late French King and still continue their open Revolt and unlawful disobedience against his right Heir and lawful Successor Neither can any man deny that all they that took part with Lewis surnamed the Meek against Bernard King of Italy were also most famous and disloyal Traytors For Lewes being younger Brother unto Pipin who dyed before his Father Charlemain and left Bernard King of Italy his sole Heir had no right to the Crown of France so long as the said Bernard his eldest Brothers Son lived for that as well in the Succession of Crowns and Kingdoms as of private mens Lands and Inheritances the eldest Brothers Son and Heir is always to be preferred before his Uncle And for as much as Lewis having taken his Nephew Bernard in the field Prisoner did not only detain him and his chief Councellors in hard Prison but also in the end put him to an unlawful and unnatural death Those Subjects who followed and assisted him in those his unkind and unjust actions because it is a most wicked deed to participate with the wicked in their wickedness must needs be accounted as wicked as the present Subjects of France who consented unto the cruel Massacre of their late King Again all those French Subjects who bore Arms against Edward the Third in the behalf of Philip de Valoys were in as high degree of Rebellion as these latter Rebels And so likewise were those who stood with Charls the seventh against Henry the fifth and sixth of England For the only reason and cause which they alledged to debar these English Kings from the Succession as lawful Heirs to the Crown of France was the Law Salique which as they then pretended excluded not only women but also other Heirs males descending from the woman from the Inheritance of the Crown Which Law was no sufficient bar because it was undoubtedly a local Law made in Salem a Town about the River of Rhine in Germany at what time the French Kings were both Kings of France and Emperours of Germany and therefore as all other local Laws are was tyed to the Inheritance of that Town only and could not stretch her Forces to forrain Countries or to the succession of Kingdoms no more then the Law of Gavelkind being peculiar not to all but to some part of Kent is of full strength and full force in other places of England Besides it is confirmed that there was never any such Law in France by the Testimony of the Duke of Burgundy who when as Philip surnamed the Long was created King never left to cry out against his Creation and to profess openly That the Kingdom belonged of right unto Ioan Daughter unto Hutine sometimes King of France before that Philip stoppen his mouth with the gift of the Country of Burgundy in Dower with his eldest Daughter I could stand longer upon the proof that there was never any Salick Law in France were it not that Du Haillan a French Chronicler in the first Volumn of his History easeth me of that pain and cleareth that point so plainly that he being a Frenchman and refuting a Law suggested not only to be a Law but also one of the chief Pillars and Maintainers of the ancient Dignity of the Crown of France cannot be thought to write thereof either partially or untruly But although I let pass Ed. 3. his Title as the less valuable because it was impugned and weakned by the only Allegation of that Law yet I must enlarge somewhat more Henry the fifth his Right because the same in my simple conceit and opinion was far stronger then Edward the Thirds For Henry the fifth considering that because his Predecessors did always from the time of Edward the third lay continual claim unto the Crown of France and that therefore the Kings or rather Usurpers thereof had do right nor just title thereunto because they not having bonam fidem a point requisite in Prescription by reason that they knew the right to be in Kings of England rather then in themselves could not lawfully prescribe a right unto the said Crown demanded the same by force of Arms of Charls the sixth and drave him to such extremities that he being able no longer to make resistance against his invincible Forces was glad to capitulate and agree upon conditions of Peace with him The principal Articles of which Peace were That the said Charls the sixth should during his life continue King That he should dis-inherit his Son and Heir who was afterwards Charles the seventh That the King of England should take to Wife Isabel Daughter unto the French King and in regard of that Marriage he proclaimed Regent of that Kingdom during Charles his Father in laws life because he was sometimes Lunatique and Heir apparent to the Crown after his death And lastly that the Nobility and Peers of France should not only consent thereunto but also take a solemn Oath which was accordingly performed and executed to maintain every point of those Articles and uphold and assist Henry the fifth and his lawful Heirs and Successors against Charles Son unto the French King the rather because his Father had for very good and just occasions him moving thereunto dis-inherited the said Charles and by the last Will and Testament made when he was in perfect sence and memory ordained and constituted the said Henry his sole and lawful Heir of the Crown But the Frenchmen have their Objections to all that is said the which I cannot lightly pass over because I know you are desirous to hear their Exceptions and also what may be replied in Answer to their Allegations But I may not dwell long upon every particular Point because my leisure will not serve me and it is not pertinent to my first purpose They say first That their Kingdom goeth not by Dissent and Inheritance from the Father to the Son but by succession which is grounded not upon Law but upon a Custom by vertue whereof the next of the Blood Royal be he of the farthest degree that may be of Kindred succeedeth not as a lawful Heir but as a Successor by Custom not newly invented but of long continuance even from the time of the first King Pharamond Which objection I mean briefly to Answer before I will proceed to any others Guicciardine who wrote an Universal History of all things that hapned in his time not only in Italy but also in all other places of Europe although he was a very perfect and learned Lawyer yet when he had occasion to touch any Point of Law he handled not the same Lawyer-like but passed it over lightly setting down his opinion of the Case in as few words as he could possibly because if he had done otherwise he knew that he should not observe the Laws and Bounds whereunto Histographers are tyed and bound In like manner although these Questions are meerly civil and ought to be handled by me as a Civilian yet because I purpose
therefore follow That there is no Superior out of France who either hath or could bestow his priviledge upon France And it appeareth by their own Histories That there hath been nothing done within the Realm whereby their Kings have been forbidden to dispose their Kingdoms by their last Wills and Testaments For Dagobert King of France in the presence of the principal Lords and Prelates of his Realm made his last Will and Testament and therein gave the Kingdom of Austrasia unto his Son Sigisbert and the Kingdom of France unto his Son Cloius Likewise Charlemain by Will and Testament divided his Kingdom betwixt his three Sons He gave unto Charles the best and greatest part of France and Germany unto Pipin Italy and Baivera and unto Lewis that part of France which confineth and bordereth upon Spain and Provence And caused this his Will to be ratified confirmed and approved by the Pope and intituled his Sons with the names of Kings It is also written by French Historiographers That Philip de Valois who contended with Edward the Third for the Crown of France ordained by his last Will and Testament that Iohn his eldest Son should succeed him in the Crown and that his second Son Philip should enjoy for his part and portion the Dukedom of Orleans and the Earldom of Valois Now these three Kings being of three Races of the French Kings Dagobert of the Merovingians Charlemain of the Charlemains and Philip de Valois although not directly yet collaterally of the Capets which are the three only Races that ever were in France and they having disposed of their Kingdoms in manner as is a foresaid it may well be presumed that others before them have or might have done the like especially since there is no Law to be shewed which forbiddeth Kings to bequeath their Kingdoms by Will and Testament The sixth and last Objection which is made against this Contract is That Charles the sixth could not lawfully dis-inherit his son who by the custome of France was lawful and apparent Heir and could not for any cause whatsoever be deprived by his Father or by any other of that right which belonged unto him by the ancient Priviledge of France In this Objection there are two things intended The one That the Kings of France cannot deprive their Sons or next Heirs for any occasion whatsoever of their Right Title and Interest to the Royal Crown and Dignity The other That the next of the blood Royal according to the Custom before mentioned must of necessity succeed and enjoy the Kingdom This Obâ—ection is in my simple opinion of greatest force because I read not in all the Histories of France that ever any King thereof but Charls the sixth did dis-inherit his Son True it is that Charles the seventh was thus dis-inherited being plagued by God for his disobedience towards his Father with a Son as undutiful and disobedient in all respects as himself was sent unto the Pope to advise him how he might dis-inherit his eldest Son who had divers times rebelled against him and bestow the Kingdom upon his second son in whom he never found any manner of disobedience but the difficulty is resolved by this reason following For if a Kingdom may be given by Will and Testament as is to be presumed that it may also be taken away from one and bestowed upon another when there is just cause given by him who layeth claim thereunto why he should be dis-inherited especially when as there is no such necessity of successive inheritance as hath hitherto been mentioned And in case it be doubtful whether a Kingdom may be taken from the right Heir and be bequeathed unto another the custom of the Country in private mens Inheritance is to be considered because most commonly such as the Law is in part such it is in the whole and for that generally the Nobility of every Realm who regard the conservation of their Honour and Dignity in their Families no less then Princes do the preservation of the Royal Authority in their Posterity do follow and imitate the manner Law and Order of their Kings touching the disposition of their Kingdoms And even as they usually dispose of their Principalities so do the other of their Baronies and inferior Estates by what Name or Title soever they be called If therefore it can be shewed that any of the chief Nobility of France have at any time dis-inherited their lawful Heirs it may justly be presumed that the Kings of France may do the like when the like occasion is offered unto them The Lords of Bearne have time out of mind been of such power and might in France that the Kings thereof have in all Ages made great account and reckoning of them And the present King of France is Lord thereof and by his Adversaries the Spaniards who will hardly vouchsafe him the name of a King of France or of Navar because they take him to be lawful King of neither of these Kingdoms is commonly called in their Writings Lord of Bearne The Earls also of Foix have beyond the memory of man been of such worth and estimation that it is written of them when they were also Lords of Bearne they cared neither for the King of Aragon nor for the Kings of Navarra for they were able upon any urgent occasion to keep more men at Arms at one time then both those Kings could make at two several Levies Both these Lordships or Seigneuries are now under the Kingdom of Navar and the principal members thereof and the Lords and lawful Owners of each of them dis-inherited their next and lawful Heirs only for ingratitude and unkindness towards them for the French Histories report that Gaston Lord of Beaâ—ne had but two Daughters the eldest of which he married unto the Earl of Armignack and the younger unto the Earl of Foix who was Nephew unto the King of Aragon It fortuned that the said Gaston had Wars with the King of Spain wherein he desired help of the Earl of Armignack who refused to succour him and the Earl of Foix holp him with such power and force that he enforced the King to very reasonable conditions of Peace in recompence of which service Gaston made the Earl of Foix his sole Heir and caused the Nobles and Gentlemen together with all other his Subjects to confirm and ratifie his Grant whereupon followed great strife and contention between the two Earls It is also written in the Chronicles of France that in the year 1391. The Earl of Foix because his Son by the consent and counsel of the King of Navar went about to have poisoned him gave his Earldom from him to the King of France who presently bestowed the same upon the Earl of Candalles Here you see two Heirs dis-inherited by their Father whose Act was generally reputed and held lawful Now you shall see the like cause in Charles the seventh and why should it
Realm to poison a private man and yet of late is waxen so rich and plentiful a Kingdom of murtherers as procurers as Maâ—uel Aridrada Xpofero de Moco Rodorigo Marquess Stephano Ibacco and the Count Fuentes as many executioners as Dr Lopas Ferrara Truoca Williams and York and more perswaders as Stanley Holt Frogmorton Ower Gefford Northington Paget Tipping Garret and Naddel all of one mind but of sundry Nations of one desire but of divers conditions of one conspiracy but of contrary vocations to poison a stranger a woman a Virgin a Princess one person having in one body four sundry qualities worthy of justice of pity favour and honour for who doth not justice to a stranger as God's word commandeth pitieth not a woman as man's Law willeth favoureth not a virgin as humanity requireth honoureth not a Princess as God's word man's law and humanity prescribe This only action of barbarous inhumanity requireth a whole and large volumn but I must strive to be short and if you call to mind what hath been said already you shall find matter enough to enlarge and aggravate this inhumanity and therefore briefly to the rest of the objections An oath promissory not being grounded upon a just and good cause bindeth not a man to any performance but can there be a better consideration then the gift of a Kingdom Or a greater forfeiture then the loss of a Crown and Royal Diadem The gift is contained in these words We make you our King and the forfeiture is expressed in these words You shall not be our King unless you keep our Laws The condition is usual and ordinary for the Emperour as soon as he is chosen taketh the like oath when he sweareth to conserve and maintain the liberties jurisdictions rights honours dignities and priviledges of the Electors of the sacred Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal and it seemeth that as the seven Electors in recompence of their good will and curtesie shewed to the Emperour of the world received this bounty of him so the Nobility of Aragon in regard of the favour which they shewed unto their King in making choice of him for their King received the like benefit at his hands and therefore have good occasion to be no less grieved if he chance to break this oath then the Nobility of England should have cause to be sorry if after a number of good and gracious Princes who have alwaies duly kept and observed the ancient Laws and Liberties of our Realm and especially in the trial and arraignment of Noblemen the Almighty should plague them with such a Prince as would not suffer them to be tryed and arraigned according to the old and laudable custome of this noble Kingdom by an honourable Jury of twelve Peers but by a beggarly crew of so many base companions The promise then is good and better for the oath but the oath may be broken and a dispensation will salve the sore of the breach He that offendeth in hope of a pardon is not thought worthy to be pardoned and although it be a greater commendation in a Prince to be prone to shew mercy ready to forgive and willing to pardon offences committed against himself or his Laws yet it is scant tolerable to forgive notorious sins and trespasses against God I find that Princes may dispence with Bastardy restore infamous persons to their good name and fame make their own children legitimate not as their Fathers but as their Princes not as their children but as their subjects free and emancipate bondmen briefly pardon and forgive all crimes committed against their Temporal Laws But the Cannons of which the Spanish King will seem to have more regard then any other Prince of that Religion permit not his Catholique Majesty to dispense with an oath that is a priviledge and prerogative which the Pope hath reserved to the fulness and plenitude of his own part and would not take it in good part that his white son should challenge or assume unto himself any such authority and he as a dutiful and loving childe will be loth to offend so good and loving a father But the father in regard of his long and loyal obedience will absolve him of his oath If his Fatherly love should make him forget himself so much as to dispense at one time not with one but many crimes the son and the father should without all doubt highly offend their heavenly father and voluntarily break the sacred constitutions of their reverend predecessors For the Pope cannot dispence with wilful murther such as was the violent death of Escovedo nor with any thing done against the Laws of Nature such as the breach of this contract should be nor with an oath such as this oath is without calling and citing all the parties that should be interssed and damnified by the violation and breach of this oath But grant that the Pope will dispense with this Oath what would or could all avail when the contract should still remain in full strength and vertue and the Aragonian Nobility might notwithstanding this dispensation urge their King to the performance thereof Truly this absolution should benefit him no more then it should avail a creditor to sue his debtor for one hundred pounds unto whom he owed so much upon account for such a creditor when he hath with long suit and great charge recovered his debt is presently to restore the same back again upon his accompt So the Spanish King when he hath with great difficulty and perhaps with some expences made himself beholding to the Pope for his dispensation must notwithstanding the benefit thereof perform the conditions that was of sufficient strength without the oath and was confirm'd with an oath for no other purpose but that it should be the great burthen unto his Conscience if he should violate his contract But how may the Aragonian Noblemen enforce him to perform and keep his contract By forfeiting his Kingdom by taking away his rents and by putting the Laws whereunto he was sworn into execution But he is too mighty and they too weak to compel him thereunto by main force What remedy shall you then find against him The course is ordinary For every Bishop hath power to compel any man that is sworn to keep and observe his oath which hath alwaies paratum executionem and is so true that the trial of a contract confirmed with an oath depending before a Temporal Magistrate a Bishop or Ecclesiastical Judge may be reason of that oath avocate the same cause unto his hearing and determination And this is the reason why many Doctors are of opinion and especially Baldus that an oath hath the vertue and operation to draw a matter from one Court to another But what Prelate in Spain dareth be so bold as to call his King into his Ecclesiastical Court If the Prelate will not presume to stand in defence of the Laws there is another ordinary way A subject of the Emperour may without
THE TRVE EFFIGIES OF Sr HENRY WOTTON K T EMBASSADOVR IN ORDINARY TO THE MOST SERENE REPVBLIQVE OF VENICE AND LATE PROVOST OF EATON COLLEDG Anno Aetat is Suae 72 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOM OR A most Exact and Curious Discovery of many Secret Passages and Hidden Mysteries of the Times Written by the Renowned Sr HENRY WOTTON Kt. Ambassadour in Ordinary to the most Serene Republique of VENICE And late Provost of EATON COLLEDG LONDON Printed for HUMPHREY MOSELEY and are to be sold at his Shop at the Prince's Arms in St Paul's Church-yard 1657. To the Judicious Reader THe Author of these Politique and Polite discourses knew the world so well and the world him that not to know Sr Henry Wotton were an ignorance beyond Barbarism in any who have been conversant in the least measure with any transactions of State A Knight he was of choice Intellectuals and noble Extraction who may be said to have King'd it abroad half his age in Embassies by representing the person of his Soveraign Prince in most of the Courts of Christendom amongst the severest and most sagacious sort of Nations for he was thrice sent Ambassadour to the Republique of Venice from the most serene Prince James the first King of Great Britain by whom the Order of Knighthood was conferred upon him Once to the States of the United Provinces Twice to Charls Emanuel Duke of Savoy Once to the United Princes of Upper Germany in the Convention at Heylbrun Lastly He was sent Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Archduke Leopold the Duke of Wittenberg Imperial Cities Strasburgh and Ulm and to the Roman Emperour himself Ferdinand the second And however it may be thought by some that after so many great and noble employments the Provost ship of Eaton was a place not considerable enough for a personage of his merit yet if we consider the sedateness of his temper and spirit he being of a speculative and quiescent disposition it seems to have been rather his own choice then any want of regard in those times to a man so highly deserving of the Commonwealth and consequently it appears that those weighty affairs he manag'd both at home and abroad with so much honour and reputation were rather the effects of his zeal to the service of his King and Country then of any aspiring or ambitious thoughts seeing he forsook the highest places of honour and profit which he merited at the hands of a great King for the more contenting enjoyments of a solitary and studious retirement Had he been never known unto the world until the publishing of his late works called Reliquiae Wottonianae there is in them contained that which may abundantly demonstrate how admirably he was accomplish'd both in the severer and politer Arts. Not to insist upon the many Elogiums deservedly fixt upon his fame by the most learned and judicious persons both Native and Forraign I shall only insert what the most vogu'd Poet of this age hath sung of his skill in Tongues He had so many Languages in store That only Fame can speak of him in more It were but needless therefore to premise any thing concerning these following discourses written by a person of such a known and celebrated worth but only this that by the high quality of his negotiations in soveraign Courts he had the greatest advantage that could be to feel the pulse of Government and make inspections into those Arcana Imperii those mysteries of State which he communicates here to the world in many choice and judicious Observations whereby the discerning Reader may be will acqnainted with the state of Europe and the interest dependencies and power of most Princes together with the occasions and motives of most of the Wars that hapned the last century whereof some came from slight quarrels for he tells you that Charls the Hardy Duke of Burgundy made a war for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins in which he breath'd his last With these Modern observations he intermingles many ancient passages both of Greeks and Romans which may much conduce to rectifie and enrich the understanding of the Reader The Contents of the Several Discourses I. THe Occasion of Sir Henry Wootton 's undertaking this Treatise p. 1. II. His Opinion both in general and particular concerning Princes their means and designs 5 III. That notwithstanding the Invasion of the Turks the Civil Wars among Christian Princes cease not 10 IV. That Princes aiding of Rebels is no new thing but hath been practised in former Ages 13 V. That it was not without just cause that the Flemmings rebelled against the king of Spain 16 VI. The several rebellions of the Frenchmen against their King and the causes thereof 19 VII The practises of Sejanus Pompey Crassus Piso and Curio with a comparison between the Duke of Guise and them and also other great Rebels 23 VIII That the Salique Law of France did not infringe the Title of former Kings of England to that Crown and the Frenchmens Objections concerning the same answered 29 IX That Kings have often dis-inherited their eldest sons and given their Kingdoms either to strangers or to their younger sons 37 X. Reasons why the Kings of England having a right to the Crown of France and having had so good success in former times in demanding of their right do not still continue to presecute their demands and the causes and means of their losing all France 42 45. XI How the Kings of Spain Came to arrive to this height of Power which they enjoy at present from so small a beginning 52 XII That the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been fatal to most Nations of Europe 54 XIII By what means the Spanish King obtained Naples and Navar. 58 XIV The Spanish King 's Title to the Kingdom of Portugal 59 XV. The Authors opinion concerning the claim of the several Competitors to the Crown of Portugal 60 XVI The Spanish King's Title to the Indies 61 XVII The Spanish Kings Title to Milan 62 XVIII The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy and how he retaineth all those States which he possesseth 63 XIX VVhat inconveniences Armies have bin subject to going far from home with the causes of Hannibal's ill fortune 69 XX. The manner of the king of Spain's dealing with the Turk 71 XXI The manner of the Spanish King 's proceeding with the French 73 XXII The Spanish King 's proceeding with the Princes of Germany 79 XXIII VV hat account the Spanish king maketh of the Princes Italy 80 XXIV Queen Elizabeth proved to be the most considerable enemy of the Spaniard 82 XXV Divers examples shewing that what God hath decreed cannot be prevented by any foresight of man 87 XXVI Queen Elizabeth justified in her attempts against Spain and Portugal 91 XXVII Several examples in what manner Princes have demeaned themselves toward those that have fled to them for succour 95 XXVIII That Princes have oft broken Leagues with their confederates upon occasion given or upon some
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
with all utmost extremities But if they do what remedy is there or who can gainsay the Conqueror Courtesie is commendable in all men and especially in Princes who are to extend the same at all times when it is demanded in good manner and by men worthy of mercy and compassion And such was the lamentable estate of Charles the Sixth who had at once many miseries heaped upon him by the heavy wrath of God as namely wars within his Realm rebellion of his own Son against him revolt of his Subjects and distraction of his wits and so it was extream cruelty to adde affliction to the afflicted Indeed mercy is to be extended to persons worthy of commiseration and Lunatiques are by all men to be pitied and in regard hereof the King of England whereas he might have destroyed the whole Realm of France burned the Cities wasted the Countries led away the people in captivity taken their goods to his own use bestowed the Nobilities and Gentlemens Lands upon his own Subjects altered the Lawes of the Countrey changed the Government thereof deprived the most part of them of their lives and seated his own Subjects in their possessions he suffered them to live at liberty to enjoy their ancient possessions to maintain and use their own priviledges to dwell in their wonted habitations and to continue in all respects as free as they were before they were conquered And whereas he might have made the King prisoner carryed him with him into England and to have placed another to govern for him especially he being not in case to rule and govern by himself He was so far from so doing that he suffered him to enjoy the Kingdom whilest he lived and by taking his Daughter to wife transferred not only the French but also the English Crown unto the issue of her body a thing to be greatly desired of that Father whose Son by reason of his disobedience deserved not to succeed him a thing practised by all men that have had the like children a thing far beyond the custom of Frenchmen themselves who in the like cases have not used the like clemency and moderation For over what Enemies had the French-men ever the upper hand whom they used not most cruelly What barbarous cruelty exercised they in Italy and especially at Naples where their Tyranny in Government their extremity in polling their insolency in mis-using the common people was such that in one night they were all slain and in hatred of them and their posterity the wombs of all Neapolitan women that were suspected to be with child by French-men were ripped up and the children pluckt out and likewise murdered with their Mothers What cruelty purposed they to have practised in England at what time Lewis the Dolphin of France was called into England by the Barons who bare Armes against King Iohn Intended they not to have destroyed the most part of the Realm Purposed they not to have killed the very Barons themselves who were their friends and confederates Had they not executed this their purpose if a noble French-man who was in England had not as well in hatred of their intended cruelty as in commiseration of the poor English Nobility revealed upon his death-bed their barbarous intentions To be brief what severity used King Lewis surnamed for his lenity towards others Lewis the M E E K against Bernard his own Nephew and rightful heir to the Crown of France as we have shewed in the second point which we handled whom he not only deprived of his right but also held him a long time in Prison and condemned him to lose his eyes which were accordingly pluckt out of his head and his cheif Counsellours endured the like punishment Of which both he and they complaining not without just occasion were so far from finding such compassion and remedy as they deserved as that a new Edictment was framed both against him and them Now with such Adversaries with men of such cruelty with such as had oftentimes falsified their faith and broken their promises what wise Prince would ever have used greater lenity more mercy or better Justice then the King of England shewed them Especially considering the immortal hatred deadly malice and long emulations competentions quarrels and contentions that have been alwayes betwixt England and France The fifth Objection that they make against this Contract is is That the Kingdom of France cannot be given unto any man by Will or Testament Which priviledge seemeth unto me very strange because I find by report of probable Histories that the Kingdomes of Spain England Aragon Scotland Poland and other Countries have been given away by Will and Testament and therefore if the French-men will challenge an Immunity contrary to the custom of other Countries and repugnant to the Law of all Nations they must shew how they came by such a Priviledge and why they should not follow the customes of other Kingdomes For whosoever will alledge an exemption from the due observance of the Law must make it appear at what time for what occasion and by whom he or his Predecessors obtained the same that the quality of the Giver and the consideration and cause of the Grant being duly examined and discreetly considered the strength and validity of his exemption may be well and perfectly seen I know that there are many degrees of Princes and that some Kings are in some manner subject unto others from whom they receive Lawes and by whom they and their Kingdomes are ruled and directed So hath Scotland been ruled by England so hath Denmark acknowledged the Empire so hath Sicily obeyed Rome so hath the Pope challenged power and authority over the Empire But all Histories agree in this that although of other Kingdomes some be subject to the Pope others unto the Emperour yet the Kingdom of France is and alwayes hath been most absolute neither depending upon the Emperour nor being in any respect subject unto the Pope That the Emperour hath no authority over France was shewed when as Sigismond the Emperour would have made the Earl of Savoy a Duke in Lyons for then the Kings Officers withstood him therein and forced him to his great grief and in a great fury and anger to depart thence and out of all the dominion of France before he could use in that point his Imperial power and authority And that the Pope hath no manner of Authority Prerogative or Preheminence over France it appeareth by the confession of all Canonists who have written and do write of the Popes Prerogatives For albeit they make the Empire and almost all the Kingdoms of the world in some sort subject unto the See of Rome yet they confess the King of France to be so absolute that he acknowledgeth no Superior but God and that there is no other Prince but he unto whom some Pope or other hath not either given or confirmed his Estate and Kingdom It must needs
Kingdom to him that is neither worthy nor well able to rule the thousand part thereof And if at any time it be lamentatable yea scant tolerable to prefer wicked children before them that are vertuous and to lay a heavy charge and burthen upon their shoulders who are not able to take up much less to bear the same not for a day but for the whole term of their natural life truly it is much more to be lamented yea in no respect to be suffered that such a Son should be set over others to rule and govern them who could nor would never govern himself well to exact and require obedience of his Inferiors who was always disobedient in the highest degree of disobedience unto his Superiors to manage husband and increase the Treasure of a whole Kingdom who hath prodigally wasted and consumed his own private Patrimony Lastly to induce others by his example to live honestly justly orderly and virtuously as Princes either do or should do who never esteemed honesty cared for justice respected order or embraced vertue Iohn Bodin in his Book de Republica writeth that a disobedient child of France being sued by his Mother for using himself unreverently towards her and especially for easing his body in a mess of Broth which she had provided for her self was condemned by a competent and wise judge to make her honourable amends from which sentence the wicked Son disdaining to ask his Mother pardon and forgiveness appealed unto Paris where it was found bene appellatum and male judicatum not that the Judges there thought that the Appellant had just cause to appeal because he was enjoined to submit himself unto his Mother but for that they were of opinion that the Judges from whom he had appealed had not inflicted such punishment upon him as he deserved And therefore considering his former disobedience and also his unkind and unnatural perseverance therein indiscreetly shewed in refusing to make so slender a submission they altered the former sentence and gave judgment that he should be presently hanged which was accordingly executed This sentence was highly commended by Bodin and worthily allowed and praised by as many Frenchmen as did ever read the same in his Book And how can they dislike the Judgment given against Charles the seventh not by any inferior Judge but by a King not by a Parliament of Paris the Judges whereof may so hate an offence that for the very and sole indignity thereof they do likewise hate the offender but by a Father who had rather conceal then reveal and pardon then punish his childrens offences neither by a Father alone but by the whole Peers and Nobles of a well ruled Kingdom not lightly and without advice but deliberately and with great discretion and wisdom Briefly not in hatred of the offender but in regard of the whole Common-wealth which might perish under the hands and government of an unwise unruly and unnatural Prince in whom there could be no hope of love towards them or their Country because he had given manifest signs of want of love towards his Father whom nature and other respects bound him to love honour and reverence for Princes as well as private men and the children of the one as well as the off-spring of the other are equally and undoubtedly bound to obey Gods Laws and Commandments And if both in one manner presume to break the same both without all doubt and controversie are subject to one and the same measure of punishment But it may be said Laws are made by Princes and not for Princes and to bind their inferiour subjects and not themselves or their children who for their Fathers sake for the priviledge of their birth for the worthiness of their place and in regard of the authority and preheminence whereunto they are born may and ought to challenge and enjoy far greater immunity yea and somtimes more impunity then other Peers or private men certainly reason permitteth and humanity perswadeth to favour a Prince much more then a subject But it was both the Will and the Law of a worthy Prince That nothing commendeth the Majesty of a Prince more then to submit himself to the observance of his own Laws and there can be no better means to induce subjects to shew their obedience unto their Princes Laws then the example of their own Princes not vouchsafing to violate the least branch that is of their own Statutes and Constitutions Was not that King highly commended by his own subjects praised by his posterity and worthily extolled even in our age not meaning that the son who had by breach of the Law deserved to lose both his eyes should escape unpunished which might be offensive unto his subjects but intending to moderate and qualifie the rigour of the Law because he was his Heir which for some considerations is tolerable in Princes plucked out one of his own eyes and another of his Sons thereby satisfying if not the rigour yet the equity of the Law and thereby moving his subjects to compassion in regard of himself and to obedience to the same Law in consideration of his justice I have stood too long upon the confutation of this last objection and yet have touched but one part thereof and therefore I will run over the other part lightly because in refelling the same I shall need but to make a brief repetition of that which hath been said already for if you remember that not Bernard the Nephew but Lewis the Meek succeeded his brother Pipin eldest son to Charlemaigne and father to Bernard That Pipin and not the right Heir was king after Childerick that Hugh Capet and not Charls Duke of Lorrain enjoyed the Crown immediately after Lotharius That Dagoberts second son and not the eldest possessed the Royal Scepter after him That Henry the younger and not the elder brother ruled after king Robert their Father and that Lewis the second and not Robert the eldest child of king Lewis the Gross was called to the royal Scepter and Crown of France and also if it may please you to call to remembrance that Pharamond with divers others before-mentioned were chosen kings you shall easily see and perceive that there hath been no such custome or at the least-wise the same not so inviolable as it is suggested for the next of the Blood to succeed always in his own right and not as Heir to hid Predecessor In like manner if you please to understand that Theodorick the first king of France of that name because he was a man wholly given over to pleasure of small worth of less value and of no sufficiency capable of so great a Kingdom as France was and is was by the States of his Realm deprived of his Royal Crown and Dignity and put up in a Monastery That Lewis surnamed Do nothing because he had make France Tributary unto Normandy was also driven by the States to give over his Kingdom and to lead the residue
the better knowledge of them and difference between them it was added The King of France holding his Mansion house or Royal Court at Paris at Orleans at Soissons or at Mets. And the Soveraignty of Basemain of these four Kingdoms was due only unto the King of Paris as unto the chief and principal King until in the year 618. all these kingdoms were united and incorporated into one So was England divided into many kingdoms as into the kingdom of Kent of Northumberland c. So the three sons of Brutus as Camber Locrinus and Albanactus divided the whole kingdom betwixt them after their fathers death And this division continued in France in England and in the Empire until their mortal wars or friendly marriages voluntary agreement or forceable violence greedy ambition or fatal destiny reduced them unto one Monarchy The Union of the twelve Kingdoms of Spain fell out in Ferdinando his time who being king of Aragon matched with Isabella Queen of Castile as heir unto her Brother Henry and in her right held himself and after his decease transferred unto his Daughter Ioan begotten upon her body all the Kingdoms of Spain which Daughter married with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begate upon her body Charls the fifth who was Emperour and unto him succeeded Philip which now reigneth And thus he came by the States within his own Country The States without the limits of Spain some of them are Kingdoms as of Naples of Navarra of both Sicilies and of Portugal together with the many Kingdoms of both the East and the West Indies some Earldoms and Dukedoms as of Milan Brabant and Flanders of Burgundy and briefly of the seventeen United Provinces How he came by all these it will be more tedious then wondrous to declare The Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been the butchery of most Nations of Europe For the Popes challenging to be Soveraign Lords thereof and by vertue of that Title to have full power and authority to dispose the same at their pleasure according to the variety of their humours their affections their quarrels and their factions they have somtimes bestowed them upon Frenchmen other times upon Italians somtimes upon Germans other times upon Swetians somtimes upon Spaniards other times upon Hungarians and once upon the Englishmen So that all these Nations either for the conqâ—est or for the deâ—ence thereof have lost their blood hazarded their lives and spent infinite treasure which is shortly proved by these examples following In the year 1381. Pope Clement crowned in Avignion Charls Prince of Tarento King of Sicily who had married the sister of Ioan Queen of Sicily and of Ierusalem the which Ioan for default of heirs adopted for her son and heir Lewis Duke of Anjou and made him king of Naples Sicily and Ierusalem and Duke of Cambria and Earl of Provence This gift and adoption was ratified by the Pope and furthered by the Frenchmen for these respects Clement the pope having a Corrival named Urban who was favoured by the king of Castile and of Hungary thought it convenient and necessary for him to procure the help and assistance of the Frenchmen for the better maintenance of his cause as divers of his Predecessors had done before him and therefore with his gift and donation so wrought and won unto him the said Lewis who was then Regent of France that although the Kings above-mentioned had sent their Ambassadors unto the French king to entreat his favour and furtherance for Pope Urban they could not prevail with him because the said Lewis who governed the king and all the Realm was wholly for Clement insomuch that through his favour Clement's Cardinals had all the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions of France without any respect being had to their lives to their learning to their qualities or to their Religion The Frenchmen aided the said Lewis in this quarrel and in his Wars for the obtaining of these Kingdoms most willingly because they were desirous to send him far from home who wearied them at home daylie with new Taxes and unaccustomed grievances Pope Urbane on the contrary side to gratifie his friends and to be assured of their help gave these Kingdoms unto Charls Nephew of the King of Hungary who willingly accepted the same as well for the benefit thereby likely to arise as for to revenge the death of his Brother cruelly and unjustly murthered by the said Ioan his Wife Wherein he had so good success as that he took the said Ioan Prisoner and caused her to be put to death Here you see Frenchmen and Hungarians at mortal Wars for this Kingdom And before these later Contentions you shall understand that the above mentioned Ioan being weary of her Husband Lewis and having divers ways so wronged him that he lived many years indurance Adopted for her Heir Alonso King of Aragon who drave Lewis out of his Kingdom Here you see Frenchmen and Spaniards at deadly feud for these Kingdoms Conradin Duke of Suavia and Son to Conrade the Emperour being disposed and purposed to retire himself after the death of his Father into his Kingdom of Naples obtained great help of divers German Princes and especially of Frederick Duke of Austria his very neer and dear Kinsman but being encountred by Charls brother of the King of France and betrayed unto him by Pope Clement the fourth both he and the aforesaid Frederick were taken Prisoners and by the advice of the Pope not long after beheaded So came the Kingdom of Naples from the Suavian unto the Frenchman and the Dukedom of Suavia ended and was utterly extinct by the Treason and wickedness of Pope Clement What Contentions have been betwixt divers Families of Italy and divers Houses of Naples it self for those Kingdoms the Chronicles of Italy report And I hasten from this Nation to our own Country because it may seem somewhat strange we had ever to do so far from home and what quarrel presence or title we could lay to a Kingdom so remote and far distant from England By that which hath been said you may easily perceive that the Popes have used these Kingdoms and their pretensive right unto them for the only means and instruments to furnish themselves with friends in time of need and necessity And when they began to be weary upon any occasion of the present King of Naples they incontinently set upon another displaced their enemy and called such a Prince as best pleased them or the time or the opportunity made fittest to hearken to their perswasions and to persecute their Adversaries into Italy and there continued and cherished him for a time until they likewise grew weary of him or he could no longer stand them in stead This is verified by many Armies that have been especially brought out of France and by sundry Kings and Princes of that Country who spent their time travel and treasure in those Wars But there is not one Example that
hostility answered That he could not leave off his wars because he knew not what authority Don Philip who was the Mediator of that Peace and should have had the French Kings daughter for wife to his son Charls had from the King and Queen of Spain to conclude the said Peace And the said King and Queen hearing of the good success which their General had daily against the Frenchmen permitted him to proceed as he began and disclaimed all that was agreed or yeilâ—ed unto by the said Don Philippo saying that he had no power or authority from them to make any such agreement But Don Philippo seeing his credit thereby called in question published to all the world that he had done nothing more in the concluding the said peace then the King and Queen had given him full commission to do and further before he departed out of Spain he saw them both swear upon the holy Evangelists and upon the Image of Christ crucified that they would confirm ratifie and observe whatsoever should be concluded by him Thus Naples was gotten deceitfully although Francis the first after that he was unhappily taken Prisoner at Pavia by Charles the fifth did voluntarily renounce all his Right Title and Interest unto the same kingdom for the ransom and deliverance of his two Sons who were Prisoners a long time in Spain as pledges for their Father From Naples and Sicily I hasten to the kingdom of Navarra gotten by the Spaniards Predecessors and held as unlawfully by him as the two other kingdomes for when as Ferdinando so often before mentioned had occasion to pass with an Army through the kingdom of Navarra to succour the Pope he demanded safe passage of the King thereof who being so commanded by Lewis the French king his Soveraign denied him passage Ferdinando certifying the Pope of his denial the Pope excommunicated the King and depriveth him as a Schismatique of his kingdom Ferdinando hereupon having his Army in a readiness invadeth the kingdom taketh the King unprovided and before he could have any help from the French king depriveth him of his Royal Seat and Dignity and his Heirs have held the same ever â—ithence by no better Title then this Of which give me leave in a few words to tell you my simple opinion and then I will come to the kingdom of Portugal As it is most certain that the Kings of Naples and of Scotland hold their kingdomes the one of the Pope of Rome the other of the Queen of England as of their Soveraigns so it is undoubtedly true that the Kings of Navarra owe homage faith fealty and obedience unto the king of France as unto their Lord and Soveraign for their kingdom in regard whereof they are bound to many conditions of services unto him as their Soveraign and especially to aid and assist him in his just quarrels wars and contentions against any other Prince whatsoever and never to leave him upon pain of forfeiture of their States and Dominions holden of him which is so true that many Doctors of Law writing upon this case make this question whether a Vassal such as the king of Navarra was in respect of the French king leaving his Lord and Soveraign sorely hurt in the field and forsaking him in that case doth forfeit his Estate or no And they all generally conclude that it his wounds be not mortal and such as they leave no small hope of life then the Vassal for forsaking him loseth his Estate be it never so great But I will not stand upon the proof of this point nor upon the justifying of the king of Navarra his denial made unto the Aragonian king by Commandment of his said Lord and Soveraign for I shall have occasion to enlarge hereof in another place whereunto when I come you shall see it sufficiently and plainly proved that the king of Navarra could not without manifest loss and forfeiture of his kingdom unto the French king deny or resist his Commandment This then being most manifest it must needs follow that the king of Aragon did most wrongfully invade and take from him his kingdom and so consequently the king of Spain withholdeth the same from the present king of Navarra with no better right or reason then he that detaineth a private mans lands who never having any just title thereunto justifieth his Tenure by no other reason but by a few years wrongful possession which giveth no just title especially if the same hath been continually claimed and demanded by the lawful owners thereof as without all doubt the kingdom of Navar hath been for the present king and his Predecessors did oftentimes require restitution thereof of them which did wrongfully detain it And had not the civil wars of France hindred the present king from demanding the same by force of Arms he had long before this time warred upon the now king of Spain for the recovery thereof Now to the Kingdom of Portugal This kingdom as Scotland and Navarra are members of the kingdom of England and France so it is a member of the kingdom of Spain for Alphonsus the sixth king of Spain had a base Daughter nam'd Taresia whom he married unto Henry Count of Lotharinga and gave him in Dower with her the Kingdom of Portugal because he had done him very great service against the Moors But his Son Alphonsus the first was the first that was named King of Portugal and the first that got the City of Lisbone from the said Moors and having overcome in one Battel five of their Kings he left five Shields for Arms unto his Posterity This kingdom hath had many alterations and sundry Wars moved by such as layed claim thereunto but none considering the small continuance thereof more lamentable then the late Wars betwixt the now king of Spain and him whom the Spaniards call Don Antonio and no lawful king of Portugal for besides that the chief of the Nobility of that Realm were either cruelly murthered in the said War or unkindly held in extream thraledom or servitude by the Spaniard their natural and professed enemy the rightful King was most wrongfully driven from his lawful Inheritance to live as you know in a strange Country with the Princely and yet slender releif that her Majesty of her Royal liberality and clemency vouchsafeth him and his poor Train The Spaniard for the better obtaining of his Kingdom imitated in some measure the policicy of Charls the fifth his Father who during the competency betwixt him and Francis the first king of France for the Empire brought an Army of men unto the place where the Electors were assembled to make choice of the Emperour pretending the cause of bringing his Army thither to be his just and Princely desire to free the Electors from all manner of fear which they might justly have of some violence to be offered them by the French king if they made not choice of him Whereas in very deed his
she might happily be enabled to maintain either all or part of the Expences of those Wars with his Treasure And having learned of men of great experience what Forces would suffice to effect her desire and purpose thought it superfluous and needless to send thither greater strength then they not unadvisedly required And albeit neither her Majesty nor the Lords of her privy Council were ignorant that the Indians were far stronger then when they were first conquered And therefore that such a Navy as was first sent thither could not work the like effect there yet both her Grace and they thought it not meet to employ any more of her own or of her Merchants Ships in that service lest that the Spanish Fleet which was expected in England many years before it came coming upon her Realm in the absence of Sir Francis Drake and his Consorts should not have found the same sufficiently provided to make such resistance as was needful For as it sheweth courage in a Prince to give the first on-set upon his enemies within his own Dominions so it argueth want of discretion and wisdom to assault his adversaries with such force and power as if the enemy in absence thereof invade his Realm there should not be found at home an Army sufficient to withstand his Invasion Now as touching her Majesties Attempt made against Portugal and Spain The manner thereof is not unknown unto the world the cause is notorious and the success is not hidden nor secret For Mr Anthony Wingfields and Mr Dr Doylies Books the one in English the other in Latine set down the order motive and the event of that Attempt so truly so fully and so plainly as I shall not need to say any thing thereof especially having already touched his Right at large for whose cause and at whose instance the Voyage was undertaken But because the said Books make but a plain and true Narration of the Journey and of the cause and success thereof leaving the Justification of the same cause unhandled and you desire to see the same confirmed and strengthned by some examples declaring the equity thereof I will in this Point somwhat satisfie your desire and pleasure Presupposing therefore Don Antonion his Title to the Kingdom of Portugal to be just and right as his own Apology can and doth testifie I think it will not be denyed but that what help soever was or shall be hereafter yeilded unto him for the recovery thereof was and will be both warrantable by Law and justifiable by many and infinite Histories The Law be it of Nature or of Nations warranteth any man whatsoever Vim vi repellere to repel force by force which is not tyed to this bare sence and meaning only That it shall be lawful for him to defend himself only against him that assaulteth his person or endangereth his life but it reacheth further and giveth him leave to use any moderate violence yea sometimes to kill him if he cannot otherwise retain his own that goeth about by main force to put him out of possession of his lands and inheritance or to take away his goods from him The same proceedeth further with us in England and in France and provideth that if a man be assaulted and others stand by and help him not they are held for partakers of the violence that is offered unto him and if a man be robbed upon the high-way and Hue and Cry be not made presently after the Theeves the Town Village or Hamlet which presently pursueth not the Malefactor shall answer whatsoever is taken from the party that is robbed The reasons of this Law are many First it is expedient for the Common-wealth to conserve the lives and goods of the Subjects thereof then there should neither be Meum nor Tuum if this Law did not take place Next the first and especial cause of assembling Societies together and of making and fortifying Villages Towns and Cities was a desire and care which men had to live together in safety as well of their Goods as of their persons Lastly nature detesteth unlawful violence desireth the conservation of her Creatures tendreth their welfare and hateth the Procurers of her harm and detriment and therefore provided Princes that should minister Justice unto all men indifferently defend the innocent valiantly maintain their Subjects in peace continually and duly inflict condigne punishment upon the breakers and perturbers of peace and tranquility Now because Justice loseth her name and majesty unless a proportionable Equity be observed in the administration and exercise thereof as private mens security is regarded and tendred in Justice so the Law must likewise have the indempnity safety and commodity of Superiors Magistrates and Princes in recommendation otherwise they should be in far worse case then their own Subjects are For the wrongs that are done unto them are righted by their Magistrates and therefore it standeth with good reason that some provision be made and some care had for the reformation of such injuries as are offered to the Kings and Princes If a Subject be thrust out of possession of his proper Inheritance the Law provideth that he shall be presently restored thereunto And if a king be wrongfully driven out of his kingdom shall not he be allowed to seek a restitution thereof He shall but how Forsooth at his hands who hath deprived him but what if the Usurper will not yeild to his petition he is then to implore the help of other Princes and they on his behalf are to pray and admonish the Usurper to make restitution of all that he detaineth wrongfully whereunto iâ— he shall not hearken after due admonition given unto him they may junctis viribus invade his Realm and by main force inforce him to restore whatsoever he with-holdeth unjustly For this charge lay upon the Emperours as long as they were of sufficient force and authority to command and controll the Kings of this world But now that the Imperial Majesty is somewhat abated and Kings have freed and emancipated themselves from the Emperours power and jurisdiction it remaineth as part of the charge of Kings to see that no violence be offered unto their Colleagues and especially unto their Confederates Therefore it is usual amongst Princes to enter into Alliance together with express conditions to take the Enemies each one of the other for their own Enemies and not only to defend their own Estates against all men whatsoever but also to offend him whatsoever he be that shall attempt any thing to their prejudice and there is nothing more common then to see Princes oppressed to fly for aid unto the Oppressors Adversaries and to receive help and succour from them They therefore are highly commended which receive and harbour a distressed Prince and they contrarywise worthy of perpetual shame and infamy which either refuse to receive such an one or after his receipt offer him any manner of wrong or violence because as to adde affliction unto the
