of Gueuara Vncle to the author vvherein he doth comforte him 192 A letter vnto Mayster Gonsalis Gill â–ª in vvhich is expounded that vvhich is saide in the Psalmiste Inclinaui cor meum 198 A letter vnto the Abbot of saint Peter of Cardenia in vvhich he much praiseth the Mountaine countrey 201 A letter vnto Doctor Manso Precident of Valiodolid vvherein is declared that in other mens affaires vvee may be importunate 204 A letter vnto the Earle of Beheuent sir Alonso pimentill vvherein is intreated the olde auncient order of the knightes of the band 208 A letter vnto the Constable of Castile sir Ynigo of Valasco in vvhich is touched that the vvise man ought not to trust his vvife vvith any secrete of importaunce 220 A letter vnto the Constable sir Ynigo of Valasco vvherein is touched that in the harte of the good Knight there ought not to raigne passion or anger 223 A letter vnto the Constable sir ynigo of Valasco vvhiche is sayde vvhat the Marques of Piscara reported of Italy 227 A letter vnto the Constable sir ynigo of Valasco in vvhich is declared the prises of thinges in olde time in Castile 229 A letter vnto sir Alonso of Fonsica Bishop of Burgos president of the Indians vvherein is declared vvherfore the Ringes of spaine bee intituled catholique 2â—0 A letter vnto Moson Rubin of Valentia being old and enamored 237 A letter vnto the Bisshop Zamora Sir Antony of Acuna vvherein he is sharplie reprehended being capitaine of the commoners that rebelled in spaine 242 A letter vnto the saide Bishoppe of Zamora in vvhich he is pesvvaded to turne to the seruice of the king 248 A letter vnto syr Iohn of Padiila captain of the commoners reuolted â—54 A letter vnto a gentleman and secrete friend to the Aucthor vvherein hee aduiseth and reprehendeth his vvretched couetousnesse 260. A letter vnto the Lady Marye of Padilla vvife to Don Iohn of Padilla vvherein the Aucthor doth persvvade that she turne to the seruice of the king 265 An oration made in the Toune of Braxima vnto the knightes and gentlemen of the assemblie vvherein the Aucthor doth tequest them to peace in the name of the king 272 A letter vnto Doctour Melgar Phisition vvherein is touched the profites and disprofites of Phisicke 282 vvho first inuented medicine and practised Phisicke 282 Of kingdomes and prouinces that banished Phisicke 287 The trauailes of Phisicke 289 A letter sent from Grecâ—a to Rome vvith a caueâ—t against Phisitions 291 Of seuen notable benefites proceeding from the good Phisition 293 Of nine perniciouâ— euils that Phisitions commit 295 The Aucthors iudgement of Phisicke 297 A letter vnto Mâ—sen Puche of Valentia vvherein is touched at large hovve the husband vvith the vvife and the vvife vvith the husband c. 300. That none doe marrie but vvith his equall 304 That the vvomen be very shameâ—aced and no babler 3â—8 That a vvoman be a home keeper and â—hun occasions 309 That the maried vvoman be not proude or cruell 311 That the husbands be not rigorous especially vvheÌ„ they be nevv c. 313 That the husbandes be not ouer ielouse 316 That if betvvixt the married there passe any vnkindnesse they giue no part thereof vnto their neighbours 318 That the husbands prouide thinges necessarie for the house 321 That the husbands bring not to their houses suspicious persons 322 That maried vvomen ought to learne to sovve and gather togither 325 A letter vnto Mosen Robin of Valentia vvherein he ansvvereth to certaine notable demaunds a letter very conuenient for the vvoman that marrieth an olde man. 327 A letter to the chaâ—on Osorius vvherein is declared that vve knovve not the things that profit or hurte vs in this life 331 A letter to count Nasaoth Marques of cenece vvherein is expressed vvhy amongst the fectes of Mahomet some be termed Turkes some saracens and others Moores 334 A letter to Don Frances of vlloa expounding certayne straunge and auncient Epitaphes 344 A letter vnto the admirall sir Frederike vvherin is touched the maner that in olde time vvas vsed on their sepulchers and the Epitaphe vpon the same 351 A letter vnto sir Alphonce Maurique Archbishop of ciuill vvherein is declared a certaine passage of holy scripture 361 A discourse made vnto queene Elinor in a sermon of the transfiguration vvherein is touched the great loue that christ did beare vs. 371 The taking and ouerthrovv of carthage done by scipio the great 378 A disputation and discourse holden against the Ievves at Rome 383 An excellent disputation that the authour had vvith the Ievves of Naples vvherein is declared the most high mysteries of the trinitie 398 A right high ê“fitable discourse apertayning chiefly vnto the learned 401 A letter to sir FerdenaÌ„do of Cordoua vvherin is discoursed the eleuen persecutions of the church vvhen and by vvhom they vvere persecuted 405 FINIS The favvtes that be escaped in printinge Foll 328. line 2. Reade caspe for paâ—pe Foll 329. line 4. Reade they for flee Foll Idem line 16. Reade falne for fall Foll 331. line 11. Reade algezire for algezi Foll Idem line 20. Reade Tincinatus for omitus Foll 336. line 26. Reade during for baâ—ging Foll 335. line 13 Reade enxoâ—ius for enponius Foll Idem line 14. Reade pithiniachus for pithanius Foll Idem line 17. Reade thesithes for gothes Foll Idem line 23. Reade Cesaria for â—osarâ—a Foll Idem line 24. Reade Isawrus for Isauca Foll Idem line 24. Reade feleuce for solenua Foll Idem line 25. Reade briquiene for briquemust Foll Idem line 26 Reade fes for fee. Foll Idem line 6. Reade quisquiane for gnisquaince Foll 354. line 27. Reade ninus for mimus Foll â—6â— line 5. Reade demanded for determined Foll 384. line 20. Reade neither for ether