Servant and to spoil the Master not to hurt the Subject and to murder the Prince to dismiss the Messenger and to detain the Sender briefly to honor him who representeth another mans person and to disgrace the party whose person is represented These are the most substantial Reasons that are made against this Sentence And to every one of these I will frame a brief Answer Par in parem non habet potestatem And therefore Princes who are most commonly equals cannot exercise any power or authority one against anoâ—her True it is that this is an ancient principle or maxime in Law but as other Rules or Maximes have their exceptions so this position is not without a limitation without an exception or interpretation Two Magistrates I grant being made and constituâ—ed by their Superior with equal power and authority have no power or jurisdiction one over another but they are created as it were with this condition that they shall use the authority which is given them by their Princes against their Inferiors and to those that are subject to their several jurisdictions But sithence this Law was made in their behalf onely who do acknowledge a Superior and that in such a time and in such a State in which there were many Magistrates but one King many Judges but one Emperor many that were equaâ—s among themselves but one that excelled them all in power and and authority I take it that the same concerneth absolute Princes no more then a privilege granted to Ticius alone belongeth unto Marius For sithence that the charge and alteration of time hath brought forth so many Kings instead of one Emperor that almost every Country hath now his several King Since the consent and general agreement of people hath given full power and authority unto their Kings to make what Laws they pleased since need and necessity requireth that new Laws be made and published almost every day and that they being once made shall not be of force out of those Realms within which they are established it cannot be but both absurd and ridiculous to beleeve and affirm that a Law made many hundâ—ed years ago by a Roman Emperor and that in Italy shall in these days bind those Princes over whom the Emperor hath no manner of power and that when aâ—tient Emperors had it long sithence abrogated and abolished For as many Shires and Provinces of England France and other Countries which had their several Kings are now reduced under the obedience of one King so contrariwise the Emperor which was wont to command many Nations is now brought to such alow ebb to so smal and slender an Estate that he can hardly challenge the absolute Rule and Government over the twentieth part of one Nation Since therefore Laws made by our Ancestors are so derived to our after-commers that it may be well said that they aâ—e as well Successors unto them in their Laws as they are their Heirs in their goods it is certain that many Laws remain still which were made many years ago but no Prince will admit or allow them any longer then they shall be found to be profitable and expedient for the Commonwealth or then they shall not diminish their royal Authority hence it cometh that some men hold opinion â—hat a King cannot make a Law which shall prejudice his Successors hence it cometh that former Laws may Lawfully be abrogated and others although they be quite contrary made in their stead so that they be found profitable for the Sâ—ate Hence lastly it cometh that the latter Statute repealeth the former and that which came last to light obtained most force Neither although there be but very few or no Princes especially in Christendome which even in these days of Weakness and infirmity of the Empire do not greatly respect and reverence the Emperor And albeit there be very few Lawyers which do not both read and admire the large volumes of the Civil Laws Compiled or rather digested into order by Iustinian the Emperor yet is there any King that useth the same Laws as Iustinian his Laws Or any Civilian that joyneth not the knowledge of the Statutes and Constitutions of his Country with the Studie of the Imperial decrees and Ordinance In England the Civil Law hath small force and lesse use In France it is in great Credit but there is a Capital punishment laid upon them who in pleading a Cause presume to alledge a Civill Text as a Law made by the Emperor but they alledged them as Laws approved by the French King For when as the King of France perceived that his Majesty should be greatly blemished and prejudiced if he should Govern his kingdom by Forreigne Laws and yet he saw that it was impossible to have or invent better Laws then the Civil Laws are he entertained the best of them being very loth that so good Laws should utterly perish and be forgotten But he commanded them to be Called his and his Successors Lawes least that it might turn to his discredit to Governe by other Princes Laws What accompt other Nations make of the Civil Laws it is easie to Conjecture by this That in Germany it self in which only Country the Emperor hath Imperial authority there are many Provinces which have banished the Civil Law Considering therefore that Laws made in Spaine binde not us in England and that the Frenchmen are not tyed to ours who shall be esteemed wise that will affirm that these Kings are Subject unto Iustinians Laws which are nothing inferior unto Iustinian his Successor in power and Authority But grant that the Emperors Laws have now as great Force and Strength as ever they had and that this Maxime Principle or Rule in Law Par in parem non habet potestatem doe bind all the Kings of the World yet it shall appear that it cannot any thing at all availe the late Scottish Queen For First as it oftentimes happeneth that men of great Authority lose the same by their own default or Negligence So princes going our of their own Countries into other kingdoms and Dominions make themselves inferior unto them in whose kingdom they remaine This is proved by Common experience For what Householder be he never so poor will suffer a rich man to rule or be his better in his own House What Master of a Ship will permit a Passenger bâ— he of never so great Wealth to Guide or Governe his ship Or what Captain can or will endure that a young Nobleman be he of never so great birth and Parentage shall lead and direct his Soldiers The sweetness which is in Commanders admitteth no Companion The Pope the Emperor or if there were any greater then they hath no share no part or Portion therein but all were it never so much belongeth wholy unto him that ruleth And there is such a feeling such pleasure in this sweetness that to extenuate the same by words is dangerous to diminish it by deeds perilous and to make others
no great Armies subdued the same and why may not the like fortune happen to the Spainard Truely if it might be inferred as a necessary consequent that the Country that hath been conquered many times and by many Nations should always be very easily conquered This inference might be far better made and used against Spain then against England For Spain was first governed by Tuball the Son of Iapheth the Son of Noe and by his posterity who were deprived of the Possession and Government thereof by the Sidonians and they by the Thracians and they by the Rhodians and they by the Phrygians and they by the Phenicians and they by the Cypriots and they by the Aegyptians and they by the Miletians and they by the Phocentians and they by the Chaldeans and they by the Carthaginians and they by the Romans and they by the Gothes and they by the Vice-Gothes and they lastly by the Spainards whom the Saâ—azens had driven out of their Country had not the Frenchmen holpen them to repel and expel the Sarâ—zens England was undoubtedly subdued by the Romans but not before they had conquered all the rest of the World because they reserved as it may be well supposed the conquest thereof as Conquerors most commonly do in great Enterprises for the last and greatest Exploit which they had to do or for the best reward that they could attain or expect of their long and tedious Wars And it is written that they boasted more of the Conquest thereof then of all the Victories which they had obtained in their dayes because they supposed that England which was divided from the rest of the World by the Sea was no part of the World and therefore they made two Triumphs thereof the one of the main Land and the other of the huge and merciless Sea The Danes and Saxons likewise subdued England but they enjoyed their Conquest but a very few years And how subdued they England Not by main force as Spain was always conquered but by cunning and deceit for Vortiger King of England being continually molested by Pirates and by the Scots was constrained to require Aid of the Saxons who sent him a great Army under the Conduct of two Brethren Engistus and Orsus of which Engistus having cunningly obtained of the King a convenient place for his people to dwell in fortified the same secretly got more thereunto covertly politickly perswaded the King to send for more forces out of Saxony and lastly Married his Daughter unto the King by whose means he brought his Countrymen in great credit with his Majesty made him banish the chief Nobility from the Court caused the King by this means to incur the hatred of his Subjects and when he perceived that our Country-men began to suspect and fear his over-growing Greatness he suddenly entred into league with the Picts the Antient Enemies of England and with their helps made an easie conquest thereof William the Conqueror became Master of England in this manner Edward King of England dying in the year 1065. made by his last Will and Testament William Duke of Normandy his sole and lawful Heir with the consent and counsel of the cheif Peers and Barons of his Realm But afterwards being wone thereunto by the flattery and sweet words of his Wife he changed his maid and adopted Harrold his Brother for his Heir whereupon there grew a great variance and contention betwixt the said VVilliam and Harrold who having some occasion to go into Flanders was by contrary winds driven into Normandy where he was presently intercepted and carried unto the Duke as a Prisoner before whom when he came fearing that he should not be set at liberty in a long time nor without a great Ransom unlesse he used some cunning device for his present delivery He said unto the Duke Other Princes Noble Duke when they have occasion to require Helps or any thing else of their Neighbours or Confederates use to demand the same by their Ambassadors But I contrary to this Custom knowing that there is no better way to end this contention and competency which is betwixt you and me then for me to marry your Daughter am come in person to pray your good Will that I may have her for my Wife The Duke yeeldeth to his desire Harrold with his new Spouse returneth speedily into England commandeth all Normans upon pain of death to depart out off his Realm within three dayes prostituteth his wife unto his meanest servants cutteth of her nose and her ears and sendeth her back unto her Father in a Fisher-mens Boat This Injury and Indignity may seem grievous unto you that hear it No marvel then if it so grieved her poor Father that to be revenged thereof he presently implored the help of his Friends who what for pitty of the distrested Princess what in hope of high rewards what in regard of the love and duty that some bare unto the Duke were so many that the greatest part of the Nobility of France with all the power that they could possibly make accompanied him in his journey But from him unto those kings of England who being driven from their Kingdoms recovered the same with small difficulty And not to be over tedious it shall suffice to mention unto you but two Princes of that kinde namely Edward the fourth and Henry the seventh And first to Edward who being deprived by his own Subjects of his Royal Diadem fled unto the Duke of Bugundy of whom obtaining an Army but of two thousand men onely he returned into England and finding that very few favoured him so long as he demanded the Crown he caused it to be proclaimed and published that he required nothing but the Dukedom of York whereunto every man knowing that he had Right many began to favour him and no man at his first landing in Yorkshire would resist him and yet he was not received into the City of York before that he had sworn faith and obedience unto the King This Oath being solemnly taken he goeth forward towards London Some few of his Friends came unto him upon the way The Earl of Warwick his Brother who was incamped neer about York to intercept him on the way either for fear or through ignorance suffereth him to proceed on his journey and so without so much as one stroke he came to London where he was received by the Citizens with great joy and gladness because divers of the richest sort doubting that they should never have again such sums of money as they had lent him whiles he was their king unless he recovered the Kingdom had purchased him the favour and friendship of the greatest part of the City of which being once Master he increased daily in power and strength and his Brother the Duke of Clarence and others leaving the Earl of Warwick and his Faction made him so strong that he daily subdued the rest of his Enemies Thus prevailed he Now from him unto Henry the seventh who
France who are now grown the most absolute Kings of the world were wont to do nothing that was of any weight or consequence without the consent of their best and wisest subjects The Kings of Poland Denmark and Sweden cannot make war against their enemies which is one of the principal marks of Soveraignty without the consent and leave of the States of their Country Crommus in the year 1559. withstood the coronation of their King Frederick until that he had sworn solemnly that he would not condemn any Nobleman to death or confiscate his lands or goods but suffer him to have his tryal by the Senate That all Gentlemen should have power of life and death over their subjects without appeal or without giving the King any part or portion of the penalties or forfeitures that shall be raised and levied of Gentlemens subjects And lastly That the King should not give any office whatsoever without the counsel and consent of the Senate These are hard conditions and presumptive arguments that the King of Denmark may hardly be called a Soveraign and yet Frederick yeilded to these conditions and his Successors have ever since observed them he because he could not otherwise do and they because they thought it not convenient to deny that which he had granted knowing that if they had refused his conditions they should not be received and admitted unto his succession and yet sithence the Nobility encroached herein upon their King I take it to be lawful for his Successors to free themselves as soon as they shall be able from that bondage and scant princely servitude if they be not sworn as the Spaniard is at his Coronation to see these conditions inviolably kept and observed for if they be sworn I hold it not lawful for him to break his oath for men may not voluntarily commit perjury for any temporal commodity and it is far better to endure temporal inconveniences and discommodities then to offend a mans conscience and endanger his soul. All Histories new and old are full of the like indignities offered unto Princes by their subjects as often as the rebellious people have had any good fortune against their Soveraigns and all law and reason permitteth such Princes to redeem their liberty by any means possible so it be not done contrary to their oath or done within a convenient time For though it be true that nullum tempus occurrit Regi yet that is most commonly understood in matters of lands but jurisdiction may be prescribed and there is nothing more common and ordinary then for inferiour officers to prescribe their superiours when they be negligent and careless of their jurisdiction and when an inferiour hath fully prescribed he hath as good right and interest in his prescribed jurisdiction as any prince hath in the authority which his Predecessors have had time out of mind or from the institution of their Kingdoms Be it therefore for that the Nobility of Aragon have had the before-named priviledge from the first beginning of that Royal Monarchy or that they have used the same so long a time as serveth to induce a prescription or that a general custome hath put them in full and lawful possession thereof it is not now lawful for the Kings of Spain unto whom the Kingdom of Aragon descended with all charges and burthens thereunto belonging to revoke and disanul the same priviledges and since that he is bound to observe them because his Predecessors did so and custome bindeth him so to do it is not greatly material whether his oath were well and lawfully taken yea or no and because he hath sworn to keep them he cannot dispense with his Oath or of himself remit the conditions whereunto he yeilded at his Coronation For they that swear to do any thing which they are bound to do although they were not sworn thereunto binde themselves in double bonds to do the same the first of honesty th' other of necessity As if a merchant should swear not to falsifie any merchandizes that he uttereth he is bound to observe his promise in honesty and of necessity in honesty because no conscionable man will falsifie his word and of necessity because his oath made that necessary which was before but voluntary and so forfeited and strengthned the former bond But to come more fitly and properly to our matter what was the point for which Iohn de la Nuca suffered Antonio Peres suffered part of Aragon revolted and many as well good as bad subjects of the Spanish King were slain in Caragoca Was it not the just grief and lawful discontentment conceived for the new course and extraordinary tryal that Inquisitors would and should have used against Antonio Peres Did not this Inquisition breed a tumult in Naples and in Flanders where it brought more to their untimely deaths then there are living creatures in all Aragon Did you not know that this Inquisition was first invented for heretiques and now it is used or rather abused against all sort of offenders all kinds of offences being unjustly and maliciously drawn to the notice and cognisance of the unmerciful and rigorous Inquisitors that serve the Pope for his executioners and the Spaniards for their tormentors Did not Don Iohn de la Nuca and many others know that Ecclesiastical Judges are not to deal in temporal causes be they meerly civil or criminal against private men or for the Prince Did not all the people know or at least might they not have heard that Clergy men cannot be present at a sentence of death much less give such a sentence And briefly Do not all the world know that it belongeth to him to judge who examineth a cause and heareth the merits proofs and circumstances thereof Why then should Inquisitors judge and others examine especially when the Law prescribeth both the Examiners and the Judges and where the party accused desireth the benefit of Law and the supreme Judge is bound by solemn oath to vouchsafe and yeild him the benefit and fruition of his desire But it was the King's pleasure that Antonio Peres should die and when Temporal Magistrates would not Ecclesiastical Judges should condemn him If Antonio Peres his death might have contented and satisfied him why sought he not some friend to make an end of him in the same manner that he dispatched Escovedo for him Had it not been less known to the world less danger to the State less prejudice to his Laws He might have been secreâ—ly murthered with far less trouble then openly condemned and his injustice in poysoning him should have been known but to the murtherers whereas his iniquity in condemning him could not be but apparent unto the fight and view of all the world but his ingratitude unto Antonio Peres for the pleasure done him by taking away Escovedo his life made others unwilling and fearful to pleasure and gratifie him with the like vilany Alas poor King that could not finde one in the whole
considerable advantage 98 XXIX That there was just occasion given for the intercepting the Spanish money sent into Flanders 105 XXX That the Spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is 110 XXXI The nature and condition of the Spanish people 115 XXXII The false commendations given by divers Authors unto Spain 117 XXXIII That the King of Spain 's wars with the Low-Countries have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished 123 XXXIV That it was no point of Policy in the Spanish King not to grant liberty of Conscience to his subjects in Flanders 128 XXXV That it redounded not so much to the Spanish Kings honour as he imagined to enter into a League with the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise against the Lutheran Princes 136 XXXVI That many Princes have been less to blame for entring into a League with the Turk then the King of Spain for his League with the Guisards 139 XXXVII That Princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths however their vertues may 142 XXXVIII The likelyhood of the downfal of the Duke of Guise his faction 145 XXXIX That it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of Rebels 148 XL. The French King vindicated from divers things laid to his charge 151 XLI The King of France his killing of the Duke of Guise justified 160 XLII How the Kings of France have from time to time raised the revenues of that Crown 166 XLIII The commendations of Henry the third of France from divers eminent Authors XLIV To what a vast power and authority the Popes of Rome are advanced from a small beginning with their deceits and cruelties 172 XLV VVhat losses and injuries Princes have sustained by submitting to the Pope's authority 179 XLVI Queen Elizabeth unjustly accused by the English fugitives to the King of Spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes 183 XLVII The Spanish King blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the English fugitives 189 XLVIII Certain objections against the Queen of Englands putting the Scottish Queen to death answered 191 XLIX VVhether it be allowable for Subjects to take up Arms against or put their Princes to death 202 L Of the proceedings of divers Princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour 208 LI. That Embassadors violating the Laws of Nations or of Arms have oft-times been rigorously dealt with 210 LII That neither the death of the Scottish Queen nor any other occasion could warrant the King of Spain's invading of England 215 LIII That it is no easie matter for the King of Spain to conquer England 218 LIV. The Popes and Emperours machinations against the Lutherans make them so much the stronger 224 LV. The cruelty of Princes to their subjects proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves 229 LVI Many motives of Rebellion and Discontent among the K. of Spain 's subjects threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon Princes in former ages 238 LVII That many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake 241 LVIII That the K. of Spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him or at least to stand Neutral 243 LIX Several Emperours of the House of Austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions 249 LX. That there is as just cause to fear France if that Kingdom grow too powerful as Spain it self 257 LXI That the Low-Countries joyned together under one Form of Government would grow very formidable 258 LXII How powerful the Switzers are grown since they have Incanton'd themselves 260 LXIII How expedient a Confederacy with the Low-Countries is in reference to a falling out either with France or Spain 261 In the Supplement I. IOhn de Soto Secretary to Don John de Austria removed and John de Escovedo put into his room p. 2 II. Antonio Perez commanded by the K. of Spain to poison Escovedo 3 III. Several questions discussed concerning Escovedo 's murther and first whether the K. commanding Escovedo to be murthered may not worthily be accounted a murtherer 4 IV. The second question whether Antonio Perez obeying the Kings command be not guilty of Escovedo 's death as well as the King 10 V. The third question whether the King being found a murtherer deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated better then the K. of France deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the Duke of Guise 13 VI. The fourth question whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other Prince 14 VII VVhether wilful perjury and breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a Prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince 17 VIII That the Nobility of Aragon have from the beginning bound their Kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges 22 IX That Subjects may seek remedies against such Princes as will not do them Right and Iustice. 26 X. The K. of Spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the K. of France hath been charged with 27 The Table A ADrianus the Emperour's vast Armies and strength in war p. 74 Albertin Coraza made lord of Padua p. 53 Alexander the Great the pattern of a valiant Prince p. 5 Not superiour to divers of-the Roman Captains p. 232 233 Alexander King of Epirus his opinion concerning Alexander the Great 's victories p. 74 Pope Alexander the third's prastises against Frederick Barbarossa p. 177 Alonzo King of Aragon adopted by Joan Queen of Naples p. 55 Alphinus King of the Scots and Picts openly beheaded p. 214 other examples of the like nature p. 215 Cardinal Allen compared with Richard Shaw and John Petit p. 189 The ambition of the Earl of Anjou 's wife set him on to get the Kingdom of Naples p. 258 Amulius his cruelty to his Brother Numitor and his children p. 89 Anjou quitted by the King of England p. 45 Don Antonio justifieth his Title to Portugal by several arguments p. 60 Anthony Montefeltro made Duke of Urbin by the Emperour Lewis 53 Appius his severity hurtful to the Commonwealth 233 The Arch-bishop of Toledo rebelleth against the King of Aragon p. 16 and is aided by Alonzo K. of Portugal ib. Aristides the pattern of a just Magistrate 5 Armies going far from home meet with many occasions of destruction p. 70 71 Artevild Agricola and Besconius the chief Ring-leaders of the Gantois Rebels 230 231 Astyages seeketh the destruction of his Grand-child Cyrus 87 88 89 Attila the Scourge of God 5 Augustus the pattern of a fortunate King 5 The Duke of Aumale chosen head of the faction of the Guises 159 The House of Austria their Original from Hapsburgh p. 17 Their Greatness Tyrannie and Oppression p. 17 18 The continuance of their Greatness 50 The Author a voluntary Exile in the time of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 His Credit with Great men
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
things Since Might overcometh Right and Blood asketh Blood What man liveth in this Age whose Predecessors endured not the torments that he suffereth Saw not the miseries that he seeleth Tasted not the bitterness that he swalloweth Felt not the wrongs that he supporteth Lost not the blood that he loseth The Sun shineth now as it hath done the Stars keep the course they were wont to do the Sea ebbeth and floweth as it ever did and the Rivers run the same way which they always ran I mean and you may understand how I mean that all things proceeding from nature duly keep and observe their Natures I mean therefore and you may perceive how I mean that as long as nature hath created and shall create Princes of diverse dispositions so long their Subjects have been and shall be subject unto contrary fortunes unto good if they be good and godly and unto bad if they be naught and wicked In the good they have enjoyed and shall enjoy the benefit of Peace In the bad they have felt and shall feel the discommodities of War In the good they had and shall have all things which they desire In the bad they wanted and shall want nothing that may discontent them In the good their estate was and will be such as you commend In the bad their condition was and shall be such as you condemn For as Princes retain the Prerogatives given and granted unto Princes so Subjects maintain still the conditions and qualities incident and proper unto Subjects Every Prince hath his qualities and every sort of people hath his conditions The Spaniard varieth from the Italian the Italian from the French the French from the German the German from the English-man and the English-man from the Scots And such as all and every one of these Nations have been such they will be as long as they do and shall inhabit the same Climate and receive breath from the same Air. And as these Nations naturally hate one another so by nature they desire not to be subject one unto another and therefore if against their nature one of them chance to have never so little authority over the other the one commandeth imperiously and the other obeyeth most unwillingly and yet it so hapneth oftentimes that the Commander is commanded and they that once obeyed many times command So did Padua command Venice and now Venice commandeth Padua So did Rome rule Spain and now Spain ruleth Rome So did France sway the Empire of Germany and now Germany precedeth France So did France command the King of Navar and now Navar either doth or should command France So did Portugal hate Spain and now doth Spain rule over Portugal So did Italy bear sway over most part of Christendom and now some part of Christendom is Mistris over Italy And when things happen as these do contrary to nature contrary to mens expectations contrary to mens desires can there be Peace where there are so many occasions of War Love where there is such cause of hatred Upright dealing where there are so many motives and incitements unto wrong Is it possible that proud men should agree with the humble and meek Plain dealers with common Deceivers Men of peace with men of war Simple Subjects with subtile Princes Especially since Kings of strange natures or Countries never ruled well or long people varying from them in nature or conditions Whence came it that the Danes were driven out of England the French-men out of Naples the English-men from France and of late years the Spaniards out of Flanders Forsooth because Conquerors are odious and why are they odious truely because they are most commonly insolent And wherefore are they insolent verily because they think it lawful for them to do what they list And what moveth them to be of that mind The good opinion conceived of themselves and the bad conceit which they have and hold of the Conquered What think they of themselves marry that they are valiant happy victorious and fortunate And what is their opinion of the Conquered Undoubtedly they hold them for Cowards base minded vile Slaves and effeminate persons And what are the effects of these sundry opinions Certainly that the Conquerors heaping cruelty upon cruelty and the Conquered seeking all means possible to free and mancipate themselves from bondage and servitude they by negligence commit many errors and these by wary circumspection and providence take advantage of their follies Whence they lose their conquest and these recover their Liberty I take oftentimes great delight to read our English Chronicles and especially the Reigns of Edward the Third and of Henry the Fifth because I see therein the continual success which they both had against the Frenchmen It delighteth me greatly to consider what sway Edward the black Prince bare through all Christendom to see how Princes Courted him to read how Kings sought unto him to behold how he restored Kings to their Kingdoms and drave Usurpers from their Usurpations To remember how valiantly he fought at Poitiers and Cressy two of the most famous Battels that ever were fought in Europe To Record how he took the French King and most part of the French Nobility Prisoners How he brought the King and them into England how reverently he carryed himself towards the Captive Prince how Honourably he was received by his Father and his Subjects and how lovingly the two Kings entertained one another and in the end departed one from the other But my joy is turned into sorrow and my delight into grief when I see that the Frenchmen naturally hating Englishmen that the Prince forcibly overcharging the Conquered with new Subsidies and unaccustomed Tributes that the Gascoins disloyalty forsaking their obedience unto their natural Prince and that the French King unkindly taking hold of the occasions that were offered unto him they with him and he with them set upon the poor Prince when he was unprovided invaded his Country when he thought little of their coming and drave him into England who had driven them out of France The like hapned unto Henry the fifth and his Successors for the one was not so fortunate in Conquering as the other was unfortunate in his losses but hereof hereafter And now more plainly to my purpose let me confer the miseries of this Age with the calamities of former times They that inveigh against the present State wonder at many things which I will begin in order and let you see and understand that in times past all things were in as evil case as they are at this present They first wonder that the common Adversary of Christendom being in Arms and ready to invade part of Austria the civil Wars in France and Flanders cease not but continue in as great fury rage and extremity as ever they did That the Princes of Christendom labour not to appease and finish the said Wars but rather nourish and maintain them That the Popes Holiness whose
principal use and commendation hath been and is to set Princes at unity which be at variance indeavoureth not to reconcile but to animate them in their Quarrels who have taken unjust or not very just occasions to war one against another And that by this common negligence the common enemy is not repulsed but encouraged to increase his over-large Confines and Territories To this I will Answer before I come unto other Points This negligence as I have said before is no newthing nor these troubles in France and Flanders a strange President nor the Causes moving or continuing the same are such as never hapned in any other Age They therefore who blame our time for this respect should remember that the Turk is grown unto his greatness by the dissention of Christian Princes only And that they may the better perceive herein I report a manifest truth I will prove as much as I have said by many examples It is not unknown unto them that be conversant in Histories That the Turks first beginning was very base and obscure That his power was weak and feeble and his Dominion small and of less moment which he hath enlarged by taking advantage of the discord and variance of Christian Princes who when they have been in Arms against him for and in the defence of the common Cause have overthrown the common Cause by sudden jars and debates which arose both untimely and unfortunately amongst themselves About the year 1106. Baldwin being Successor unto his Brother Godfrey of Bulloin Duke of Lorrain in the Kingdom of Ierusalem the Christians besieged Carra in Mesopotamia and having with continual Seige and sundry Batteries driven the same unto great extremities they that were in the City determined to yeild themselves unto the mercy of the Christians amongst whom suddenly there arose a strife and contention whose the City should be and so they deferred the entring thereof until that controversie was decided in which interim there came such great succor of the Turks and Moors that they overcame the Christians and cut all their throats In like manner the Christians laying Siege unto Damasco and having equalled the Walls thereof with the ground through discord and dissention growing suddenly amongst them they departed without taking the same and thought it better to leave it unto the Infidels then for one Christian to see it in the possession of another And not long after the Turk by the departure of Conrade the Third Emperor of the Romans and of Lewis the French King who returned to their homes by reason of civil Wars begin in Germany by Gulfin a Rebel of the Empire the Christians lost the whole Country of Edissa and whatsoever else they held in Mesopotamia Furthermore Baldwyne the seventh King of Ierusalem being dead and leaving behind him one only Infant while Guydo Lusignian and Raymond Earl of Trypoli Brethren in Law unto the King contended who should succeed him Saladyne King of Damasco hearing of their contentions secretly sent word unto the Earl Raymond that if he would circumcise himself he would help and assist him with all his Forces against Guido and make him King of Ierusalem unto which his offer although the Earl gave not open ear at that time yet by outward shews he declared his good liking and delight therein and became Saladines great friend and confederate who seeing the Earls inclination favour and readiness assembled presently a great Army of Moors and Turks and set upon the City Tyberiades belonging unto the Earl Raymond for so it was secretly agreed betwixt them thereby to make his Brother in Law Guydo Lusignian to come to succor him and then either to kill him or to take him by the Earls treachery as they indeed took him in a certain Battel wherein all the Christians were slain and Saladine took Ierusalem and all Palestina in the Moneth of October in the year 1187. And Raymond in hope that Saladine would perform his promise circumcised himself but he failed of his purpose For the Turk was so far from keeping of his word that be drave Raymond from all that he had in possession whereupon he dyed suddenly as some say and others write that he fell into such a desperation that he hanged himself So likewise by the discord of the Inhabitants of the City of Acon the Moors and Turks slew above 30000. Christians And the Tartarians came into Hungary and Polonia and destroyed both the one and the other Armenia The Emperor Frederick Surnamed Barbarossa and Philip King of France together with Richard the first King of England lamenting the late loss of Ierusalem resolved to combine themselves and with their untied Forces to recover the same And being come unto Suega and having obtained divers great and important Victories by reason of discord and dissention betwixt the two Kings the French King not only returned into France but also made War upon King Richard in his absence for the Dukedome of Normandy which King Richard understanding although he was then in a readiness to win Ierusalem and did great hurt daily unto the Infidels insomuch that Saladine purposed to yeild Ierusalem up into his hands returned home into his Country leaving the most honourable Enterprise which he had begun And the Turks who were sorely decayed and weakned in strenght through the benefit of his sudden departure not only recovered that which they had once determined to give over unto the Christians as already lost but also drove them from those places which before his departure they quietly possessed It is likewise Recorded of Frederick the Second that he being excommunicated by Gregory the ninth and having no other means to purchase his Absolution determined to go unto Asia and to recover Ierusalem at his own proper Charges Where the Almighty so favoured him that Ierusalem was delivered unto him by composition and he was Crowned King thereof upon Easter day in the year of our Lord 1229. and because he was also King of Sicily the Kings thereof at this day bear the name of Kings of Ierusalem But whilst this Emperor was busied in the Wars and Affairs of the Holy Land the Pope maligning him for the Kingdom of Sicily procured him secret enemies in Italy mighty Adversaries in Germany and such Rebels in every place where there was any thing appertaining unto him that the good Emperor was constrained to return and to imploy his whole power and strength for the recovery and conservation of his own After whose departure the Christians by the Popes Counsel breaking the Truce which the Emperor had taken with the Turk for their advantage and dividing themselves into Factions by the imitation and example of Italy which was divided into Guelfians and Gibbilines made civil Wars one against another And when the other part was assaulted by the Turks and Infidels they did not only not help one another but of set purpose the one part assisted the very Moors against the other by whom they were both
destroyed in a very short time and Ierusalem yeilded up again unto the enemies I might tell how Constantinople by the discord of the Graecians how Anatolia by the same cause and the subtilty of Ottamon how Caria Licaonia and Phrygia by the like occasion how Harly and Andrynopoly by the very self same means and how by reason of the debate and controversie betwixt Emanuel Paleologo Emperor of Constantinople and the King of Seruia and the Valachians all Albania Velona Salona Râ—manca and Thracia were subdued and taken by the Turk I might tell you how that the discord betwixt Alphonso King of Arragon and of Naples and the Venetians and betwixt Sextus the Pope Francis Sforza Duke of Milan and the Floentines enforced the poor Venetians who otherwise were not able to withstand their domestical Enemies to give the Turk Chalcedonia a principal City of Anatolia together with the Island of Stalemina otherwise called Lemnos and an hundred thousand Duckets in ready money and eight thousand of yearly Tribute I might tell you as Lewis Fuscarin Embassadour of Venice in an Oration that he made unto Pope Pius the second told him That the contentions betwixt Christian Princes have been so many and so obstinate that the Turk by reason of them possesseth two Empires which be Constantinople and Trapesonda Four principal Kingdomes of Persia Arabia Syria and Egypt Twenty great Provinces and two hundred fair Cities I might tell you how Barbarossa burnt Niza in Provence and carried above forty thousand Captives out of the Kingdom of Naples Pulia and Calabria taking only advantage of the sedition which then raigned in Italy I might tell you that the Island of Rhodes was lost because the Christians were not able to succour the same by reason of the Wars of Italy and the Insurrection of the commonalty of Spain I might tell you that the Kingdom of Hungary was lost by the like dissention And briefly that in late years the contentions betwixt the French Kings and Charles the Fifth and King Philip of Spain have greatly hindred the progress happy success and fortunate accomplishment of such enterprises as were valiantly attempted and might worthily have been executed against the aspiring pride of the insatiable Turk But to tell you all this and the circumstances thereof were somewhat too tedious And I hasten unto other points and I shall have occasion to handle that which is untouched and not sufficiently declared in this point in another place more aptly hereafter The second point whereat they wonder is that Princes hating Rebels as the Enemies of their estates the Impugners of their authority the Adversaries of their absolute power and the Subverters of their Kingdoms do in these dayes not only bear with Rebels but also harbour them not receive them alone but also aide and assist them So say they the Queen of England maintaineth the Rebels of the United Provinces commonly called the States of the United Provinces So say they the King of Spain supporteth yea and helpeth with money men and munition the Rebels of France commonly called Leaguers So say they the Popes holiness animateth the Catholicks of France and England to rebell against their Soveraigns Truly to nourish Rebels is an action in nature hateful and in policy dangerous for to aid the wicked is to participate with them in their wickedness and he that giveth countenance comfort or succour unto his Neighbours domestical Enemies is to look for the like measure if his Subjects at any time and upon any occasion chance to rebel against him But because many things in outward appearance seem good which indeed are naught and vitious not only in this Age but also in times past are and have been baptized by the names of vertues It is now and it hath always been usual to deem all things honest that are profitable honourable that are expedient and lawful that may be justified by examples Is there any thing that maintaineth States and upholdeth Kingdomes better then Justice And yet lived there not a man that inwardly professed and openly said Si violandum est jus regnandi causa Is there any thing more odious or unbeseeming a Prince then to say one thing and do another And yet lived there not a Prince that wrote for his Posie Qui nescit dissimulare nescit Regnare Is there any greater sign of an insatiable mind and of ambitious covetousness then having many Kingdomes to covet more Kingdomes and yet lived there not a King who having conquered most part of the world wept because he heard a Philosopher dispute of another world which he had not as yet subdued Is there any thing more cruel or barbarous then an Emperor being bound by duty and commanded by the Almighty to conserve and preserve his Subjects to wish and intend the death of all his Subjects And yet lived there not an Emperor who wished that all the people of Rome had but one head that he might cut it off at one blow And what moved these Princes Kings and Emperors to violate Justice to dissemble with all men to aspire and desire more Kingdomes and to covet and imagine the death of their Subjects but a colourable shew of honour or of profit The common Proverb saith give a man an Inch and he will take an Ell and who desireth to do be great regardeth no Parentage careth for no kindred nor esteemeth any Lawes The ancient Romans whose fame is notable through all the world and whose Actions are imitated by most of the world seemed outwardly to be just and true dealers never coveting more then their own but alwayes contented in common opinion with their own And yet in their inward thoughts they were never satisfied till all that belonged to others became their own They first conquered Italy then Spain next France afterwards Germany and after them Scotland and England their desires and covetousness rested not there but as men infected with the Dropsie the more they drink the more they desire to drink so they the more they had the more they desired and did spread the wings of their ambitious Avarice over all Africa and Asia making themselves of Lords of one Town Monarchs of the universal world In all which their conquests they carried an outward shew of manifest Equity pretending for all and every the wars which they undertook not one but many just causes which they used to declare unto their friends and confederates and not to conceal them from their very enemies unto whom they sent usually an Herald of Arms who should demand restitution of such things as they pretended to be unjustly taken from them or reparation of their supposed wrongs But if a man should now with the eyes of indifferency look upon the causes which moved them to undertake all or most part of their wars he should find that they were but colorable shews for what cause had they to war with Carthage but that they envied Carthages greatness What moved them to subdue
life and welfare of his Subjects but when the Prince casteth off humanity and the Subjects forget their duty when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed when he breaketh Laws and they desire to live under their ancient Laws when he imposeth new Tributes and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people their ancient Lawes Priviledges and Liberties and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers and Patrons to be done unto themselves and their Posterity Then changeth love into hatred and obedience into contempt then hatred breedeth disdain and disdain ingendereth disloyalty after which follow secret conspiracies unlawful assemblies undutiful consultations open mutinies treacherous practises and manifest rebellions The chief reasons whereof are because the common people are without reason ready to follow evil counsel easie to be displeased prone to conceive dislike not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers forgetful of many good turns if they be but once wronged more desirous to revenge an injury then to remember a benefit quickly weary of a Prince be he never so good if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them commonly affecting time that is past better then the present briefly all liking what the most like all inclining where the greatest part favoureth all furthering what the most attempt and all soon miscarried if the most be once misled This natural disposition of the common people is proved by common experience observed by wise Polititians and confirmed by many examples not of one Realm but of many Nations not of one age but of many seasons not of barbarous people but of civil Realms not of Kingdoms alone but of other manner of Governments briefly not of Subjects living only under Tyrants but also under the best Princes that ever were for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for antiquity or for greatness for strength or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings for absolute government of Rulers or for dutiful obedience of Subjects for good laws or for just and wise Magistrates and yet France that hath this commendation and these benefits hath many other times besides this and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns for proof whereof let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion begun in the late Kings time and continued in this Kings days They that write thereof at large and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred Offices appertaining unto Justice dearly sold Benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated new Impositions dayly invented and levied the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed old Officers unjustly displaced and men of base quality unworthily advanced they saw the late King carried away with vanities governed by a woman entred in League and Amity with their Enemies and fully resolved to follow his pleasure and to leave the administration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Enemies They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion unlikely to have any issue to succeed him not willing to establish any succession of the Crown after him and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion Lastly they saw that as long as he lived the King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed and that as soon as he dyed the said King was likely to be his Successor which hapning they considered the desperate estate of their Religion the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants and of their cause and quarrel the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes And lastly the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves and of their Families Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies and to prevent some of them and to redress and reform others they called a general Assembly of the three Estates implored the help of forreign Princes levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather together propounded means of Reformation to the King and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel they combined themselves against the Protestants his pretended and their open enemies seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength removed such Officers as disliked them and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause imployed men fit for their humours made for their purpose brought up in their Factions practised in their Quarrels affectioned in their Cause and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Favour of strange and mighty Potentates to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Protestants The King of Spain by the greatness of his Ambition and the Duke of Lorrain by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party and further their Attempts and Enterprises The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes beseeching them as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices so they would now that matters were grown to ripeness and secret Conspiracies to open resistance vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power In which Suit he findeth happy success and with promise of assured and sufficient aid is animated to proceed with courage and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly He therefore considering that for the better accomplishment of his designs it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain repaireth thither with all diligence And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them
to pass The first of the three was the late Kings especial Favour The second an Office of great Account and Dignity The third that the rest of the Court should be at his Will and Commandment either for love towards him or for fear of his Greatness and Authority For the purchasing and assurance of the Kings favour he useth two principal means The one to let the King understand that he was now grown to so great power and strength that it was impossible for his Majesty to supplant or suppress the same The other to perswade the King not only by words but also by good carriage of himself that he would never abuse that his power but always use it to his Highness benefit and his Majesties service keeping the King by this means always betwixt love and fear and increasing the number of his friends and followers by gratifying some with Offices others with money and still imploying his Purse his Credit and his Countenance for the strengthning of his Party and that in such manner as the King could not but perceive it yet he dissembleth so cunningly protesteth so devoutly and sheweth sometimes so apparent effects of his good will and dutiful obedience to the King that his Majesty distrusteth not his proceedings And for the better continuance of the King in that opinion he marketh what is done in every Province willeth many things to be done that were acceptable and pleasing to the Kings humours and still writeth unto his Friends and Kinsmen that they should shew their obedience in small things and in matters of no great moment that they might the better be trusted in matters of more great weight and profit to the furtherance of his and their designs Now for the obtaining of such an Office as might both countenance him and prefer his Friends he very subtily insinuateth himself into the Queen Mothers favour unto whom the King had committed the Administration and charge of the weightiest affairs of his Kingdom he maketh the Kings principal Secretary sure unto him causeth him to procure his return to the Court when he was once commanded by the King to depart thence in disgrace bringeth it to pass by him that the Duke of Espernon his greatest enemy should be banished the Court and that after his departure the same Secretary should continually seek and procure his discredit and contrariwise further him in all his Attempts and Endeavours lest that the King recalling in time the Duke Despernon might be induced by him to displace and discountenance them both And whilst he is in this favour he sueth to be High Constable of France meaning in time to use the same Office as Charls Martel did for a step and Ladder to climb up to the Kingdom which Office he saith was of such antiquity and necessity as that as soon as there was a King in France there was also a High Constable and that their Estate never flourished better then when the Crown was provided of such Officers as should and did execute their Offices and Charges in as ample manner as their Commissions gave them power and Authority to do Besides seeing that the Queen Mother either at the first or at the last obtained whatsoever it pleased her of the King and that whosoever he was were he never so highly in the Kings favour that displeased her in time lost the Kings good will and good opinion He so carried himself towards her that he seemed to affect nothing more then her good liking and yet not to be so desirous thereof as that he would wholly depend thereupon knowing that the King although he did always attribute much unto his Mother and was contented that she should be reverenced and respected next unto himself yet he could not well brook them that sought for her good will more then for his Favour and thus with cunning continuing a firm League of love and amity betwixt the Mother and the Son he hoped in time to possess them both in such manner as before they should be aware thereof he would assume unto himself the power and authority of them both And further perceiving that the Kings old Secretaries were not in all respects so pliant and ready to follow and fulfil his designs as he wished he laboured by all means possible to prefer them unto Offices of higher dignity and to place others in their rooms who would not fail to further his intents and purposes nor disdain to depend wholly upon his favour and also to make him privy to whatsoever business or affairs of Estate they were commanded to dispatch by the King whereby he came to perfect knowledg of all that was purposed or determined by the Kings privy Councel And grew into such favour and credit that even the principal Officers of the Crown either for fear or for love or by other mens examples submitted themselves wholly unto his devotion And he had such interest in the Kings Court and Courtiers that all or the most part of them seemed to be at his only disposition and to affect him more then their King and Soveraign Having installed himself in this manner in the Court and distracted the hearts of the principal Officers thereof from their duty and love to their King he thinketh it not sufficient to be invested in their favours unless he might also captivate the affections and good wills of the common people whom by promise to relieve their necessities to ease their charges to supply their wants and to redress all that was thought or suggested to be amiss the common means used in all times and all ages by men of his mind to seduce and mis-lead a multitude he easily and quickly perswadeth to favour his party And finding the common sort so ready willing and desirous to perform and accomplish his pleasure as that in respect of their obedience towards him he seemeth to lack nothing but the only name of King to be a King Notwithstanding the great Honor and Reverence that Courtiers shewed unto him the love and affection that the Commonalty bear to him the Offices and Dignities which he partly affected and partly attained the high Attempts and Imaginations which he lodged in his heart and conceit and the unaccustomed Authority which he cunningly had usurped yet he was so far from being puffed up with pride or disdain towards his inferiours faults commonly incident unto men advanced unto extraordinary favour and preferment that for the better continuance of his credit and the peoples good will towards him he would debase and so much deject himself as that he thought not scorn to go bare headed from one end of the Street unto another even unto base Chrochelers and Porters with which his demeanor the Duke De Mayne his Brother was many times highly displeased and could not at any time frame himself to follow and imitate him therein which hath appeared more manifestly since his death the common people in regard of that want not favouring him so highly as
lived in his time four men of especial account Pompey and Crassus Piso and Curio Pompey was so valiant and fortunate in Armes that he was worthily surnamed the GREAT Crassus attained to such wealth that he was commonly called the RICH. Piso bare such sway with the people that no man was either feared or loved more then he And Curio was so wise and so eloquent that the people loved him greatly and he so desirous of their favour and so careless and prodigal of money that to attain any thing for himself or for his friend he would spare no manner of costs or charges To win these men that were fit for his purpose and yet of divers humours Caesar thought it convenient to use divers means he married his daughter to Pompey he took to wife Pyso's Sister he paid all Curio's debts and because there was a competency and emulation betwixt Pompey and Crassus by reason whereof he thought it very difficult to grow in favour with both of them he being absent from Roâ—e when they were in the heat of their contention came thither of purpose not to extinguish the same but to use it as a means to deceive them both and seeing that each of them sought his friendship against the other he would not follow any of them but carrying himself as neutral and indifferent betwixt them he procured all wayes possible to make them friends And knowing that so long as he declared not himself to be a faithful friend to one of them both would do for him whatsoever he should demand of them he held them both in suspence and made them so jealous of him that for fear to lose him both laboured to content and please him and so much that first he made himself equal to either of them next he brought to pass that the power and authority which was in their hands only was divided betwixt him and them And in the end he alone came to rule all for he drave Pompey out of Rome and out of Italy and made himself Lord and Master of both places opened the Roman Treasure and paid his Souldiers therewithal What followed the Histories reporteth and I haste unto another of the like mind but of better fortune for Caesar lived not long after he came to the Empire And many wise and learned men wonder why the Emperours at this day carry still his name since he was the only ruine and overthrow of his Countrey and of the ancient liberty thereof whereas he of whom I intend to speak not only enjoyed the Crown and Scepter many years together which he usurped cunningly but also transferred the same unto his posterity in which it hath remained better then these five hundred years and Caesar his posterity enjoyed not his purchase the twentiâ—th part of that time You have heard that the last Race of the Kings of France descended from Hugh Capet who being but Master of the Kings Palace governed all things under him and so carried himself in that his Government that he wan the hearts and love of the common people and also got into such favour with Lewis the Fifth of France a Prince of small worth and of no great wit that as some Historographers write he dying the year 987. without Heirs Males not of his natural death but by poyson gave his Kingdom unto Blanch his Wife and willed her to marry Hugh Capet which she did according to her Husbands Commandment and so Capet became King albeit the Kingdom appertained â—y right unto Charles Duke of Lorrain Brother unto King Lotharius and Uncle unto the said Lewis For Charles being then in Lorrain and having been called and sent for by some of the Nobles of France to be crowned King thereof came not with such speed as was convenient for him to have used but gave time and respite unto Capet to seize upon the Kingdom pretending himself to have Title thereunto by the late Kings will by reason that he was in some sort by his Mothers side of the race of Charlemaign by signifying unto the people that Charles Duke of Lorrain deserved not to be chosen King because in all contentions debates and differences betwixt the Crown of France and the Empire the said Charles favoured the Emperours more then the French King and by suggesting that he being present and alwayes ready to defend the Realm ought to be preferred before Charles that was absent and not willing to come to accept the Crown when he was called thereunto by inducing Anselm Bishop of Laon to deliver the said Duke his Master with his two Children into his hands very trayterously by committing the Duke and his Sons to prison in Orleance where they dyed and by degrading Arnolph Arch-bishop of Rhemes under colour and pretence of Bastardy for fear he proving himself to be lawful and legitimate brother unto Charles might in time deprive him of the Kingdom but the especial policy that Capet used for the obtaining his purpose was the imitation of Pipin of France of whose practises you shall first hear and then as Plutarch in the lives of the Worthies of Greece and Rome compared a Graecian and a Roman together that the vertues and excellencies of both may appear the better by that his comparison So I will compare the devices of the late Duke of Guise with the practices of Sejan Caesar Capet and Pipin to the end you may see in what points he imitated them fully and also wherein he failed to follow their foot-steps Pipin being Master of the Palace under Childerick the third King of France who for his unworthiness was deprived of his Crown by the Pope Lachary thought that the greatness of his Office and the weakness of his Prince and Master might well serve him for a Ladder to climb to the Kingdom and knowing that it would not suffice to advance his own credit and commendation unless he did also dispraise and discredit his King he suborned men of purpose not only to spread abroad the kings indignities to inveigh against his insufficiencies and to cry out against his evil Government but also to set forth his own praise to commend his valour and to extoll his exploits and services done as well for his Country as for the See of Rome to the end that as soon as the people began to contemn and dislike their King they might also begin to love and affect him of which affection and love he hoped there might in time proceed such a good liking that they would vouchsafe to elect and câ—use him for their King and because he knew that the French-men were well affected to the Pope and would do any thing at his Commandment to win the Popes favour and assistance he not only promised but went into Italy of purpose to succour his Holiness against the Lombards who at that time greatly troubled the universal rest and quiet of Italy Besides fearing that the Oath which the Frenchmen make unto their King and the Love and Loyalty
which they bear unto him might hinder his designs and purposes he sent an express Messenger unto the Pope to declare unto him the true sense and meaning of their Oath and to intreat his Holiness to make such an Interpretation thereof as might serve his turn the effect of which Interpretation was That since the promise which the French-men made unto their King was conditional and reciprocal and that their King was likewise sworn unto them they being his Subjects were not bound any longer to their Oath since he being their King had broken his because he was neither religious valiant just or in any respect answerable to those conditions which were inserted and included in his promise to them In hope of performance of which conditions they had sworn unto him all manner of duty service succour faith and obedience This was Pipin's policy to supplant Childerick and to set the Crown of France upon his own head Now let me compare the Duke of Guise his practices with these mens devices his wit with their wisdom and his aspiring mind with their ambition Sejan and Caesar were lowly and humble when they saw occasion and what was the Duke of Guise when he went bate-headed unto Porters and Crochelers Caesar drave Pompey out of Italy and Sejan Tiberius out of Rome into an Island and what did the Duke of Guise when he forced the late French King not to leave but to fly from Paris Caesar suppresseth Pompey and Crassus and Sejan indeavoured to destroy Drusus and Nero and what did the Duke of Guise when he caused the Admiral of France to be massacred and the Duke of Espernon to be banished the Court Sejan and Caesar spared no money to win men to their service and devotion What did the Duke of Guise when he spent all his own Patrimony and his Wives Inheritance and the King of Spains yearly Pension and infinite Pistolets to purchase himself Friends and Favourers Casar and Sejan subverted their enemies by their own friends And what did the Duke of Guise when he sowed sedition betwixt the King and his brother Caesar and Sejan used the Marriage of Livia Drusus his Wife of his own Daughter and of Pycos Sister for the furtherance of their purpose And what did the Duke of Guise when he caused the Massacre of Paris to be performed at the Marriage of the present King of France with the late Kings Sister Caesar and Sejan could be proud when occasion was offered And what was the Duke of Guise when he equalled his power and strength with the Kings Caesar could brook no equal And what could the Duke of Guise when he contended with the Kings Brother for Superiority and Precedency Sejan set variance betwixt Drusus and Nero to the end the one should take occasion to destroy the other And what did the Duke of Guise when he perswaded the French King to send his only Brother into Flanders where he devised divers means to endanger his life Caesar assumed by cunning and pollicy all the Power and Authority unto himself which was sometimes equally divided betwixt him Pompey and Crassus And what did the Duke of Guise when he suffered no man to be in credit at the Court but himself Sejan offered the Empire unto Drusus not for favour which he bore him but to incense and incourage him to seek the ruine of Nero And what did the Duke of Guise when he profered the Kingdom in the late Kings days unto the King of Navar now King of France but seek means to breed such a distrust and jealousie betwixt the King and him that the one might let no occasion slip that might procure the destruction or overthrow of the other Caesar observed diligently the natures and dispositions of such men as were in special credit with the common people and to purchase their favour furthered their purposes when they tended not to his own hinderance And what did the Duke of Guise when he fawned upon those whom the King loved and labored to prefer his Secretaries to higher places to the end that both they and their Successors might be always willing and ready to pleasure him Pipin shewed himself wise in using the Kings weakness and his own credit for a Ladder to climb to the Kingdom And the Duke of Guise came not much behind him in wisdom when he weakned the late Kings forces and strengthned himself and his complices with intention to set the Crown of France upon his own Head Hugh Capet pretended right to the Crown because he was in some sort alley'd to Lewes the fifth by his Mothers side And the Duke of Guise fortified his Right by pretending Alliance unto the Duke of Larrain whom Hugh Capet deprived of the Crown Pipin hired men to comâ—end himself and dispraise Childerick And the Duke of Guise wanted not his writers and his flatterers who in Books and common Table-talk did daily set forth his praise and took hold of every small occasion to enveigh bitterly against the King Pipin again used Religion and Zeal for a means to win the Popes favour and to procure him to make a friendly Interpretation of the French Subjects Oath to their King And the Duke of Guise with a shew of suppressing the Protestants of France drew divers Popes to join with him in alliance and to draw other Princes with the same line into the same League and left not until the Pope had Excommunicated the late King Hugh Capit disabled Childerick as a man not sufficient to Rule and therefore caused him to be shut up in a Monastery And the Duke of Guise was so bold as to bring forrain power into France and to tell the King that he had procured their help to suppress the Protestants because his Majesty had neither men nor money enough wherewith to overthrow them and common fame greatly wrongeth him if he intended not in time to have shut the King up in some religious house and to have put a Friers Weed upon him Briefly Pipin Iulius Caesar and Hugh Capet attained their desires by their cunning practises and their subtile devises And the Duke of Guise by his slights and Stratagems had not failed of his purpose if the King had not by doing him suddenly to death prevented his intended Usurpation By this that hath been said you may plainly perceive that the Frenchmen rebelled against their Soveraigns long before this time And that they are in a manifest Error who commend their Loyalty so much as in their Writings to call them The most Loyal Loving and Dutiful Subjects of Europe For to omit other Rebellions of the children against their own Fathers in France whereof their Histories are full and plentiful It cannot be denyed that both Pipin and Hugh Capet were Usurpers and that as many as favoured and furthered them against the lawful Heirs of the Crown were notable and traitorous Rebels and in no respect inferiour to those who in these days combine themselves against the
to write you an historical discourse I wil touch them lightly for that I speak of them obiter and by digression and I hold it sufficient to refute the Objections that may be made in this Cause not by Law but by the Histories of France For albeit Iohn Bodine a Frenchman and notably well seen and read in Histories discoursing in his Book de Methodo Historie at large what Rules are to be observed in judging a right of an Historographer and what credit may be given to an History setteth it down in an opinion not controlable That in matters touching France or England you ought not to credit a French or English History but rather a stranger writing thereof with more indifferency and less partiality yet as in Causes which cannot be well decided or perfectly known but by Domestical witnesses their Testimony is to be preferred before all others So in matters of State which cannot be so well known unto Forrainers as unto men born and bred within the same State better credit ought to be given unto these then unto them You shall therefore hear this first Objection refuted by their own Writers and especially by Du Haillan who in my opinion is the best Historographer that writeth of France who refuteth this Objection by reckoning up a bed-roll of Kings who did not succeed one another but were chosen one after another Pharamond saith he in his third Book was the first chosen King of France After whom Daniel surnamed Childerick was chosen Pipin likewise was chosen and after him Charles and Charlâ—main his Sons And the Frenchmen despising the Youth of Charles King Lewis his Son who was betwixt nine and ten years of age chose Odâ—n Son to Robert the Saxon for their King And afterwards being discontented with his Government they deprived him of his Kingdom and set up Charles in his place who governing them somewhat looslly was likewise deposed and cast into Prison and in his place Baâ—ul King of Burgundy was instituted and created King of France and there remaineth even at this day a certain form of Election which is made at the consecrating and crowning of the King at Beihins where the Peer of France in the name of the Clergy Nobility and People chuse the King that is present Here you see an Election begun in Pharamond continued in others and observed at this day and yet as many as have been Kings since Capet's time have succeeded to their Kingdoms and claimed the same by Inheritance rather then by custom and you shall see when we come to another of their Objections that neither this Election nor this Custom in succession hath been alwayes duly kept and observed The second Objection against this agreement is That although Contracts do bind Princes as well as Subjects yet such Contracts as are made by men not being sufficient and able to celebrate Contracts as men distracted of their wits Lunatiques and others not being in perfect sense and memory do not bind the Contrahents but are held in Law as matters of no weight force or validity and therefore Charles the Sixth who concluded his Peace with the above-mentioned conditions being both before and after the celebration of the same notoriously reputed and known to be a Lunatique this Contract did neither bind him nor his Successors To this it is easily answered That Contracts made by men disabled by Law to enter into any such compositions are of force by two wayes The one if they with due and requisite solemnities be done by such as by Law are deputed to have the Government of their goods and persons during the time of their weakness and imbecillity The other if they themselves having dilucida intervalla being as Lunatiques many times are in perfect sense and memory to celebrate any manner of Contract the same is of full force and strength and therefore Charles the sixth being as their own Histories report at the time when this Agreement was made in his right wits and memory This contract wanted not the force and vertue which Law requireth especially since the chief Nobility of the Realm were then not only present but consenting thereunto and sworn to the performance thereof The third Objection is That the Kings of France cannot alienate the Demeans Rights Titles and Interests of the Crown without the privity and consent of the three Estates which consent could not possibly be had at this Agreement because a great part of the Peers Nobles and others were then absent and bore Armes with the young Prince Charles or at the leastwâ—se followed him against the King his Father To this I briefly answer That in matters which go by plurality of voices it is not alwayes necessary that all be present but that the greater or better part of them that will and do vouchsafe their presence thereat yield their consents thereunto especially when the others who are absent have been cited and warned to be present and they either willingly or contemptuously will not appear For albeit the thing that concerneth all men must be approved of all men yet when some or all may approve or disallow the things which concerneth them and they will not be present to shew their consent or dislike their absence shall not prejudice the Contract that is celebrated and there is no wrong offered unto them by proceeding in their absence quia volenti non fit injuria In this case therefore those that were away being either voluntarily absent or trayterously minded to their King which appeared in that they followed his Son against him and animated and assisted him in his disobedience and rebellion against his Father could not in any respect prejudice the force and validity of this contract for if they were absent of purpose then there was no injury done unto them and if they were Traytors as undoubtedly they are who either bear Armes against their Prince or assist his Enemies with their counsels then they had lost the right of their consent and voice And so consequently the Contract which was celebrated by the more and better part or by all the Nobility and of the three Estates that were present and true and Loyal Subjects unto their King notwithstanding the others voluntary malicious absence was by Law warrantable especially being confirmed and fortified by the Oath of the King and his Council and Nobility The fourth Objection against this Agreement is That when it was concluded the King of England had almost Conquered all France was there with his power and strength about him and shut up the French King as it were in Prison and utterly disabled him to make any resistance against his invincible Army and conquering Forces And therefore whatsoever he did being done by fear and compulsion was of no better force then a Contract extorted by violence or made in Prison by a private man which when he is set at liberty he is not bound by Law to perform except he list To this
not be thought lawful for his Father to inflict upon him the like punishment The one of them denyed his Father in law such help as he demanded The other purposed to have poysoned his own Father The unkindness of both was not in all degrees equal yet their punishments were in all respects alike The Father of the one incurred no loss by his Son in lawes disobedience and the Father of the other lived not a minute of an hour the less notwithstanding his sons wicked purpose But Charles the 6ths case was in many respects lamentable and his Sons ingratitude for many causes worthy of greater punishment then the loss of a Kingdom for the murdered the Duke of Burgundy one of the chief Peers of France and when he was summoned by Proclamation to shew some cause before his Father and the Nobles of France why he had committed so horrible a murder did not only not appear at his Fathers Summons but also defended his cruelty in killing the Duke and his disobedience in not appearing at his Fathers Commandment by force of Armes For which unnatural Rebellion not his Father alone but the whole Council and Nobility of France gave judgement that he should be banished the Realm and reputed unworthy to succeed his Father either in the whole Kingdom or in any part or parcel thereof which done and Judgment being both begun and ended with all such solemnities as in the like cases are required must of necessity be held and reputed most just and equal since both Law and mans reason neither hath not can invent any better means to chastâ—se and correct the unnatural disobedience of rebellious children towards their Parents then by depriving them of their Patrimony descending from their Parents And if Princes should be debarred of this manner of correction they should be in far worse condition then their poorest Subjects for Princes Children having more occasions to lead them to wickedness then their Subjects Children have if they should not be restrained by dis-inheritance would undoubtedly go far beyond all others in lewdness and unhappiness because Princes and Noble-men whether they give themselves unto vertue or unto vice most commonly excell the meaner sort in both as it may evidently appear unto such by reading the lives of Princes and Peers of all Realms and Kingdoms shall find such rare Presidents of vertues and vices in them as far exceed mans reason or will hardly be credited or beleeved of any man Was there ever any private man comparable to Nero for cruelty or to Vespasian for mercy to Solomon for wisdom or to Childerick of France for folly to Trajan for goodness or to Cambyses for murder to Tarquin for pride or to Lewis of France for meekness to Caesar for liberality or to Caligula for avarice to Marcus Aurelius for moderation and temperance or to Commodus for prodigality and dissoluteness Briefly to Antonius and Titus for lenity and clemency or to Dionisius and Tiberius for rigor and severity For undoubtedly as long as the provocations to vices and the allurements to vertues are more and greater in Princes then in private men so long will the one far exceed the other in vertues or in vices Then since it is behoveful for every Common-wealth to be ruled by good Princes it must also behove good Parents to be careful to leave good children to succeed after them and not to be so affected to the eldest of their children because he is the first of their strength as to make him and no other but him their sole Heir and Successor although he alone be wicked and ill given and the rest wise discreet and vertuous so he unworthy to Govern and they most fit to Rule because he would overthrow and they uphold the whole Estate and Kingdom The Consideration hereof moved the good Emperour Marcus Aurelius who had a good and a bad Son when he was visited with a Disease that was mortal greatly to lament his own death not because he was loth and unwilling to dye knowing as he did that death was the end of all miseries and the beginning of everlasting felicity but for that he was bound by the custome generally and time out of mind received and allowed by his Predecessors contrary to his will and desire to leave the Empire of Rome which had been ruled a long time by his many years and great experience to be Governed and Ruled by the indiscreet youth and youthful indiscretion of his bad Son Commodus The Consideration hereof caused Iames King of Aragon and Sicily to perswade his eldest Son Iames who was more fit to live sequestred from the company of men in a Monastry then to sway a Monarchy to leave the world and betake himself to a Monastical life suffering his second Brother Alphonsus upon whom God had bestowed sufficient gifts and qualities capable of a Kingdom to succeed his Father in both Kingdoms The Consideration hereof induced Robert King of France to make his second Son Henry his Heir and Successor in the Kingdom because he knew that God had endowed him with a far better spirit and wit more fit to Command and Govern then his eldest Son Robert had upon whom he bestowed the Dutchy of Burgundy The Consideration hereof moved not only Lewis surnamed the Gross King of France but also all the Peers and States of the same Realm to make Lewis his second Son King because Robert his eldest Son was by him and them for want of judgment and understanding judged unfit and unworthy to bear or sway the Crown of France and therefore he and they held it sufficient to bestow upon him the Earldom of Dreux Lastly the Consideration hereof moved Dagobert King of France to intreat Sigisbert his eldest Son who not being able in his opinion to Rule and Govern so great a Kingdom as France and yet desirous to have the name of a King to be contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasia and to resign and give over his Right and Title to the Kingdom of France unto his younger Brother Clouis Considering therefore That the Gifts which are required in a Prince are many and very difficult to be attained That very few have wit and wisdom sufficient to govern a Kingdom That of these few some use their wits to attain to their purpose and when they have gotten their desire leave both to be wise and vertuous as I could declare by many Examples if it were not to digress from my purpose And lastly that the vertues of the Parents are obscured and blemished by the childrens vices and the Predecessors Conquests are oftentimes either lost or diminished by the Successors folly and pusillanimity It were a shame for the Father a detriment to the Common-wealth a wrong to the Kingdom and an injury to the vertuous child where there is a good Son to succeed a vertuous Father to bind the same Father to leave little or nothing to his good children and a whole
of his life in a house of Religion And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King deprived him of his right and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance for the horrible murther committed as it hath been said on the person of the Duke of Burgundy a Prince of the blood royall a Peer of France and a Counsellour unto the King his Father and for the great manifest and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency Lewis for his Pusillanimity and Charles for his youth So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them There was a time and so it is still when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir who dyed in their debt It was answered that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs as well private men a Princes yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs but as Successors by custom are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents and their Heirs only By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims Titles and Rights sometimes by the Law Salique which was as I have said no Law of France and sometimes by such exceptions devices and subtleties as I have lately specified The fourth point whereat they wonder is why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword do not still prosecute their demand and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years This point consisteth of two several points the one why we forbear to challenge our right the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered especially Henry the fifth who subdued the greatest part of France and although he dyed very young yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth being an Infant of few years so mighty at home so be-friended abroad so accompanied with good Souldiers so well assisted with good Counsellours so followed by cunning and expert captains and so directed by wise and discreet Generals that when he was but ten years of Age he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France This first point is easily answered because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France those Princes of ours who were Martial men and inclined to Wars demanded their Right by open Wars as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie But it pleased God sometimes to send us as he doth unto other Kingdomes such Princes as were rather given to pleasure and unto peace rather then unto Wars and Martial exploits in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures and when our Kings and Subjects following as Subjects commonly do the humours and qualities of their Princes gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes the French followed the Wars and either by open Invasions or by subtile devices recoverd part of their losses Besides it hath sometimes fortuned that when we had valiant Princes and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right our Realm hath either been divided within it self and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs then to make Wars abroad Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York sometimes the one part and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship and alliance of the Kings of France and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes by their aid furtherance and sufferance thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity yea and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions lest that having them for their Enemies they should either invade their Realms or assist their Competitors who most commonly fled unto them for help relief and succour For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries have been either entertained or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland the Dukes of Burgundy or the Princes of Henault as were Edward the fourth Henry the second the sixth and the seventh Besides some of the kings of France as namely Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars corrupted our Kings Council with bribes and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets but also diverted their purposes and if at any time they were purposed to molest France or to joyn with the Enemies of France they changed the Kings minds and perswaded them not only not to hinder but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises and against all their Enemies And they were not only contented to â—ee our cheif Counsellors as Francis the first â—id Cardinal Wolsey who bare such sway with Henry the eighth changed his determination so often made him friend and enemy to whom he would and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth and sometimes the French king his common Adversary in such manner that it was commonly said that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King the King of England and the Emperour but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him he received them so honourably entertained them so friendly rewarded them so liberally and dispatched them with so fair words although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him that they departed alwayes very well contented And albeit that some
Holds not comparable to Paris and other such like places The nineteenth An unprofitable marriage concluded betwixt our King and Margaret daughter unto Rainer king of Sicily and Ierusalem by the means of the Earl of Suffolk corrupted as it was thought by money for the King had nothing with her but delivered for her the Dutchy of Anjoyne the City of Mouns and the County of Mayne which Countries were the very stayes of the Dutchy of Normandy The twentieth The Earl of Arminack with whose Kinswoman the King should have married by reason of the aforesaid marriage became the Kings enemy and the chief cause of the loss of the Dukedom of Aquitain The one and twentieth The Queen disdaining that the King her husband should be ruled by the Duke of Glocester never left till she had brought him to his untimely death The two and twentieth The Dukes death which divers French Noblemen hearing of revolted from our King whose Realm was as he knew divided within it self because Richard Duke of York allyed by his wife unto the chief Peers of the Realm began to contemn the King who was ruled by his wife and to lay claim privily unto the Crown whereby mens minds were not attentive unto Forreign affairs but wholly given to prevent and keep off proffered wrongs at home The three and twentieth The King himself who being more given to a purchase of an heavenly then of an Earthly Kingdom regarded not the matter but suffered the Queen to be governed by ill counsel The four and twentieth The sudden and as it were in a manner the miraculous coming of the Virgin of Orleans unto the Dolphin who wrought him very strangely to leave those follies whereunto he was vainly given and to betake himself with more courage and diligence unto the violent pursuit and following of his cause And because as of a few sparkles somtimes ariseth a great fire so of very light occasions now and then come wondrous effects I will briefly declare unto you the history of this Virgin and also the means how she being a base and mean Maiden was reputed to be sent from heaven to work such wonders as I may say in some manner with the Dolphin This Maiden was a poor Shepherds daughter and alwaies brought up to attend and keep her Fathers Sheep until a Gentleman of some accompt and worth dwelling not far off thought it expedient by reason of a bold spirit which was seen and observed to be in her somwhat exceeding the common courage of women to use her as an instrument to bring the Dolphin who lay at Borghes besotted with the love of a very fair Damsel and careless of his own estate and of the honour of his Realm from that wretchless security unto a better trade of of life and a more earnest desire of the recovery of his losses First he made the Maiden privie to divers secret qualities of the Dolphin which he being an ancient and continual Courtier had observed from him in his Infancy Then by shewing her every day his Picture as truly and lively drawn as might possibly be done he acquainted her so well with the form and shape of his face that she might easily know him although he were never so much disguised amongst a number of other Courtiers And thirdly he learned her many other things far beyond the reach and capacity of a poor simple Maiden and taught her both to foretel and to do such things as made her to be taken for a very wise woman in the Country This done he resorteth to the Court acquainteth divers Courtiers with his purpose and intention and how that he considering that many other policies and devices had failed to make the Dolphin to be more careful of the present lamentable estate of France had with much labour travel and study invented a very ready way to stir him up to diligence and care of his Realm and Country and to enforce or perswade him to forsake those pleasures which had not only seduced and mis-led him but also the most and better part of his Nobility by whose negligence France was already fallen into bondage servitude and thraldome This matter saith he must be brought to pass not by humane policy but by perswading the Dolphin as I have found a means how to do it that God hath sent a Virgin as it were from heaven to be his Guide and Leader against his enemies whom as long as he should follow he should undoubtedly be accompanied with good and fortunate success Having won divers friends of his to allow of his device and to consent to the putting of the same in execution he and they spread a rumour in the Dolphin's Court of many strange things which they said had been already done by this Virgin which report came in time to the Dolphin's ears who being as Princes and others commonly are very desirous to know the truth of this report sent for this Gentleman because it was told him that he dwelt very nigh unto her and asked him what wonders she had wrought He verified the common report and added further That she must needs have some secret vertues more then other men or women could commonly have for that she had told him divers secrets of his own which he never told unto any man Which seeming somwhat strange unto the Dolphin he to make up the matter assured him that if she were called from her Fathers poor cottage to the Court he would not think any thing untrue that was reported of her for I dare undertake said he that she shall tell you your own secrets and know you and reverence you as King although she never saw you in her life and albeit you disguise your self in the habit of the meanest Courtier within your Court And further I have heard say that she can and will direct you a course how you shall within a very short time drive the Englishmen your enemies out of France The Dolphin somwhat astonished with the strangeness of this tale and very desirous to see the Maiden caused her presently to be sent for disguised himself in a mean apparel and willed one of his chief Noblemen to be honoured apparelled and accompanied as King upon whom he amongst the rest attended in proper person The Maiden being brought to Court in a strange attire made for the nonce and apparelleld like a Souldier and instructed in some points of Chivalry by the Gentleman before she came thither and especially in the fashions of the Court and other circumstances of the same so demeaned her self that it may be said of her Non minuit sed auget praesentia famam She findeth out the Dolphin presently in the midst of the thickest thâ—ong yeildeth him reverence due and usually shewed unto a King Who ravished with the strangeness thereof for that it was certainly known that she was never in the Court nor had at any time seen him talketh with her findeth her wise in her answers and able to
tell â—im mâ—st part of his secrets and to be short she being seconded by the Gentleman and others whom he and the pity they had of the poor estate of the Country had made willing and ready to joyn with her in such petitions and motions as she had made unto the Dolphin setled such an opinion of wisdom and holiness in him that he presently took her for a guide sent from heaven to direct him in all his doings and by her perswasions left his Love and followed this maiden to the wars who being always accompanied with good Captains and counselled by them what directions she should give to the Dolphin to the end she might win credit with him at the first sped very well in many things which she attempted and especially in raising our siege at Orleans where I have seen her picture in brass mounted upon a very large brazen horse and there is yearly as I have said before a solemn Feast and procession kept in remembrance of her that she drave the Englishmen from thence The Dolphin being thus animated by her and encouraged by the good success which followed her for a while proceeded so manfully that he never left until he had recovered all the Kingdom of France So he by her sped not ill but she for him had no good end for being in the end taken by the Englishmen and arraigned at Roan upon divers articles of witchcraft was found guilty and there burnt for a witch A strange metamorphosis and not so strange as ridiculoâ—s But if you consider how many things Scipo perswaded a few Roman Souldiers to do which were almost impossible to be done by a few only by telling them that he had often and secret conference with a Goddess who counselled him to put those things in execution and promised him good success in those enterprises you may easily think that his policy might work the effect which it wrought It is written of Mahomet the God of the Turks that he grew to the credit and reputation of a God by as mean a device as this for he carryed a shew of holiness was better learned then their Teachers were had the gift of Eloquence secretly had insinuated himself into the favour of the people and to perswade them that he had secret conference with God and that whatsoever he Preached unto them was put into his mouth by the Holy Ghost he had used a tame Dove to come and stand upon â—is shoulder ever when he Preached unto them and to join his Beak and Head unto his Ear as though it did whisper something into his Ear Whereby he won such credit that not only his Laws were thought to proceed from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost but he ever sithence hath been honoured for a God It is written again of Kemitius King of Scotland that when he had oftentimes endeavoured by divers ways to induce his Nobility to think well of his intended Wars against the Picts and could not by any manner of perswasions prevail with them he invented a policy never used or heard of before he called his Council and Nobility together to consult of matters of weight and held them in consultation until night then he provided a great and costly Supper which of set purpose he caused to continue until the night was very far spent insomuch that they being overcharged with meat and drink fell all asleep then he commanded that into every one of their Chambers there should go a man apparelled in a long Gown made of fish skins with the scales still remaining upon them who carryed in one hand a staff of rotten wood because that it as the scales of the fish do in the dark maketh a kinde of glittering able to astonish those who never saw the like and in the other hand a great Oxes horn out of which the man speaking should give a sound and voice far differing from the voice of a man These men so apparel'd entring into the Counsellors chambers spake in a great and grave voice and said That they were Messengers sent thither from Heaven to tell the Scottish Nobility that they ought to hearken to the advice and Counsel that Kemitius their King gave them and to aid and assist him to recover his Kingdom out of the hands and possession of the Picts When they had thus said every one of them as he was taught hid his staff under his Gown and gathering the fishes scales together in such manner that it seemed unto the beholders that as the glittering so they suddenly vanished away In the morning the Nobility met together and every one of them telleth the King what he had seen and heard that night he wondred thereat as though he had not known thereof telleth them he had the like vision but thought not good to acquaint them therewith lest that they glorying too much in the special favour which God shewed unto them should by revealing the same before it was time unto over many greatly offend his heavenly Majesty but that he meant to shew unto them what he had heard and seen when the Wars were happily undertaken and ended The Nobility confirmed in the opinion of the Miracle by the Kings report yeilded presently unto his Counsel and with all possible speed made great preparation for the Wars against the Picts But now from these by-tales again to my purpose which I might dilate and beautify with examples confirming every one of these 24. Causes to be sufficient to lose a Kingdom but your own reason and experience is able to assure you thereof and therefore I will proceed no further in this Point Saving that I have thought good to clear one thing which perhaps may seem doubtful unto you for I think it wil seem strange unto you why I call him by the name of Dolphin whom the French Chronicles call Charls the seventh you know that our Kings eldest Son during the life of his Father ever sithence that Wales was first conquered by England was called the Prince of Wales And so the eldest Sons of the Kings of France have bin called Dolphins of France since that Imbert and Humbert dyed without Heir and gave Dolphiny unto Philip deValois King of France with condition that the eldest Son of the Kings should be called Dolphins which name was given unto Charls the seventh during his Fathers life when he was dutiful and retained after that he grew to disobedience and rebellion yea continued by our Writers and Chroniclers after his decease for me thought it not convenient to call him King of France because our King was then entituled by that name but we vouchsafed him still the name of Dolphin even as the Spaniards having deprived the present and rightful King of Portugal of his Kingdom calling him still by the name of Don Antonio as he was called before the Kingdom fell unto him by descent and the Leaguers call the now King of France not by the name of
King of France but King of Navarra yea the Spaniards as I have said before considering that their King enjoyeth a great part of that Kingdom and layeth claim to the whole vouchsafeth him not the honour to call him king of Navarra but in all their Writings they call him either the Prince of Bearn or more plainly the Bernois The first point whereat they wonder is why the King of Spain whose Predecessors not much more then 320 years agoe were but very poor Earls of Hapsburg in Swizzeland until that in the year 1273. Rodulph Earl of Hapsburg was chosen Emperour is grown to be a King of more might greater wealth and larger Dominions the either the Emperour or any other Christian Prince possesseth at this present and how he and some of his Predecessors have kept and conserved the same whereas the Emperour hath lost most part of his possessions and we as it hath been said and many others besides us have in a very few years departed or rather been driven from all that we or they got and conquered in many years In this point there are these parts to be considered The increase of the house of Austria and how it came The continuance thereof and whence it proceeded The fall and decay of the Emperour and what was the cause thereof Lastly ours and others losses and how they hapned The Spaniards increase is rare but not marvelous because few Princes have been blessed with the like fortune not marvelous because the causes thereof are ordinary and not in any respect strange or wonderous for that very many mean men have enjoyed the like success for of the Kingdomes Dominions and Seigniories which he now possesseth he came by some justly as those which came unto him by succession and inheritance others valiantly as those which his Ancestors conquered by force of Armes some fortunately as those which his Predecessors got by marriages others most wrongfully as those which he or they usurped unjustly So private men which grow unto excessive wealth get some thereof with cunning as that which they attain by deceit and policy other-some happily as that which cometh unto them by marriage some painfully as that which they purchase by great Industry other some wrongfully as that which they extort from their Neighbours by violence injury wrong or oppression It is and hath been alwayes usual amongst Princes to give their Kingdomes and chief Dominions unto their eldest Sons and the Appendancies unto their younger children and those Princes who have commonly come by Election unto higher dignity then ever they expected have likewife always accustomed for the increase of their greatness and the advancement of their house and family to bestow whatsoever falleth void in the time of their Government belonging unto the same upon their children even as Bishops Deans and other Prelates of the Church in these dayes grant all the Leases Coppy-holds Farms and Tenements which belonging unto their Bishoppricks Deaneries and Prebendaries fall void in their time upon their children or their neerest kinsmen But betwixt Princes and Prelates there is this difference That Princes give with this condition that for default of Heirs Males of their bodies unto whom they give their gifts should return from whence they came and Prelates for the most part give for term of life or for certain years and yet those Prelates who besides their prelacy challenge to be absolute Princes of which number I read of none so absolute or liberal in that respect as the Pope of Rome grant many times not Seigniories but Kingdomes and Principalities with the like conditions yea and impose a yearly fee and pension to be paid unto them and their Heirs unto whom they give out of the See of Rome from whence they and their posterity receive the same gifts So there was a time when Benedict the twelfth Pope of Rome gave unto Suchin the Viscount and Government of Millan and of all the towns and of all castles belonging to the jurisdiction thereof So there was a time when the same Pope bestowed upon divers Princes the like gifts as upon Martin of Scala the cities of Verona and Vicenza upon William Gonzega Mantua and Rezzo upon Albertin Corazza Padua and the Territories thereof upon Obizes Estenses Ferrara and the Dukedom thereof So there was a time when as Lewis the Emperour either to be as liberal as the Pope or to have as many friends as the Pope gave unto Geleotto Malatesta the Regiment of Arminio Pescarâ— and Fano unto Anthony Mountefeltro the Dukedom of Urbine and the Country called La Marca unto Geytel de Veronio the Dukedom of Chamerino unto Guido de Polenti the city of Ravenna unto Cinbaldo Ordelafy the cities of Furly and of Cesena unto Iohn Manfred Faenza and unto Lewis Adolisti the city of Imola So there was a time when as Pope Urban gave unto Charles Earl of Argiers and of Provence the kingdom of Sicily and the Dukedomes of Puglia and Calabria to hold them unto the fourth generation who promised to pay him yearly seventy thousand Crowns for the same Kingdom and Dukedomes So briefly there was a time when as Alexander the sixth giving his only Daughter in marriage unto the Duke of Ferrara confirmed unto him and his Heirs the same Dukedom and reduced the yearly pension thereof from fourty thousand Crowns unto a thousand Ducates not in imitation but in the self same manner as those Popes and those Emperours used the forementioned Emperour Rodolph sometimes Earl of Hapsburg having attained the possession of the Empire contrary to all mens expectations and perhaps far beyond his own deserts meaning to increase his own ability and to benefit his heirs and posterity for ever there by bestowed the kingdom of Austria which in his own time for want of Heirs Males reverted unto the Empire upon his son Albert to hold it for ever of the Empire and from this Albert came all the house of Austria until Charles the fiâ—th who was Emperour and Father to the present king of Spain There began his house Now shall you see how it came to further advancement His States some are within his native Country and some without the same They within are the Kingdoms of Castile of Aragon and of Lyons c. twelve in number somtimes belonging unto so many several Princes and in process of time united and appropriated unto one So was France in ancient time divided into three Kingdoms as the Kingdom of Mets with the Country adjacent of Soâ—sson with the Territory thereunto adjoyning and of Paris with the Provinces thereunto belonging And the Kings of these several Kingdoms bore the names of the place where they kept their Courts So was â—hibault king of Mets Childebert king of Paris and Clotarius of Soissons So in the year 514. was added unto these three Kingdoms a fourth namely Orleans and every one of those Kings was commonly called King of France and for
confirmeth the same more apparently then that which our Histories report of Henry the third King of England This King by reason he had Reigned many years saw sundry alterations in divers Kingdoms and as Princes who continue long are oftentimes sought unto he was honoured of all the Kings and Potentates that lived in his time and many of them were glad of his amâ—ty and friendship for as he was mighty so was he very wise and therefore able to help them with his strength and counsel them with his wisdom yet neither so strong nor so wise but that his power was abated and his wisdom abused by the Popes subtle policies There was a time when Conradus king of Sicily began to be somewhat grievous and offensive to the Pope who to be revenged of his supposed wrongs had suborned divers Princes against him and when all had either failed him or faintly proceeded in their quarrel against Conrade he fled for his last refuge unto the said Henry the third and to induce him to shew his readiness and good will to drive Conrade out of his Royal Seat and Dominion he used divers sinister means and many subtle devices First he defamed the said Conrade accused him of Heresie layed murther to his charge burthened him with the death and poysoning of his own Brother thereby making him odious to the world Then not thinking it sufficient to disgrace and discredit him for that the Princes neither then nor in those days did easily undertake Wars one against another in hatred of the vices which possessed them but in hope of the Kingdoms which they enjoyed he to encourage our King the more gave him the Kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily and entituled his Son by the name of king of both those Countries And understanding that he wanted sufficient men to imploy in that service he dispensed him to take those Souldiers which had enrolled themselves for the Wars of the Holy Land and publishing that his Adversary for grief was dead and forsaken by his friends With these devices and his Embassadors subtleties he induced our King to bind himself upon pain of loss of his Kingdom to spend and send 140 m Marks to those Wars and this promise was so readily performed and men by our King so willingly transferred for that service that the whole Realm in very short time felt great want both of men and of money Thus you see that Naples and Sicily have been both troublesome and chargeable to as many Nations as I before named And yet you see not how they came directly unto the house of Spain nor with what Right and Title king Philip possesseth them at this day To the end therefore that herein as well as in other Points you may be fully satisfied I will let you understand the late claims and challenges layed and made to those Kingdoms Charls the eighth king of France challenged the Kingdom of Naples because Renatus Duke of Anjou his very near Kinsman dying without children and being made Heir of the same kingdom by the last Will and Testament of Ioan Queen of Naples had made and declared in his last Will and Testament Lewis the eleventh for his Heir unto the same kingdom which Lewis was Father unto the said Charls who followed the Claim with such speed and expedition that he got the kingdom by force of Arms in so short a time that a notable Historiographer writing thereof saith That an Embassadour would almost have spent as much time in going thither from France as the said Charls did imploy in conquering thereof The Frenchmen enjoyed not their Conquest many years for Ferdinando king of Spain began to lay claim unto the kingdom of Naples because that although Alphonsus king of Aragon had bestowed the same kingdom upon Ferdinando his base Son yet both Iohn his Brother and Successor in the kingdom of Naples and also Ferdinando himself being Son unto the said Iohn had just cause of claim and title therâ—unto because that Alphonso having gotten the same both with the Forces and with the treasure of the Realm of Aragon it should of right belong unto that Crown This claim of Ferdinandos was furthered by Pope Iulio the second who either being wearied of the insolency of the Frenchmen or desirous to follow the steps of his inconstant Predecessors or rather willing to revenge the wrong offered unto his Predecessor by Charls the eighth what time he imprisoned him in the Castle of S. Angelo and enforced him to give him for his ransome or deliverance the Castles of Civita Vecchia of Forracina and of Spoleto to hold them until he had made full conquest of Naples and also constrained him to invest himself in the said Kingdom besought Ferdinanâ—o king of Aragon to undertake the defence of the Church and of the States and Dominions thereof against all those who persecuted the same and especially against Lewis the 11. of France and to make him the more willing and ready to accomplish this his desire he sent him the Investure and Gift of the same kingdom with a very small and reasonable yearly Tribute for the same Ferdinando thinking his Title the better by the Popes Grant and his possibility to prevail the greater because of his assured help and furtherance prosecuted his claim by open Wars upon the Frenchmen wherein he had so good success that he drew the French King to make a friendly division of the kingdom between them This composition as all agreements betwixt Princes most commonly are was kept inviolable until Gonsalvo General for the Aragonian king in those parts who was afterwards for his Excellency called the Great Captain as Pompey was amongst the Romans took these occasions following to dispossess and drive the Frenchmen out of all that they possessed within the Realm of Naples First he alledged that the division was not equally made because the Dogana of Puglia which indeed was the best and greatest Revenue of that Crown was wholly allotted unto the Frenchmen and neither any part thereof nor any thâ—ng else that might countervail the same in worth value and goodness was assigned unto the Spaniards Secondly there fell such a disease amongst the Frenchmen by reason of the abundance of fruit which they eat daylie and because the waters which they drank as it was thought were poisoned by the Spaniards that most part as well of the private souldiers as of the chief Captains died thereof and many for fear thereof departed from the French kings Camp Thirdly that poor and small remainder that was lest presuming that this composition should be held inviolable grew so negligent and careless that they suffered the Spaniards to do all that they would and never distrusted them until it was too late Lastly Gonsalvo being required to desist from Wars because there was a peace concluded betwixt the Spanish and French kings in regard whereof the French General had long before surceased all acts of
Forces tended to no other purpose then to chuse him But the king of Spains device was not in all respects so cleanly as you shall hear by the sequel But you must first understand how many Competetors there were for this one Crown and what right every one of them had thereunto Emanuel king of Portugal married first Isabel Daughter to Ferdinando king of Castile by whom he had but one male child which died in his infancy Then he took to Wife Mary the second Daughter of the said Ferdinand by whom he had nine children Iohn who had issue Iohn the third and he Sebastian which was lately slain not leaving any issue behind him Lodowick who was lately secretly married and had issue this Don Antonio who now liveth in England The third child was Ferdinando who married a daughter of the Earl of Marialva by whom he had two Sons who dyed before their Father The fourth was Alphonsus who was made Cardinal and departed the world not having any child The fifth was Henry who was likewise a Cardinal and king after Don Sebastian and died also without issue The sixth was Edward who married Theodosia Dutchess of Burgantia by whom he had three children that is to say Mary who married Alexander Prince of Parma Katharine who took to husband the Duke of Burgantia and Edward who died unmarried The seventh was Anthony who died in his infancy The eighth childe was Isabel who was married to Charles the Emperour and had issue by him the present king of Spain The last was Beatrice wife to the Duke of Savoy These were the issue now follow the Competitors they were five Don Antonio lawful son as he proved unto Lodowick the second heir male of Emanuel The Prince of Parma as Tutor unto his son begotten upon the eldest daughter of Edward the sixth heir male The Duke of Bergantia begotten on the body of Katharine the second daughter of the said Edward King Philip begotten of the body of Isabel eldest daughter unto Emanuel And the Duke of Savoy the lawful heir of the youngest daughter of the said Emanuel Now of all these competitors to deliver you first my opinion I take it alwaies salvo meliori judicio that none of them all could lawfully claim the Crown of Portugal For as many as hold the marriage of Henry the eighth king of England with the Lady Katharine unlawful because she was married unto his eldest brother Arthur must needs hold the marriage of Emanuel king of Portugal far more unlawful because both king Henry and he married unlawfully For if two brethren cannot successively marry one woman truly two sisters cannot be married unto one man And the reason which some use to justifie king Henry his marriage cannot serve for the justification of king Emanuel's matrimony for all that was said in the defence of the Lady Katharine was that her husband never knew her carnally which cannot be truly said for king Emanuel because he had a son by his first wife wherefore if all these nine children being begotten in unlawful wedlock cannot possibly be reputed legitimate and therefore are not lawful heirs to their reputed fathers much less can any of they who descend from any of these nine children be esteemed lawful heirs to the Crown of Portugal But grant them to be lawful and then to each of their Titles in order Don Antonio hath sufficiently justified his Title in his Apologie by many reasons which I reduce to these three principally First he proveth his Fathers marriage though it were with his far inferiour to be lawful notwithstanding the disparagement in regard of which it was concealed Then he fortifieth his Title by the custome of the people of Portugal who by ancient priviledge challenge a right in case of controversie for the Crown to make choice of such an one of the competitors as they shall have a special liking and love unto Lastly he either sheweth or might shew that Bastards have succeeded in the Kingdom of Portugal and that therefore although Bastardy had been fully proved against him yet being chosen by the common consent of the people it was no sufficient bar or lawful exception to say that he was a Bastard especially being made by such an one as came from a Bastard himself and holdeth his own Kingdom by right derived from a Bastard as doth the present king of Spain For the Chronicles of Spain report that Henry bastard brother unto Peter king of Spain taking advantage of the evil opinion which was conceived of his brother by reason of his loose and dissolute life by the help of the French King notwithstanding that Edward the third aided the said Peter and once restored him to his Crown drave him the second time from the same and having slain him in the Field usurped his Royal dignity and transferred it unto his heirs of which king Philip is lineally descended For there was a time when as Iohn Prince of Castile and son to Henry of Castile challenged the Kingdom of Portugal because he had married Beatrice the only daughter and heir of Ferdinando late king of Portugal but the people would not accept him for their king because they naturally hated the Castilians and therefore they chose a bastard for their king named Denis saying That it was as lawful for them to chuse the said bastard for their king as it was for the Castilians to admit Henry the bastard for their king who had as is above said deprived most unlawfully and unnaturally the lawful king of his life and Scepter Now from Don Antonio unto the rest in general who because they all claim by right of their mothers are all excluded by an inviolable law of Portugal alledged against the aforesaid Iohn Prince of Castile in the behalf of the aforementioned bastard Denis whereby it is provided That no woman shall enjoy the Crown of Portugal For whereas there is a Law that no woman shall succeed the same Law as it appeareth by the Law Salique alledged against us in the time of King Edward the third excludeth also the males descending from the woman And so these four Competitors claim is utterly void and of none effect And in case where women may succeed the Females descending from an heir male are to be preferred before such as come only and directly from the female And so the Prince of Parma and the Duke of Bergantia descending from the daughters of Prince Edw. and they in law succeeding their Father as the same person and his undoubted heirs are not only to be preferred before the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy who came of the daughters of the before-named Emanuel but also before their Aunts the said King Philips and Duke of Savoy's mothers because in matter of Succession the elder brothers children are always preferred before the Uncles or Aunts Those Titles and the means how the Kings of Spain prevailed before the rest of his Competitors are largely set