not putte to flyghte or weakened The sensualitie makes vs warre with his vices Reason fyghteth with oure wickednesse Our bodie contendeth with his appetites The hart striueth with his desires For whiche cause it is necessarie to giue place to the one that they bring vs not to oure ende and to dissemble with the other that they leade vs not to despaire This I saye to your imperiall Maiestie for the magnificent meanes whiche your excellencie vsed to passe the tyme whē it pleased you to cōmand that I shuld be called to your chāber presēce And for a trouth the recreatiō of princes ought so to be measured limited that thei may recreate without offēce to the world Arsacidas king of the Bactriās his pastime was to knit fishing nets of king Artaxerxes to spin And of Arthabanus king of Hircans to arme for Rats And of Viantus King of Lidians to fishe Frogges And of the Emperour Domitianus to chase Flies Princes hauing their times so limitted also of all men so beholden and considered that imploy themselues in such pastimes and vanities we cannot well saye that therin they passe their times but loose their times The case is this that your Maiestie presently after you felt your selfe deliuered of your quartaine commaunded to be set before you a certaine little table all full of stamped metals aswell of gold as siluer of brasse as also of Iron A thing surely worth the beholding and much to be praysed I did not a little delight in seing your Maiestie take pleasure in beholding the faces of those metalles in reading the letters they held and in examining the deuises they did containe All which thinges might not easely be read and much lesse vnderstood There were amongst those stamped metalles certaine that were Gréeke some Latin some Caldée some Arabick some Gothick and other some high Dutch your Maiestie cōmaunded mée to vew them reade them and the most notable to expound assuredly the commaundement was directed very iustly and in me more than another moste aptly imployed For being as I am your imperiall Chronicler it is my part to render accompt of the thinges you shall doubt and to declare the meaning of that which you reade I haue vewed thē read them and studied them and although some of them be very hard to be read and very difficult to bée vnderstoode I will trauayle with such playnesse to declare them and euery parcell so diligently to examin and distinguish that not only your Maiestie may vnderstand to reade the stampe but also comprehend the blason and originall therof It is to be vnderstoode that the Romanes more than all other nations were couetous of riches and ambitious of honoures whereby it came to passe that to haue to spend and to magnifie their names they hild warres sixe hundreth and fortie yeares with all nations and kingdomes In two things the Romanes did trauell to leaue and perpetuate their memorie that is to wit in buildings they made and in their Coines they did graue or stampe neither did they allowe the grauing or stamping of any money but vnto him that had ouercome some famous battaile or done some notable thing in the cōmon wealth The buildings they most vsed to make were wals for Cities cawsies in high waies Bridges ouer Riuers fountaines artificially made statues or greate pictures ouer gates Bathes for the people arches for their triumphes and Temples for their Goddes Much time passed in the Empire of Rome wherein the Romanes had no money but of brasse or of yrō Whereof it procéedeth that the true and most auncient metalls be not of golde but of Iron For the first coyne that was made to be melted in Rome of gold was in the time of Scipio the Africane The auncient Romanes vsed to stampe or graue on the one side of their money their faces drawne most naturall and on the other the kingdomes they had ouercome the offices they had held and the lawes they had made And for that it shall not séeme that I speake at large or of fauour it is reason I giue account of all I haue said The letters of one of these stamped mettals doth say Pboro dact Leg. Your Maiestie hath to vnderstand that this stampe is the most auncient that euer I saw or redde which appeareth very well by the mettall it is made of by the letter it is written in for declaration whereof it is to be vnderstoode there haue bin seuen whiche inuented to giue lawes to the world that is to wit Moses that gaue lawes to the Hebrewes Solon to the Athenians Licurgus to the Lacedemonians Asclepius to the Rhodians Numa Pompilius to the Romanes and Phoroneus to the Aegiptians This Phoroneus was King of Aegipt before that Ioseph the sonne of Iacob was borne And as Diodorus Siculus doth say he was a King very iuste vertuous honest and wise This was he that first gaue lawes in Aegypt and also as it is thought in all the worlde whereof it dothe procéede that all Coūsellours and Lawyers of Rome did call the lawes that were iuste and moste iust Forum in memory of king Phoroneus And so the letters of this mettall would thus much say This is King Phoroneus whiche gaue lawes to the Aegyptians The letters of the other stampe Genuci D. vi Leg. For the vnderstanding of this stampe it is to be considered that the Romanes conceiued so great shame and disdaine of the filthinesse of king Tarquine cōmitted with chast Lucrece that onely they would not that in Rome there should be any more kings but also that the name of king and the lawes of kings should for euermore bée banished and in the common wealth forgotten So the Romanes not meaning to obey the lawes they had receiued of their good King Numa Pompilius sent a moste solemne imbassage to Grecia to bring them the lawes that the Philosopher Solon had giuen to the Athenians Which being brought to Rome accepted and obserued were afterwards intituled the lawes of the twelue tables The Embassadours that were sent to bring these lawes from Greece were ten moste sapient Romanes whose names are Apius Genutius Sextus Veturius Iulius Mannilius Sulpicius Curius Romulus Postumus and bicause Genutius was one of those ten notable men for that great act so famous he stāped those words on the one side of his money The whiche would say this is the Consull Genutius one of the ten men of Rome that was sent for the lawes of Greece The words of the other stamp following are Con Quir Ius Mos Le Obs. To explane these words which are very darke it is to be vnderstood that al the lawes of this world are reduced frō thrée maner of lawes which is to wit Ius naturale lex condita mos antiquus That whiche in the old time was called the Law of Nature is That thou wish not for another which thou wilt not for thy self also to shunne euil approch to do wel which