down in Don Antonio's Apologie unto which I refer you Although there be at the least twenty points therein of no small moment which in my opinion are not sufficiently cleared nor substantially handled yet therein you shall easily perceive how king Philip in getting the same kingdom imitated as I said before his father I must likewise refer you to the history of Hernan Logeres touching the discovery and conquest of the Indies for it were too long for me to tell you what small forces went thither out of Spain first and how the Leaders of those slender Armies taking advantage of the divisions which they found betwixt the kings of those Countries did easily overthrow some with the help of the other There you shall see how a number of naked men fly like sheep before a few armed souldiers there you shall read that even amongst those barbarous people and princes there wanted neither deceit nor policy there you shall find that the Spaniards being far from their Country and not many amongst an infinite number of mortal enemies strived and contended amongst themselves for superiority which argueth an unsatiable desire of rule and government and their natural proneness to mutiny although they challenge an especial praise above all other Nations for their obedience to their Superiours there you shall see the fruits of division the effects of tyrannie the force of terror and fear and the vertue of good and expert souldiers fighting against rude and ignorant multitudes there you shall observe in some of these unchristian Princes more loyalty friendship constancy and perseverance in their honest and lawful enterprises then hath lately been found in many Christian Princes there briefly you shall find enough to satisfie you how the Spaniards came to the possession of the Indies if withal it may please you to understand that Pope Alexander the sixth being a Spaniard and chosen Arbitrator betwixt the Kings of Spain and Portugal at what time they were at variance for and touching the division of the Indies the said Pope shewed himself too too partial unto the Spaniard and gave him much more then the Portugal thought that in reason and conscience should have been allotted unto him Now from the Indies and the aforementioned Kingdoms unto the Earldoms and Dukedoms And first to the Dutchy of Millan a State which hath suffered many alterations of which I may not speak without digressing too much from my purpose and because I hasten unto many other points whereof I intend by Gods grace to discourse at large I may not be over-long in this point The Dutchy of Milan was anciently a member of the Empire and none was held lawful Lord or Duke thereof which had not received his investure and approbation from the Emperour It would be both long and tedious to relate unto you the many competencies for this Dukedom the sundry Pretendants thereunto and the mighty Partakers of these competitors whereof leaving ancient quarrels aside and not troubling you with the Titles of the Viscounts with the pretentions of the Sforzas nor with the claims of the Predecessors of Francis the first king of France and of Charles the fifth Emperour I will only tell you that the former challenged the same Dukedom in right of the Lady Valentine wife unto the Duke of Orleance and the later pretend right thereunto because the contract of Marriage betwixt Valentine and the said Duke was not confirmed by the Authority of the Emperour because the Emperour had never granted unto the before-named Duke the Investure of the said Dukedom These reasons indeed are sufficient in Law to deprive a Vassal of his Seigniory if by voluntary negligence or wilful obstinacy he refuse to do homage or to demand the Investure of his hold and Tenure of the Lord and Sovereign But there are many occasions which may excuse this demand upon which I shall not need to stand because they are not pertinent to this purpose which is only to shew you whether the Spanish King came rightly or unrightly unto the Dukedom of Millan The which difficulty may be cleared in this manner Let the Spaniard shew that his Fathers Allegation was lawful then shall it follow that his War for the same with the French King was also most lawful And so consequently his getting the same by force of Arms likewise lawful Let him shew that it was gotten with the Forces and Expences of the Empire then it shall follow that it belonged unto the Empire Let him shew that his Father having purchased his Dukedom in right of the Empire and at the costs and with the help of the Souldiers and Captains thereof had full Authority to alienate the same and to bestow it upon him his lawful Son and that he so did then shall it follow that he is true owner thereof But I fear me it will be very hard and difficult for him to shew all these particulars and therefore I dare not deliver it for any sound opinion that he hath right thereunto unless he shall plead the Renunciation and Resignation made thereof by the said Francis at what time the Treaty of Peace was concluded betwixt his Father and he the said Francis at Cambray At which time the said Francis for himself and his heirs renounced demised released and resigned into the hands and possessiâ—n of the sâ—id Charloâ— and of his Heirs all Rights Titles and Interests which he or they had or might have unto the Dukedom of Millan From which Dukedom I will now come to the Dutchy of Burgundy and to all the Earldoms and other members implicatively contained therein and lawfully invested in the Duke thereof For Charls last Duke of Burgâ—ndy who was unfortunately slain by the Switzers was Earl of Flanders and of Holland Duke of Brabant and Lord of all the united Provinces by reason whereof and of those laudible qualities which he possessed he thought himself inferiour to no Prince living in his time and never had been overthrown as he was had he not dwelt too much in his opinion had he not presumed too much of his own strength had he not thought too basely of his enemies and had he not made so slâ—ght account as he did of the French Kings subtle and secret practises against him which indeed were so politique so wise and so secret that a French Historiographer writeth That the French King still sitting in his Chair at home and suffering the Duke to follow his own humours and suborning and procuring him daily new Adversaries did him far more much harm then they who did openly and directly bear Arms against him This Duke being slain as is above-said in an unfortunate time for the house of Burgundy and for a very small occasion for the Wars wherein he was slain were but for a Cart loaden with sheep-skins left issue but one Daughter whom Maximilian the Emperour married and had by her issue Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begat Charls the Emperour and
Charls as it hath often been said this present King of Spain Besides Francis the first who before that time was as all his predecessors before him had been Soveragin of all those Estates and Countries did as well at Madrid in Spain whilst he was Prisoner there for his own Ransome as at Cambray after he was set at liberty for the deliverance of his two Children renounce all his Rights and Interests to the Soveraignty of all these Countries Thus came the Spaniard by all that he hath Now shall you see how he hath hitherto conserved all this his own possession notwithstanding the reasonable pretences which many either do or may make to divers of his Dominions First as amongst private men whosoever attaineth unto great wealth is reverenced amongst his neighbours honoured by his friends feared by his adversaries and so sought unto by all men that many indeavour to please him few or none dare to contend with him even so amongst Princes he that exceedeth the rest in might in wealth in reputation carrieth such credit with the rest beareth such sway wheresoever he cometh winneth such favour in all that he attempteth and striketh such terrour in the hearts of them who have occasion to quarrel with him that they had rather sit down losers then rise up in Arms against him they suspect his secret attempts stand in awe of his exceeding power doubt the aspiring projects of his ambitious mind and are presently terrified when they enter into consideration of his strength of his treasure of his friends and confederates provoke him think they and you heap burning coles upon your own heads anger him and you awake a shrewd sleeping Dog offend him and you displease his friends contend with him and you strive against the stream and therefore they hold it for extream folly to incur his displeasure and for singular wisdom to continue in his favour When the Romans were in the highest degree of their prosperity What Prince was so mighty that feared not their power What Common-wealth so rich that stood not in fear and awe of their huge Armies What commanded they that was not obeyed Or whither went they where they were not received Was there any Nation so far from them which heard not of their might and magnificence Was there any Region were it never so remote that heard not of their strength and puissance that trembled not at the very name and mention thereof Came not Kings voluntarily to Rome from the furthest confines of the world to seek their friendship Sent not the Princes of Asia the Monarchs of Affrica and all the Kings of Europe their Embassadours to crave their Favour and Alliance What Prince presumed so much of his own force that if he were wise held himself not greatly honoured if he were so happy as to be one of the number of their Alliance and if he were unwise or over-hardy and bold that found not himself deceived yea utterly overthrown if at any time he presumed to contend with them Lived not Carthage in wealth and honour until she took stomach and heart at grass against Rome Mighty Pyrrhus wise Mithridates deceitful Hannibal puissant Massinissa with a number of others of like renown ruled they not in peace and Raigned in security until they began to conjure and combine themselves against the Romans And then failed not their power perished not their Authority decayed not their Reputation and went not all they had to wrack and ruin It is therefore undoubtedly true that this prejudicate opinion of the Spanish Kings Might and Power hath been one especial means to preserve and keep his many Dominions for although his might is in many degrees inferiour to the Romans Power yet as they because they possessed most part of the world were redoubted and reverenced of all Nations in the world so he possessing more then any Prince of Christendom must needs be had in honour and reverence through the greatest part of Christendom Besides as they in all places of Conquest had their power and forces to hold them in continual awe and obedience As in Germany eight Legions every Legion consisting of 6100. Souldiers and 726. Horse-men In Spain three Legions In Affrica two In Seruia and Bulgaria two more and in Salaminia other two and about Rome in the Cities of Italy twelve sundry Bands whereof every one of nine of them consisted of 1105. Foot-men and 66. on Horseback So that they had always in continual pay twenty five Legions which amounted in all to 165755. Foot-men and unto 19734. Horse-men at the least besides the help and succour of their friends and Confederates And these Forces they kept as well in the time of peace as war for the more safety and security of their Estates and Dominions In the like manner the King of Spain hath certain men always in pay in the Dutchy of Millan in the Kingdom of Naples in the Country of Burgundy in the Low-Countries in the Realm of Portugal and in other places of his Dominions for the better secuâ—iâ—y of the same and those Men lye in continual Garrison as well when he hath Peace as when he is at Wars Moreover as the Romans destroyed the Cities of Alba of Numantia and of Carthage because as long as they stood they were always rebelling against them So the Catholique King hath either forceably subverted or voluntarily impoverished many Cities within his several Dominions only to disable them to make head against him And this pollicy of impoverishing Rebellious Cities and their richest Inhabitants is too too general and usual in Italy where it is held a point of wisdom and a strengthening or rather a sure way to uphold and continue their Estate to hold down and depress their most noble and wealthy Subjects for fear that leâ—t over great riches embolden them to enter into conspiracy against their Rulers or to seek some means to set themselves and their Cities at liberty Again as the Romans never entred into League or Amity with any Prince or Nation who did not wholly submit himself and it self unto their discretion So the Spaniard never receiveth any King or Potentate for his Ally and Confederate unless he can and will be content to be wholly at his devotion Plutarch in his book of the lives of the noble Romans and Graecians writeth that Eumenes understanding that divers Satrapes sought all occasions and means to kill him to stop and prevent their malice against him feigned that he had great need of a great sum of money which he borrowed of them which hated him most to the end that they might give over the seeking of his death whereby they were assured to lose all their money In like sort both the King of Spain and his Father before him doubting that Genoa a very rich mighty and populous city in Italy might be either induced by the perswasion of other Princes in Italy who desire nothing more then to see a King of
only true and faithful unto him but also so discreet and wise that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching not only over the Subjects committed to their charge in holding them low and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence but also over the Princes which confine with the Governments in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people upon which officers the fault is layed if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him if no excuse can pacifie the complainants mitigateth the rigour of the exactions or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy who if he shall see no other way to content them or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience yeildeth somwhat to their petition and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time or the extremity of his expences or the severity of their officers dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him and sendeth the Petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spaniard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace in quietness and in dutiful obedience It is written that his Father Charls the fifth fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon might in time find some friends to help him or his issue if he should so marry that he might have any to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon married him unto Germana widow unto the said Ferdinando but barren and past children reaping of this marriage two benefits and both of great weight and consequence For whereas the said Duke by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King had made the Emperour somwhat beholden unto him he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue The Spaniard not by mariage but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour kept him alwaies so busied that he could never attend to the conquest of Portugal which of right belonged unto his Son rather then unto the King of Spain And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando by giving him a barren wife of all possibility to have any lawful issue and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right Again it is written of Richard the third and also of Edward the fourth Kings of England that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany by whom he was only sustained and succoured might in process of time find some Friends at home or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad to help him to recover the Crown of England whereunto he always laid claim did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke but they could never prevail and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate And Richard the third according as he doubted was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl In like manner the Spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country and acknowledging him for King live under his obedience but he could never prevail and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life He is not now so low so poor so bare so destitute of all friends so void of all hope but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him It is an infallible rule in policy that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his Estate as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him or unto any of his by Don Antonio or by his children For as the loss of the Battel at Canna deferred the Victories that Hannibal might have had against the Romans and his abode at Capua where his Souldiers learned to be effâ—minate and forgot to be right Souldiers took away all hope to subdue the Romans so the overthrow received by Dâ—n Antonio within his own Kingdom when he was possessed thereof made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same And the late repulse taken at Lisbona when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men that not with much great strength then he had then from hence it would be an easie enterprise to recover that Kingdom which opinion I list not to controll for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers especially in matters concerning martial affairs And yet I fear me that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal with an English Army of greater strength of better provision of sounder bodâ—es and of more convenient furniture then the last was the Commanders of such an Army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army so long the like success as hapned unto the first will follow the latter You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home that hath not been subject unto
many casualties unto many accidents and unto unexpected success and fortune They are to day Conquerors and to morrow conquered this day strong to morrow weak sometimes in health and prosperity upon a very sudden in sickness and penury Their Triumphs are Messengers of evil fortune their Victories forerunners of overthrows their abundance tokens of Penury and their conceived hope an infallible Prognostication of future calamity Was there ever a wiser Captain then Hanniball Was there ever any Army compounded of so many and diverse Nations Was there any Souldiers that were better governed or any Governor that was more carefull of his Company more politique to win and purchase unto himself the favour and friendship of such people with whom he had any manner of commerce or society or of whom he stood in any kind of need And yet what success had his Providence his Prudence his Policy Decayed not his strength daily his Souldiers became they not effeminate his fortune did it not forsake him his faithful friends did they not leave him the Towns he got did they not revolt from him And briefly lost he not in a very short space all that he got in many years And yet since Hannibal his time there was never any Captain General Colonel or Leader of any Army call him by what name or Title you list that in my simple conceit might compare with Hannibal either for the governing of his Souldiers or for temporizing with his Adversaries for preventing mischeifs or for inventing new Stratagems for putting in execution with good success and marvelous fortune of all his attempts and enterprises or briefly for furnishing his Camp with all things necessary or keeping his Souldiers in awe and obedience But Hannibal contended with the mightiest Adversary of the world Hannibal had secret enemies at home who were content to suffer him and his to live in want and penury abroad Hannibal pretermitted many occasions of good fortune which being taken in time might have made him a most happy Conqueror Hannibal suffered his Souldiers to dote in love when it was no time to dally in Lechery Briefly Hâ—nnibal would not win when he might have won And therefore it was reason that Hannibal should lose when he would not have lost In later times Hannibal's follies have made wise men Hannibal's evil fortune hath taught others to beware of the like Fortune Hannibal's losses have given his posterity occasion to take heed by his examples lest following his steps they chance to fall into his miseries Now Princes measure their strength by their adversaries power they rate their charges by the distance of places into which they are to convey their Armies they furnish their company according to the time for which they purpose to use the same they cast their accompts before they enter into wars they consider the casualties which are accustomed to follow wars they note the dispositions and affections of their neighbours they mark and observe the provision of their enemies they provide for longer time then they intend to spend in wars they have their carriage to attend upon their Armies their victuallers to follow them their confederates to supply their wants their Messengers to bring them word of their necessities and their Officers both at home and abroad to make provision as soon as any thing is found to be defective or wanting in their Armies So if they go far from home they seem always to be at home if they want their wants are presently supplied if they chance to decrease their number is immediately increased and although they may happen to languish yet they are never suffered to perish True it is that other mens harmes have made men both in these dayes and in former times to be wise and wary And the Prince is reputed to want the discretion and wisdom requisite in a Prince who undertaketh wars without due consideration of all the circumstances above mentioned and yet neither Hannibals ill fortune nor his example nor common experience nor fear of inevitable accidents can make men so wary as it behoveth them to be but in later times they have been and will be subject unto the self same Inconveniences which men in former times endured Have Armies in times past going far from home perished in their journies by reason of the intemperature of the air the heat of the weather and the intemperance of the Souldiers who seed too much of noisom and hurtful fruits or drank too much of hot Wines in hot seasons and in hot countries as did the Army which Marcus Antonius led from Italy to Parthia whereof better then 20000 Foot-men and 4000 Horsemen perished by such casualties before he came to his Journies end And do not or have not some miscarried by the same means in our dayes or within our memories Have many Christian Armies led out of Christendom into Turky not lost the greaâ—est part of their number before they came unto the place whereunto they were sent Did not the first Army that ever the Romans sent by Sea against the Carthiginians perish in the Sea and almost so dismayed the Souldiers that they were utterly discouraged to commit any more men or ships to the unmerciful Tempests of the raging Seas And did not the like befal unto the Navy that Charles the fifth sent in his time unto Algire whose lamentable overthrow is pitifully described by a Spanish Historian in the life of Paulus tertius sometimes Pope of Rome Did a plague consume so many of the Souldiers of Radagasius King of the Gothes that as Saint Augustine reporteth one day deprived better then an hundred thousand of their lives And did not the like happen unto Francis the first his Army in his Wars for the Kingdom of Naples Did better then 30000 of that Army which Iohn Duke of Lancaster carryed out of England into Portugal perish by the way for lack of victual and necessary sustenance and might not the same misfortune betide the small company which went out of late from England into Poâ—tugal Was the huge Army which Darius had against Alexander overthrown for want of water and other inconveniencies occasioned by their long aboad in a strange and unable country to receive so big an host and can it seem strange or marvelous that Charles the fifth's Army brought out of Spain to Marselles and passing by the most barren and unfruitful countries of France felt the like calamities Plagues Pestilence Famine Tediousness of the way Want of water Tempests by Sea and sudden Sickness have always and will continually lessen the number weaken the Forces and not spare the mighty multitudes that have been or shall be sent far from home by any Prince whatsoever There is no policy can prevent it no wisdom that can foresee it no fore-sight that can withstand it they be Scourges which it pleaseth the Almighty to send and therefore it behoveth him that hath urgent occasion to send an Army into forraign
countries to think well thereon to consider all casualties and to provide for them long before they happen lest that want of fore-sight cause his utter discredit and destruction The only means is to send such a number as is neither too great to be conveniently maintained nor too little to effect and accomplish his purpose especially if things be so ordered that as soon as occasion shall be ministred fresh supplies may be conveyed over in due time and by competent and sufficient numbers For if the supplies be defective in number or not transported in seasonable time they are sent as experience teacheth but as Sheep to the shambles But from these matters which are touched but by the way of digression back again to the Spanish King and to the narration of other reasons why possessing many Kingdomes he enjoyeth them all peaceably or with so little distrurbance as he doth For the better understanding whereof you are to consider the State and condition of such Princes who have any Lands or Territories confining or bordering upon his Dominions and in them you are to mark and observe what power they have to annoy him if they would or what will if they could The Princes with whom by reason of such Neighbourhood he hath any way to deal are these The Turk the princes of Italy the princes of Germany the French King and the Queen of England Of which some could be content to annoy him by all means possible but they want ability answerable to their good will others have might enough to prejudice him divers ways but he carrieth so watchful an eye over them is so jealous of their greatness so well acquainted with their counsels determinations and purposes that all their intents indeavours and enterprises against him are most commonly so soon prevented by his careful providence as they are intended through their malice and indignation But it is not sufficient to declare thus much in general terms you shall see his particular proceeding with every one of these Princes The Turk he knoweth to be a Prince greatly to be feared of all Christians as well in regard of his great power as in respect of his subtile policy His power is terrible because he armeth speedily and that in such multitudes as both the number and the expedition terriâ—ieth all Christendom For when he armeth he most commonly bruiteth it abroad that he meaneth to carry his Forces to one place when indeed he conveyeth them to another yea and somtimes he sendeth Ambassadors to will them to be assured and out of all doubt that he will not in any wise molest or trouble them whom his full intent purpose and resolution is to invade upon a sudden Considering therefore his strength his religion his natural hatred against Christians together with the continual emulation quarrels and contentions that are betwixt Christian Princes he holdeth it most convenient and necessary to have alwaies a vigilant eye over such an adversary For of Christian Princes he considereth who they be whom he most envieth whose States he most longeth for after whose Dominions he most thirsteth and unto which he hath best access and easiest possibility to attain them The House of Austria are his nearest kinsmen and on one side the next adjoyning neighbours unto the Turkish Territorirs With them for kinred sake he entertaineth perpetuamit amity and is loth to offer them any occasion of discontentment because he knoweth that of late years they have not only possessed the Empire but also been greatly favoured in Germany with whose invincible power and puissance they are both able and ready when occasion shall be offered to offend and defend the Turk For it is their Dominion unto which the Turk hath an especial eye and an unsatiable desire and by them and their means Christian Princes most annoy him because by the Country of Hungary the way lieth open unto these Regions which he lately subdued and a Christian Prince leading an Army through that Country against the Turk may undoubtedly have good success against his Forces if he shall observe these conditions following First if in conducting his Army he shall avoid and decline the wide plains and come not neer unto the River Danubius of the commodity whereof the Turk by reason of his great courage standeth alwaies in need Secondly If he shall not come nigh unto such places where the Turk may have convenient use of his Horsemen and innumerable Footmen with the excessive multitudes of which he will easily oppress and suppress a Christian Army if they should chance to encounter in those Plains Thirdly If the Christian Prince shall arm this year and proceeding slowly on his journey not meet with the Turk but fortifie and strengthen such places as he shall get and conquer and the next year when as the Turk neither is wont nor can arm with the like number and quantity proceed manfully For the Prince in thus doing shall compel him to stand continually upon his Guard and alwaies to entertain great and gross Armies which he should not be able to endure long or else enforce him to use such Forces as might be more easily conquered and so consequently drive him to change the accustomed course and custome of his Wars which would be as much as half a victory gotten against him Fourthly If the Christian shall endeavour to draw him into some Streight and there with some war-like stratagem enforce him to a Battel and with a Troop of well ordered Footmen encounter his Janizaries which he usually reserveth for some extremity and with valour and some unknown and unusual exploit drive them to the worst or put them out of their array and order there is no doubt but with the strangeness thereof he might obtain a notable victory against him whose horsemen are most easily overthrown because they are for the most part unarmed Fifthly If he shall mark and observe when there is mutiny sedition or secret dissention disturbance or discontentment betwixt the Turk and his Subjects and by all cunning and policy entertain the same maintain the procurers and heads thereof and in the very heat of their tumult be ready to invade them For indeed the especial means to weaken the Turk is to assault him when he is otherwise busied in wars with the Sophi or with any other enemies or when his successors are at contention for the crown or his people divided amongst themselves or he did lately receive some notable overthrow for he tyrannizing his subjects in such manner as he doth the least overthrow that can be must needs endanger his State greatly because he feareth that his own people will be ready to give entertertainment aid and succour unto any by whom they may have certain hope to wind their necks out of the yoke of that intolerable servitude which they now suffer This is so true that it is credibly affirmed by the best Warriours of our age That if the Christians had procceded with their invincible
Navie when Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the famous overthrow for which all Christendom greatly rejoyced they might haply have gotten Constantinople and have recovered most part of the Turkish Dominion Next unto the House of Austria is the State of Venice which although it be far inferiour unto many Christian Princes in power and strength by land yet it yeildeth unto very few or none of them in force by Sea With this State the Spaniard knoweth also that it is very good and convenient for him to entertain peace and amity For albeit they have many Countries confining and bordering upon the Turk for the which they pay him yearly Tribute and that their Merchants have continual entercourse of Trade and traffique unto Turky and likewise the Turks with them which bringeth in inestimable wealth and benefit unto the State and that in consideration hereof the Turk will not easily offend them nor they willingly displease him yet the Venetians knowing him to be a Turk that is a common enemy of Christendom the devourer of other mens estates the disturber of the common peace and a most notable breaker of all League Truce and Amity as often as he stirreth they stand in continual awe of him and notwithstanding all leagues contracts and confederacies with him are content to joyn with the Spaniard at any time against him and to use the utmost of their power to annoy and molest him as it was seen by the great aid which they gave unto the Spanish King when as Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the above-mentioned overthrow Thus being assured of the Venetians friendship entertaining perfect and perpetual amity with the House of Austria and having the rest of the Princes of Italy for his friends he hath little occasion to fear the Turk And yet for his better security he seeketh to live in league and amity with him and likewise keepeth continual friendship with the Turks greatest enemies hoping to turn them upon him if at any time he should chance to attempt any act of hostility against any of his States and Dominions The French King is the second considerable friend or enemy the Spaniard hath of whose friendship or enmity he is to make no small account For albeit the one hath many more Kingdoms many more People and much more Treasure then the other yet because France is of it self and within it self a very great Kingdom well inhabited full of many great Cities replenished with all things necessary and sufficiently furnished with whatsoever is needful either for Peace or for War The King thereof is in my opinion nothing inferior unto the Spaniard and much more able to pleasure or annoy him then any other Prince of Christendom It may be said that the Spaniards many Dominions yeilds him infinite multitudes of Souldiers that his Indies furnish and enrich him with great abundance of Silver and Gold and that the one and the other make him in a manner invincible But if his men by reason they are far off cannot easily be brought together Iâ— because they are of divers Nations they will hardly agree long together It because they be of contrary natures and conditions they are not in like measure fit for the Wars If their discipline shall be found contrary their humours divers and their courages in no respects equal or like What benefit What good success may be expected of an Army being compounded of so many diversities Again if the wealth of the Indies may be as it hath been oftentimes intercepted If his Treasures do scant suffice for his ordinary and extraordinary expences If his debts be already more then he is well able to pay What booteth his wealth Or why should France fear his Treasure Or what just occasion hath he either in regard of his people or in respect of his gold to contemn or make small reckoning of the united Forces of France especially since the Countries of France are able to set forth such a sufficient Army to encounter with his forces at any time and the yearly revenues of the Crown of Fraâ—ce will serve to maintain and furnish the same Army withal things necessary Appianus Alexandrinus who lived in the time of Adrianus the Emperour in his History of the Roman Wars writeth That in his time the Emperour Adrianus had in pay 200m. Footâ—men and 500m. men at Arms 3000. Carts and Waggons for his Wars and 300m. Armors to Arm his Soulâ—iers withal he had also a Navy of 600. tall Ships and of 1500. Gallies with many other Vessels of divers sort and with an infinite number of all kind of Instruments and Weapons for Sea-fight besides 80. Ships with the Prores and the Poups of gold for a shew or ornamenâ— of his Wars And lastly he had in his Treasure-house 150m. Talents in ready coyn This force this preparation this strength and wealth seemed unto the same Author so great that in the proem of the very same History he saith That all the Forces of Alexander the Great of the Assirians of the Medians and of the Persians which were four mighty Emperours were never able to attain in 900. years unto half the power strength and greatness that the Romans had Titus Livius had the like opinion of the Roman power For he saith That Alexander King of Epirus was wont to say That all the Wars which Alexander the Great ever had were in comparison of his own Wars with women rather then with men And that all the life of Alexander the Great would not have sufficed to end and finish one only War with the Carthaginians with whom the Romans in the first Wars against them fought twenty four years together And that the Romans had overthrown above 1000. sundry Armies the least of all the which was far greater then the Armies of the Macedonians or of Alexander the Great All which may seem to be true because Plutarch in his Lives of the Roman and Greekish Worthies reporteth That Iulius Caesar took in his time one thousand Cities by assault overcame more then 300. sundry Nations took above a Million of men prisoners and slew better then another Million of men in divers Battels for if one General of the Romans wrought so many worthy Exploits subdued so many Regions and slew so many Enemies how infinite now incredible were the Armies and the Victories of the Romans who had many Captains As both the Scipios Fabius Maximus Pompeius Magnus and divers others not much inferior to Iâ—lius Caesar Notwithstanding all this that is said I must needs say that as Iohn Bodin a French Authour saith in his Book de Republica the Romans having made tryal of four several Estates As of a Royal a Tyrannical an Aristocratical and a Popular State never thrived better nor ever flourished more then they did under their Popular State And to what end say I thus Forsooth to this purpose To shew you that when the Romans were most mighty when their Authority was greatest when
they commanded all Italy they might justly stand in fear of such an Enemy in Italy as the King of France may be thereunto And so consequently that the present King of Spain whose power is by very many degrees inferiour and not equal to the Romans hath very great and just occasion to doubt and fear the French King for it is written that Hannibal who was the greatest enemy that ever the Romans had who in my simple conceit was the most wise politique and valiant Captain that ever lived who knew the strength of the Romans and how they might well and conveniently be annoyed by any Prince that would undertake Wars against them better then any General of former Age or of our time doth or can know being driven after the ruin and destruction of Carthage to fly for succour and for his last refuge unto King Antiochus delivered unto him for his sound and setled opinion that Italy was a Country that was able to yeild unto any forrain Enemy both Souldiers and Victuals against it self and yet whosoever would attempt any enterprise either secretly or openly against Italy must take the advantage of some Conspiracy Tumult or Commotion to be moved within the very bowels and entralls of Italy for that if the Romans might wholly enjoy and imploy the only forces and strength thereof there was never any King or any Nation that might justly and truly compare with the Romans Then if Italy be such a Country as undoubtedly it appeareth to be by Hannibals Testimony If it be able to yeild releif to Forrainers if the next way to win it be to have a partie and partakers in it who can be thought wise that shall be of opinion the Spaniard is of so great power and Authority in Italy that he should not need to fear the French Kings might or puissance Shall he not be feared because some men perhaps think him not able to set forth an Army sufficient to encounter with the Spanish Forces Why it is written that Alexander the Great who conquered mightier Princes then the present King of Spain is never had in amy Army above 30000. Foot-men and 4000. Horse-men It is writen that the very Romans whose power was such as you have heard it to be never used greater Forces against any forrain enemy then an Army of 40. or 50m. at the most Lastly it is Recorded that the Spanish Kings Father held an opinion for many reasons him thereunto moving that an Army of the same number and quality which Alexander used was without all doubt and controversie sufficient for any Prince whatsoever against any enemy was he never so mighty Again shall he not be feared because his Treasure is not equal unto the Spaniards Golden Mines Why it is true that money and Gold are the very sinews of War it is an infallible Maxime we hold it for a most ancient and over-ruled Rule but if riches had been the best and only means to subdue Nations never had the poor Romans at their first beginning nor the needy Swizzers in their Wars against the rich Duke of Burgundy nor the beggarly Normans in the Infantry of their Chivalry obtained such Victories and Conquests as they did But grant that the Spaniard needeth not fear any Enemy in Italy unless he be as mighty as the Romans both in money and in men If the French King shall be found to be such an enemy will the Spaniards favourers confess that he is worthy to be feared If they should not you would hold them to be senceless And if in this Point concerning the annoying of the Spaniard in Italy I prove him not in some manner equal to the Romans I can be content that my slender Reputation shall suffer any manner of indignity Titus Livius and many other Authors of the like Authority and Credit make true and large mention of the harms of the indignities and of the damages which the Romans sustained by Hannibal They report how he passed the Alpes with great difficulty brought in forces into Italy with great danger ruled his Souldiers with great dexterity provided things necessary for them with singular wisdom and providence won divers Princes of Italy to join with him and them with great Wit and Policy Lastly proceeded on his journey with so great courage and magnanimity prevailed in his enterprises with so good success and fortune terrified and daunted the invincible hearts and stomachs of the Romans with so many unexpected and notable Victories that they had no other way to be rid of him but to send Scipio to War in Affrica and by besieging Carthage to call him home to the releif of Carthage Now for the better proof of my purpose give me leave I pray you to compare the Spaniard and the Romans the French King and Hannibal together a Molehil indeed with a Mountain an Eagle in truth with a fly but such a Molehil and such a fly as will declare the greatness of the Mountain as will illustrate the might and vertues of the Eagle The Romans commanded all Italy The Spaniard ruleth most part of Italy they had no man in Hannibals time that durst oppose himself openly against him he hath few or none in our Age that dareth shew himself an open enemy against him they were generally feared he is undoubtedly redoubted they were assisted by their friends against Hannibal he would likewise find friends against the French King Briefly they stood upon their guard and he is not without his Garrisons But an Hannibal annoyed them when they were almost in the highest period of their pride and prosperity And why may not a French King work him annoyance when he standeth most assuredly upon his defence Shall he not be able to hurt him because the Alpes divide France and Italy and maketh the passage hard and difficult But Hannibal passed them when they were not so passable as they are now And how many times have the Frenchmen passed them since Hannibals time Shall he not find means to work him dispight and hindrance because he is not so well experienced in Wars as Hannibal was But may he not find many Captains who in these days have little less experience then Hannibal had Shall he not be sufficient to war against him in Italy because the Country is far better fortified then in Hannibals time but late experience hath taught us that those Fortifications Holds and Citadels could not stay the course of Charls the eighth King of France who passed through all Italy as a Conquerour until he came to the Kingdom of Naples which he also subdued Briefly shall he not prevail against him in Italy because the Spaniard is in League with most of the Princes hereof But Histories afford us many examples that the Italian Princes have oftentimes broken their League with the Emperour and other his Predecessors whose greatness they either feared or enveighed as they do the overgrowing power of the Spaniard at this present And why may not
these examples move them to do the like when as the like occasion of fear or of envy is offered unto them Hannibal counselled as you have heard Antiochus to war upon the Romans in Italy when they were far stronger then the Spaniards is and no man had better experience of the Romans or of Italy then Hannibal had The reasons therefore enforcing Hannibal to give that Counsel to Antiochus may as they have many times serve to move the French King to follow his counsel the rather because experience proved it to be true and Antiochus failed of his purpose because he hearkned to Hannibal's perswasion But this difficulty will be better cleared if I shall let you understand the opinion of one of the best Warriors of our Age as well touching the wealth as the strength of the French King Monsieur de la Nove who dyed but a few years past and when he lived was generally reputed and esteemed the best Captain of our time in his Book of Military discourses delivereth that the French King Henry the second levyed yearly by ordinary means of his Subjects fifteen Millions of Francks part whereof were engaged and pawned for his debts and yet saith he our King levieth no less at this day Here you see the French Kings Revenues were in some measure comparable unto the Romans For Plutarch in his before mentioned History writing of the life of Pompey who was surnamed the Great reporteth That the yearly and ordinary Revenues of the Roman Common-wealth before the Conquest obtained by Pompey came but to five Millions of Crowns which is fifteen Millions of Francks the just Revenue of the French King until that Pompey increased the same and brought it to eight Millions and 500 m Crowns and brought unto the Treasure-house ten Millions of Jewels and ready coin So if you remember that as it hath been shewed the Romans never flourished more then they did when they were governed by Consuls and not by Kings or by Emperours yea you shall see that the French King coming not much behind them in yearly Revenues may be thought in some respect equal unto them The same Mounsieur de la Nove in his twentieth Military Discourse talking of the might and puissance of the French King deliverâ—th That he may very conveniently set forth an Army of 60. Companies of men at Arms of 20. Cornets of light Horse-men and of five Companies of Harquebusiers on Horseback which were in all 10000. Horse-men besides 4000. Royters and 100. Ensigns of French Foot-men and 40. Ensigns of Swizzars and yet he shall leave his Frontier Towns sufficiently well armed and furnished with men and munition as well to defend as offend the enemy Du Haillan in his 14th Book of the History of France setteth down That Philip de Valois when as he warred with Edward the Third King of England for the Crown of France had an Army of 100 m fighting men The same Authour in his sixteenth Book writeth That Charls King of France meaning to go into England against King Richard as I take it the second brought to the Sluce in Flanders a Navy of 128â— Ships all loaden with men and munition which I have thought good to let you understand to the end you may see that if the Alps should be made unpassable by the Spaniard for the Frenchmen which was the Emperour Charls the fifth's purpose and intention to do if in his life time he could possibly have brought it to pass yet the French King is not unable or unfurnished of ships to convey and carry as his Predecessors have done a sufficient Army by Sea into Italy Plutarch in the life of Iulius Caesar recordeth that the Frenchmen came with an Army of three hundred thousand fighting men to raise Iulius Caesars Siege before Alexia a huge number and such a number as the Romans never used the like against any Forrain Enemy as the same Plutarch testifieth in the life of Fabius Maximus where he affirmeth that the greatest power which the Romans ever had against any enemy whatsoever was but eighty eight thousand souldiers and Andreas Ficcius in his book de Repub. reporteth that they seldome or never passed the number of forty or fifty thousand a less number then which Charls the fifth the present King of Spain's father held to be sufficient as I have said before to encounter with any Christian Prince and I have thought good to repeat because hearing what you have heard of the French power you may think the French King well able to annoy any King of Christendom For although I should grant that his power is weakned and he not able to arm such multitudes as his Predecessors have done for which I see no reason if he were freed of his Civil wars yet it must needs be granted that he could easily make an army of that number and therewith greatly prejudice the Spaniard in Italy especially since a Captain of valour and experience will adventure to set upon innumerable multitudes nothing fearing their number with a few well trained and experienced souldiers as Alexander the great did upon Darius his innumerable hoste and Hannibal did upon the Romans who as Polibius testifieth in his second book with scant twenty thousand feared not to fight with the Romans in Italy amounting unto seven hundred thousand footmen and seventy thousand horsemen Thus as in Revenues so in multitudes of Souldiers at the leastwise in such multitudes as they commonly used you see the French King is in some measure comparable to the Romans but especially in no respect inferiour unto Hannibal for men or money and therefore without all doubt and controversie as likely and able to war with the Spanish King within the very bowels of Italy as he was to contend with the Romans when they were strongest as all Princes are most commonly within their own Realms and Dominions especially if they have as the Romans had the same wholly and entirely to themselves But although this point touching the King of France his possibility and means to molest and trouble the Spanish King in Italy be well and sufficiently cleared by that which is said yet I cannot so leave it for I hold it convenient to let you know the opinion of his Father concerning the same matter He therefore considering the variable affections of the Princes of Italy the hidden and secret malice which they inwardly bear unto all strangers and forreigners the many pretensions which the French King hath unto Naples and Milan together with sundry prosperous attempts and journeys which of late years they have made into Italy counselled the present King of Spain his son at the time he resigned all his Kingdoms unto him a very rare and commendable act to carry a watchful and wary eye over the French King he willeth him to be jealous of his greatness and to seek all means possible to weaken him he adviseth how to war against France and how by his own
long after carrying a watchful and revengeful mind and knowing that Harpagus had but one child and being once rebuked of Harpagus more boldly then wisely of drunkenness sendeth for the Infant and the Father unto whom he saith Thou toldest me of late I was drunken Now to shew thee whether I be or no I have here an Arrow in my hand which if I do shoot so rightly that I do hit thy Son at the heart thou mayest well think I am not drunk and if I miss his heart then will I not be offended at thee for so saying of me He shooteth the Arrow and striketh the child at the heart And not content with this severe revenge commandeth the Father to sup with him and compelleth him at Supper to feed on the best and cheifest parts of his only and dearest Son baked in a Pie Harpagus endureth the wrong for a while and maketh Astiages to continue his cruelty consenteth to his Marriage with his own Sister bringeth him by secret means and his own leud demeanor into the hatred of his Subjects And when he saw that it was time to begin to work his revenge fearing that if he should send a Letter to Cyrus whom he meant to use for the Instrument of his revenge by ordinary means the same might be intercepted and so both he and Cyrus endangered taketh an Hare openeth his Belly within it encloseth a Letter and giveth the Hare to a trusty Messenger to carry unto Cyrus willing him to take off the Hares skin And to the end the matter might be less suspected he apparelleth the man like a Hunter giveth him Nets in his hand and other instruments belonging unto Hunting The Letters contained That Cyrus should dispose the Persians to revenge the wrongs that Astiages had done unto him and to Cyrus The trust that Astiages reposed in Harpagus and that being assured to be made cheif Lievtenant of the Median Forces which should be sent against Cyrus he would presently revolt unto Cyrus who by that means might easily overthrow his Grand-father The Plot was thus layed Cyrus rebelled Astiages put Harpagus in trust with all his strength he flyeth unto Cyrus Astiages is delivered into the hands of his enemies and the Empire of the Medians is by this means translated unto the Persians Amulius to rule alone killed Numiter and made his Daughter Rhea one of the Virgins Vestals that no man-child might proceed from her to revenge the wrong done unto her Father or recover the Kingdom due unto her Father Rhea living thus sequestred from the company of men is gotten with child it is not known whether by mortal man or by the God Mars She bringing forth two Twins they are called Romulus and Rhemus who being brought up as some say by a Wolf or as others by a common Strumpet called Lupa as they grew in years so they increased in vertues valour and credit and in time wrought the revenge of their Grand-fathers death and drave Amulius from his Kingdom Cambyses Son to the afore-named Cyrus dreamed that a Messenger brought him word that his Brother Smerdis sitting in his royal seat touched the Heavens with his head by occasion of which dream fearing that he might be deprived of his Kingdom by his Brother more speedily then wisely he commanded Smerdis to be done to death He is no sooner dead but one Smerdis rebelled against Cambyses with whom Cambyses riding to encounter as he gat upon his horse his Sword fell out of his sheath and ran him through the Thigh of which wound he dyed Gargoris Rex Curetum begat a Son upon his own Daughter and being ashamed of so foul a fact purposed to cause the child to be murthered First he willed him to be cast to wild beasts The wild beasts contrary to their kind nourish him Then he throweth him amongst hungry Dogs and such as he had caused many dayes to be kept of purpose from meat The Dogs likewise spare him Next he exposeth him unto certain Hogs unto which there was no manner of Sustenance given in a long time The Hogs likewise do him no kind of harm Then he willeth him to be thrown into the Ocean Sea whence he is cast upon the shore and presently an Hart giveth him suck Lastly having lived a long time amongst a number of Harts until he could run as fast as they he was taken in Nets by certain Huntsmen who presented him unto the King by whom being known as well by the proportion of his body as by certain marks given him as soon as he was born he is acknowledged and accepted for his Nephew and in regard of so wondrous preservation from so many and different perils and dangers is also declared only heir of his Kingdom and called Atis. These examples although they may seem to be untrue and incredible yet because they are strange and wonderful and reported by such Authors whose writings deserve no small credit they may right well serve to put us in mind that whatsoever the eternal God hath decreed it lies not in our power to prevent or alter his determination Astyages could command his daughter to marry with a mean man he had power to will the fruit of her womb to be destroyed he might entreat or enforce Harpagus to procure the Infants death But after that he moved with compassion spared the childe and committed the same unto the custody and discretion of the Shepherd Astyages authority and Harpagus commission expired the Shepherd pitied the poor Infant and it pleased the Almighty who had resolutely determined his greatness and welfare to suffer him to live to the utter ruine and overthrow of the Grandfather Amulius as a wicked Usurper intended to deprive Rhea of her right according to his purpose slew her father and dedicated her to such a life as there was smal hope that from her should succeed any off-spring to spoil and deprive him of his Royal Scepter But God had fully resolved that out of Rheas womb should proceed the scourge of her fathers iniquity and the founder of the Romans Majesty and accordingly of her came Romulus and Rhemus who founded that worthy and famous City Cambyses dismayed with a dream and fearing that his Brother would shorten his days and usurp his Crown took the ordinary means that Princes use to take in such occasions but he had no sooner killed one Smerdis but another arose and rose against him who did put him besides his royal Diadem Briefly Gargoris thought by adjudging the Son which he begate upon his own daughter somtimes to one and somtimes to another kind of death to have hidden his own shame and to have debarred the poor infant from his right But he that righteth all wrongs and undertaketh the defence of the innocent would not have it to be so would not suffer wickedness to prevail nor permit the guiltless blood to be destroyed I may therefore infer by these examples and by the rare fortune which our
afflicted is a point of great Inhumanity so to comfort the comfortless is a work of singular Justice and Lenity The commendation due to this kind of courtesie hath wrought so strange effects in the hearts of many Princes that some have received their professed Enemies others have fallen out with their dearest friends rather then they would restore a poor Prince being fled unto them for succour when he was demanded at their hands some have refused great rewards which have been offered them for the restitution of such as lived in exile and banishment within their Territories others have entertained them with large yearly Pensions and presently aided them for the recovery of their Kingdomes some have given them whole Cities to dwell in others have been so forward in releiving such as implored their help that they have lost their own Kingdoms for defending them It is written in the Histories of France that Charles the seventh having upon just occasion of offence and displeasure conceived against the Dolphin of France who was his eldest son banished him out of his Realm and commanded that none of his Subjects or Friends should receive him The Duke of Burgundy who was then Vassal unto the French King and mortal Enemy unto the Dolphin did not only receive him but also gave him leave to chuse what Castle Hold or City of his soever he would to dwell in and sent presently Embassadours to his Father to make his excuse for receiving him Piero Mexias in his Book of the lives of the Roman Emperours reporteth That the Emperour Henry the third when as Peter King of Hungary was driven out of his Kingdom by his own Subjects who for his evil Government had rebelled against him did not only harbour and entertain him but also restored him unto his Kingdom although the same Peter not long before had favoured the Duke of Bohemia who rebelled against the said Emperour The King of Cochin being required by the King of Calicut not to harbour his enemies which were fled unto him for succour Answered that he could not expel them out of his Cities having received them upon his word with which Answer the King of Calicut being highly displeased wrot him a Letter full of great threats whereat the King of Cochin laughed and willed the Messenger to tell him that he would not do that for fear of all his threats which he vouchsafed not to do at his request whereupon the King of Calicut suddenly prepared a great Army invaded the King of Cochins Realm drave him out of his Kingdom and enforced him to fly unto a certain Island of his own which was then in the hands of certain Portugals by whom he not long after was again restored unto his Kingdom Our Chronicles report That both Edward the fourth and Richard the third offered great Rewards unto the Duke of Brittan to restore unto them Henry Earl of Richmond who lived as a poor banished man within the Dukedom but no money could win him to yeild unto their desire The same Chronicles testifie that the poor King of Scots received Henry the sixth flying from the persecution of Edward the fourth and entertained him with a yearly Pension and aided him for the recovery of his Kingdom David distrusting the protection of God slyeth unto Achich King of Goth who giveth him Siglag to dwell in And Ierobâ—am flying unto Shishack King of AEgypt was honourably received of him and maintained there like a Prince until Rehoboam was deprived for his cruelty and he sent for out of Egypt and made King of Israel Frederick King of Naples being oppressed by his Uncle the King of Spain used unto the French King unto whom he made grievous complaints of the Catholique King because without any regard of the kindred and consanguinity that was betwixt them he had endeavoured by all means possible to deprive him of the Moity of his Kingdom Lewis the French King received him with great honour and courtesie made him Duke of Anjou and gave him 30000. Ducates of yearly Revenue Our Chronicles and other Histories are full of a number of the like Examples confirming the equity and commending the clemency and gentleness of such Princes as have yeilded competent relief to their neighbours to their enemies to their Allies and to meer strangers being enforced to crave their aid and assistance But hoping that these will suffice to satisfie and resolve you I will forbear to enlarge this discourse with the supersluous and needless recital of others It is commonly said that troubles come in post and depart by leisure And who so seeketh unquietness shall easily find it and therefore considering the displeasure that is done to the adversary of him that is received into another Kings Realm and protection the danger which the Receiver may incure and the manifest wrongs which are sometimes done unto the Receiver by the received together with their most unkind and unnaturall Ingratitude this kinde of charitie is sometimes termed crueltie this pity peril this favour extream folly and this compassion a passion not agreeable to reason and Princely policy Some Princes therefore weighting the perils that may follow the receiving of such Guests or the aiding of Princes who were expelled or banished from their own Dominions would neither receive them nor succour them unless they were well rewarded for their labour to the end that such a reward might recompence the costs and charges which do necessarily depend upon the harbour and relief which is given unto them Alexis sometimes Emperour of Greece being deprived of his Empire could not obtain any manner of aid from the Venetians the Marquess of Montferrat and the King of France until he had faithfully promised to pay the Venetians debts to recompence with so much ready money the harms which the Frenchmen had sustained by the Emperour Emanuel and to bestow the Earldom of Candia upon the forenamed Marquess Macrinus having slain the Emperour Bassianus enjoyed the Empire and his Son Antoninus Heliogabalus lived a long time in exile until his Mother Messa by great gifts and extraordinary liberality won the Soulders of Macrinus and his best Captains and Colonels to acknowledg him for the true and indubitate Heir of the Empire and in regard thereof and of the duty of the young child whom for his Fathers sake they quickly affected to deprive Macrinus of his usurped Diadem and Imperial Authority Other Princes perhaps terrified with the perils that accompany and attend upon the harbouring of such distressed Princes when they have once received them either restore them to their enemies or detain them as lawful Prisoners or cause them to be secretly murthered So did Alarick King of the Goths send King Siagrius who fled unto him for succour back again unto Clovis King of France his mortal enemy So did Toleny cause Pompey to be murthered who fled unto him as unto his ancient and faithful friend from the wrath and indignation of
Iulius Caesar. So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus whom he had many ways and times grievously offended fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England detain Iames afterward King of Scotland prisoner many years who flying from the unnatural persecution of his Uncle who had deposed his Father and usurped the Crown was driven by tempest into England These Examples varying much from the former And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed maketh this question very doubtful Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty if it be true that the Poet saith Turpius ejicitur quam non admittitur Hospes If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them Briefly if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them this doubt is easily dissolved and this difficulty quickly removed Now that humanity which is incident unto men is to be preferred before cruelty which is proper unto bruit beasts is a thing so apparent to common sense that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof and what is he who blameth him not for incivility who having received his friend into his house and being very well able to relieve him excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him Or who is so ignorant that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings then it is to succour as many as have need of their help And our Chronicles do testifie that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland and the French Histories do declare that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer King of France because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy whom he had received into his safe custody and protection And to be short the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies are commended beyond all measure by the Writers who mention them whereas their folly is reprehended and their cruelty blamed who rejected those of whom I lately made mention and all histories shall sooner perish then their infamy be forgotten But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples and to clear the difficulty of this question I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition for so the controversie will soon be determined Suppose therefore for example sake that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra from this variance they fall to wars of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for refuge May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra and the kind of Alliance betwixt France and Spain be well and sufficiently known for the nature and quality of the one and the other may make the receipt and entertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois because he was wronged by him or by some of his and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies but that the one should hold him for his foe which was or is adversary to the other Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance whereby the same was broken and violated the Spaniard could not lawfully receive the Navarrois But contrarywise if the aforenamed Wars were unjust and the League not so streight as Alliance which are both offensive and defensive are then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League for as Bonds and Obligations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions so Leagues betwixt Princes do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues Besides as the world is now adayes Leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Ferdinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples and also what occasion was taken to break the same as soon as Gonsalvo surnamed the great Captain had the French General at an advantage But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof the which because it now cometh fitly to the purpose I purpose to declare unto you Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain being accused by the French King that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all enemies whatsoever that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples being equally divided as you have heard betwixt the two Crowns alledged for their excuse that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome and that therefore the Pope having required them as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples they could do no less but yeilded unto his request and with this Cautele contrary to their former promise made unto the French King the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France with the Pope with the Venetians and with the Duke of Milan and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League but cunningly and with an Italian devise and subtilty he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant
since the said Merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders to be detained as prisoners seized upon their goods and Merchandizes and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain and further knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value he caused them likewise to be stayed and neither they nor our Merchants in Brabant Flanders Zeland or Spain were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satisfied which might easily be done the very Cloth it self which was transported out of England into those Countries being almost worth the sum that was pretended God knoweth how truly to be taken away from the Spâ—niard For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her Majesty yet the order which the Duke of Alva took for the recovery thereof was not to be justified He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof Then an Embassadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restitution thereof And lastly if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it the course which was taken had not been amiss But here the Cart went before the Horse and judgment was given before the Cause was heard Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries as well before as after the taking of this money because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did because we had daily Traffique with Spain and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures that there was peace betwixt us and Spain the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique as it is said in Spain and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions but not for any love to our Prince or Nation but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries which could not well stand or at the least wise as late experience hath shewed flourished as they did without them Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present the poverty of Burges and the calamity of many other Towns both in Brabant and in Flanders which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity Witness again Middleboroug Vlushing Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither which they have at this present in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger yea twice as big as they were wont to be Witness lastly the great wealth power and strength which the States of the United Provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannical Government entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects for which the small aid which they have had from us small indeed in comparison of their great charges and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither it is seen of late that they are become so mighty as that for provision of Wars for strength by Sea for Munition for all kind of furniture for Wars both by Sea and Land and especially by Sea they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England stand us in great stead Have they not won many Towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late Briefly have they not and do they not carry themselves so of late years that it may not only grieve the Spaniard but also all the Princes of Christendom that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength For if the chiefest Towns of France which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing if I say these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects and after due examination of their happiness follow their examples and so in time cast off the yoke servitude and obedience which time out of mind they have owed and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings would it not be a very ill president a dangerous imitation and a most pernicious example Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared that other Subjects would be as ready as forward as desirous as they of liberty of alteration and of a new kind of Government Nay was there not a time when almost at one time all the Subjects of Europe not seeing so much as they may now see jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Princes as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them The danger therefore of this inconvenience only being well and wisely considered all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place Now again to my purpose The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of Wars May any man considering the premises and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home and within their own Countries say truly that there is no War betwixt them No verily it is not the entercourse of Merchants nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that
had rather have the French King a profess'd enemy then a dissembling friend And not satisfied with the indignity of this disdainful Answer he sent presently after him another Embassadour into France to tell the King thereof That the Spaniards were not so foolish and so unwise as not to see and perceive that whatsoever the Duke of Alencon did was done by permission counsel consent and furtherance of the King his Brother Out of this Answer and this Embassage I gather thus much That it is better for a Prince to have an open enemy then a deceitful friend And to prove the Spaniard to have been always such a friend unto the State of England I use these Demonâ—trations First It is not unknown as I have said before all the Treasons and Conspiracies which have been attempted intended and practised against her Majesty ever since her first coming to the Crown have had their beginning or their comfort their counsel or their furtherance their countenance or their invention from Spain Witness to omit others of lesser moment and yet of most dangerous consequence the Treasons of the late Duke of Norfolk since whose death it is better then twenty years and more then forty since he first began to be a Traytor Is it not more then twenty one years ago that Robert Rudolphy a Florentine Merchant who had lived many years in England departed out of England for fear that the Duke being committed to prison should reveal the practises and means which he had used by the solicitation of the King of Spain and of the Pope to draw the Duke unto those Treasons which he afterwards intended and had executed had he not been happily discovered did not the same Redolphy go from hence to Rome and there communicated with the Pope how the Duke was apprehended and thereby their Plot and device broken and prevented Was he not sent from Rome into Spain there to make the same relation and to consult with the Spanish king what means might be used for the liberty of the said Duke and if that might not be happily wrought and effected for some other kind of of annoyance to be done to England Was it not publiquly noised and certainly beleeved that the Duke of Alva should have joined with the said Duke and have done us more wo then I may boldly speak of and my heart can even without extream grief to relate or remember Witness again the most unnatural practises of the late Queen of Scots unnatural because she was a Queen as her Majesty was because she was her neer kinswoman and her Vassal beholding unto her Highness for her life and for the life of her own only child which unto good and loving Parents is always more dear then their own life Lived not this unthankful ungracious and unfortunate Queen more then twenty years prisoner in England and which of all those years lived her Majesty free from some Treason or other But hereof in another place Now let it suffice that it is apparent to all the world that she had secret Messengers secret help and counsel from Spain as well before as after her Imprisonment to animate encourage and set her forward in all her mischievous endeavours and purposes against our gracious Sovereign and her Realms Is not then the Spaniard a deceitful friend unto England Is he not then by his own confession more to be feared and more to be disliked then an open enemy Or are not we so wise as the Spaniard to see and perceive such deceitful proceedings and seeing them shall it not not be lawful for us to think of him as he thought of the king of France and to deal so with Spain as he dealt and dealeth with France such justice as a Magistrate useth unto others such must he expect himself saith the Emperour Iustinian He that seeketh dayly to increase his own power purchaseth to himself envy and batred So Said Sabellicus The Prince that desireth Cities that are far off cannot but covet those which are near at hand So said Leo Aretinus and it is hard and difficult to beware of such friends which secretly play the part of enemies So said Dionifius Hallicarnesus If therefore the king of Spain hath nourished civil dissention in France if he hath been so ready to maintain the Rebels thereof against their King that rather then the Realm should be without troubles he hath relieved and succoured the very Protestants of France and the heads of their Faction against their Sovereign and other their professed enemies And if he hath done all this to the end the French king might not be able to encroach upon him in Italy Flanders or any other of his Dominions Why may not our Queen who as a woman is fearful and timerous and as a Prince ought to be careful and provident for the safety of her Realm and of her Subjects relieve the States of the United Provinces being her ancient friends and Allies to the end that he Spaniard being busied in those parts may have no time leisure or commodity to work any manner of open or secret prejudice unto her Realm and her Subjects Dinothus a true Historiographer of the civil Wars in Flanders reporteth That when the King of Spains Embassador said unto the late French King that it was neither seemly nor convenient for his Majesty to receive the States who were Rebels unto his Master The French king Answered him that he neither received nor harboured them as Rebels unto his Master but as men wrongfully oppressed and that Christian Princes have always used to grant and give help and succour unto the oppressed And further that the States had assured him that they had oftentimes sent many supplications unto their King therein submiting themselves unto his mercy and humbly beseeching his Majesty to remit their offences and to receive them into his favour yea and when they might have any commodity they delivered themselves such supplication unto the Kings own hands but could never have any reasonable Answer from him And that therefore it was lawful for them to appeal from him that denyed them justice and to seek aid against him where they might hope to find the same If then the king of France a Prince of contrary Religion unto the States a Prince of as neer Alliance and of later Affinity unto the Spanish king then our Queen is a Prince that in his own Realm could never endure Protestants because he thought it very dangerous to suffer two Religions in one Kingdom held it the part of a Christian Prince to succour the oppressed and to be their Protector unto whom justice was openly denyed Why should it be a fault imputed unto our Queen that she releeveth her oppressed neighbours since she doth it not in malice towards the Spaniards but in mercy towards the afflicted not so much to offend him as to defend them not to enlarge her Dominions but to preserve her Realms and Subjects for how can she
Scotland together with the repressing of her Rebels in Ireland never gave her leave to bend her whole forces against him in the Low Countries True and that is one of the principal reasons why he hath by all means possible laboured to sow discord and to maintain factions in all and every one of the Countries thereby disabling them to send out any forces sufficient to annoy him and diverting her from using the uttermost of her power to his prejudice and yet to conclude this point considering the weakness of these his Neighbours by reason of their domestical divisions and her Graces whole strength because her Realm is not divided it cannot be denied that she hath far better abâ—lity then any other Christian Prince to weaken his power and to abate his pride and truly he that shall well look into his State such as it is shall find that it is far different from that which it is supposed to be For although he be Lord and King of many Dominions and Kingdomes although the Indies in some mens opinions furnâ—sh him with abundance of Treasure yet in truth neither is his power greatly to be feared not his wealth far exceeding her Majesties and other Princes substance For first touching his strength some of his Countries are not so populous as France and England others that have great store of people have men of such a mould and such conditions that they are unfit and unapt for the Wars and Spain it self from whence his best Souldiers come sendeth forth so many Garrisons into the Indies to Naples to Milan to Flanders and to Burgundy that he can hardly upon an occasion of great and most urgent extremity bring ten thousand Spaniards together And although the benefit of the Camaradoes doth greatly help them their long and late experience maketh them most expert and cunning their military discipline containeth them in a very good order and their extraordinary rewards and stipends maketh them both serviceable and very adventerous yet neither can so small a number perform any matter oâ— great worth neither was it ever seen since the first Wars of the Low-Countries until this day that being inferiour but by a few nay being equal unto our men in number they departed with the honour of the field neither can it be truly said that our men being no choice men but such as our Country can spare and hath least need of having had no long time of experience nor fighting for the Liberty of their own Country or the right of their Prince which two things adde and put courage even in men scant having any great stomack at all did ever refuse to meet the best trained and long experienced Spaniards in the field and meeting them in equal places and in like number they most commonly have driven them to the worst or made their party good enough with them and although the Spaniards for these few years few I term them because they exceed not the memory of man have had the name of great Souldiers yet if we consider with what people they have encountred and by what policies they have prevailed they have not received the tenth part of that honour and renown which they seem to challenge of just and due desert for the people with whom they have contended in all this time have been the unexperienced Flemmings the careless Germans the unwarlike Italians and the fierce and quickly fainting French-men The first sort by long practise are grown equal and nothing inferior unto them the second of late have holpe them to most of their victories the third by their own Writers are termed Infamia militiae and the fourth was in Iulius Caesars time and are still in the beginning of a conflict more then men in the end thereof less then women neither may I so much derogate from the Italians or from the Frenchmen but that I must of necessity grant that many of the Captains who have done the Spanish King greatest service have been Italians and the unprofitable Journies which Charles the fifth made divers times into France with full intention and assured hope to conquer the same and also the late dishonours received by the Prince of Parma and other his Lieutenants sent into the same Realm with a purpose and resolution to do much more then was effected do argue that the French-men yeild not greatly unto them in valour or in discipline Then if he cannot make an Army of many natural Spaniards and they when they are strongest be it in number or experience are easily to be matched and many times over-matched by men of less experience practise and exercise then they why shall his natural strength be feared which cannot be great unless he will disfurnish his Garisons which were to overthrow himself and to lose his best and richest Countries Or why should a Prince fear his mercenary Souldiers or hirelings who fight no longer then they have money and when they are ready to go to the Battel either abandon their Master for want of pay or fly to the enemy in hope of reward or when they are in the conflict behave themselves cowardly faintly and so indifferently that if they might be assured of their lives they would hardly strike one stroke This is briefly his power Now to his Wealth It cannot be denied that his Revenues far exceed the Revenues of any Christian Prince whatsoever It must likewise be granted that the Indies yeild him yearly great store and abundance of Treasure And it is supposed that his credit with Merchants is able at any time to supply his wants if he should chance to stand in need But his States being most of them gotten as you have heard by conquest or distracted as you see by division they must needs as all such States do put him to so great charges as the comings in will hardly serve to deâ—ray his Expences The Treasure that cometh from the Indies sometimes part of it perisheth by the Sea part is intercepted by us and all that is brought home doth not suffice to maintain his Wars His credit is not in any measure answerable to the conceit and opinion that is had of it For first It hath been published in French Discourses Printed many years since that he oweth more money to the Merchants of Genoa alone then ever he shall be able to pay And I can shew whensoever it shall please you to require the fight thereof a Letter written better then sixteen years ago unto him by his Secretary Escovedo and intercepted by the States wherein he signifieth unto him That his credit would not serve the which Don Iohn of Austria affirmeth by another Letter unto his Catholique Majesty to take up any more money upon the Bourse at Antwerp because the Merchants would first be paid that which then was owing them before they would lend any more And Don Iohn de Austria addeth in his Letter That had not Escovedo his credit by reason that the Merchants held
or nothing always desirous to embrace many things although he holdeth not safe any thing But of Princes I had rather deliver unto you other mens judgments then mine own opinion You have heard what the Spanish Kingdoms are and by that which hath been said you may easily conjecture that his principal force and strength cometh from Spain and Italy Countries as far different in conditions and qualities as they are distant in place and scituation Of the force of these two Countries you shall therefore hear what a learned Writer and what I who am not worthy to write hath set down for his resolute opinion I have told you long since that Guicciardine termeth the Footmen of Italy Infamia della militia And now to the same purpose because it falleth out very fit for my purpose I may not forbear to tell you that the same Authour in his ninth Book of the same History useth of the Infantry of Italy these words following All Princes that can be served with High Dutchmen Spaniards or Swizzers refuse the service of Italian Footmen because they are neither acquainted with the Customs and Orders of other Nations nor accustomed to continue long in the field The same Writer considering that some kingdoms naturally are better able to defend themselves then offend their enemies delivereth for his opinion that the Spanish King is far better able to defend his Kingdom from any Invasion to be made by the King of France then to offend or annoy the said King By which two judgments I may boldly conjecture and prove my conjecture by Nicholaus Machiavelli who hath written a whole Chapter upon this Argument that not only the Spanish King but also any other Prince whatsoever being driven when he hath occasion to offend or invade an enemy to use forrain power and mercenary Souldiers is not to be esteemed a strong and mighty Prince and that such is the state and condition of the king of Spain is manifestly proved by the places before alledged out of Guicciardine For if his Italians the principal forces of an Army always consisting of Footmen be not fit for that service and his Spaniards are better able to maintain his Realm at home then to molest his enemies abroad who can justly esteem him strong whose chiefest strength dependeth wholy upon these two Nations And now to leave the Italians as men in this respect not worthy to be had in any great reckoning and to proceed more largely in the discovery and declaration of the Spanish valour True it is that as I have said before continual use and daily experience in Martial affairs have made them of late years very famous It is also most certain and manifest that they are very patient and able to endure labour hunger and thirst light of body sparing in their diet and therefore satisfied and maintained with a little wary and politique and therefore cunning in using and inventing new Stratagems briefly so desireous of Wars that unless they have a forrain enemy they will easily fall to variance and civil discord at home But if you call to remembrance how they come to that fame which now they have attained if you consider that they are as Titus Livius testifieth of an unquiet and contentious disposition and always affecting change and alteration if you call to mind that as Paulus Iovius reporteth they have minds evermore thirsting for Rule and Government whereunto if they once attain they bend their whole force and thoughts unto the purchasing of further and higher Authority Lastly if you weigh and remember that as Piero Mexias a Spanish Historiographer saith they cannot endure to be governed by a stranger you must needs think that the before mentioned vertues may be either obscured or hindred by these later vices For let them meet with a Nation not so timerous as those with whom they had to deal of late let them follow their natural disposition and so fall at variance amongst themselves let them still cover and affect Authority and so when they should jointly help one another against their enemies proudly disdain to be ruled by their own leaders as they have done of late years Lastly let them contemn a stranger as they did the late Duke of Parma or not agree with strangers as they did in Flanders what fruit may be expected of their service or what profit can proceed of their valour It is imputed unto the Germans for a great fault that when they are ready to join with their enemies in battel they oftentimes refuse to strike a stroke before they have their due and monethly pays and for this one fault Princes make no great account of them and yet the Spaniards who are subject to this fault as well as they are commended for their loyalty and obedience in so much that some men write that they were never discontent for want of their pay But if you read either the Indian History or the Writers of their late Wars in Flanders you shall find that they have oftentimes revolted for lack of their pay yea they have banded against their Captains and their best Souldiers have resisted the commandment of their Generals This I could prove by many Examples but one notable Example shall suffice for those many At what time it was agreed betwixt the King of Spain and the States of the Low Countries that all Spaniards shall depart thence It was thought convenient and necessary by Don Iohn de Austria who was the General for the King in Flanders to appoint some principal and chief Captains to have the leading and conducting of them into Italy Whereupon Don Iohn gave express commandment unto the Kings Secretary Escovedo to assemble the Counsel of War in the Town of Antwerp and there to consult and deliberate what man was meetest for that purpose This Councel assembled made special choise of Don Alonso de Vargas who willingly accepted the charge but Iulian Romero a man of great worth and no small experience openly reâ—uâ—ed to be commanded by Don Alonso alledging for the only reason of his disobedience that it would be a great dishonour for him to go into Italy under such a Leader because that he being Master of the Camp Don Alonso had been his Souldier and De Vergas as boldly protested that since he had been thought worthy by the Counsel to govern he would not be governed nor guided by Iulian Romero The Councel acquainted Don Iohn with this contention he fearing to discontent either Romero or Vergas and doubting that if they should be discontented some great inconvenience might follow thereon commanded the Councel to chuse a third man which was the County of Mansfield Whereat Don Alonso so stormed that he complained of Don Iohn de Austria a Danderas displagad with Banners displayed as the same Don Iohn termeth it in his Letters to the king of Spain yea it seemed that he was so displeased therewith and so resolute to signifie his grief and discontentment unto the
Recaredus King of the Goths and of Spain was the first King that expelled the Arrian Heresie out of his kingdom and expresly commanded all his Subjects to receive and profess Christian Religion Whereby it appeareth that Spain lived from the time of St. Iames and St. Pauls being there until Recaredus his Raign which is better then four hundred years in manifest and manifold Heresies a crime which cannot be proved to have been in England or in many other Nations after they had once submitted themselves to the Doctrine of Christ and his Disciples Lastly if Spain will still continue to brag and say that their King Ferdinand was entituled by Alexander the sixth by the name of the Catholique King they may leave to boast thereof when they shall hear that Henry the eighth our King not much after the same time was surnamed by Leo the tenth Pope of Rome Defender of the Catholique faith and that the Switzers for their service done unto the same Pope Leo the tenth received of him the Title of Helpers and Protectors of the Ecclesiastical Liberty a Title in no respect inferiour unto that of Spain And lastly that Clouis King of France above nine hundred years before their Ferdinando the fifth was honoured with the Title of The most Christian King A Title as for Antiquity so for worthiness better then the other because the French Kings for the worthiness and multitude of their deserts towards the See of Rome are called Primâ—geniti Ecclesiae the eldest Sons of the Church of Rome Now from their faith towards God to their fidelity towards their Princes a matter sufficiently handled and therefore needless and not requiring any other confutation then the advantage that may be taken of Vasoeus his own words for if they have been faithful unto forrainers and strange Princes and have submited their necks unto many several Nations it argueth inconstancy fellow-mate to levity which is either a Mother or a guid unto disloyalty because light heads are quickly displeased and discontented minds give easie entertainment unto rebellious and treasonable cogitations To conclude then this Point with their learning let me oppose a Spaniard unto a Flemming a man better acquainted with the vertues and vices of his own Country then a stranger a man who giveth his Testimony of Vasoeus and of the cause of his writing of the Spanish History Iohn Vasoeus a Elemming seeing the negligence of the Spaniards and how careless they were to commit to perpetual memory the worthy exploits and actions of their own Nation began of late years to set forth a small Chronicle Why then the Spaniards are negligent they are careless of their own commendation so thought Vasoeus or else he had not written their History so saith Sebastianus Foxius the man whom I bring to confute Vasoeus the man who by attributing as you have heard more unto himself then any modest man unless it were a bragging Spaniard would do giveth me occasion to think that he will not derogate or detract any thing from the praises due unto his own Country This man therefore in his before mentioned Book speaketh thus of the learning of Spain Our Country men saith he both in old time and in this Age having continually lived in forrain or domestical Wars never gave their minds greatly unto study for the rewards of learning in our Country are very few and they proper unto a few paltry Pettyfoggers and our wits being high and lofty could never brook the pains that learning requireth but either we disdaining all kind of study give our selves presently to the purchase of Honours and Riches or else following our studies for a small while quickly give them over as though we had attained to the full and absolute perfeâ—tion of learning so that very few or none are found amongst us who may compare for learning with the Italians or have shewed the ripeness and sharp maturity of their wits in any kind of any kind of study You have heard two contrary opinions touching the Spaniards learning I leave it to your discretion to follow and beleeve which of them you please and withal to consider by the way what manner of Ecclesiastical Discipline and Government we should have if the Spanish ignorant and unlearned Clergy might as they have a long time both desired and endeavoured prescribe Laws and Orders unto all the Churches of Christendom The favourable Assertions in the behalf of Spain being thus briefly refelled it remaineth now to make a conjectural estimate of the Spanish present Forces by an Historical Declaration of the power thereof in times past and because it were over tedious to trouble you with the recital of such forces as Spain hath imployed many hundred years ago in her own defence or in disturbance of her forrain enemies abroad I will restrain my self unto such a time as is within the memory of man and especially unto the Raigne of Charls the fifth For as I take it Spain was never for this many hundred years so strong as when the said Charles was both King thereof and Emperor And albeit Piero Mexias in the life of Gratianus the Emperor attributeth so much unto Spaniards as that he more boldly then truly affirmeth that the Emperor flourished more under Spaniards then under any other Nation whatsoever and alledgeth for proof of his Assertion the flourishing Estate thereof under the before named Charles the fifth Yet I think that the Empire being added unto Spain rather beautified Spain then that Spain being conjoyned with the Empire did any thing at all illustrate the majesty of the Empire because as little Stars give no light or beauty unto the Moon but receive both from the Moon so a lesser dignity being joyned to a greater addeth no reputation thereunto but is greatly honoured and beautified by the conjunction thereof neither redoundeth it much in my simple opinion unto the honour of Spain or of the Empire that Charles the fifth was Emperor Spain is not greatly honoured thereby because Charles the fifth was a Flemming and no Spaniard and Spain came unto him as I have said by marriage with the heire of the Kingdoms of Arragon and Castile and the Empire was rather disgraced then honoured by the said Charles because he being born in Gaunt was not onely a vassal and natural-born subject unto the King of France but also unto the See of Rome for all the Dominions Lands and Seigniories which he had in possession saving those which he held of France and the Empire But Charles the fifth such an Emperor as he was and undoubtedly he was a very mighty wise and politick Prince never brought into the Field against any of his Enemies whatsoever so great forces and so mighty an Army as might worthily be called invincible by which name the proud and bragging Spaniards baptized their late Army against England This Emperor being as you may conjecture and perceive by that which hath been already said both Ambitious and Warlick
to your secret view what others have published in prejudice of his wisdom and justice especially since I intend not to discover any hidden oversights but such as are known to the world for most manifest errours These unto him that hath leasure to enter into considerations of them all would fall out to be very many but my purpose is at this time but to acquaint you with four and of these four I will deliver you my opinion in this manner I hold it first for a great oversight that being bound by oath to rule and Govern in the Low-Countries by Deputies and principal Officers being born within the Limits of Brabant and Flanders he contrary to his Oath and all good policy hath ruled the said Countries by proud and dâ—sdainfull Spaniards For although a Magistrate loveth vertue and hateth vice embraceth justice and disliketh oppression possesseth all good qualities and entertaineth scant any kinde of ill disposition yet if he cannot accommodate himself unto the nature of those subjects which are committed unto his charge instead of Peace and tranquility he shall occasion and nourish among them discord and dissâ—nsion For proof whereof I shall need to alledge no other examples but the troubles and civil wars which in these few years have as I have said turned the prosperity wealth and riches of Flanders into Poverty Ruine and desolation For whosoever will considerately look into the causes of thâ—se troâ—â—les shall finde that they have proceeded principally from the contrariâ—ty of the natuâ—es and dispositions of the Spaniards and of the Flemings because the one never learned to command with a spirit of meeknâ—ss and lenity and the other could never endure to be ruled by proud and arrogant Officers but have alwayes been far better governed by the Courtesie and Clemency of Women then by the severity and rigour of Men. And truly although Nimrod began his reign with cruelty and violence as the Scriptures testifie and it hath been and it is a question disputable Whether it be better that the Ministers of Kings and Princes should be severe and cruel or gentle and courteous yet the wiser sort are of opinion that Humanity and Gentlenesse is both more commendable and necessary especially where the People that is to be governed is milde by Nature gentle in condition and no way inclined to conceive well of cruelty And certainly whosoever shall busie himself in reading many Chronicles shall undoubtedly finde in them that more Kingdoms Dominions and Seigniories have been overthrown and ruinated by the cruelty of under-Officers then by the severity of the higher Powers For in Histories men shall see that even those people who lived many yeers in peace without knowing what belonged to the besieging of a Town to the maintaining of a Camp or to the entertaining of any Domesticall sedition have been enforced by the barbarous and Cruel Tyranny of wicked Officers to prefer Wars before Peace and the effusion of blood before the conservation of their lives The Province of Graecia after that it had sought and gained many Battels subdued sundry Nations and triumphed over infinite Enemies was at the last overthrown and destroyed by the wickednesse and cruelty of their Governors The iniquity and cruelty of Appius Claudius shewed unto Virginius his Daughter changed the state of Rome and was the onely cause that their form and manner of Civil Government was altered The Ancestors of the same Flemmings which of late years have born Arms against King Philip of Spain not being able to brook and endure the Indignities and Injuries of those Officers which king Philip of France sirnamed The Fair set over them took out of Prison a poor Weaver and made him their Head rebelled against their king and killed all the Frenchmen that were in Flanders The People of sicilie moved thereunto by the barbarous cruelty of such French Governors as Tyrannized over them slew in one night all the Frenchmen that were in that kingdom and opened the bellies of as many women of their own Nation as were with childe by Frenchmen onely to destroy the fruit of their womb How many times have the People of England the Subjects of France and the Inhabitants of Spain rebelled for the same occasion Yea in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth whose Predecessors were driven out of all that ever they had in Switzerland for the great Tyranny which was used by him whom they placed for their Lieutenant And in truth less grievous and offensive are the Injuries which Princes themselves do unto their Subjects then those which proceed from the enmity and malice of their Officers and certainly much more dangerous to a Princes State are the Extortions Cruelties and Exactions of inferiour Magistrates then of those unto whom as well the Magistrates as the Subjects are accomptable This is first proved by the force and efficacie of Reason it self because every particular man can better endure to be wronged by the Master then by the Servant for that the Indignitie and base Condition of the wrong-doers many times increaseth the grief and discontentment which is conceived upon occasion of an Injury sustained Sâ—condly the Common People hating alwaies much more the evill and tyrannical Government of an Inferior Magistrate then of the Superior Powers think it far better to have a bad Prince who wil be Governed and directed by good Counsellors then to live under wicked Officers authorised to Rule and Govern them by a good and vertuous Prince For say thâ—y a wicked Prince liveth at ease in his Kingly Palace giveth himself unto pleasure followeth his delights and rejoyceth in the Company of his vain and foolish Favorites and these are most commonly the worst things that he doth But the wicked Magistrate studieâ—h continually how to commit Violence to invent new Exactions to trouble and torment the common People to clipp their Wings to deâ—â—owre their Children to dishonest their Wives and to seize upon their Goods to withhold their Lands and to violate and break their Priviledges These are the harmes that proceed from the bad Magistrate the remembrance of which is most greivâ—us the pain excessive the beginning odious and the end exâ—crable The consideration whereof maketh me think not onely ours but all other Estates and Kingdomes most happy which are governed by such Princes as are borne in the same Kingdoms which they Govern And those contrariwise most unfortunate and subject unto infinite miseries which are ruled by Forain Princes The consideration whereof made many kingdoms not to accept and acknowledge for their Kings the lawful Children of their deceased Soveraignes because they were born in Foâ—rain Countries The which consideration as it seemeth had sometimes place in England because amâ—ngst other Statutes of this Realme there is one to enable and make the Childâ—en of our Kings which are born in other Countries capable of the Crown of England Lastly the consideration whereof moveth many grave and wise Polititians to be of opinion
that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile what have they gotten worthy of their painâ—s and charges They have added somewhat to their former Reputation They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown They have as it becometh good Husbands augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them And what is all this but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold a shew of Reputation that is no true Glory and a Representation of great profit than can have no long continuance For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome what sorrowes what inconveniences what troubles dangers and vexations will follow thereof His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken and the â—onquered will not long like of his Government The former will find Fault with his Deputies and the later will desire his room rather then his presence The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs So he becometh a stranger unto his own and being daily amongst his own his own will not know him And that which is most greivous if his own chance to rebell as many have done in their Soveraignes absence he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them And if his Strangeâ—e happen to revolt he muâ—t either make a Butchery of his own to subdue them or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof I have cleared that by many examples in the beginning of this discourse And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior but rather greater then the fiâ—st It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed and their natural Affections enforced to return But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy nor careful as it should seem to maintain and keep his own having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud Officers is so far from pacifying their Wrath as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requâ—st which not they alone by their Ambassadors but also other Princes for them make unto him For after that the Low Coâ—ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland Swedland Denmark France Scotland and England together with the Common-wealth Dukedoms Principalities Counties Palatinates and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland Savoy Wittenberge and other Provinces of Germany fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience and without danger of a Spanish inquâ—siâ—ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die But the King thinking it not convenient or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition were it never so humble or reasonable of his Subjects refuseth to satisfie this request For which his refusing as many asâ—favor him or his cause alleage these reasons First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate Secondly that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries Thirdly that he had faithfully promised the Popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions Fouâ—thly that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects cannot be warâ—anted by the example of any Kâ—ngs or Princes of later or former times Fifthly that the King of France and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Petitions And lastly that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons I will briefly confute every one of them in order True it is that there is no streighter tie no surer stay no stronger hold to coâ—joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together then is the conformitie and unitie of religion and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms to resist the first beginniâ—g of any heresie whatsoever and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same For variety of opinions easily ingendred findeth meanes to increase without great difficultiâ— and having once penetrated into the interior cogitations of mens hearts so ravisheth their senses blindeth their eyes and obscurâ—th their judgements that they can neither see nor discerne the truth from falshood nor the light from darkness but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings be once grown to be equall or greater then the multiâ—ude of those which agree with him in opinion there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder The one to command as Dagabert King of France did that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth shall by a certain time appointed depart out of his Realme and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome beyond the day prefixed shall be held as Enemies unto the State and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death The other to permit them to continue in their Country and to enjoy liberty of conscience The which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie seemeth unto
were as yet not seen moved with reverence prepared the Ark to the saving of his Household By faith Abraham obeyed God when he was called to go into a place which he should afterwards receive for an Inheritance By faith Sarah received strength to coâ—ceivâ— Seed and was delivered of a Child when she was past Age. By faith Moses forsook Egypt By faith he with his people passed through the red Sea as on dry Land By faith the Walls of Iericho fell downe after they weâ—e compast about seven dayes And by faith â—he Prophets subdued Kingdoms stopped the mouthes of Lyons quenched the violence of Fire escaped the Edge of the Sword of weak were mâ—de strong waxed valiant in Battaile and turned to Flight the Armies of the Aliens Then since faith is of this force and efficacy shall not the faithfull bee able to convert them by whose conversation they shall reape no small benefit for if any man hath erred from the truth saith St Iames and some men hath converted him know that he that hath called the sinner from going astray out of his way shall save a soul from death and shall hide a multitude of sins And is it not a thing commendable before men acceptable unto God and worth the lâ—bours of any good Christian to save a soul and to hide a great multitude of sins But to leave these Divine arguments and to come unto humane reasons because they are more pleasing and acceptable to children of this world whom mee thinketh it should suffice for proof that Papists and Protestants may live in peace and quietness together because that in Poland where there are many Religions professed you seldome heare of any civil contention and in Switzerland in many Townes thereof the Papists and Protestants eate together lye in bed one with another marry together and that which is most strange in one Church you shall have a Mass and a Sermon and at one Table upon Fish daiâ—s Fish and Flesh the one for Papists the other for Protestants And whosoever shall look upon the present State of Spaine or the present Government of Italy in this Age in which Countries there is but one Religion professed shall finde no greater peace no more assured Friendship no streighter League of Amiâ—ie amongst them then there is amongst the people of Poland Switzerland and other Nations which give Friendly entertainment unto pluralitie of Religions neither can any mâ—n say with reason that the Protestants of Flanders have been the occasion of the unnaturall variance and civill dissention which now troubleth their Country For there is no man that reverenceth the Magistrate obeyeth the Laws of God and man or fulfilleth the true sense and meaning of boâ—h Laws more willingly then they as their Supplications their Leâ—ters their Apologies do testifie It is not they but their Enemies not they but their evill Governors not the Inhabitants of their Country but the Strangers sent into the Country and delâ—ghted wiâ—h the pleasures and the profits thereof that have occasioned these Troubles Neither is it to be thought that so many Princes as the King of France the Queen of England the Archduke of Austria and the late Duke of Anjou being all strangers unto them would ever have undertaken their defence and pâ—otection if they had thought or seen that the principal câ—use of Sedition might justly be imputed unto them It was the Tyranny of Don Iohn de Austria the Crueltie of the Duke of Alva the intolerable Priâ—e of the Spaniards in general the unreasonable exaction of the Hundreth the Twentieth and the Tenth Penny of â—vâ—ry mans substance together with other Causes mentioned in the bâ—ginning of this discourse that caused the forcible distraction of them from the usuall and dutifull Obedience Devotion service and observance of their Prince Iâ— the time of Philip the Fairâ— King of France as now in the Raigne of Philip the second King of Spaine whereby it may appeare that the name of Philip hath been fatall unto this Country there were the like troubles is Flanders as there are now and as now there were some of the Country it selfe that favoured Spaine more then their owne libertie so then there were many Liliari that tendred the French Kings Factions more then the safetie of their owne Connâ—ry and as now so then those Liliari together with the King of â—â—ance imputed the cause of the Troubles and Wars unto the peevish willâ—ullness of the poor Flemings and not to the perverse obstinacy and obdurate malice and crueltie of the French King and his Councellors Moreover as now so then diverse flourishes and shâ—wes of peace were made unto the Flemings not because they that offered those conditions of peace meant to performe them but to make the world believe that they were desirous of Peace whereas indeed their tender of peace was but to save themselves from the hazard of a Battel when they saw there was no way but to take it either with some great disadvantage or to forsake it with great dishonour Such offers of peace were those that have been lately made unto the United Provinces and such were they that were tendered many years ago by which the Spaniards received alwaies some benefit sometimes he got a Town a Hold or a Castle sometimes he distracted some of the Nobility from the Prince of Oranges faction and at other times he avoided some eminent danger which could not otherwise be escaped This will appear most true and manifest unto as many as shall read divers Apologies set out by the Prince of Orange and the States of the Low-Countries And therefore I know not with what conscience or with what shew of truth the cause of this Civil Discord may be ascribed unto the Subjects of Flanders and not unto the king of Spain and his evil Officers The first and second Reasons are sufficiently refuted Now to the third He hath promised the Popes Holiness not to admit any other Religion but his in any part of his kingdoms or Dominions How is his promise proved What ground hath it Upon what Reasons standeth it He is in some manner subject unto the Pope Be it he holdeth all or most of his kingdoms and dominions of him Let it be so he beareth the title of the Catholick king as an especial gift from him or his Predecessors It shall not be denied Lastly it is he whose friendship and amity â—is father willed him to embrace and entertain this must also be granted But what of all this He may not break promise with his Holiness True if the promise be possible for no man is bound to things impossible And is this promise impossible It is or at least-wise like to a promise that standeth upon â—mpossibilities â—r whatsoever cannot be done by a Prince without offence â—o God without effusion of blood without ruin of his Estate and without manifest and great prejudice unto his honour and dignity that may in some respect be esteemed impossible and whosoever
maketh any such vow or promise first it had been very good that he had never made it and next it were very convenient never to put the same in execution bâ—cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many This promise therefore if it were never made but suggested requireth no performance and if it were once made it likewise ought not to be performed because it is impossible and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood without hurt unto many and prejudice unto a whole estate From this promise therefore unto tâ—e fourth Reason a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus not for any affection that he baâ—e unto them but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects Theodosius sirnamed the Great who was always a most moâ—tal enemy unto their opinion did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject And Valens and Valentian whereof the one wâ—s an Arrian and the other a Catholick suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania which are Provinces of Bohemia to change their Religion And not long after him Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants Besides the Pope himself the Dukes of Mantua Ferrara Florence and Baviera together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome In the Kingdom of Poland the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whiâ—e professed And now there are many Lutherans Catholiques Anabaptists and Calvinists Lastly it cannot be denied and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which professâ— Luâ—herasme being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Peâ—ce of Aubspurge Considering therefore that al these Popes Emperors Kings Dukes Princes and Barons having no less regard then the King of Spain of their Soules health hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell namely the Jewes to live nay to be born and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes Dominions and Principalities What Shame Dâ—shonor or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Goâ— which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire I know not what should be the cause that he who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 Examples and Counsells doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration which will be acceptable unto his Subjects answerable â—nto their desires agrâ—eâ—ble unto Gods word and very proâ—itable for the Advâ—ncement of his own reputation It is to come unto the fift Reason because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in theâ—r several kingdoms Alaâ— neither the example of the one nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England They are free and he is bound They are tied to no conditions and he is fastened unto many and especially unto these not to break their ancient Priviledges nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconvâ—nience unto him then unto her by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects For his are so many that require the same that above 30000 departed at â—ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request and the number of Traditioners in England is so little that all that were of any note and name amongst them were heretofore and are at this present reduced into one little Island nay into no great house of a little Island But the late King of France who was esteemed one of the wisâ—st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom but because he would plant one onely there he made wars a great while against his own subjects destroying their houses wasting their Fields ruinating their Cities and Massacring their persons But who gave him Counsel so to do Was it not the King of Spain or his Pensioners And what advantage got he therefore Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country And what end had he of his war before he died Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars And what continuance had these wars Certainly they lasted above thirty years and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were And what issue is come of these French troubles Undoubtedly the issue was such that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions a little before the Kings death there were three and of those three the last was most unjust pernitious and execrable For in the same one Papist killed another the son bore Arms against the father the brother against the seed of his mothers womb and the subjects being in their opinion of a good Religion against their King whose Religion was as good or better then theirs It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him It beseemeth not his Catholâ—ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects This is the last and in effect the best of his Reasons For it is usual amongst Princes and therefore no shame to crave counsel advice and direction one of another in matters of great weight and moment and happy haâ—h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as hâ—s faithfull Friends abroad gave him Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another that they crave conference one with another that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously or meant truly that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor the Queen of England and other Princes of late years to Cullen should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects
Again this was no direction but an admonition no counsel but a request and such a request as might rather have honoured then disgraced him For had it not been a great glory and commendation unto him not onely to have listened but also to have submitted himself unto the motion and final judgment of so many Honourable and Princely Intercessors Was it think you a dishonour unto Alphonsus King of Castile and to Garsias King of Navarre that they referred the contention betwixt them for the bounds and limits of their Kingdoms unto the judgement and decision of Henry the second King of England Wise Princes rather then they will enter into wars or being at wars continue therein do usually commit their controversies sometimes to the determination of their equals and sometimes to their far inferiours and although the cause be far greater and of more weight then the controversie betwixt the Spanish King and his Subjects was yet they have been content to stand to their doom and judgement The contention betwixt Artobazenes and Zerzes was one of the most famous and intricate questions that hath been betwixt Prince and Prince Artobazenes challenged the Kingdom of the Medians because he was the first begotten son of his father Darius and Zerzes thought himself worthy to be preferred because his Father was but a private man when his Brother was begotten and a King whenas he begat him and therefore his Fathers private Patrimony belonged in his opinion unto his Brother but the Kingdom was his own Inheritance the rather because Artobazenes came not onely of a private man but also of a Mother and Grandfather by the Mothers side which were not Princes whereas both his Mother and Grandfather had kings to their Fathers This contention by mutual consent was referred unto the Uncle Artipherus who after due examination of the Cause gave the Kingdom unto Zerzes and this judgement hath ever since remained and been held for a lawfull sentence and notable president to be imitated in the like occasion even in these dayes There are few or no Historiographers of France England or Scotland that mention not the notable controversie betwixt Iohn Ballioll Robert Bruse and Iohn Hastings Husbands unto the three Daughters of David King of Scotland and Co-heirs of that Kingdom after the death of their Brother Alexander and by common consent of all Historians this rare and strange contention was referred unto Edward the first King of England who chose forty or some say eighty the one half English men and the other half Scotish-men who having throughly discussed every mans right gave sentence for Iohn Balliol who discended of the eldest Daughter of the King of Scotland which Award was confirmed by the King The Chronicles of Flanders and our Histories testifie that Henry the second and Philip King of France and after them Philip sirnamed The Fair and the Flemings his subjects after they had been over-wearied with a long continuance of most cruel and sharp wars the first two compromitted their difference unto their Archbishops and the later unto men of meanner condition and yet both the first and the last stood unto their Arbitâ—ement I could alledge many other Examples to this purpose but they would rather dilate thâ—n discuss my purpose and therefore that which hath been said shall suffice for the confutation of part of this last Reason And the rest shall be confuted more conveniâ—ntly in another place Then to the third Error Seeing that his purposes failed him in Flanders that the Hollanders were continually secured against him by the Queen of England that the Princes Cities Protestants increased daily as well in number as in power and authority he thinking that it would redound greatly to his glory honour and reputation to professe himself to be head and Protector of the Holy League which was intended to be made against all Princes or any other whatsoever professing Lutheranism entred into League with the Pope the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise with express condition that he as head and they as principal Adherents should labour travel and endeavour to the uttermost of their power to subvert all those which made profession of a contrary Religion unto theirs To sound the depth of this Alliance and to understand whether the same shall be profitable or glorious honest or commendable for him it shall be very expedient to enter into a particular consideration of the powers qualities conditions and means of every one of these Allies For although some or most of them have been spoken of before when we handled their abilities and means to hurt and annoy him yet it shall not be now amiss to declare what strength and sufficiency they have to help and further his intents and purposes The Pope as Christs Vicar the Holy Father of the Church the lawfull successor of St. Peter and the chief Protector of the Roman and the Catholick Faith for all these are his Titles that he challengeth as proper and peculiar to himself will think that his sacred Holiness is greatly wronged if I should not vouchsafe him the first place in this Alliance For albeit he very seldom entereth into League with Princes that are of less might then himself yet be his confederates never so great let their charges never so much exceed his and their Armies be they by Sea or by Land far excel his as well in number as in valour yet he claimeth a Prerogative to be chief Patron of the confederacy and Umpier and Arbitrator of all conâ—entions that may arise thereof The most famous Enterprise that hath been of late years was the Attempt made at Lepanto against the Turk by Pius Quintus King Philip that now is and the Venetians For the performance whereof the Spanish King and the Seigniorie of Venice were at far greater charges imployed more Gallies and greater Forces then his Holiness and yet the Reverend Father by reason of his usurped prerogative must needs have the honor of the first place in that League and whatsoever debates or difference fell out in any thing concerning the said League the same was to be referred unto his Holiness and to receive no other end then such as he should decree and determine For fear therefore of his heavy indignation I will not presume to defraud him of his honour The Princes of Italy shall have the second place and the Peers of France the last It shall be easie for any man to make conjecture and give his judgement of the Popes power and puissance that will consider that his City of Rome which is the chief seat and the greatest part of his strength retaineth not so much as the bare shadow of her ancient vertue that she loseth her Reputation Prosperity Peace and Dignity as soon as she beginnineth to be troubled or molested with the factions and partialities of the contentious Ursini and Colonesi two notable Families of
committed divers oversights after his resolute murder of the Duke of Guise For had he not killed the Cardinal of Guise the Clergie had not been so highly offended wiâ—h him had he not presently called the now King to help and succour him made him his Generall and declared him his immediate Successor he had not so much displeased the contrary Faction as he did and yet he received no great benefit by his coming unto him for he brought not above two thousand men with him and the Nobility which within a few daies after came unto him with their people were about thirty thousand againe the delay and surcease of Arms for fifteen daies together after the victory had against the Count of Egmont gave time and space unto the Parisians to make sufficient provision of all such things as they wanted Secondly the King hindred himself greatly by staying to recreate and solace himself a while at Corbeit making a sure reckoning that he had gotten a final and happie end of his wars because he had won that Town which is as it were the Key of all Victuals that pass by that River to Paris Thirty had he been so provident in executing all other Peers and Noblemen of the Duke of Guise his mind with the same Duke as they were which committed the Massacre of Paris he had quickly been ridd of his Enemies Fourthly had he presently after the same murder shewed himself in the field with those Companies that came unto him and had he not done all things by haifs as he did â—e had undoubtedly dismayed and terrified all the Towns adhering unto the Lâ—agueâ—s which were greatly discomfiâ—ed and amazed with the sudden accident of the Duke of Guise his death but after that he saw his Enemy dead he thought that he had no more Enemies in the World this confidence made him so careless that he suffered Orleancâ— to be lost which might have been saved by shewing himself only within convenient time in the Field and he gave the Duke of Maine leave to returne and fortifie himself and made small account to do any of those things which within a month after hee would gladly have done The Leaguers likewise committed their oversights of which if the King had taken advantage he might easily have subdued them For after that the Duke of Guise had driven the King from Paris many prognosticated that either the Duke would destroy the King or that the King would murther the Duke For there was no hope and less likelyhood that so foule an Indignitie offered unto a King both of great might and notable valor would bee put up at the Dukes hands without a revenge And after that day all that the Duke did was begun without providence continued without justice and in end had a bad â—nd For when he had mounted almost up to the top of his desiâ—es by force and violence he a thinking that the Nobilitie of France would be highly displeased with his audacious Insolency and insolent Attempt seeketh meanes to pacifie the King and to reenter into his good grace and favor This poor Prince blinded with ambition and bâ—soâ—ted with the love of a kingdom thought that a Prince being so injuriously dealt with all as the King was would by the goodness of his nature be reconcileâ— and he believed that he might easily find the meanes to perswade the Kâ—ng to resign his Crown or to induce the People to inforce him thereunto But the King was fully resolved to have his revenge hee assembled therâ—â—ore the Estates of France thinking to find sufficient credit and â—uâ—horitie in that Assembly to bring the Duke to his death by Sentence and Judgment And the Duke on the contrary side supposed that in that Assembly he should find friends enough to deprive the King of his Scepter But the King failed of his purpose and the Duke missed his marke and yet the King within a small while after effected his desire but committed other errors besides the above mentioned of which the Leaguâ—rs took present hold and advantage they thought that the Kings negligence and the hatred of the People conceâ—ved against him for the Dukes death gave them fit opportunity to deprive hâ—m of tâ—e Crown But withall they considered not how unwortâ—y thâ— best of them was to weare the same and how unable to keep it when it was upon his head Again when they saw that the Dukes death had rather fortified then weakened their partie they supposed that all was gotten that nothing remained to be conquered that they needed to take no more paines but to give themselves unto delights and to make partition amongst themselves of the kingdoms and when they came to deliberate who should be their King they could not agree amongst themselves upon any certain person whereas if they had presently resolved to make the Duke De Mayne it migh easily have been effecteâ— but the competitors were many and there began a debate and emulation betwixt the Duke and the Marquis Du pont his cosen the Duke of Aumale woâ—ld not give his head for the washing and the Dutchesses of Montpensieur and of Nemurs put in for their best friends the later for her Son of Nemurs which began to win credit amongst the people and the first for her brother who began to lose his reputation and the Duke De Mayne foolishly gave over the name and hope of being a King and accepâ—ed the Title of Lieutenant of the Crown besides whilst this contention was rife amongst the Nobles and whilest they busied themselves in framing a Process against the late King which Process endured some eight or nine Monthes the people perceiving how pleasant a thing it was to be subject unto no man and the chief cities being glad that they had cast off the yoak of a Monarchie would not endure any speaking of a new King but to free and emancipate themselves as well from the Authoritie of a Prince as of an high Couâ—t of Parliament by the imitation of Paris they establâ—shed in every City a Council of certain persons of mean and base qualitie into whose hands they puâ— all kind of Authority and they presumed to limit the Duke of Maynes Authoritie and to set certain controllers over them Tâ—is breedeth a dislike betwixt the Nobilitie and the Peopâ—e and especially the Officers of the Crown as the Officers of the Privie Seale of the Parliament of the Exchequers the Judges the Treasurers and all the Serviturâ—es of the Monarchie were highly displeased therewith and would not give place to nor go after the Magistrates that were câ—eâ—ted by the People Lastly the King of Spain their chief Patron and upholder dealeth but faintly with them and is not so readie to help them as they supposed he would be So they are enforced to threaten him that they would yeild to the King before they could obtain such help as they expected from him For although he sent the Duke of Parma and others to relieve
them in their Necessities yet he stâ—ndeth in doubt that if he should send any great supplies and God should bless them with any extraordinary Fortune that the Duke of Mayne should be chosen King he seeth that they were too strong to yeild unto his motions hee perceiveth that he must keep them low and in continual need of his help and therefore when he hath once succoured them he withdraweth his forces and leaveth them somtimes in such distress that the Duke of Mayne is constrained to forget that he is Lieutenant General of the Crown of France and to his great shame and dishonor is driven to go seek for Aid of the Duke of Parma which carried the â—itle but of a Lieutenant unto his Master in one Province And truly it is reported that the King of Spain took not the loss of his men at the battaile of Iury where he received a great overthrow so grievously but that he was right glad to see his partakers reduced to so great an extremitie as that they were enforced to present him a Blank and to offer to subscribe to any thing that he should demand These faint proceeding of the King of Spain these apparent coutentions betwixt the Leaguâ—res themselves and this general discontentment of the common people might have shortned the Warrs in France if the now King had been of sufficient power to take and make his advantage of them But I shall have occasion to shew why this advantage was omitted and not taken in another place And therefore to proceed according to my purpose If you consider that the Etolians and Arcadians warrâ—d a long time together for a wild Boare that the Carthaginians held long Warrs with the People of Piraca for a Sea-Rovers ship that there were mortall Wâ—rrs betwixt the Scots and Picts for a few Doggs which the one Nation had taken from the other And that the wars betwixt Charles Duke of Burgondy and the Switzers began but for a cart loaden with sheep skins which Mr. de Romont took from a Switzer who passed therewith through his ground you shall easily perceive and see how ready Princes are to take very light occasions to war one against another And this ready desire accompanieth most commonly those Princes who have valiant hearts good occasions and ready means to be revenged on their Enemies It is therefore to be thought that the now king of France who is endowed with all the perfections and vertues which the Almighty of his bounteous liberality useth to bestow upon Princes will not suffer the king of Spain to offer him such wrong as he doth without revenging the same He is valiant and wise and undoubtedly he will follow the Life and Actions of his Predecessors of which Pipin made wars with the Venetians because they favoured the party of Nicephorus Emperor of Greece against Charles the great his Father Philip sirnamed The Fair warred against Adolph the Emperor because he had taken money of the king of England to make wars against France Philip Augustus denounced wars against France unto Iohn king of England because he killed his Nephew Arthur And Clovis the first of that name warred with Alurick king of the Visgots because he harboured and received the Exiles of France and had suborned certain men to come and kill the French king within his own Realm And hath not the king of Spain deserved much more then all these the hatred and hostility of the present king of France since he sendeth aid not to the Enemies but to the Subjects of the king of France since he hath not taken but given money to others to make wars against him since he hath not killed his Nephew but his own Son since he not onely receveth the Exiles of France but counselleth the good Subjects thereof to become bad and the most obedient to rebel against their king and hireth not strangers but his own natural Subjects to come and murther the French king in his own Palace But it may be said that the Spanish king hath taken a good course to keep the Frenchmen out of his kingdom by sending his Forces into theirs and by nourishing and continning the Civâ—l Wars in France To this I answer That the Leaguers begin now to lose their credit that their Forces and Strength declineth that their Towns and Partners leave them and that if they will not vouchsafe to imitate M. Coriolanus they must expect the success and fortune that fell unto the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury in England M. Coriolanus taking in evil part that the Romans had rejected a very reasonable demand which he made unto them joyned with their Enemies and obtained for them many battels and victories against his own Country but being intreated by his Wife and his Mother he returned into his Country and recovered whatsoever he or his Enemies had taken from Rome By whose Example if the Guisards being now so weakned as they are will not learn to submit themselves unto their Princes mercy they must fear and be afraid when they hear that the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury after that they had deprived one king of his Royal Seat and Scepter and placed another in the same were both cruelly murthered in the Field although there was a time whenas the one could have obtained whatsoever he would of the common People and the other by reason of his Offices had all the chief Forces and strength of England as well by Land as by Sea at his disposition and commandment Now if these two Earls had no better end but to be slain in the Field although they were the mightiest and best beloved Rebels that ever were in the world What assurance can the Guâ—sards of France have of their good fortune What hope in the multitude of their partners and their fellows in Arms What confidence in the favour of fortune which never was nor never will be constant in any other thing but inconstancy Their glory therefore cannot continue long their Alliance shall not greatly avail the Spanish king and the remembrance and memory of this their Rebellion will alwayes remain fresh as well in the hearts of our after-comers as in the mindes of our selves and our children because men are more prone and ready to remember the wrongs that others do unâ—o them then the benefits they receive from others How can the Frenchmen then forget the subtilty and cunning which the Spaniards used in taking from them the kingdom of Naples the rigour and cruelty that was shewed unto Francis the first to make him resign the Sovereignity of Flanders the injury and injustice used by Ferdinando king of Castile when he usurped and took into his hands the moyetie of the kingdom of Navarr and the unlawfull violence of the Spanish kings father practised in the usurpation of the Dukedom of Milan And remembring all this can they want good occasion to exercise all kinde of Hostility against the Spaniards as soon as it
shall please God to send an end of these Civil Wars The occasions are great And if you remember what hath been said of the Strength of France you will think that the means which the French king may have to be revenged of these wrongs are far greater and so in this respect the Spanish king hath shewed his indiscretion in entring into League with the Guisards Of whose Friendship I pray you let us now consider what hold and good assurance he may have There are divers kindes of assurances to be taken together some content themselves with the faithfull promise of their Allies others require Hostages many demand to have some Holds and Towns of strength in their custody and there be such as never think themselves safe or well assured unless they unarm their confederates But the strongest and best bond is in the opinion of the wisest a firm conjunction and binding of the Allies together by the way of Wedlock Now of all these sorts of Alliances which hath the king of Spain taken Or which of them can he take without shewing himself very indiscreet May he content himself with the faithfull promise of his Allies Will they hold their promise unto him who have violated their faith unto their Liege Lord and Sovereign Hath he taken Hostages of them Will they carefull of other mens lives who have so small care of their own Will they give him any strong holds With what reason can he detain them since both they that give them have no authority or sufficient power to deliver them up into his hands and he is not strong enough to keep and defend them when the hath them Will he unarm them Take their weapons from them and what good can they do him Will he make them assured to be at his devotion by a fast bond and linck of marriage What honour or rather shame shall it be for him to mingle his Blood his Honour and his House with the Infamy Dishonour and Ignominy of Rebels and Traytors But of Traytors some one of them will become a king O poor and unadvised Prince who shall spend his money to honour him who deserveth no honour and of whose faithfull friendship he can have no fast assurance But how shall he become a King By the Forces of Spain O simple and indiscreet King who thinketh to purchase a great and invincible Kingdom from a Stranger when he is not able to recover a poor Country taken from him by his own Subjects But by what means and by what colour shall he become a King By the Example and imitation of Hugh Capet who as you have heard was made King by shewing unto the Pope and the People of France that in choosing a King the man that is present ought to be preferred before him that is absent he that governeth in Person before him that ruleth by a Deputy he that is both carefull and vertuous before him that is careless and vicious But what manner of imitation is this unless you call it an imitation when as a man doth all things quite contrary to his Actions whom he proposeth to himself to follow and imitate For he that was deposed by Hugh Capet governed by his Lieutenant and the present King of France ruleth by his own person he was hated by reason of his great negligence and this King was beloved for his great pains and diligence He was insufficient to Govern and this King hath given many Experiments of his great wit and sufficiency And to be short This Hugh Capet who is proposed as a man worthy to be imitated by the Arch-Traitor that would make himself king of France used as his most principle reason this Argument to shew that Charles Duke of Lorrain and Uncle unto Lewis the fifth deserved not to be chosen king because that in all controversies that fell out in his time betwixt the Empire and the Kingdom of France the said Charles shewed himself more affectionate and friendly unto the Emperor then unto the French King How blinde then are those Guisards who cannot see that when they shall desire the people to make choice of one amongst them to be their King the greater part will hardly yeeld to their motion they will cry out that their King is yet alive that it is not reason to take the crown from his head and to put it upon a Strangers or upon one of his inferiour Vassals that many can witness that in all contentions betwixt France and Spain they have alwayes shewed themselves more favourable unto Spain then unto their own Country And lastly that the Duke of Lorrain because he was a Prince of the Empire had more Reason to favour the Emperor then the Guisards have to befriend the Spanish king whom they should hate and abhorre because he loveth not their Country You have seen the Spanish kings indiscretion in contracting this League Now give me leave to shew you the Leagueâ—s great solly in subscribing thereunto The Causes which moved them to enter into this League were as you understand already very many But it appears not how true or rather how false their pretentions are This must be discovered and then their folly cannot be concealed They lay to their late kings charge that he was an Heretick a Parricide a wicked and impious despiser of God a Tyrant and Hypocrite a perjured Prince and a man given over to all kinde of vice and wickedness They charge him further that he wasted the Revenues of the Crown and that he committed many other follies long since mentioned To all these that their malice falsehood and folly may appear I will answer briefly A full denial of all that they say might serve for mine answer were it not that I seek by reason and truth to confound them that have neither reason nor truth I must therefore run thorow the kings life and to purge him of the crime of Heresie I think it convenient to declare what he did both before and after he was king against those whom the Leaguers term Hereticks Now to omit other matters testifying his great zeal and affection unto the Roman Catholicks before he was king of France I will prove the same by four principal Arguments First it is apparent unto the world that he was one of the chief Authors of the Massacre of Paris which was general through Erance and practised with a great hope utterly to extirpe all the Protestants in France Next it is certain that no Prince living could shew greater hatred stomach or courage against men of a contrary Religion unto himself then he did at the â—iege of Rochel before which he lay until he was fetcht thence into Poland Thirdly it is notorious unto as many as know any thing of his Election unto the Kingdom of Poland that there was nothing that more estranged the Affections of the Electors from him then his great hatred shewed against the Protestants both in the time of the massacre and also at
the siege to Rochel Insomuch that Mr. of Valence who was his Ambassador unto the Electors was faâ—n to publish a Book wherein he more cunningly then truly derived the fault and crime of that Mâ—ssacre from him unto the Duke of Guise who took the same in so evil part that after the king was estâ—blished in Poland the said Duke published an other book wherein he cleared himself and layed the chief blame upon the late French king Lastly whenas he had ruled a while in Poland and saw the diversities of Religions there he loathed the Country detested their opinions and could hardly be brought to take the Oath which bound him to permit and tolerate a plurality of Religions in that kingdom But it may be thought that as many Princes have shewed themselves honest vertuous and religious before they were kings to the end they might the better attain unto a kingdom so he being assured by his Mother and by a vain prophesie that she should live to see all her sons kings and knowing that he should hardly come to the kingdom unless he gave some manifest signes of his zeal in Religion during the time that he lived as a Subject under his Brother repressed his nature dissembled his manners and disguised his Religion that Heresie might not be a bar unto him for the kingdom In the refuting of this Objection I shall have occasion to confound many of his Actions together which will serve to confute some other crimes layed to his charge When his bother Charles the ninth died he was in Poland where hearing he news of his death he took such a course for his departure from thence as highly commendeth his wisdom and manifestly declareth his great and natural love and affection unto his native Country with which course it shall be very requisite and expedient to acquaint you throughly because his Adversaries draw from hence their principal Arguments to prove his Infidelity and the beginning of his evil Government for where as he was say they bound by faithfull promise and oath to contnue in Poland and to have an especial care of the Wealth and welfare of that Country he left and abandoned them when they had most need of him as may appear by the Letter that was sent unto him after his departure by the principle Peers Nobles and Senators of that Realm It is not unknown unto any that know the State of France and are conversant in the writers of the later Accidents thereof that he was very unwilling to go into Poland because that he saw that his brother was not likely to live long and that he dying in his absence the kingdom which was alwayes to be preferred before the Crown of Poland might be wrongfully tranferred unto his Brother or unto some other whom his Brothers young years or his absence might encourage to affect the same This consideration moved him not to give his consent unto that journey before that his Mother faithfully promised to revoke him with all possible diligence if his Brother should chance to die And some write that at his departure his mother whether it were to make him the more willing to goe or that she was resolved to take such order that Charles the ninth should not live long said unto him Take not his departure my son grievously for it shall not be long before thou shalt returne Let it be spoken either to comfort and encourage him or with her foreknowledg and prejudicate opinion he was scant setled in Poland when a Messenger came unto him to signifie his brothers death This Message being delivered he wisely and providently called together the Nobilitie of Poland imparted unto them his Brothers death required their Counsel in a case of such difficulty as greatly perplexed his Wits and not lightly troubled the wisest amongst them The first thing that was decreed was that the Nobles should mourne for him in the same manner and with the same solemnities that they usually observe in mourning for their own Kings whereby they signified their great love which they bore him The next matter that was resolved was to dispatch a present Messenger into France with Letters of Credit unto the Queen his mother requiring her for him to take upon her the Regency of France untill his returne And the third Conclusion of their consultation was to call a general Assembly of the States and therein to deliberate and consult what might be best for the King to do whether to returne into France or to continue and remaine in Poland In this interim he calling to minde the trubulent Estate of France the young years of his Brother and the Ambitious and aspiring minds of divers of the French Nobility And liâ—â—wise understanding that the Peers of Poland fearing his suddain departure were about to take some order for preventing the same determined with himself to depart thence before his going should be known aswell because he would not have the same hindred and crossed by the Nobilitie as for that he knew it would be very dangerous for him to pass homeward through the Countries of divers Princes that bore him no great good will if he should depart thence as that they might have any foreknowledg and intelligence of the time of his departure and of the way which he went in returning into France This resolution thus taken he writeth a letter with his owne hands unto those in whome he reposed greatest confidence and signified unto them that since the time of their last conference he had received such Intelligence out of France as gave him just occasion to hasten thither in Poste and not to attend the general Assembly of the States of Poland he promiseth to returne so soon as he could conveniently prayeth them to excuse his suddain departure unto the rest of the Nobilitie And for such matters as his leisure would not permitt him to committ unto his Letter he desireth them to give credit unto a faithfull Counsellor of his whom he left behinde him with further instructions for them The Nobilitie understanding by his owne Letter and these mens reports marke the love they bore him and the care which they have of him sent presently a Nobleman in Poste after him to beseech him to returne and wrote their Letter unâ—o the Emperor to certifie his Majestie that his hastie returne into France proceeded not of any offence given unto the King by them nor of any evil opinion conceived by the King against them but of some urgent occasion requiring his presence in France They rested not here but when they saw that he returned not in such time as they looked for him they wrote a large Letter unto him wherein they declared how lovingly they consented to choose him before a number of other Pâ—â—nces that were competitors with him how honorably they sent for him into France how royally they received him how dutifully they carried themselves towards him how carefully they provided for the safety of both
his kingdoms aswell of that which came unto him by discent as of that which he received from their Election how greatly he was honoured by their choice and how dangerously he had forsaken them they prayed his returne if it might stand with his good liking if it migâ—â— be to his benefit if not they humbly besought him to consider in what danger they stood of Forreine Enemies what troubles hung over their heads by reason of the hatred and quarrels that were betwixt them and the Princes of Walachia Scythia and Muscovia and how needfull and necessary it wâ—s for them not â—o be long without a King whose presence might comfort them whose counsel might advise them whose experience might direct them whose Authoritie might govern them and whose Credit might countenance them They forgot not the Inconveniences that had hapned unto them since his departure nor the difficulty and impossibility to provide for their redress and their owne safetie without his presence for that it is an inviolable Law in Poland that although the States of the Country have decreed Wars against an Enemy yet it can neither be denounced nor prosecuted without the consent and suffrage of their King These necessities being thus expressed they set him down a peremptory day within which to returne with a plaine intimation that if he shall not returne by that day they will proceed unto the Election of an other King beseeching him not to thinke that they will choose another for that they are weary of him or desirous to forsake him there is no such conceit lodged in their hearts no such Cogitation entred into their heads but they and he must consider that Poland is so situated that barbarous Enemies do environ it on every side and that it is the stay of all Christendom and that therefore it behooveth them to be carefull when others are negligent and to watch that others might keep in quiet without danger And lastlie that these premises well and dulie considered such a kingdome cannot be long without an Head without a Captaine without a King He receiveth these Letters and they receiving no such Answer from him as might assure them of his returne unto them by the day appointed proceeded to a new Election And hence his Enemies derive their best Arguments to condemne him of Infideltie and Heresie Of Infidelitie in that he returned not according to his promise and of Heresie in that living there amongst a number of sundry Sects and Sectaries he learned to bear with Heretiques I finde in the Histories of Poland that when the States had agreed upon his Election the Ambassadors which he had sent into Poland about those Affairs were sworne in the name and behalfe of their Master by the Archbishop of Cracovia to maintaine uphold conserve and increase the Ancient Laws Rights Liberties and Immunities of the kingdome of Poland and of the great Dukedome of Lituania The which Oath being thus taken the Palatine of Cracovia being high Marshall of the Kingdom of Poland and the great Captaine of Samogitia being Marshal of the great Dukedome of Lituania presently proclame him King of Poland and Duke of Lituania Here is no promise to abide with them for ever Here is no Oath not to returne againe into France Here is no Bond to tie him to continuall Residence And though he promised to return at his departure yet you shall understand that although he could 〈◊〉 would have return'd yet hee had small occasion to return unto them For first the kingdom of France is farr better then that of Poland Next few Princes have ever left their native Countries unto the Government and administration of a Lieutenant to rule themselves in a Forreign Dominion Then hee found his own kingdom at his return in such broyles and contentions that hee câ—uld not possiâ—ly appease them to return into Poland at his day prefixed And lastly they not admitting his lawfull excuses chose another king before hâ—e refused to come back unto them This last cause is sufficient to excuse his not returning into that kingdom And this is so true that when I was in Italy I remember that it was a fresh news that the Polacks had sent an Ambassador unto the Pope to excuse their suddain choise of their new King and to do such ceremonies unto the Pope as in such cases is required This Ambassador pâ—ssed by Padua where I saw him and hee staied there so long that he spent all the money that was allowed for his Journy to Rome and home again before he went thence The cause of his long stay was the Protestation that was made by the French Ambassador residing then at Rome and requiring the Pope not to accept of the said Ambassador as an Ambassador sent unto him by the lawfull King of Poland because the French King his Master had not resigned his Right and Title unto that Crown And the validity of this exception was so long in debating that intimation being given to the Poland Ambassador not to proceed any further on his Journy towards Rome untill the same question was fully decided he was enforced to continue so long as I have said in Padua to the great hinderance of himself and of all his company Besides as our Kings still carry the Title of Kings of France in remembrance of their Right unto that kingdom so the late King of France caâ—sed himself to be called King of Poland untill his dying day in token that he never had resigned his Interest and claime thereunto This Argument brought against his fidelitie is sufficiently refelled It resteth to refute the exception made against his carriage and Government in Poland This shall need no great Confutation because it appeareth by the aforementioned letters of the Senatoâ—s unto him and the Emperor after his departure that there was no dâ—slâ—ke conceived against him and the earnest entrâ—aty which was made unto him to return testifieth the good opinion hope and confidence which they had to be well and wisely ruled by him Now whereas it is said that he learned to bee favourable unto Hereticks in Poland It may be that he conversed with some of them whilst hee was there because he could not otherwise do their generall Assemblies and meetings requiring his presence and consisting of such Peeres and Nobles as were of diverse Religions But it appeareâ—h by his letters written unto his especiall Friends of that kingdom when he departed thence that he had no great confidence or trust in them that were contrary unto him in Religion For besides the letter that â—e wrote to the Generall States of all the Country he wrote unto certain choice men as unto the Bishop of Cinavia unto the Palatine of Cracovia â—nto the Marshall of Eboronius unto the Vice-Chancellor Wotkins unto the Castellan of Meymcimer his Vice-Chamberlain and unto the Marshâ—l of the Court of Lituania all which were very zealous and earnest Catholicks and the oâ—ely men of whom â—e made any â—eckoning during
his short abode in Poland Thus I have freed him from suspition either of Heresie or of any favor shewed unto Hâ—reticks whilst he was abroad Now lâ—t me examine his liâ—e at home and see whether untill his dying day he might be justly â—axed or touched with the crime of Heresie He came to Lyons about the 9 of September in the year 1574 where the Queâ—n his Mother the Duke of Alencon his Brother the King of Navarre Charles Cardinal of Guise and others met with him The 10 of September a short space of recrâ—aâ—ion and solace after so long a Journey he falleth to consult with all those before namâ—d what meanes were best to be used to renew Waâ—rs against those whom they termed Hugonetts he beseigâ—th Pusania upon the Roane and taketh the same the 5 of October assaulteth Mombrim laieth seige to Lioron and never left in the dead of Winter to Warr against the Protestants untill he took a little Truce during the solemnitie of his Coronâ—tion Not long after his Coronation there came Ambâ—ssadors unto him from the Switzers to intreat libertie of Conscience for the Protestants of France They are heard with small favor and their Petition rejected with so great indignation that the Queeâ— Mother was fain to pacâ—fie her son in hâ—s great rage and fury The Protestants require ayde out of Germany Duke Casimer cometh into France The Prince of Conde groweth strong the king of Navarre flieth from the French Court unto him the Catholicks want money the Pâ—pe sendeth them 400000 Florins The Duke of Guise is sent to meet with Casimir either to repell him with force or to deceive him with policy and becauâ—e they feared the king of Navarre diverse waies and meanes are practised â—o make him suspected unto the Prince of Conde immediatly after the Duke of Guise followeth Mounsieur the kings Brother with greater troupâ—s but both he and the Duke finding themselves not able to encounter with the Pâ—ince of Conde and the Duke of Casimir Mounsieur receiveth the Duke with great Friâ—ndship in Burgony and talketh very familiarly with him To be short the king and Queen and Casimir meete a Peace is concluded all offences are forgiven and liberty of conscience is granted to be used in all places saving Paris The Duke Casimir depâ—rteth and hee is no sooner gone but the Catholicks cry out against this peace the Citizens of Paris tread the Articles thereof under their feet A generall Assembly is called at Blâ—ys The king of Navarre the Prince of Conde and the Mashal Damule come not to this Assembly The Articles of the beforenamed Peace are abrogated and a full resolution is taken to subvert the Protâ—stants or to enfoâ—ce them to receive the Counsell of Trent The Decrees of this Assembly are sent to the Prince of Conde and they are required to subscribe unto them which they refuse to do The king is discoâ—tented and sweareth not to leave untill he hath uâ—terly overthrown the Protestants Hee writeth unto Duke Casimir and unto the Lansgrave of Hesse requiring them not to give any more succour unto the Prince of Conde The one answereth the king gently and prayeth him to keep the late concluded Peace and the other threateneth that if the same be not observed to return into France with far greater strength then he brought thither the year before New troubles begin but are quickly ended by reason of Mounsiâ—urs going into Flanders and taking upon him the defence and Patronage of that Country This is the kings behaviour and carriage before the holy League the which beginneth in the year 1585. Of this League three especial causes are pretended The Troubles of France the kings sterility and the right of succession which belongeth unto the king of Navarr By the confederates in this League these things are required That the Catholick Religion and the Nobility that professed the same may be restored unto their ancient dignity That a Parliament might be called that Tributes may be gathered for the king and the kingdom that extraordinary exactions may be mitigated that evâ—ry third year a Parliament may be held And lastly that an Army of 16000. footmen and 3000 horse may be gathered and maintained with the kings treasure against the Hugonets and the same Army to be lead by the kings own person or by the Duke of Guise as his Lieutenant General They set foâ—th an Apology containing their Griefs and these Petitions and end the same with a promise to lay down their weapons if the king will be content to subscribe to these Articles and to overthrow the Protestants The king of Navarr finding himself to be the mark whereat these Leaguers shot published his Apology proveth himself to be no Heretick Apostate Persecutor or Rebel sheweth that the Duke of Guise is the onely Perturber of the peace and quiet of France and that he cannot feel the wound thereof because he is a stranger and lastly for the ending of all troubles without more effusion of blood challengeth the combat The late King published likewise his Answer to every Article and promiseth that all these things shall be done answerable to Gods Word and the prescript rule of Justice praying the Leaguers that since both he and the Queen are yet young enough to have children and that children are the Gift of God they will not rashly think him to be without all hope of children Here I might trouble you with the rehearsal of many examples of many Rebels like unto these who when their demands have been so reasonably answered as these were desisted from wars or had but an evil issue But I must restrain my self and labour to be short otherwise I shall be both too long and tedious What could a king nay the most absolute king of the world the mightiest king of Europe do more then this king did Or what would they require more at this kings hands then he performed He entered not into this League would not be one of their confederates Hinc nostri fundi Calamitas But he seemeth to allow the proscription and disinheritance of Navarr he banisheth all Protestants out of the Realm he answereth the king of Denmark who becometh a sutor for them that he neither can nor will have Peace with them he writeth to the Prince of Germany who likewise intreated his favour for the Protestants That he knoweth well enough what to do without their counsel and marvelleth that they have so great leisure as to meddle with other mens matters and especially with such things wherewith they have nothing to do This is not enough He provideth an Army against the Protestants he sendeth to encounter with the Forces of Germany that were coming into France to succour them The Duke of Guise overthroweth them and the kings Brother-in-Law the Duke of Ioyesa is overthrown by the king of Navarr with the loss of his own life and of 12000. of his Souldiers The Duke of Guise made proud and insolent with this victory
and having gotten above 120000 Crowns by the spoiles of the Enemies returneth to Paris boasteth of his conquest preferreth himself before his idle loytering king as he termeth him discovereth his secret intentions more openly then he did before and seeketh how he either might make away the king or thrust him to a Monastery And when he heard that his secret practices were revealed unto the king by the Duke of Espernon he is sore troubled and laboureth to free himself from all manner of suspition What way taketh he to bring this to pass Submitteth he himself unto the king Cleareth he himself of the Accusations laid to his charge Craveth he pardon of his insolency He doth But how Forsooth in such manner that even a man with one eye might easily see that he dissembleth He cometh to Paris with a small Troop but so disposeth his Army that his intention to carry away the king by force could not be hidden He craveth conference with the king is admitted to his presence They spend three whole dayes together in conference he so playeth his part that the king leaveth to suspect him removeth the Duke of Espernon from the Court and his company who had revealed his secrets and is angry with the said Duke for accusing him wrongfully What followeth God who knoweth the inward thoughts of all men and hath an especial care of Princes â—afety by a sudden and unexpected accident layeth open his dissimulation and bewrayeth the Dukes Treachery The king seeing that armed men came into Paris in great Troopes by night and day setteth his Switzers to watch and ward in every street of Paris It â—ortuned that a Switzer by chance was striken by a Parisian with whom he had some private quarrel hereof followeth a great slaughter The Duke of Guise committeth the Switzers to prison besetteth the Lover with a Garison of Souldiers The king beginneth to be afraid he fleeth from Paris secretly taketh his mother thence with him commendeâ—h the Duke of Espernon his Faith and Loyalty and escapeth the danger of the Lion that lay in wait for his life for that time but is to die the death within a short time after not by the sharp and merciless sword of the proud and ambitious Duke which had been more Princelike but by a short and poysoned knife of a Jacobin Fryer which was too base a death for the greatest Monarch of the World But again to the Duke who hearing that the king began to sound the depth of his Treasons and to suspect all his proceedings to remove his many doubts and to recover his good opinion sendeth certain Ambassadors unto him if they may be termed Ambassadors that go from a Rebel unto a king of his own and of diverse Cities and Provinces which he had drawn to his own Faction and had alwayes ready at hand By the mouth of these Ministers sufficiently instructed what to say he protested that nothing was further from his thoughts then to seize upon the kings person For if he had had any such minde any such intention he might have wrought his pleasure upon him when he had him in Paris First therefore he desireth that the Duke of Espernons malice and untrue Accusations might carry no credit at the least-wise not breed any disgrace and discredit Next that whatsoever hath been heretofore done or said might be buried in oblivion Thirdly that the Duke of Espernon and his brother Mr. de Valetta might be banished the Court disturbers of the Common Peace Fourthly that the Government of Normandy might be given unto the holy League Fifthly that his Brother the Duke of Mayne might be created great Master of the kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Bourbon made Governor of all France Sixthly that two Armies might belevied and maintained at the kings charges against the Hugonets and one of them to be sent into Picardy under the kings or the Duke of Guise his conduct and the other into Dolphine of which the Duke of Mayne must be General Lastly that the king of Navarr with all his Adherents and all other Hereticks might be thrust out of the Court and utteâ—ly destroyed and a Parliament presently called wherein they might consult of matters of greater weight and consequence The king perceived by these unreasonable demands that their pleasure and purpose was to make him a king of Poland in France that is such a king as should carry the bare 〈◊〉 and Name of a king and others should rule thinking it high time to call his wits together to be in no longer subjection and to begin to dissemble with them who go about to deceive and subvert him by cunning and dissimulation he therefore yeeldeth to all that was demanded commandeth an Assembly of the three Estates to be held the next September at Bloys exhortethall his Subjects unto a general Peace and deviseâ—h all means possible to supplant the Duke of Guise To this Parliament came the most and best Peers of the Realm The Duke of Guise absenteth himself either for fear because his guilty conscience accuseth him or of set purpose and cunning because he seeketh to be intreated In his absence they began to consult of great matters in all which the king ruleâ—h not but is â—uled he signifieth unto the Nobility thâ—re assembled that he taketh himself greatly bound unto them for their good and wholesome counsel professeth himself to be unable to Govern so turbulenâ— a kingdom any longer desireth to be eased of sâ— great a charge and thinketh it expedient both for the Common-wealth and for himself to imitate the example of Charles the fifth and to shut himself up as a Penitentiary in some Monastery and therefore he prayeâ—h them to consider to whom he might best surrender his Crown But if his judgement might be of any foâ—ce and weight with them no man should contend for it For no man was equal much less to be preferred before the Duke of Guise He is valiant in Arms wise in Counsel zealous in Religion faithfull to hâ—s Country and wanteth nothing requisite in a king but the name of a king He is heard with great attention beleeved wiâ—hout any contradiction and the Duke is sent for with all speed possible It is no need to bid him come he flyeth he seemeth to be in Heaven but falleth as suddenly as Lucifer did down to hell The king calleth him into his private Chamber pretending to have some great occasion to confer with him before the rest of the Nobility he giveth him into his hands certain Letters of his own hand-writing sâ—nt unto the king of Spain but intercepted by which he is convinced to have â—ought the kings untimely death and the unlawfull possession of his Crown He â—alleth down upon his knees humbly besâ—echeth the kings pardon And whiles with frivolous Protestations and false Oaths he laboureth to clear himself he is not so cruelly as justly murthered in the king presence The Arch-Traytor being thus executed the Queen Mother allowed
taken an oath to keep the Statutes of his Country without breaking the same or without departing from the true sense and literal meaning of them may violate them if the iniquity of the time will not give him leave and leasure to confer with his superiour or to ask his opinion or if there be manifest dangers like to follow of the delay which he shall use Besides if a Judge be commanded yea sworn not to do any thing against the Lâ—wes of God or nature or of his Country yet if he be urged by some great occâ—sion or if necessitie enforce him thereunto or if some notable danger scandall or inconvenience is like to follow of the strict observance of those Laweâ— he may lawfully violate them And shall a Judge have Authority to break Lawes and shal not an absolute Prince have the like liberty A Provost Marshal taking a Theif in the fact of committing a robberie may hang him up presently with out any forme of Judgement and shall not a King cause a notorious Traytor to be murthered without a solemn Sentence The Governor of a City taking an Homicide an Adulterer a ravâ—shâ—r of Women upon the Fact may chastise and punish them according to the Rigor of the Law wâ—thout any forme of Law and a King taking a Traytor beâ—ng abouâ— to deprive him of his life of his Crown apd Scepter shall he not do him to death without asking the opinion of his Judges without imploring the helpe of his Magistrates and without imparting his Treason unto his Counsellors or unto the Friends and Allies of the Traytors especially when as he may escape whilst these things shall be doing when bee is so strong so backed with friends so guarded with Souldiers that if he be not executed upon a suddain the respiâ—e and leisure which shall be given him shall gâ—ve him time and meanes not only to escape the punishment which he hath deserved but also to put in great hazard the life of his Prince and the weale of his Country to be short when either the Prince or the Traytor must die presently It is written of Iehu the Judge and King of Israell that he fearing the great multitude of Baals Priests and doubting that if he should put them to death by the way of Justice there would follow some great Inconvenience or scandal to himself he feigned that hee himself wouâ—d do sacrifice unto God Baal and by that pretence and colour he caused them all to come together and when they were all assembled hee willed them all to be murthered Who hath heard the Historie of Ladislaus king of Bohemia commendeth him not for his wisdome and discretion in dissembling the grief which he took to see the Earle of Cilia his faithfull and assured Friend and Vncle killed almost in his presence so â—uningly that he not only seemed not to be grieved with his death but also to think that he was lawfully killed because hee presumed to come Armed into the Court where all others were unarmed The Bohemians seeing how lovingly hee entertained Ladislaus Humiades the Author of this Murther how kindly he used his Mother how wisely hee suffered Ladislaus and his Brother Matthias to bring him into Beuda and how resolutely when he had him where hee was stronger then hee he commanded him to be done to death for the murther committed on his Vncles person took it for a manifest Argument that he would prove as indâ—ed hee did a very wise just and valiant Prince siâ—ce in his youth he was so subtile and so resolute and gave them so notable an Example and President of his Justice Who hath read the policy which Darius king of Persia used in revenging the injury of Oretes who was grown to be so mightie so proud and so well backed with friends that hee neither could nor durst do him to death by the ordinary Course of Justice and prayseth him not for inventing a way to induce 30 of his Gentlemen to undertake his death And who commendeth not the Magâ—animitie and resolution of Bageus who when it fell out to his lott to be the first of the 30 that had vowed to hazaâ—d their live foe their king went no less hastily then cuningly about his enterprise and within a very short while murthered Oretes who had beaâ—ded and braved his King many years Briefly who readeth and alloweth not the History of David who when a man câ—me to him from Saul his Camp and told him that he had kilâ—ed Saul commanded his Sâ—rvant to kill him presently and said unto him Thy blood bee upon thine owâ— head for thine own mouth hath spoken against thee And yet every man knoweth that Saul killed himself and that this poor simple man thought to have had a reward of David for bringing him the first news of Sauls death These premissâ—s therefore being duly considered it must follow that the late king had great reason aâ—d just cause to command the Duke of Guise to be killed But his friends say nay They have caused it to be imprinted that he was one of the Peers of France one of the greatest of that Realme one of the best beloved Subjects of Europe and one that was allied unto great Kings and Princes And that therefore the King causing him to be murthered as he was migâ—t well think and justly feare that in doing him to death he should highly offend his best friends and give just occasion unto as many as suffered any loss or detriment by his death to revenge the same As therefore Iulius Caesar winked at the Treason committed by Dunorix and called him not into question for the same for feare to offend his Brother Divitiacus who was an assured and faithful Friend unto the people of Rome and a man of great credit and Authority in his Country even so the King should have spared the Duke of Guise and not have used such câ—ueltie towards him as he did for feare to displease and discontent his dearest and best friends and as Henry the 4 King of England deprived the Dukes of Anmarle of Exceter and Surrey of the Lands and possessions which Richard the second gave them and yet spared their lives so the king had done well if he had taken away the lands and livings and not the life of the Duke of Guise Truly if hâ—s kingdom should have received no greater loss or dammage by the Duke of Guise his life then the commonwealth of Rome received by Dunorix the king should not have greatly done amiss to have suffered him to live But since that the Duke did alwaies aspire unto the Crown and since he desired sought and laboured by all meanes possible to usurpe the same the King played as his Mother said the right part of a King whâ—â—â— as he resolved and exâ—cuted his death with all convenient speed For the same Caesar which had pitâ—y and compassion on Dunorix because his life could not greatly hinder or cross his dâ—signes and purposes first banished
and afterwards secretly caused his near kinsman Lucius Caesar to be murthered because he had both the mind and the meanes to withstand and prevent his intentions and Henry the 4 should have had good occasion to repent him of the clemency and mercy which he shewed unto the before named Dukes if the Eâ—rle of Rutland had not been constrained by his own folly to reveale unto the King their Treason and Conspiracy against him for which afterwards they were worthily executed Pitty therefore is commendable and best beseeming the Majesty of a Prince when as the same may be used without any danger unto his person or his State or his kingdom but when as he seeth manifestly that never a Province never a City never an house of his kingdom can or will long continue in good estate in dutifull obedience in naturall affection towards him and his Crown unles he do somâ—â—imes use to play the King to revenge wrongs and to punish Treasons hee must needs change his naâ—ure make a verâ—ue oâ— necesâ—iâ—ie and accommodate himself unto their manners and their merits with whom he hath occasion to deale France nâ—vâ—r had any King that was more gentle kinde and curteous then that Lewis who for his Curtesie and Clemency was â—irnamed The Meek And yet the same Lewis as you have already heard forgot that name and the qualities and conditions incident thereunto when it was in question whether he or his Nephew Bernard should rule and Reigne For then knowing that a Prince cannot live in any good assurance of his Estate and kingdom so long as another pretendeth Right and Title thereunto and having wrongfully been kept from the possession thereof he pluckt out his Eyes kept him in perpetuall prison and in thâ— end caused his head to be cut from his shoulders Who can then blame the late Kâ—ng of France if he chose rather to rule then to be ruled to kill then to be killed to murder the Duke of Guise then to endanger his whole Estate and Kingdom The Prince that 〈◊〉 not an Iniury that is done unto his Commonaltie or to a private person is in danger somtimes to lose his life or his kingdom â—as were the Romans and Philip King of Macedania he because he punished not Aâ—tilas at the request of Pau sanias and they because they sent not the French men those which in the battaile betwixt them and the Citizens of Chynsie forgeting the dutie of Ambassadors were found in the foremâ—st ranke of their Enemies fighting against the French men And is it necessary that a King shall punish or revenge a wrong done unto his Country or unto â— private man and shall it not be lawfull for him to take vengeance of the wrongs and Indignities which are done unto himself May he command a Juâ—g to proceed Defacto without taking full knowledg of the cause and every circumstance of the Subjects cause and shall it not be lawfull for him to use the like power and authoritie in his owne case The least and meanest Judg may he not sometimes give judgment hearing no other proof but very violent presumptions and shâ—ll it not be lawfull for the King from whom he same Judg receiveth such power and authoritie to do the like We say and confess that Theâ—e is manifest when the Theif is taken in the Fact and shall it not be lawfull for a Prince to take that Treason for notorious which the Traytâ—r hath Committed If a man finde a stolle â— thing about a Theef he is in danger of death and if a man finde a Traytor armed and all things else in a readiness to performe and execute his treacherous Attempts shall he not be reputed a Traytor The Law sayeth that whatsoever a King doth it seemeth to be done with great reason If he commeâ—deth any thing every one is bound to beleeve that he hath good occasion to commend the same His Actions are manifest but his thoughts are hidden and secret it is our dutie to tolerate the one and not to murmur against the other nor to enquire or demand the Causes Motives and Reasons of his Commandements his pleasure must be unto us as a Law and his Will hath the full force and strength of reason and when the cause of that punishment which it pleaseth him to inflict is notorious and manifest his Commandment although it be done in hast and without great advisement yet it carryeth no less force and moment then doth a sentence that was dulie examined wisely perused diligently considered and solemnly pronounced Why then shall the death of the Duke of Guise be thought unlawfull since the King commanded the same not for hatred to the Duke but for securitie of himself for love of the weal publique not without 〈◊〉 Justice but according to Law and Equitie because a Princes pleasure is held for Law not without example but with approbation and imitation of many who having had the like occasion have used the like punishment briefly not to revenge his particular quarrels and Jnjuryes but to preserve his Right and his Crowne upon which the wealth the life and the wellfare of all his good and loyall Subjâ—cts do depend He was Allied unto many great Princes which are displeased with his death and will not leave it unrevenged But if these Princes were the Kings friends before the Dukes death they will not take the same in evill part and if they were his Enemies he needs not to care for them or to feare their displeasure more then the universal ruine and destruction of his Subjects He was one of the Peers of France But honor may not be a Priviledg unâ—o any man to emboldeâ— him to offend the Laws but the more honor a Subject receiveth from his King the more he is bound to love and fâ—are him But grant that the King did evill in causing him to be murtherâ—d shall the Subjects be grieved therewith shall they seek Revenge thereof shall they bear Arms therefore against their Prince and their Country May the son arme himself to kill and murther his Mother And is he not held for an ungracious and wicked child which will be revenged of his Father although he have done him great wroâ—g And is not a King the Father of his Subjects and is not every Country the Mother of the naturall Inhabitants thereof Or may they war against their Prince wihout seeking the lamentable overthrow Ruine and destruction of their Country Are all alterations dangerous in every well governed State and can that alteration be without danger which transferreth the Crowne from the right heire unto an Usurper from the lawfull King to an ambitious Subjâ—ct But it is onely said and no way proved that the Duke of Guise had any such intâ—nâ—ion as to deprive his Sovereigne and to crown himself it may be suspected but it is not notorious This must appeare more manifestly then it doth or else all that is said will be to no purpose To manifest this therefore
I will briefly examine that which hath been already said and by his own Acts and Demands convince and prove his intention It is said that the foot shall not presume to rule the head no more should a Subject take upon him to controll the King or to prescribe unto him what hee shall do And yet the Duke of Guise not once but many times rebuketh his Kings proceedings against she Protestants blameth him of Negligence and telleth him more boldly then wisely that hee must not spare them but subvert them And what was that but to spoile his kingdom The Counsellor is commended which rather refuseth as Office and charge with modesty that is laid upon him then affecteth the same before he be thought worthy thereof and yet the Duke of Guise staieth not untill he was moved by the King but nâ—med himself for his Lieutenant And what was that but to appoint the Kings Officers Wee read of Saul that it grieved him greatly when it was said that David had killed Twenty thousand Enemies and Saul but ten Thousand and yet the Duke of Guise after that he had overthrown the Germans is termed an other Gideon and he termeth his King a loiterer and what was that but to disgrace his Soveraign It is commonly said that where there is no offence committed there needeth no pardon and yet the Duke of Guise would seem not to have offended although hee desireth to have all that was said or done to bee pardoned and buried in Oblivion And what was that buâ— to betraâ— a guilry conscience and an unwilling minde to acknowledge and confess his offence The Subject that armeth multitudes without his kings commandment when there is no fear of a Forreign Enemy or any other in arms within a Realm giveth many presumptions and arguments of a Rebellious minde And yet the Duke of Guise doth not onely arm Multitudes but also proteâ—teth that he and they will lay down his and their arms until the king yeeldeth unto his demands and what was that but to threaten and menace his king The Count of St. Paul High Constable of France was held a Traytor by Lewis the eleventh and so executed because he betrayed his counsel and kept certain Holds and Towns of strength from the king and yet the Duke of Guise must be no Traytor who revealed the kings secrets and withheld many Towns and Cities from him and drave him out of the principal City of his Realm Francis the first proclaimed the Duke of Bourbon to be a Rebel and a Traytor because he fled to Charles the fifth and bore arms in his quarrel against him and yet the Duke of Guise is no Traytor who favoureth the Spanish king more then his own Prince and bringeth Spaniards into France to murther and massacre the kings loving Subjects He saw that his conspiracies and secrets were discovered by the Duke of Espernon and therefore he must be banished the Court He saw that the king of Spain prevailed not against England because he had no Towns in France to harbour his wearied and Sea-beaten Souldiers and therefore at his next coming he must have Normandy at his devotion for that was his purpose when he demanded that Normandy should be given to the holy League What meant he when he required that his brother should be made great Master of the Kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Lorrain Governour of all France Why demanded he no office for himself Forsooâ—h because it was not yet time for him to say he must be king France could not brook two kings The late king must be first deposed and was it not his meaning to procure him to be depoâ—ed and deprived of his Crown at the Parliament which he required to be presently called and assembled That was the matter of great wait the cause of such consequence whereof they must consult an to bring the matter to pass there must be two great Armies in readiness the one in Picardy and the other in Dolphine to bridle those who were most likely to withstand hâ—s Coronation and not to admit and receive him for their king The Hugonets also must be all subverted They were the Oratoâ—s that preserved Athens they were the Geâ—se that saved the Roman Capitol they therefore must be taken away or else he must fail of his purpose That Nation whose king hath the honour to be called the most Châ—istian king may not brook an Heretick for their king and therefore the king of Navarr must be taken away he must not live any longer the Prince of Conde next heir to the Crown after him was already dispatched by poyson and his young infant was not fit to rule But if the king of Navarr's death might have contented him if his overthrow might have set France at Liberty and utterly have subverted the Protestants why was not this king of Navarr's offer accepted Why refused he the combat whereunto he was challenged Such a Champion as the Duke was should not have refused such a challenge such a Gideon that flew so many Germans should not have been afraid to encounter with one Man especially with such a man as forgat the name and state of a King to fight with a Rebel as debased himself to contend with a Traitor as if he won the battle could not but lose some of his honour because he had encountered with an infamous person and if he lost the field lost both his life and Scepter Such a Father and Protector of his Country should not have denied to hazard his life in such a quarrel as might have saved the lives of many of his best friends who have been killed since the time of that challenge But he thought it best to sleep in a whole skin and he knew how to be king without such a hazard he had preferred many and therefore they would and should prefer him But of him enough And from him to the rest wherewith the late king was more vainly then truly charged It followeth in the Accusation that he prodigally wasted the Revenues of the Crown and gave himself to all kinde of vice and wickedness This wastfull spending of the Revenues of the Crown is a fault that exceedeth all other faults a fault that offendeth a kings Subjects much more then any other vice because when Princes Treasures are wasted they flie to their subjects Coffers and empty their Chests to fill their own Exchequers Subjects therefore for their ease require that their king should be a good husband It was a commendation that Tully gave to king Demetriâ—s It is a quality that is required in a good Steward it is a property by so much more requisite in a Prince by how much his charge is greater then other mens but a though they desire that their Prince should be thrifty yet they would not have them covetous and as they can be contented that they should be liberal so they like not that they shall be prodigal Thrift maketh them able to live with their
own Covetousness enforceth them to prey upon their Subjects Liberality procureth them the good will and love of all men and Prodigality bringeth them to Poverty and Poverty teacheth them to invent and practice extraordinary wayes to supply their ordinary wants But I must not stand upon such a king as Subjects desire to have I hasten to the Accusation and in handling thereof I mean not to free the king from all blame but to lay the greatest blame upon them who are most to blame True it is that the Revenues of France are now far greater then ever they were and that they have received their great increase of late years yea that the ancient kings never did nor could impose such subsidies and charges upon their Subjects as have been lately levied in France For Charles the seventh was the first king that got and begun this point of imposing charges upon his Subjects at his own pleasure and without the consent of the States of his Realm and yet this Charles never levied more of his Subjects then eight hundred thousand Franks by the year a smal sum in regard of that which is now levied After him succeeded Lewis the eleventh his son who raised the Revenues from ten hundred thousand to forty and seven thousand and yet he layed up nothing at the years end into his Treasure-house For he builded more Houses and fortified more Cities then all his Predecessors did before him It is written of Charles the eighth that he purposed to have reduced his subsidies unto twelve thousand Franks and to have the same sum by way of Benâ—volence from his Subjâ—cts or for the dâ—fence of his Realm meaning to defray his ordinary charges which the Revenues of his Demesnes which together with all Customs and Impositions came to a Million of Francks But saâ—th my Author Philip de comines the people pay now but two Millions and one half a great increase in so small a time and yet no increase in respect of that which followeth For you have heard out of Mr. de la Nove that Henry the second the laâ—e kings father levied by ordinary means on his Subjects fifteen millions oâ— Franckâ— by the year which are five millions of Crowns And another of 〈◊〉 time testifieth that the Revenues of the late French King came unto ten or eleven millions of Crowns The Book called The Treasure of Treasures of France setteth down at large how the Revenues are gathered how they increased and how they have been and are either Prodigally or unthriftily superfluoâ—sly or extraordinarily wasted The same Book testifieth that divers complaints have bin exhibited unto the king against the wastfull spenders of his Treasures and that his Majesty was oftenâ—imes minded to take some present order for the redress of those abuses But when he began to think thereon and purposed to call into question those which were noted to have wasted his Treasure he was presently drawn from that intention by suddain wars procured as it was thought by those who were guilty of mispending of his Revenues to the end that he might not have leisure to examine their abuses It was shewed unto his Majesty that in thirty one years after his Grandfather Francis the first his death the receipt of such money as came in those years unto the Treasure amounted unto more then 400 millions of Crowns and the expences came but to 260 millions It was shewed that besides the same sums which entered into the kings Coffers in that time the People had payed to the king use fifteen millions of millions and 246 millions of Crowns which iâ— as much money as 423 thousand Mules are able to carry It was shewed that the Pope in those few years had out of France better then thirty millions of Crowns It was shewed that this infinite Treasure was not wasted by the Kings of France but by their Officers That there were above two hundred seventy four Families whereof some might dispend an hundred thousand Francks by the year others eighty thousand some sixty thousand others forty thirty twenty and fifteen thousand of which the best could not dispend above nine or ten thousand Francks and some not above two or three hundred before they had the collection of the kings Rents and Revenues It was shewed that there were three hundred thirty eight Treasurers of which some were worth ten thousand others twenty thousand some thirty thousand some forty thousand others sixty and eighty thousand Crowns It was shewed that some began but with three hundred Francks a year whose yearly Revenues came now to sixty thousand or eighty thousand Francks and they were worth bâ—sides thirty forty fifty sixty and eighty thousand Crowns in ready Money Plaâ—e and Jewels Lastly it was shewed that whereas the kâ—ng might well have had two hundred millions of Crowns in the Treasury he was indebted above thirty millions And that there might be found six and thirty Ladies in France whose heirs rather then they would be called to an accompt would willingly pay the twentieth part of the debts of the Crown and the above mentioned Officers might think that they escaped very well if they might be freed from all danger by paying the Residue Now considering that the house of Guise or such as depend upon them ruled not onely the Realm but also managed the Treasure of France of late years during the minority of their Kings considering that the late King would and could not redress the abuses of such Officers as received and were countable for his Revenues considering that he was charged with greater burthens then his Predecessors as the maintenance of his Brother the Dower of his Mother and of the late Queen of Scots the marriage of his Sisters and other debts in which he was left by his Predecessors considering that his Revenues were increased before his time or by such as ruled more then he in his time and that Princes do rather augment and encrease then diminish their yearly Rents and Demeasns And lastly considering that of Thirty three Chambers of Account which are in France not above six of them were for the King towards his end and those of the poorest and such as scant yeelded him Three hundred thousand Crowns his Receits being as it hath been said almost eleven Millions no man may justly accuse him of consuming the wealth of his Crown and Kingdom It is likewise to be noted that Wars are much more chargeable then they have been and that he seldom lived out of Wars not through his own folly but by their fault who can blame him most And it cannot be denied but that he gave away much unto his Favourites and to his Minions and yet his Gifts were nothing comparable to the excessive liberality of his later Predâ—cessors For it is written that Lewis the 11. gave to his physitian in five months Fifty four thonsand Crowns besides the Bishoprick of Amiens for his Nephew and divers Offices and Lands for himself and
his friends Bodin in his Book De Republica reporteth that Charls the Ninth King of France his Brother gave away in the year 1572. Two millons and seven hundred thousand Francks and the next year two millions and forty four thousand Francks and in the last year of his reign One million five hundred and two thousand Francks besides certain years Pentions which amounted unto One hundred thousaud Francks But grant that he gave much more then he did Is it not lawful for a Prince to reward his Servants Is it not in his liberty to cast his especial favour upon whom it pleaseth him And is there any thing that sheweth a Kings greatness procureth him faithful Friends and eternizeth his Name more then his bounty and liberality I know that Nero was reprehended because that in Fifteen years he gave away above Fifty five millions I confess that Caligula is blamed for that he spent in one year Sixty seven millions And I acknowledge that Dion reporteth it for no praise and commendation unto Claudius that he wasted in three years five Miriades of Miriades and Seventh usand seven hundred and eight drams or as some report One thousand seven hundred and eight miriades I allow no such prodigality and yet I think it not lawful for Subjects to rebel against their Princes if they be over-prodigal I know that there be other ways to be used to restrain their excessive liberality I read that the Parliament House in the tenth year of Richard the Second of England considering that through the covetousness of the Officers by them displaced the Kings Treasure had been imbezelled and lewdly spent chose Thirteen Lords to have the oversight under the King of the whole Government of the Realm And I finde that divers Subjects have revolted from their obedience to their Princes because they having wasted their Revenues they over-charged them with Subsidies and Impositions But I see that their rebellion wrought their own confusion Now from the late Kings Prodigality briefly in a few words to his other vices he is noted to have been somewhat more given to Venery then it became a married Prince but I find not that his wantonness was outragious and sure I am that he never had so many Concubines as Solomon nor caused any man to be killed that he might enjoy his Wife as David did to Urias nor made away with his own Wife to have another as it is said the Spanish King did And yet Solomon was the wisest Prince that ever lived and no King ever pleased God more then David did And the Leaguers held King Philip to be the mirror of the Kings in our age Neither did the late King of France delight so greatly in the company of wanton women but that he could and would have used the same with much more moderation then he did had not the Queen-Mother the Duke of Guise and others who ruled all things under him nourished that humour in him to the end that he following of his delights they might the more freely govern the whole Kingdom at their own will and pleasure a policy borrowed of Cardinal Wolsey This Wolsey being Henry the Eighth his Chaplain and brought into credit and favour by the Bishop of Winchester made his House a Paradise of all kind of pleasure and oftentimes invited the King thither and so fed him with vain delights that his Majesty during the greatest time of his younger years committed the Government of the whole Kingdom into his hands It is written of Lewis King of Bohemia that if he had had a good Governor in his youth who would not onely have had a care of his health but also have given him good instructions he would undoubtedly have made a notable Prince for he had a very good Wit and a natural disposition to Vertue and Goodness But the Marquess of Brandenburg who by his Father was left to be the Teacher and Informer of his Youth and Manners being a very good Prince but more delighting in Banquets Dancings and other such Sports and Pastimes then in serious and grave studies befitting a Prince brought the King up in those Vanities wherein he took such pleasure and delight that he cared not how little he medled with matters of State Good Education is a great Jewel for all men but especially for Princes because that such doctrine and disposition as Children and Young-men receive in their youth such they retain in their elder years And the Prince is not so much to blame who is given unto vanities in his riper years as they are to be reprehended who trained him up in vain Delights in the days of his indiscretion The blame therefore of Henry the Third his wantonness must light upon them who were the Authors of his folly and abused those good Gifts and Graces which the Almighty had bestowed upon him which were Valour Wisdom Eloquence and the use of divers Languages Qualities not so common as commendable in a Prince His Valour is proved by the siege of Rechel where as it is written by Historiographers of good credit it was impossible for a Prince for such was he at that time to shew himself more truly valiant then he did and the commendation which Sir Henry Cobham a discreet and wise Gentleman and of great Judgement and Experience when he was Ambassador for her Majesty in France gave him upon occasion of talk at his Table coming from such and so able a man as was may serve for a sufficient proof of the rest of his good qualities For I well remember that the said Sir Henry talking with his Nephew Mr. Maximilian Cobham who was then lately come out of England into France of the late King said that he had been imploied as Ambassador for her Majesty unto the Emperor the King of Spain and divers other Princes but among them all he never heard any forein Prince that delivered his mind more eloquently readily and wisely then the said King and that as often as he had Audience of him he would sometimes speak in French and sometimes in Italian and although he Answered him fully to every point whereof they conferred before he departed from him yet like a wise and discreet Prince he would always require him not to take it for his full and resolute Answer untill he had talked with his Council and at their next meeting his later Answer seldom or never varied from the former a manifest Argument of his great Wisdom who was able to answer an Ambassador upon the sudden and that not at one Conference onely bnt upon as many and as great occasions as he the said Sir Henry had to confer with his Majesty in the space of three or four years so well and so wisely that his greatest and gravest Councellors could not upon deliberation amend his sudden and extemporal Answers This commendation given him by Sir Henry Cobham is confirmed by the Siegneur Darrennes one of the Ambassadors sent from the Prince of Condey
sent presently Ambassadors unto Rome to pacifie the Pope by making his kingdom Tributary unto him and by promising to hold the same of him to take him for his Superior and to bee obedient unto all his commandements The good old man presently changeth his mind pacifieth his own wrath and of a deadly foe becometh the Kings great friend insomuch that he revoketh whatsoever was before decreed excommunicateth the King of France for robbing the Patrimony of the holy Church and commandeth the English Subjects to return presently unto the dutifull obedience which they owe unto their King Is there any Man so ignorant within this Realme that hath not oftentimes heard how many times the later Popes of Rome have sent not only secular Men but Seminary Priests into England to murther our gracious Soveraign There are some Widowes and Orphans within this Kingdom who lament even at this day the death of their husbands and of their Parents which have lost their lives because they would have deprived our mercifull Queen of her life at the Popes instance and instigation It were to be wished that poor France had not lately felt the great miseries which follow after the Popes heavie indignation It should not have lost within the space of 15 years 14 hundred thousâ—nd men not Strangers but naturall French men it should not have lost in so small a time above 142950. French Gentlemen it should not have lost in so unhapy a time their late King the first King that ever was murthered by his owne Subjects in France it should not complaine that the Father had killed the son the child hâ—s parent the brother the seed of his mothers Wombe and the kinsman the next of his owne kin briefly it should not be pestred and plagued with such unnatural Subjects as delight in the slaughter of their owne Country men as comment and approve of the wicked horrible and most odious and detestable Murther of their owne Leige Lord and Soverraigne Now seeing that either the Approbation of murther as in the Emperor Phocas or the Allowance of unlawfull usurpations as in Charles the great or the Toleration of wicked Rebellions as in Henry the son against the Emperor Henry the Father or the maintenance of wrong Titles as in King Pipin of France or the practise of subtile and devillish devices as in the before mentioned Popes hath caused the Advancement of Popes It must needs follow that they have not lawfully attained unto the Authoritie which they now challenge But to omit all that might here be conveniently spoken against the Succession of Popes against their Authoritie their Pride their abuses and the Iniuries offered unto all Nations that either voluntarily or forcibly have lived under their obedience To leave to tell you how many Catholick Princes they have excommunicated as Hereticks how many Seditions Tumults and Wars have been raised in the world by them and in the defence of their causes To leave to declare unro you how â—thany religious Princes and Kings have nothing esteemed their excommunications how many had good occasion to commend and bless them briefly to avoide that prolixitie which could not be avoided if I should enter into this discourse I will onely signifie unto you the great Wrongs losses and Indignities which our Realme alone hath received by receiving the Pope and his Authoritie for of a brief declaration hereof will follow this great benefit that when it shall appeare as it may appeare unto as many as will vouchsafe to reade the before named Marsilius Pativius that their Authoritie is usurped and that by receiving and acknowledging the same our Realm fele many inconveniences and many Miseries from which it is now freed no man should think her Majestie to be Lawfully excommunicated whome the Pope hath anathematized for not reverening him and his Authoritie whom her Predeâ—effors long since rejected There was a time when as our Kings blinded with the same zeale and affection which now possessâ—th the hearts of those Princes which are wholie devoted unto the Popes holiness honored him as those Princes now do then there was no Realme comparable to ours neither for number nor for beautie of religious houses There was no Country that yeilded greater Obedience unto the Sea of Rome no people that was more readie to receive and entertaine the Popes Legats to honor and reverence them and to fulfill and accomplish whatsoever they required at our hands This great zeale and obedience of ours whereas it should have purchased us especiall favors for he that loveth most ought to be required with most love procured us in time great hatred for no Nation had the like injuries offered unto them as were proffered unto us Whence this hatred proceeded I shall not need to relate our Hâ—storiâ—s ease me of that labour and paine and the manifold Abuses which are suffered will manifestly prove the same There is nothing that derogateth more from the Majesty of a King then to be ruled by Forrein Laws nor any thing that grieveth or offendeth Subjects so much as to be drawen from home into remote and far distint places to prosecute their Right and Suits in Law The first is odious because it disgraceth the Country whose Prince endureth that Jndignitie and the last is grievous because it is both troublesome and chargeable In the time of our Superstitions and foolish zeale unto the Sea of Rome Thomas Archbishop of Cant. was slaine in his Cathedrall Church by William Tracey Reynold Ursin Hugh Marvell and Richard Britton who thinking it noâ— convenient that a proud Prelate should prefer the Popes Commandment before our Kings Authoritie and being grievously offended with the great Indignities that were offered unto our King and his kingdom for his superstitious and contentious Bishops sake came out of Normandie of purpose to end by his death those troubles and vexations from which they thought that our Realme could not be freed so long as he lived The King whenâ—this Murther was committed in England was in Normandy where hearing the News thereof he greatly lamented his death Clothed himself in Sack-Cloth confessed himself unto Almighty God and protested before his divine Majestie that he neither was guilâ—ie or privie to the Archbishops death unless he might be held for guilâ—ie which had just occasion not to love him over well besides Henry the second for he was then King having for this Bishops sake tasted somewhat of the bitter fruits of the Popes Indignation and fearing that when his death should be known at Rome he should incurr his further displeasure sent presently certain Ambassadors unto Rome to excuse him and to signifie his Innocency unto the Pope but his Holiness would not admit them unto his sight untill that certaine of his Cardinals told him that they had express commission from their King to signifie unto his Holiness that he would stand to the Popes and his Cardinals Iudgment and undergo what Penance soever it should please him and them to
partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
Raigne married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes Buâ— against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title the Scots make three principall Objections The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Huntingdon the which they confess they held of our Kings and by their grant and guift The second that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Baliâ—l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom took the two Competitors aside and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him which when Robert whose Title was as they thought best refused to do and Iohn was content to performe hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption The third that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage but were so farr from yeilding thereunto that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown and gave the same unto Robert the first because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed. The three Objâ—ctions may not be unanswered and therefore unto â—very one of them in Order True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or Soveraigne King of England although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes because hee sometimes owed Fidelity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy Bâ—t the case is altered in the King of Scots because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom And this is no good Argument The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England therefore they did not Homage for Scotland But the second Objection is of better weight and yet may bee thus answered I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit and desire to have Holinshed and Thâ— Walsingham speaking for us to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian namely by Pelidore Virgil a man of more indifferency of less partiality and perhaps of better Judgement against whom if it be be said that he was either hired to write our History favorably or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us I â—nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition and I eftsoones say as I once said before that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull Then to refell this Objection I say out of Polid. Virgil that Kâ—ng Edward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David and Robert Bruce of the Second I strengthen my saying by these Arguments First it is said that King Edward very wisely when as this great conâ—ention was referred unto his Audience and determination he called together as Hector Boetiâ—s himself writeth the learnedst men of England and of Scotland he sent the State of the Question into France whence he received Answer that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better And because he might be suâ—pected if he should examine the matter alone and give sentence himself he chose 12. English men as Boetius saith or 20. as Holinshed reporteâ—h and as many Scots as English men whom he made Judges of the controversie and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll which Award was confirmed by the King Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland as are before mentioned is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected Lastly although he had made Iohn Baliâ—ll to enter into such a condition and to binde himselfe thereunto this cannot help the Scots for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right that he shall not have his lawfull Favor unlesse he will be content And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal because the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands and the Vassal is not in some Mens opinion bound to do him homage unlesse it be required The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom they required our king to be bound as he was in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths and they appointed certain principal Noblemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use whom King Edward should declare to have best Right thereunto Againe Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland as Bucanan reporteth but was enforced as Hector Boetius restifieth to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obedâ—ence unto our King and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence but that our King enforced them thereunto As though it were not lawfull for the Superior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects in case fair means cannot prevaile with them by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty Inconstancy and Rebellion they revolted often They broke their promise many times They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words and to deceive us with vaine promises But the eternall who hateth deceivers and deceitfull dealings so prospered all our Attemps against them that our King for a while left them destitute of a King caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of
his own laws made the Earl of Pembroke whose name was Odomar Valentinian Governor of Scotland and to the end they should have no Memory no Monument nor Testimony of a Royal Majesty he transferred a Seate of Stone whereupon their Kings were wont to sit at their Coronation out of Scotland into England and the same remainth at thâ—s day at Westminster Now to leave these and the like Testimonies because they carry the lesse credit for that they are reported by our own Historiographers I will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own Histories First it cannot be denyed that God hath blessed us with many famous and notable Victories against the Scots Then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories Next it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantageâ— And who will think that when we were so often provoked so many times deceived so throughly informed of our Right that we would not claime our Right Againe at the very time of this notable competency betwixt Iohn Balioll and Robert Bruce it is written that Ericus King of Norway sent certain Ambassadors wiâ—h Letters of Commissiâ—n from him to demand the Kingdome of Scotland in the Right of his Daughter Margaret sometimes Wife unto the King of Scots in which Letter he acknowledgeth our King to be Lord and Soveraigne of Scotland And why should there be found Bulls of Excommunication against the Kings of Scotland for not obeying our Kings Or why should it be recorded that two Kâ—ngs of Scotland Carried at severall times the Sword before King Arthur and king Richard at their Coronations Or why is it not probable that Scotland should be as well Subject unto us as Bohemia and Hungaria were unto the Empire Naples and Sicilie unto Rome Burgondy and Navarr unto France the Duâ—edom of Moscovia aâ—d the Marquisate of Brandiburge unto Polâ—nâ—a Portugall unto Spaine and Austria unto Bohemia Or lâ—stly why may it not be thought that as these Kingdoms and Dominions remaine still in their old Subjection and acknowledg their Ancient Soveraigne so Scotland ought to do the like Our Fortune seldome failed us against them They never used us so kindly nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely that they Resigned their Right and Title unto Scotland as other Princes have done But now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority as a Frenchman contracting or bargaining with one of our Nation in England maketh himself by this contract and Bargaine a Subject unto our Laws so any man whatsoever offending within our Realm subjecteth himself by reason of his offence unto our Jurisdiction And this is so true that a very mean man being a Judge if a great personage remaining under his Jurisdiction who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his Authority shall commit an offence worthie of Punishment during his abode there the same mean and Inferior Judge may lawfully punish his Offence Example will make this matter more cleer For Example sake then grant that a Bishop abideth a while within an Archdeacons Jurisdiction and there offendeth in some Crime that deserveth Punishment the question may be whether the Archdacon may punish this delinquent For the Negative it may be said that Par in parem non habet protestatem much lesse an Inferior against his Superior and that an Archdeacon is Oculus Episcopi and Major post Episcopum and therefore can have no Authority over a Bishop yet it is resolved that if the Bishop be a stranger and not a Bishop of the Diocesse the Archdeacon hath sufficient Authority and the power to Chastise and Correct his offence but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own Bishop and the reason of the diversity is because his own Bâ—shop is as it were the Archdeacons spirituall Father and it is not Convenient that the Son should have any manner of Authority over the Father Now since it is certaine that where there is the like reason there the like Law shall be I may boldly infer by this Law that the Scottish Queâ—n offending within her Majesties Dominion may be punished by her Grace although she were her farr better I might here before I come unto her voluntary and forcible Resignation of the Crown tell you that she committed many things both before and after her Imprisonment that made a plaine forfeture of her Kingdome But although when I tâ—uched the duties of Vassals in some part I promised to touch the same in this plâ—ce more largely yet for brevitie sake I must omit this large discourse and only tell you that as the French King called our King Iohn in question for the murther commited by him at his Instigation on the person of his Nephew Arthur and forfeited his States in France for his not Apperance or insufficient Answer unto that Crime so if the Scottish Subjects had not deprived their Queen for the Parâ—icide laâ—d to her charge our Queens most excellent Majestie might not only have taken notice thereof but also have punished the same For albeit the Fact was committed without her Highness Realm and Dominion yet the person who was murthered being her Subject and Kinsman her grace might ex eo capite in my simple opinion lawfully have proceeded against the Malefactor And I remember that I saw a man executed at Venice because he killed his own Wife in Turky and the reason why they proceeded against him was the hainousness of the Fact and for that his Wife although she were not so was their naturall Subject And yet I confesse that our Common Laws regard not offences commited without our Realm wherein me thinketh they have small reason For sithence that for a Bargain made beyond the Seas I may have my reâ—edy here why shall not have the benefit of Law for my Child and Kinsman or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the Seas since the life of a Subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods And if in a Civill action of which the Cause and originall is given beyond the Seas they can 〈◊〉 the Bond and Obligation to be made at Lyons within some Shire in England when indeed the same Lyons which they meane and where the Bond was made is in France why may they not lawfully use the like Fiction in a Criminal Cause But now the third point that Argueth the late Scottish Queens Inferiority unto our Queen She was deposed and therefore no longer a Queen This point hath in it two very strange points It is strange to hear that a Man or a woman being borne a Prince should be deprived and that he which receiveth a Kingdom by his birth should lose the same before his death But because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate Queens Execution I will forbear to speak thereof untill
I come to that Objection Considering therefore all the premisses I may boldly conclude that notwithstanding our often repeated Maxime Par in Parem non habet potestatem Her Majesties proceeding against the Scotish Lady was most lawfull For although as there is but one Sun and one Moon in the Firmament so there should be but one king in a kingdome yet this king may receive another coming into his Dominion if he will gentlie for that is humanitie but let him neither admit him to be his Companion although he earnestly intreat him for that were folly nor to be affraid to punish him if he offend for that would argue foolish Pusillanimitie It is written of Lewis the Emperor that he having taken Frederick his Competitor Prisoner in the Wars took his Oath that he should never affect the Empire any more nor bear armes against him and so did set him at Libertie And he returned into Austria where he lived afâ—erwards quietly and never molested or troubâ—ed the Emperor more Againe it is reported of Cyrus that he having taken King Astiages Prisoner Caused him to be kept as a king and never did him more harmâ— And that he likewise shewed the like Clemency unto Croesus king of part of Asia Now as these kings were Commended as well by those who lived in their days as by their Posterity for their courtesie shewed unto these Capâ—ives So it had greatly rebounded say the Scotish Queens favourers unto her Majesties Commendation if it had pleased her to have preserved the unfortunate Queen The Spanish king would have thanked her France would have pâ—â—â—sed her the Guisards would have liked it and the Orphan her Sonne would have taken very it kindly Whereas now all these are or justly may be highly offended and displeased with her severily Truly Compassion and Mercy in a Queen towards a Queen is commendable and it becometh the Feminine Sex whose hearts are more tender then Mens to be kind unto their own kinde But if this kindness cannot be shewed without manifest danger unto him that shall shew it I hold it for crueltie rather then clemency to use it For there is quaedam credulis misericordia and sometimes to spare a sinner is as much as to kill a sinner and poor pity many times saith the Proverb overthroweth a whole city Cleâ—menes flying from king Antigonus his wrath and violence had recourse and refuge unto Ptolomy king of Egypt by whom he was courteously entertained and promised Aydâ— to help him unto his kingdomes This Ayde was deferred from day to day and the longer it was delayed the greater was Cleomenes desire to return into his country And therefore finding that his courteous host was so given unto Wine and Drunkennesse that there was small hope to have present helpe from him he entred into conspiracy with some of his Nobles against him and thought to have extorted by force what he could not obtaine by intreaty but he failed of his purpose And he that meant to have killed was killed But what if Ptolomy had understood his Treason before it was put in practise and he punished him according to his deserts who would or could have justly blamed him for repelling Force by Force who would have been grieved at so unthankfull a Guests death who would have sought revenge for so ungratefull a person who to be short would have reproved in an other that which he would have done himself if the like wrong had been offered unto himself I know that many Prince cannot abide him that giveth such counsell as liketh them not although it be never so good Some cannot endure that any man should presume to tell them of their faults and very few can finde in their hearts to pardon him that would take away their lives In which opinion the more stiffly they dwell the more reason I give them because such Lenity would encourage wicked and evil-minded men to intend and procure their final destruction For if Cleâ—menes had killed Ptolomy with impunity who would not have been animated by his Example to have made the like Attempt especially against him whose death might yeeld him any manner of benefit In regard whereof Ptolemy examined Cleomenes his Treason after his death and finding him guilty condemned his memory and caused his dead carcass to be hanged up to his great dishonour and perpetual infamy There lived many good and courteous Princes in that age but none of them reprehended Ptolomy his action because they saw that if they tolerated or allowed Cleomenes his Ingratitude and Treason being such as no man but a most wicked man ever adventured to attempt none except he had been a very simple fool would have made any conscience or difficulty to have done the like Since therefore the Scotish Queen not onely resembled but excâ—lled and exceeded Cleomenes for she conspired many times but he but once against his Host since she was so neer unto her as Astiages was to Cyrus nor could not serve her for so faithfull a Councellor as was Craesus nor in sparing her she was to regard any mans favour or friendship as Lewis the Emperor did the Love and Amity of Leopald the duke of Austria when he shewed mercy unto his Competitor Frederick why should her Majesty have spared so unthankfull a Guest so merciless a Queen Should she have feared the King of Spains displeasure It was he that set her on and animated her in her enterprises And therefore it had been as much to fear him as to be afraid to execute a Thief for fear of his Companion Should she have born respect unto the Guisards Why she knew their hatred was so great towards her that she needed not to fear to increase the same and she had so provided that they should not be able to annoy her Should she have been afraid of the French Kings displeasure Why she sent her Process her Examination her Arraignment unto him and found that he rested well and throughly satisfied therewith and he was to reap a great benefit by her death for he was discharged of the Dower which she had yearly out of France Lastly should she have stood in fear of her sons displeasure Why she saw that so long as she lived he could not live in peace in quiet in security and as for his Subjects they when they deposed her or rather when they caused her to resigne her Diadem shewed their minde and affection towards her The rest of the princes of Christendom some might perhaps marvail for a while at her death because it was a strange President others might pitty her because she was a woman and a Queen but none will fight for her because that they which were allied unto her were not able and they that had no alliance unto her had no cause to Revenge her death The second Objection is fully answered now followeth the third a dangerous Question to be handled by a Subject and yet too boldly discussed by some learned Subjects
for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture whereby we are commanded to obey Princes to be subject unto them to honour them to pray for them since they are called Fathers and we Children they Shepherds and we their Flocks they Heads and we their Feet it is an hard Resolution and in my opinion an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents a Flock to Rebel against their Shepherd or the Feet to presume to command and direct the Head This question notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult is largly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories of Princes that have been done to death Briefly you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion For Buchanan argueth in such manner as I may rather commend his subtilty then his conscience And he that writeth against the French king sheweth himself too partial too malicious too injurious to Princes And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects and the other too much power unto the Pope It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people It is likewise certain that this Authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him Shall either a rude multitude or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people And because Countries have flourished and may still flourish without a king shall therefore every Country reject their king when they dislike their king It â—eemeth that Buchanan is of this opinion because he approveth the death of king Iames the third and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king and the chief Authors of his death The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King were but two The one that he had made certain base money and called it not in again at their pleasure The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity if these two faults might be amended the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King The King yeelded not unto these motions Why The History giveth a good reason for the King They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat but inforce their King and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness who presumed to War against him at home when he and his Kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign Enemies There was amongst them namely the Duke of Albania who affected the kingdom who to further his Traiterous purposes had joyned with the King of England against his native Country and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel and had hanged them contrary to all Law and Equity they laid not down their Weapons but followed the poor King and so followed him that at length they flew him And why My Author giveth this reason Because they knew that they had so highly offended him that they feared that if they should have spared him as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done he would have been revenged of them This murther the States of Scotland saith Buchanan allowed and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same But what States are these Those saith my Author that had born Arms against him and for whose sake he was murthered And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me Shall Princes do what they list and no man censure them Are they not subject unto the Laws May they not be called to an accompt Shall the people from whence they derive their Authority have no manner of authority over them And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law I limit their Wills unto Reason I tie their commandments unto the Word of God I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature unto Equity and unto the Weal of the people And if these things be not regarded I take their Laws to be unlawful their Commandmenâ—s unjust their Decrees â—â—ique I know that good Princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their Laws that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws And if any of them by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance by malice or forgetfulness begin to contemn their Laws I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked but not utterly rejected be in a mannerly sort checked but not violently condemned be gently admonished but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished Is there no way but down with them depose them kill them Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews as they did against Christ Crucifige Crucifige and not rather learn by the Jews that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency as in France Theodorick and Chilperick others for their negligence as again in France Lewis sirnamed Do nothing some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown as Martina Empress of Constantinople others for perjury and not keeping promise with their Enemies as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth some for not tendring the Weal and publick Welfare of their Subjects as Richard King of England others for murthering them which reprehended their vices as Boleslaus King of Polonia some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia others for their extream rigor and cruelty as Sigismond King of Hungary some for their childrens Adultery as Tarquine King of Rome others for Tyranny as Archilaus Son to Herod some for unreasonable
exactions as Slaomire King of Abredites and others for corruption as Adolph the Emperor But if all these Depositions were examined and tried by the Touchstone of Law I think the most part of them will be found scant lawful For all these crimes in private men are not capital and therefore why should they be so severely punished in Princes How many judges take Bribes and are not deposed How many Magistrates are negligent and are not punished How many Officers execute not their Offices and are not removed How many rich men offend in Adultery and are not censured briefly How many Noble men commit Adultery and Murther and are not condemned In Poland the Gentleman that killeth a Yeoman payeth but a certain Fine in money in France he that killeth another manfully and in the field is seldom executed In Italy many are vilely murthered and the Murtherers are not always punished And in all Countries grievous Crimes are either tolerated or pardoned sometimes because the Malefactors are descended of notable parents whom Princes are loth to offend and discontent You have heard how Dunorix was spared although he were a Traytor for Diviaticus his Brothers sake and our Chronicles report that Henry the Third having taken in the Barons Wars many Schollars of Oxford in Northampton who did him more harm then all the rest of his Enemies would have hanged them all had not his Council perswaded him to save them because in executing them he might displease their friends who were Gentlemen and Noblemen of great Houses Shall mean personages vile murtherers private men escape unpunished and must the Law be executed with all severity upon Princes They are in higher places their actions are beheld of all men and most men are lead by their example True but David was not punished as soon as he had killed Uriah Solomon was not deposed although he kept many Concubines Herod was not streightways deprived for murthering of Iohn Baptist and it was long before Saul was removed by David But how then May Princes offend as often as they will and never be punished No Must their Subjects endure all their Cruelties and Tyrannies No May they be troublesom unto their Neighbours untrue unto their Confederates Enemies unto the common peace and never to be reprehended No What course is then to be taken to bridle their Appetites and restrain their Insolency Truly I finde two notable Laws for the punishment of such Princes the one made by Conrad the Emperor and the other by Otho the Third Conrad his Law commanded all Princes to embrace Peace to maintain Law and Equity and not to disturb the quiet and peaceable Estate of the Empire and that whosoever transgressed in any of these three points should suffer death Othon his Law was much to the same effect but he added That the Prince offending in any of these three points should besides the loss of life lose all his States and Dominions and be held for a common enemy and that all the Princes of Christendom should rise in arms against him as a perturber of Christian peace and tranquillity But in these days Princes neither are nor will be nor can be ready to help every one that complaineth and why should Subjects seek for releif abroad that may be releived and succoured at home The course is ordinary the remedy easie if men will not deceive themselves in taking their course Every Country hath its Parliament every Kingdom the Assembly of their Estates there may their Griefs be heard their Wrongs red ressed and their Princes repressed And in this course the common people loseth not a jot of their Authority for they which attribute most unto the people take not every confused rude and tumultuous multitude for the people but a choice company of the wisest Nobility and of the most grave honest discreet and wise men amongst the Commonalty It must not be such base and busie companions as was Iack Straw in England Nicholas Rency in Rome Iaques Artevilla in Flanders George Zechius in Bohemia Anthony Bavadella in Spain and William Siler in Switzerland that must presume to controll mighty Kings or to alter well governed States For such petty Companions are better able to mislead a number of simple people with their venemous tongues then to consider with discretion that many things are done in every Kingdom which Princes know not of and that divers abuses are committed which the Officers that commit them keep as long as they can possible from their Princes knowledge which abuses should be quickly redressed if the king might be made acquainted with them These Companions consider not that there is an High Court of Parliament unto which Princes either can be contented or be constrained to submit themselves and wherein Subjects may speak unto their King freely so they speak reverently any thing that may benefit their Country I said reverently because methinks it is not tolerable that any Subject be he never so great and mighty should use unreverent speeches unto his King secretly much less in an open Parliament as did Richard Earl Marshal of England unto King Henry the third who when the King called him in choler and perhaps not without occasion Traytor gave him the lye in the Parliament House and told him to his face he cared not for him because he was well assured that as long as he lived in obedience unto the Laws of the the Realm he could not hurt him And when the king answered he could intercept his victuals and suffer no man to bring him any manner of Provision he replyed that if he sent any to intercept his victuals he would send them home shorter by the heads then they came Such an audacious and unreverent speech coming to the ears of such busie Companions as Iack Straw and Iack Cade were in England would make them take the Speaker for a Demy God for a Patron of his Country for a Protector of their Liberty and being carried from them unto others may draw them like a company of mad-men to adventure life and limbs for such a desperate Cataline and without ever considering whereabout they go to undertake for his sake the utter subversion of Town and Country But it may be said that I am like the Physitian that prescribeth a remedy unto his Patient but telleth him not how he shall come by it so I talk much of a Parliament but I conceal how difficult it will be to have a Parliament especially when a Prince without whose consent and commandment the same cannot be called knoweth or mistrusteth that any thing shall be debated and determined therein to his prejudice I cannot but acknowledge this difficulty and therefore if the wrongs that are offered be not too great it is better to suffer them with patience thâ—n to seek to reform them by violence But if the outrages grow once to be so extream that they are no longer to be endured I hold the same for a most unfortunate unhappy and
the Laws of Humanity or Hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken if such a Prince be severely punished for since he first violateth these Laws himself he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of Law for the shortning of so unthankfull a Guests life especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously But it was never seen say the Scotish Queens friends that a Prince flying from the violence of her Subjects or passing by another Princes Realm as the Scotish Queen did to go into another Country was detained prisoner It is a thing never heard of never practised in any Age or by any Prince were he never so barbarous never so void of Humanity This is a vehement Objection but not so vehement as ridiculous For as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave so Princes may not set their feet on their neighbours Territories without asking them leave and license and the Prince that shall presume to come into another Princes Country without his leave is thought too indiscreet and unwise although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull It is written of Baldwine the Emperor of Constantinople that when he being driven from his Imperial Seat came into England to demand aid of our King the cause of his coming was very just and equitable but when landed at Dover word was sent him by our King that he had done unadvisedly and otherwise then it became a king of his Magnificence and Majesty to adventure to come into our Realm without making them privy before hand to his coming and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave it was held for a manifest sign of great pride and contempt Was there ever Prince that took a more just and necessary and commendable voyage then Richard the first king of England did unto the Holy land Was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage Had ever Prince more just occasion to hope to pass by another Princes Country without danger or detriment then he had And yet as he returned although he was disguised in apparel to the end he might not be known and pass safely he was intercepted by Leopald Duke of Austria and held a long time in prison by him and afterwards dilivered unto the Emperor And albeit that the Pope and other Princes considering that he was unlawfully detained became Mediators and Intercessors for his liberty yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his Ransom Both our Chronicles and the Scotish Histories report that Iames son unto Robert King of Scotland when his Uncle being Governor of the Kingdom had murthered his Elder brother and purposed to have made him away also was sent by his father into France or into England with letters of recomenmdation unto both Kings wherein the poor and distressed Father besought both Kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate and to receive and entertain his Son with all kindeness The young Prince after that he had been but a small while upon the Seas not brooking them very well commanded the Master of the ship to land him in England He is presently brought unto the presence of King Henry the first to whom he shewed his Fathers letters The King having perused them called his Councel together they deliberate what were best to do with the Prince some think it good to send him into France others whose opinion was followed perswade the king to detain him as prisoner I might alledge a number of Examples like unto these two but they may suffice to refute this frivolous Objection And the late Queen of Scots might have learned of either these Princes how to have carried her self in the time of her Captivity King Richard was a valiant a mighty and a notable wise Prince His case was lamented of all the Princes of Christendom His Subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his Detainers to deliver him His journey was undertaken for the benefit of all Christendom and therefore it behoved all Princes to be offended with his imprisonment Briefly neither the Duke nor the Emperor had just occasion to detain him and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison nor practised any treacherous wayes to be revenged of his Detainers The Scotish Prince doubtless was to be pittied The cause of his flight was just and honest and the detaining of him prisoner waâ— rather hatefull then honourable and yet this poor Prince carried himself not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in England but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into France where he might have easily escaped from his keepers or quickly haâ—e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty he continued stâ—ll a faithfull prisoner And was so far at all times from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used and in requital of that courtesie when as Henry the sixth Son unto the same Henry who kept him Prisoner was driven out his kingdom he not onely haâ—boured him but also helped to restore him to his kingdom The good carriages of these two Princes condemneth the Scottish Queen and the general custom of Princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other Princes Dominions but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there confuteth this foolish this fond this ridiculous and childish Objection It is written of a King of Navarre that when he had occasion to come into England in the four and fortieth year of Edward the Third his reign not to conspire against us but to intreat a League with us and to fight for us he not onely demanded leave but also durst not adventure to come before that the King had sent unto his Realm certain Bishops Earls and Barons to remain as Hostages and Sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in England And surely Princes have great reason to require such Assurance since many Kings and Princes have been in great danger to be killed yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of Common Affairs So was Iulius Caesar in danger to have been in conference with Ariovisâ—us so was William Duke of Normandy killed in conference with Arnold Earl of Flanders so was the Duke of Burgundy muâ—thered at a meeting with the Dolphin of France And these examples have made Princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such Enterviews or if they must needs meet they cause places to be made of
Marcellus before Iulius Caesar he being the onely Judge and Arbitrator of his own cause And it was the custom of the first kings of Rome to hear all causes themselves as well concerning their subjects as themselves until that Servius Tullius the sixth king reserved all publick causes for his own audience and referred his own private matters unto the Senate There was nothing so great or so small saith Suetonius Tranquillus but Tiberius when he began to be weary of managing of publick affairs referred the same unto his Senators And so did Marcus Antonius as Capitolinus testifieth But after that Princes began to grow absolute after that their States became hereditary and they had established a certain order in Judgement then began they to have their Judges who sat as their substitutues as well in other mens as in their own causes as Choppianus reporteth And although they appoint such Judges yet they wrong not their Subjects therein because both they themselves vouchsafe to swear to see their Laws maintained and their Judges are sworn to Judge according unto their Laws But our Queens Majesty was not Judge in the Scotish Queens cause It pleased her to make the high Court of Parliament judge thereof What wrong then was there offered unto her since she had the same Trial which many Kings of England have had As namely Richard the second and third and Henry the fourth and sixth She had not the favour which was shewed unto Subjects or Strangers She should have had a Jury of Twelve Peers to pass on her whereof the one half should have been Englishmen and the other Scots or other strangers This in truth is the usuall and ordinary manner of Tryal for strangers offending within the Queen Dominions But where should such strangers have been had but that they would have been partial on the one side or on the other what course might have been taken for their coming into England And when they were come if she had made as she might have done any manner of exception against them had it not been dangerous to stay the coming of others Had it not been costly to have defrayed their Charges And who should have born their charges The strangers themselves would not have been at the cost The Scotish Queen was not able to maintain them And there was no reason to put her Majesty to such charges It may be that the Spanish King would have been content to have paid their charges Let it be granted yea and those whom he would have sent would have saved her life because they durst not displease him and he must needs have gratified her because she had as she confessed sold unto him her pretensive Right unto the Crown of England Is it likely that six Peers of our Realm would have spared her when six and thirty of the chiefest of our Nobility and of the most discreet Judges and Lawyers of our Realm found her guilty and the whole Parliament condemned her In which Parliament by reason of the Priviledges and Liberties thereof any man might have spoken more freely in her defence then in any other place And was it not seen that before she had endeavoured by so many wayes and means as she did to take away our most gratious Soveraigns life and Scepter that very mean men presumed to speak for her in the Parliament House and were heard with all favour and indifferency And if she had been saved by the Spaniards benefit would he not have used her to our destruction And should not we have lived in continual servitude then which nothing is more grievous unto a good minde nothing more contrary and repugnant unto the nature and quality of a Prince May it be thought that that King who objected unto our Queen in a most disdainfull and dispightfull manner that he had saved her life and that her Majesty was bound unto him for the same when as indeed there was no cause why she should have ever have been in danger to lose her life May it be thought I say that he wouâ—d not have done the like unto the Scotish Queen if she had not been alwayes at his disposition But it was strange that a Prince should be put to death It was not strange in Scotland where more Kings have been slain and murthered then have died a natural death where Alphinus not onely King of Scots but also Heir unto the Kingdom of the Picts was openly beheaded It was not strange in Hungary where Queen Ioan was executed for the murther committed on the person of her Husband It was not strange in France where Bernard King of Italy and lawful King of France was adjudged and done to death It was not strange in Asia where Hercules slew Laomedon for his tyranny and cruelty It was not strange in Spain where Henry the Bastard executed Peter the lawful King It was not strange in the kingdom of Naples where Conrad rightful King thereof was beheaded Briefly it was not strange in the holy Scripâ—ures where we read that Ioshuah discomfited five Kings and hung them all upon trees that Saul was reprehended by Samuel for not kiling Agag King of the Amalakites whom Samuel took and hewed in peeces that Gideon slew the Kings of Midian and that Iehu slew Iehoram King of Israel and Ahaziah King of Iudah There is nothing then strange or without example in the execution of the Scotish Queen unless it be strange that our Queens Majesty was careless of her life when her Subject were careful of the same that she would not hear of her death when they desired nothing more then her death That when the Parliament had condemned her she could not be in treated to subscribe to their Judgment Briefly That when with great labour and many perswasions she was won by her privy Councel and others who were of opinion that Vita Mariae would be Mors Elizabethae as Vita Conradini was thought by the Pope to be Mors Caroli to deliver her Warrant to one of her Secretaries for her death she imprisoned and grievously fined that Secretaryfor sending that Warrant with such speed as he did whereby it seemed that had not the Warrant been obtained when it was she would hardly have yeeled to her execution and by punishing him that was so willing and ready to have her executed it appeareth that her Majesty not onely loved her whilst she lived but also after she was dead and her Highness grave and wise speeches delivered unto her loving Subjects in the Parliament House do testifie how sorrowful and unwilling her Majesty was to consent unto her death although it was there made most apparent unto her Grace that as long as that Queen lived she could not be without continual danger of losing her life This opinion being therefore confirmed to be most true since her death because there have no such Treasons been either intended or practised against her Majesty since as before that time It followeth that her execution gave
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
him Flanders Holland and all the rest of his seventeen Provinces would likewise fall from him But it pleased him having two notable Examples before his eyes the one of Antienâ—time the other of latter years the first bad and the other good to reject the one and to follow the other The Examples were these Rehâ—boam the sonne of wise Solomon would impose greater Taxes and Subsidies upon his Subjects then his Father had done before him The People hereupon complained unto him as the Low-country Subjects did unto the Spanish King desired him rather to mitigate then to increase his Impositions shewed that they were not able to bear and support so great charges He called his Councellors together as undoubtedly the Spaniard did and craved their advice The elder Counsellors were of opinion that it was good and expedient to yield unto his Subjects demands as perhaps the better sort of the Councell were and by easing their charges to assure unto himself their hearts and their affections But the younger sort and such undoubtedly were the Spanish Senators either in Wit or years advised him to reject their Petition and not to suffer them to prescribe Laws unto him who were to receive laws from him but to let them know that he was their King and they his Subjects and that it belonged unto them to obey This Counsel what followed But what followed in following this Counsel The greatest part of his People Rebelled against him Ieroboam was chosen King and Rehoboam raised an Army of 80 Thousand men to constraine his Subjects to return to their former obedience but he lost him time and Ten parts of his Kingdom Lewis the Eleventh King of France a wise and subtile Prince if ever there were any in France at his first coming to the Crown played his part as Rehoboam did until that the chief of his Nobility rebelled against him This wise King acknowledged his fault sought all means possible to pacify and reconcile those Rebells He yielded to their demands and was so far from punishing their disobedience as that he received them for his chief Councellors and was always more directed by them then by any other of his Counsell And when he had escaped the danger whereinto he was fallen by his Folly he gave great thanks to Almighty God that it had pleased him to give him the Grace not to hazard the losse of so great and mighty a Kingdome as France was and is upon the uncertainty of a Battaile and especially of a Bâ—ttaile to be fought against his own Subjects Subjâ—cts that love their Prince as the head of the Politique body their children as the stay and hope of their everlasting Families and their Liberty as the most precious Jewell of their worldly wealth And therefore when they see their Liberty restrained or impeached they forget their duty to their Prince remember not their love to their children and cut off their love and affection to their goods Nay they are no longer Masters of themselves being void of 〈◊〉 of reason of Judgment apprehending no thing else but that which is before their eyes and following those only who delude their senses abuse their reason and deceive their Judgment so that to strive with them in these Passions is to contend with mad men in their fury and it is almost as impossible for a Prince to rule them in this rage as it is impossible for one man to take and tame a number of wild Beasts in a wide and great Forrest It is doubtless that the Spanish King knew thus much but it pleased him to beleeve Appius Claudius better then Servilius to persecute and not to pacifie Volera to reject and not to receive Menenius his Counsell and to imitate Rehoboam of Israel rather then Lewis of France no marvel then if Rehoboams hard and ill Fortuâ—e and not Lewis his rare and strange Felicity beâ—ideth him You have seen his bad course heard his impossibility to subjugate and subdue England It remaineth to shew you that although he should conquer England yet he could not continue long in quiet and peaceable possession thereof It is hard to say what course he would take and how he would governe if he should chance to prevaile against England but I think he would imitate the example of others who have made conquest of strange and forreigne Countries before him and he will therefore make all things new as he himself shall be new He will appoint a new government and new Governors He will establish new Laws new Orders new Customes build up new Citadels and pluck down old Castels kill our Nobility and place Spaniards in their roomes Change all our Officers and make Castles and Forâ—s to keep his Subjâ—cts in awe and in fear destroy the Counâ—y and take away all ancient Priviledges impoverish the rich and inrich the poor unarme the vanquished and arms the vanquishers plant his religion and banishours impose new tributeâ— and charge the Subjects with strange impositions Briefly set spies in every City in every village in every town in every Hamlett and in every House to mark what is done or said what what is Counselled or practised Behold this is all that he can do This is as much as the Danes did This is the course that William the Conqueror took Briefly this is the manner of Government which the Romans practised and it is likely that he will doe all this in his own Kingdome But our Country men knowing by certaine report that he will doe all this will rather die then endure all this or if they endure it for a time will undoubtedly both seek and finde means to free themselves from such servitude in shorttime The examples of other Nations and other People which have killed themselves with their own hands because they would not fall into their Enemies hands will both move and encourage them to imitate and follow their Magnanimity The rebellions of many Princes will animate them to Revolt from their obedience Necessity will put some way or other into their heads how to find weapons how to choose Captains how to perswade a general Revolt and how to procure an alteration and change of his Tyrannical Government For albeit that the Spaniards will perhaps for a time Governe with all mildness â—â—â—anity and Justice yet as soon as they think themselves well setled and assured to hold and continue their conquests as soone as they taste those sweet Commodities and pleasant fruit which follow after the great increase of wealth and riches then will they begin to change their customes and their conditions then should you see which God forbid you ever see the Magistrates rob the commonwealth base and unworthy persons advanced to places of Dignity Superiors wrong their Inferiors â—â—supportable tributes imposed upon the People abominable Vices left unpunished Offices of Justice sold for money Laws little or nothing regarded Strangers more honored and respected then our own countrymen and good manners changed into evil conditions
And when you see this then you may boldly say that things are at the worst that violent courses cannot long endure that a time of a change and alteration is not far off and lastly since those things which Philosophers and wise men have noted to be the Forerunners of the Subversion of States are hapned and fallen upon our State that it will quickly change and perish All things therefore being well considered and that especially remembred which was said when I handled the first oversight of the Spanish King I may boldly inferr that Conquests are chargeable before they bee gotten easie to be lost after they be attained and wholly depending upon the Government of such Officers as are placed over them who if they be good Servants many times make themselves Masters and if they be bad put in great hazard all that is committed to their charge And since there are not many that endeavor to be such as they should bee there can be no great good looked for at their hands so long as they continue such as they appeare to be Besides the great ingratitude of Iustinian the Emperor to Marcelles of Ferdinando of Spain to Gonsalvo breedeth a Jealousy and feare in the hearts and heads of as many as are imployed in the like services that their Kings and Princes will reward them with the like recompences And this Jealousie maketh them to seek meanes how to be able to match or rather overcharge their Soveraigne in Power and Authority Was not this Jealousie the sole and onely cause that Tiberius had like to have been deprived of his State by Sejanus Commodus by Pervicius Theodosius the second by Eutropius Iustinian by Bellizarie Xerxes by Artaban and the Merovingians and Carolovingians by the great Masters of their Pallaces Is not the feare of the like danger the cause that Princes change their Liuetenants and Deputies often least that growing in too great Credit and love with the people their Credit may breed in them Ambition their Ambition a disloyalty and their disloyalty a plain Rebellion and their Rebellion a lamentable overthrow of their Kingdomes Is not this yearly or continuall changing of Officers the cause that they knowing that their Authority is of no long continuance study more to enrich themselves then to benefit the people to oppress and overcharge the Subjects then to comfort and relieve them And is not their study the cause that the people are discontented and ofâ—entimes enforced to Rebell Moreover how can it be but all or most part of those Inconveniencies of which I have spoken must needs fall upon the King of Spain whether he live long or die shortly since many motives and causes of Rebellion in Subjects and discontentment in Noblemen concur together in him For hee is old and will leave a very young Infant or no old Prince to succeed him in all his States who perhaps will Governe by Deputies and Liuetenants as his Father did before him in those Dominions which are far distant from Spain and will participate some small portion of Government with his Sister that hath been a long time nourished and nousled up in the sweetness of commanding Of his Governors some will be ambitious and desire to rule Others of baser minds but yet greedy of Recompencâ—es and Rewards for services done to him and his Father He will be jealous of some and give too much credit unto otheâ—s His Courtiers will engage and indebt themselves in setting themselves foâ—th in Triumphs and pâ—stiumes that they will devise to shew him His Captains will â—rave to be always imployed in wars and to levy those Soldiers in those Countries which will not be well conâ—ented with those Leâ—ies Bâ—iefly then will some Potentates and Frinces considering the years and weakness of this young Prince lay claim unto some of his States and every man will snatch what so ever shall be fittâ—â—t for his purpose nighest to his State and most open to his Invasion The Soldiers of Rome rebelled against Othâ— because hâ— was old Certain Cities of France against the Romans because they were greatly in debt The People of Thraciâ— against Rome because there were Soldiers lâ—vied in their Country against their wills Orgatorix Prince of the Switzers because he was desirous to be a King Morgovias and Cavedagins against Cordiâ—a their Aunt because she was a woman The Englisâ—man against Edward the Fourth because he dishonored the Earle of Warwick against Henry the Third because he would have made new Laws The Duke of Buckingham against Richard the Thâ—rd because he brake promise with him for the Earldom of Hertford the Scots against Iames the Third because he gave greater credit unto some of the Courtieers then they deserved and the Spaniards against Charls the Fifth because he lived more in Flanders then in Spain and governed Spain by Flemings Lastly when as Alexander the Great died Seleucus seised upon the Kingdome of Syria Ptolomy usuâ—ped upon Egypt Antigonus made himself King of Asia and Cassander reigned in Greece and Macedonia So whensoever the King of Spaine shall die his Son will enjoy most of his Dominions the Duke of Savoy will look for part of them His other Daughters Husband will look for a proportionable share and the Princes of Italy will perhaps lay in for their part and for their portion For every Kingdom hath a certain Period an end and declination And it is seldome seen that any State flourisheth many hundred years And as those bodies die soonest that are subject to most diseases so those Kingdomes perish soonest whose Princes are most inclined to many vices Saul reigned but Forty years and he and his posterity perished for his Infidelity David ruled other Forty and his Kingdom was divided for his Adultery Achan was King no longer time and his Kingdome was destroyed for his Idolatry And Cyrus enjoyed his Crown and Scepter not many years and his race failed in his Son Cambyses for his Cruelty And how can the Spanish Kings declining glory last long since many probable and very learned Authors do greatly belye him if he be not infected with all or most part of those vices which possessed incredulous and unbelieving Saul adulterous and leacherous David Idolatrous and Superstitious Achan Cruel and incestuous Cambyses I favor and reverence his Person because he is a King hate and detest his vices because they become not a Prince have declared and discovered his indiscretion because he may be no more thought so wise as common Fame reportâ—th him to be And now because of a dissembling friend he is become our professed Enemy I may not conceale the means how his courage may be cooled his Pride abated his purposes prevented his courses crossed his Ambition restrained his hopes frustrated his strength weakned his Alliances dissolved and Briefly all or part of his Kingdom rent and dismembred To know how all this may be done you shall need but to look back upon the means that he useth to conserve his
and penetrate even to the hearts of his best friends and his most assured Allyes But he is a faint friend that will be won with a word and he not worthy the name of an Ally whom the dash of a pen may make forsake and abandon his Confederate How then what other general way is to be practised Where a pen cannot prevail let a purse be walking Quis nisi mentis snops oblatum respuit aurum Let greater advancement be proffered to the Spanish Governors greater preferment to his best friends notable rewards unto those that will leave him Iulius coesar to win the hearts and affections of Scipios Souldiers promised them peaceable and quiet possession of their own goods and to reward them with the self same Honor Offices and Dignities which he vouchsafed upon his own own followers and by this means he won from Scipio many of his dearst friends Francis Forza a Captain of great worth and of better credit served the Venetians and the Florentines together many years against Philip Maria Duke of Millan and they to retain him to their onely service made him great offers promised him great preferment but the Duke hearing hearing thereof with a faithful promise to give him his onely Daughter in marriage and to make him his sole and onely Heir made him forsake his old friends and to become his vowed friend and servant But Francis Forza was a mean Captain and a man of no great Linage and therefore easie to be changed with an assured hope of better advancement whereas men of good account of honorable Parentage and of fufficient Lands and possessions such as the Spaniards cheifest Governors commonly are will not falsifie their faith or forsake their King for any reward whatsoever Truly men of great honour prefer their credit before their gain and yet honorable men are men as others be and suffer themselves to be won as others are There was a time when the Marquess of Mantoua whose Successors are now Dukes and equal to great Princes and he not inferior unto any of his Predecessors having vouchsafed to serve the Venetians as their General against Lewis Duke of Millan stood not so much upon his honor but that the said Lewis with greater offers and a larger Pention then he had of the Venetians was able to withdraw him from their service and devotion There was a time when the mighty Emperor Charls the Fift being desirous to alienate the affection of Pope Leo the Tenth from Francis the First King of France obtained his request and purpose by promising the Cardinal Iulio de Medicis a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats to be paid him out of the Arch-Bishoprick of Toledo and by giving to Alexander de Medicis a Pension of the like value in the Kingdom of Naples There was a time when the said Emperor Charls being jealous of the great friendship that was betwixt Pope Clement the Seventh and the Duke of Urbin and likewise desirous to distract Andrew Dorea from the service of the said Pope who then was in League with the French King prevailed with the one by giving him the City of Lova in the Kingdom of Naples and gained the assured friendship of the other by making him Duke of Malfie and by encreasing the pay and Pension which the Pope gave him To be short there was time when as Philip sirnamed the Fair King of France did not onely entreat Adolph the Emperorâ— by the onely means of great Rewards to forsake the Amity and Alliance of Edward King of England and of Guido Earle of Flanders but also procured Albert Duke of Austria by warring upon the Emperor at home to detain him in Germany so that he could not as he had promised trouble and molest France But some men will say These men had no regard of their honour whereunto a man carrying any reasonable respect will hardly be intreated to commit any thing that may never so little blemish or prejudice his reputation It cannot be denied that vertuous men had rather have their names eternized by their vertuous action then their Families enriched by unlawful corruption Yet it is written and written by an Author worthy to be remembred amongst the best Authors of our time That the Marquess of Pescara a Prince whose Vertues Fame Reputation Credit and Honor were nothing inferior unto the most honorable and vertuous Princes that ever lived on earth had been won by his friend Ieremy Morony to forsake the Emperor Charls the Fift if the Cardinal Acoltera and the Marquess of Angelâ— together with those learned Civilians which were sent by the Pope and the Venetians to perswade him that the Emperor was not lawful King of Naples and that the Pope had power to dispose thereof unto whom it pleased him had used pregnant and sufficient Reasons to enforce their perswasions and to assure him of the Kingdomâ— And undoubtedly the brotherly love of Don Iohn de Austria and the loyal affection of the late Duke of Parma might easily have been shaken by a more sweet then tempestuous wind of the like nature For since Marquesses Dukes Emperors and Popes have been content to be caught with a golden hook let no man be afraid to try and sound or despair to win and change the affections of meaner personages especially such as are either greedy or needy of rewards and against such Princes as have given many occasions of discontentment unto such Personages But now to descend from the general means unto those particular ways which I promised to declare unto you let me I pray you with good leave and patience run over the short Catalogue of his best friends and shew you how even they may be entreated or councelled either to forsake him utterly or to stand as Neutrals and idle lookers on whilst others shall annoy him And because of late years and since his late dishonour received in England he hath used all means possible to induce the Princes of Italy to aid him in a second Enterpâ—ise which he intendeth against England I will as briefly as I can set down divers Reasons which may be used to disswade them from yeelding him any manner of assistance It may therefore be said unto the Italians in general thâ—t they live now in peace and quietness under the wings and protection of divers Princes but who knoweth whether the Spaniard desireth this aid of them to disturb their quiet and to disquiet their general peace who knoweth whether he that now favoureth them will hereafter take occasion to hate them who knoweth since it is the custom of Princes to seek help of others not for any great need they have thereof but either to weaken them or to bring them into the haâ—red of others whether the King of Spain desireth their succour and furtherance to diminish their strength or the number of their friends Briefly who knoweth when their friends are diminished and their forces impared whether he will not suddenly denounce open Wars against them Great
is the force of ambition and unsatiabâ—e are the desires of covetous Princes who having subdued one Country seek presently after anoâ—her and when they have conquered that labour to attain unto new Conquests and never leave to inlarge their over large Territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies But it may be said the King of Spain is old but covetousness dieth not but increaseth in old age He is already Master and Lord of many Kingdoms and so many Countries But as I have said the more a man hath the more a man wanteth he being nigh unto deaths door thinks nothing of his death But every Prince before his death would be glad to make his name immortal his Dominions infinite He is a Catholick Prince therfore will hold his words and promises with Catholicks as he hath done hitherto But deceitful men keep touch in small matters to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence They may therefore justly fear that he who coveteth Kingdoms that are far from him is not without a great desire of States that joyn and border upon his Dominions and they may well think since he is descended as you shall hear anon of such Predecessors as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever just or unjust honest or dishonest commendable or reprehensible to enlarge their Dominions that he hath learned of them to have the like desires and use the like practises But grant they have no just occasion to distrust him what shall they gain by his friendship what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him He called them to help him But when forsooth when his ships were suâ—k bruised and broken some lost and never heard of and those which returned into Spain were so shaken and beaten with weather and Gun-shot that either they will be altogether unprofitable or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges and when his people were either drowned or so terrified that they will have a small desire and less courage to return in England But why implored he not their helps when he went for England with an assured hope and confidence of an happy Conquest of an honourable Victory He was loath to use their help because he thought himself able to aâ—tain his purpose without making them partakers of his glory and now that he hath failed of his purpose he calleth them unto a second voyage intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey and they must go to recover his credit and to revenge his quarrel who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit And how must they revenge his quarrel Forsooth by sending their best Soldiers into a strange Country by dis-furnishing themselves of Ships and Artillery and by lending him Munition and Mariners who might do well to spare his own people and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of Christendom Their Ancestors bought peace with unreasonable conditions and at a great price and they shall go to Wars where they have no cause of War Their Predecessors when any Nation dwelling beyond the Alps intended to pass the Alps endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage and to keep them at home and they having not felt the forces of such Nations these many years shall for his sake now go about to provoke them Their Forefathers lived quietly at home with their own and they shall disquiet themselves and other men and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage Their Parents never suffered their ships or their Souldiers to depart out of Italy for fear left the great Turk in their absence should invade their Country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the Heavens against the Windes against the Weather and the Sea for so they sight that fight against England Their hearts may tremble to think of it and that whâ—ch hath happened once may happen again If whilest their Forces shall be imployed in the Spanish kings service the Turk shall assail them at home shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of England Or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion For there is no other way to relieve them or to repel them But it may be said that the Spaniards credit and reputation will be their Buckler his greatness will restrain and repress their Adveâ—iaries Tell me you that think so Is he stronger then hâ—s Father was Hath he ever had better success in the Wars then he And yet in the prime and flower of his years and even when he thought himself free from all danger from all trouble and vexation of the Turks the Turks came to besiege Vienna which is the Emperors chief Seat and a City of as great strength as any other City of Europe They may consider that Armies that go far from home have as I have said seldom good success that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand seldom fall out well that men being once deceived of their expeâ—ation in any thing that they undertake proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action that to hang good Souldiers and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel is but to tempt God and lastly that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain All these being duly considered they may justly be afraid when they call to minde that their Navy which they shall send into England to help the king of Spain shall pass through many Seas Rocks with many contrary Winds in great Tempests and through manifest and dangerous parils and that their Souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst sometimes be Sea sick and in great danger of other diseases for where many be shut up close together there few can be in health long All this being duly considered they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the Spanish Fleet which went out of Spain with an assured hope of victory returned with great loss and ignommy And they may be discomforted when they enter into cogitation that the Spanish Navy returning to that place where they were once well beaten and remembring what small relief they had when they were in distress will not onely lose theâ—r courage themselves but also discourage their Italian Souldiers not being accustomed to sight so far from home or on so dangerous and troublesome Seas and with so valiant a Nation as the English Sea and Subjects are They may again be dismayed when they consider that although they should conquer England yet they cannot keep it long because they have no just cause to fight against England And lastly they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance that the small hope and confidence which they have
enough to rule his own Kingdom reâ—uâ—â—d their offer and they in disdam of him presently made choice of this Rodulph who had been the Master of his Palace and had learned divers Feats of Chivalry under him in regard of which experience the Electors as some men write yeelded him their consent But others report that after that for his ingratitude and evil demeanor he was put out of Othagarius his service he followed the Arch-bishop of Ments and attended so diligently upon him in the Journey which he made unto Rome that when he returned thence he made him Emperor although he was then of a very mean living as Albertus Argentinensis Iohannes Vitudaranus Rotridano Molespini Giovani Villani and Aeneas Sylvius who was afterwards Pope Pius the Second with many others do testifie And it is written that the same Arch bishop bragging many times with his friends in secret conference what a great deed he had done to make so mean a man Emperor would say unto them merrily that he carried an Emperor behinde him in his riding Hood when he travelled by the way You have heard how he came to the Empire now let me tell you how he demeaned himself therein The first thing he did wisely considering his own weakness he insinuated himself into the favour of the German Princes and whether it were to please them who were somewhat offended with Othagar King of Bohemia because they thought he disdained to be Emperor or to shew himself grateful where he had received great favour and courtesie he presently summoned his Master Othagar to come to do him homage for his Kingdom Othagar contemning both the Message and the Messenger and taking him for a proud servant who bâ—ing unworthily advanced would begin to shew his pride against his Master refused to appear at his summons Rodulph presently in regard of this contempt invaded the Dukedom of Austria and forfeited the same unto the Empire Othagar being highly offended with the confiscation denounceth Wars against the Emperor By the intercession of friends they met at a place appointed And there Rodolâ—ph dissembling cunningly his pride and insolency goeth first to salute Othagar calleth him his Lord and Master thanking him for vouchsafing to end their contention by a friendly composition rather then by bloody Wars maketh a marriage between his Daughter and Venceslaus the Son and Heir of Othagar and then with a fair shew of assured and faithful friendship prayeth him to vouchsafe if not openly because perhaps he would be ashamed to do it yet secretly and within his Royal Tent to do him Homage for his Kingdom and Principalities The King won with fair words yeeldeth to his demands offereth up unto him five several Banners whereof the Emperor restoreth unto him onâ—â—y two and detaineth the other three one for Austria another for Corinthia and the third for Syria and pacifieth the King who was greatly offended therewith by promising faithfully to restore them unto his Son Venceslaus as soon as the Marriage betwixt him and his Daughter shall be solemnized To this deceit and cunning he addeth a worse despight and contumely For having intreated to do him Homage secretly and within a Tent he caused a deceitful Tent to be made the which should fall open as soon as the cords thereof were unloosed In this Tent Othagar falleth down on his knees and suddenly whilst he is doing Homage the Tent falleth open the Germans laugh at his humility the Bohemians are grieved with his submission and he himself is highly displeased with the Emperors deceit And his grief is increased because his Wife scorned and mocked him at his return To be short he prepareth all the Forces that he could possibly make and reneweth War against the Emperor The Emperor that whilst he had been his servant remembred that Othagar had given great occasion of discontentment unto the great Captain of Moizona called Milota him he putteth in mind of an old injury and so prevailed what with bribes and what with perswasions that in the very conflict he forsaketh his Master and leaveth him to be murthered of two Brethren whose third Brother Othogar had caused to be executed for some offence worthy of death The king being thus slain he rewardeth both the Traitor and the murtherers and following his victory burneth a number of Monasteries and Religious houses that Othogar had builded A rare and strange Pesident For it is abominable in a servant to betray his Master more abominable to cause him to be murthered and of all abominable things the most abominable to reward the Traitors and recompence the murtherers But to burn Religious houses in despight of the Founder and to spoil Gods Temple in hatred of a man is an act the like whereof hath never been found but in such as neither care for God nor regard his service Neither did Rodolphs wickedness end in these hainous Actions but he wrongfully warred upon Bemera unjustly invaded Bohemia unlawfully seised upon Austria and most cruelly burnt above threescore very fair and beaut full Castles in Turingia Rodolph having reigned as Emperor nineteen years and in all this time never vouchsafed to set one foot towards Italy to be crowned there of the Pope which negligence in those dayes was held for a most hainous offence departed the World and leaveth his son Albert Duke of Austria who in disdain of the French king within 6 years after is made Emperor and imitateth his Father in his bloody cruelty For he beginneth his Empire with killing Adolph his Predecessor continueth the same with the wrongfull molestation and usurpation of Mayeme dishonoureth his Reign with a violent and forcible seisure into his hands and to his sons use of the kingdom of Bohemia and endeth the same not by a natural but by a violent and unnatural death For it pleased God that his own Nephew and other Earls of the House of Austria should by taking him revenge the wicked and detestable murther which he committed on the sacred person of Adolph the Emperor Frederick Duke of Austria was the third Emperor of this House if he may be called an Emperor who being unlawfully chosen wrongfully usurped the Empire For the Bishop of Trevers and Ments and the Marquess of Brandenburgh together with Iohn king of Bohemia chose Lewis of Bamera Emperor and Frederick had the voices and suffrages of the Bishop of Colen of the County Palatine and of the Duke of Saxony whose Elect on was of no force because when the six principal Electors cannot agree but three of them are for one and three of them are for another the king of Bohemia as Umpier determineth the matter and he casteth his voice upon the said Lewis and made him lawfull Emperor But Frederick according to the ambitious and violent nature of his proud Family pursued his pretensive right by bloody wars and drew the Pope the kings of France and of Hungary the County Palatine Stratsbourgh and other Imperial Cities to stand stout and obstinate in
and during the minority of his son he had caused Ferdinando his brother to be elected King of the Romans yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to perswade him to relinquish and resign that Title unto his Son Philip now and then King of Spain and also he sent for Maximilian his Son in Law and Nephew King of Bohemia to pray him to be content to condescend and yeeld unto his Fathers resignation and the Queen of Hâ—ngary and Gravilla the Emperors Chancellor made many Voyages into Hungary to intreat Ferdinando to yeeld unto this motion unto which neither the King of Hungary nor Maximilian his Son would vouchsafe their consents These three points being thus cleared it resteth to speak somewhat of Charls the Fifths Successors as Ferdinando Maximilion and Rodolph but their actions are fresh in memory And if the Law of the Emperors Creation called the Golden Bull which expresly forbiddeth to chuse above four in one house to succeed one after another in the Empire were as it should be in full force and strength none of them should be accounted or held lawful Emperors Now if the breach of this sacred and inviolable decree I mean the golden Bull which hath been infringed by making not four but seven or eight at the least of the House of Austria Emperors together shall nothing at all incense and instigate the Princes of Christendom against this ambitious and aspiring generation It shall be needful to revive the loathsom memory of many great and grievous indignities and ingratitudes unkindly and unjustly shewn by the late Emperors of the house of Austria unto divers great and mighty Princes of Germany and unto the Empire it self It must therefore be shewed unto them that Rodolph the first Emperor of this Race to assure unto himself and his Heirs the Dukedom of Austria and the States of Stiria and Suevia which were united unto the Empire for fault of Heirs Males resigned the Exerchat of Italy unto the Pope and freed as many Cities of Italy from the homage and obedience which they owed unto the Emperors as would buy their freedom and liberty of him for ready money Albeit his Son when he was Emperor fought many Battels and got many Towns with the Forces and Expences of the Empire but reserved all the profit arising by those Battels to his proper use and to have better and more easie entrance into Bilencia he usurped the State of the Marquess of Menia And Albert the Second enriched himself greatly although he ruled not long by troubles and divisions Is it not the House of Austria that hath wrongfully deprived many Princes and divers Electors of the Empire of their States and Dignities Is it not this house that hath unjustly compelled the greatest Princes of Germany to flie for succour and to seek the protection of the French King Is it not this House that hath unlawfully confiscated the States and Digninities of Iohn Fredrick Duke of Sexony Is it not this House that hath most cruelly razed the Walls and destroyed the Forts of the most noble and vertuous Prince the Lantsgrave of Hess Is it not this House that hath violently sacked destroyed and utterly overthrown the great and goodly Dukedom of Wittenberge Is it not this House that contrary to all humanity hath confiscated the greatest part of the Duke of Cleur his goods and made him too deer for a Wise that brought him Dowry Is it not this House that to make the Princes of Germany their Servants and Slaves have contrary to the Laws of the Empire erected a new Councel in the City of Spires Briefly Is it not this House that useth them most unkindly of whom they have received most Curtesie Have they ever had greater aid greater helps of any Princes of the Empire then of the Duke of Saxony Who sought for Frederick Duke of Austria against Lewis Duke of Bavaria more willingly and valiantly then Rodolph Duke of Saxony Ernest Duke of Saxony was the only cause and means that Maximilian was chosâ—n Emperor And Iohn Duke of Saxony went unto the Assault of Aba in Hungary and never departed thence until he made Maximilian Lord and Master of the whole Countâ—y Frederick of Saxony refused the Empire when it was offered unto him and procured it to be given unto Charles the Fift And yet the same Charls omitted no Art no cuning no way nor means that he could possibly devise to â—subvert and â—vinate the House of Saxony He set up Maurice and Agust his Brother against Iohn Frederick And Maximiliam stirred up the Sons of Iohn Frederick one against another Rodolph Count Palatine bore armes in the behalf of Frederick of Austria against his own brother Lewis Duke of Bamera and Frederick Count Palatine who was Recompenced for this pleasure by Frederick the Third who procured all the States and Princes of the Empire to be his mortall Enemies Briefly who favoured and furthered the Election of the last Maximilian so much as Frederick Count Palatine And yet not long after he gave so hard a sentence against him at Auspurghe that all the Princes of the Empire reversed the same in his Presence Now to speak of the Spanish Kings abuses towards the Princes of Germany and others were infinite labour and either that which I have already said is sufficient to cause him to be generally hated or the late Apologies of the Prince of Aurange of the State of the Low Countries of the now King of France of Don Antonio and of others will supply whatsoever I either for modestie or for brâ—vitiesake forbear to discover Then to conclude this point If France might be moved to set on Foot for the Kingdome of Navarre the Dukedom of Burgondy and all or part of the Lowcountries If the Pope might be intreaâ—ed to bestow the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily upon som Prince of worth and estimation If the Venetians and other Princes of Italy would be content to divide and share the Dukedom of Milan betwixt them If the States and Princes of the Empire would be pleased to reconcile the Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungary with the Dukedom of Austria unto the Empire If the Duke of Parma or Don Antonio might be seated in Portugall And lastly England Holland and other States and Pâ—inâ—es that are mighty upon the Seas would either stop the Spaniards passage into the Indies or intercept his Treasure when it cometh from thence the proud and insolent House of Austria should quickly be reduced unto their old and pristine Estate and the Princes of Christendome when they should have no Adversary to fear but the common Enemy of Christians should undoubtedly live in great security peace and Amity For then are Kingdomes most safe when their Neighbours Forces and their own strength are not greatly unequall And then should our English Island be the strongest and happiest Kingdom in Christendom But in taking this course it behooveth to be somwhat Circumspect least that the overthrow and downfall of
one terrible and mighty Adversary raise up another who may be in all respects as dangerous and as well to be feared as he For because France lieth neerer unto us then Spaine and Vis unita is alwaies held to be Fortior if France should recover Burgondy and the Low Countries should we not have great and just occasion to fear France For neither may our happy victories against France encourage us not to esteem France since it is no point of wisedom not to fear the least Enemy that may be nor the late benefits pleasures and Offices of kindness shewed by us unto the late Kings thereof can assure as that France will never endammage us I have already shewed the causes of our fortunate success against France and if those causes should once begin to fail us the good fortune which proceeded of them would soon leave to follow us and as well Princes as private men receive favours and courtesies readily look upon their Benefactors unwillingly remember good turns slowly and requite received benefits faintly Then because the fresh memory of new courtesies cannot extinguish the grievous and unpleasant remembrance of ancient quarrâ—ls we must as we have said still have a very careful and watchful eye over France and intreat France to be content to joyn with us in placing and preferring some such Prince unto the quiet and assured pâ—ssession of the Low Countries as may be well able with the help of us and France to retain the same and yet unable to hurt us or France Neither must the cross dealings of the late Duke of Alencon discourage us to attempt any such matter for we saw that they whom he had handled somewhat unkindly might easily have been perswaded to have received him again for their Duke And there may a Prince be found that shall be less suspected and more acceptable unto the Flemings then any French-man can be The Duke Ernestus who was lately sent to be their Governour in my simple opinion seâ—meth to be a fit man for that purpose For whereas the Spanish King of late would have bestowed the Infanta his Daughter upon him it may easily be thought now that that hope faileth him because he knoweth now where to find a fitter Husband for her then to match her with him and to give him the Low Countries for her Dowry But common same reporteth that there is an intent and purpose to marry her unto the French King as well because he is now become a Catholick as for that France and Spain have often matched together and the Pope may easily be entreated to dispeâ—se with the French King to take her for his Wife Truly it were hard to permit him to marry so near a Kinswoman as is his now living wives own Neece But grant that the Popes dispeâ—sation may salve this sore that the French King may forget the wrongs and indignities offered unto him by Spain that this were a good and ready way to reconcile these Princes that have lived too long togeâ—her in contention and variance and that of this reconciliation there is likely to follow a great and general benefit unto all Christendom Yet I can hardly think that the Spanish King would ever yeeld his consent unto such a Match And though he would ever yeeld his consent thereunto yet it behoveth all the Princes of Christendom to hinder such a marriage For if his Son should die whose life is in Gods hands should not all the Kingdoms and Dominions of the Spaniard because there is no Law Salick in Spain descend unto his Daughter And would not the desired addition of all those unto the Kingdom of France make the warlike and mighty Prince thereof not onely to think upon but also to attempt the Conquest of all Europe Should he not grow too mighty Should he not be able to Tyrannize over all the world more then the Spaniard doth now And then doth it not greatly import all Christian Princes to withstand this Marriage Besides grant that his son doth live to have many children were it not a very unwisâ— and indiscrect part of the Spanish King to give hâ—s Daughter in marriage unto such a one as what for his old grudge unto Spain what in regard of the Title and Interest that this wife may give him unto the Crown of Spain will undoubtedly be content to take her for wife were it for no other occasion but to have so good just and colourable a cause as her right would give him to challenge invade and conquer Spain For the Prince of Orange by noting the Spanish Kings son of Bastardy in his Apology and by animating the French King to defend his Neece right whensoever God should call her Father to his mercy hath set open such a gap as will give a very easie entrance into the Kingdom of Spain unto the Spanish Daughters ambitious nature or unto his valiant minde if there be any valour in him who shall have her to wife The surest and safest way then for the Spaniard is either to match her lowly as Austiages did his Daughter with some mean Prince who shall not be able to hurt or prejudice his Son or else to bestow her upon the said Duke Ernestus who although he be her neer kinsman and a Prince of no great living yet because it is a matter very usual in the House of Austria to match in their own blood and for that the Spaniard hath Kingdoms and Dominions enough to bestow upon her in marriage neither the propinquity in blood nor the want of living can be an obstacle unto the match But it may be said what shall it avail if she be married to the Duke Ernestus and Flanders be her Dowry Shall it not be all one Will he not be at the devotion of his Father in-law And will it not be a means to make the Emperor more fast and assured unto Spain and to carry the less love and affection unto us and our Friends But I suppose the Empire shall be transferred unto some other Prince and although it shall remain still in the House of Austria yet I know he that shall be or is Emperor can have no great means to annoy us Besides we may finde many wayes to set a variance and separaâ—ion betwixt the Father and the Son and when God shall have wrought his will and pleasure upon the Father betwixt the Brother and the Sister Were there ever more hot and bloody wars betwixt us and France then when the French Kings Sister was married unto our King Or when our Kings Daughters have matched with France Did not these marriages breed and bring forth the chiefest causes of our most deadly contentions And did not our and their profit and gain make us forget blood affinity and Alliance But if it shall seem dangerous to hazard our safety upon so weak an hope it shall not be amiss to use all policy to procure such a match and to cause her Dowry to be either the Kingdom
of Naples or of Portugal For so shall his Sons power be weakened his Daughter further off from us and from France and her ambition better satisfied with a kingdom then with a Title of Dutchess too base a name for so proud a woman and such an one as hath lived a long time in equall credit with a Queen And we finde that the desire of that Charâ—es his wife who of a Duke of Anioâ— was made and crowned King of Naples to be a Queen was the chiefe and special cause her Husband entered into that quarrel for his wife who was descended of a King and still lived among Queens would never suffer him to be at quiet until he had made her Queen There is no doubt but that the Princes of Italy could be very well content that the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily were in some such poor Princes possession rather under the subjection of the sole heir of Spain because he being a young Prince and King of so many Dominions will not perhaps be keep within his bounds as his old Father is and they would easily finde means to hold such a Prince long enough and to keep him from all kinde of ability to hurt and damnifie them For experience hath taught them that when Naples and Sicily were governed by a proper King and he alwayes Resident amongst them they lived not then in such danger or in such fear as they have been since the French or the Spaniards were Masters of those Kingdoms Duke Ernestus being placed thus far from us the question would be what Government would best content us in Flanders whether it were best to have a Prince there and if a Prince what he should be or else such a Government as is now amongst the United Provinces and if such a Government whether it were best to unite the rest of Flanders unto them that are already united The questions are full of difficulty and a man of far greater experience and wisdom then my self can hardly resolve them And yet because this is my last task I will as I have done in the rest adventure to commit my follies to your secrecy The pleasant and sweet Government under the States of the United Provinces The consideration of their Subjects quiet and welâ—are The regard of their wealth The credit whereunto they are grown The accompt that their Neighbours make of them The free Traffique which they have with Forreign nations The recourse of Strangers unto them The beauty and increase of their Cities lately enlarged and beautified and their strength being as I have once said already almost comparable unto the power of mighty Princes might easily induce them to consent to make one Common-wealth of all the seventeen Provinces But if they should all joyn in one Form of Government it were greatly to be doubted that they would grow so mighty in time that their might would make them ambitious and their ambition desirous to encroach upon their Neighbours who with the same and good of their great ease and prosperity would happily be content to shake off their Kings and live under their wings and protection Was it not the common report of the Romans good Government that made Forreign Nations desirous to be subject unto them Was it not the incorporating of those Nations into their own Cities and their permitting of them to enjoy the like Priviledges and Liberties as the Romans enjoyed that drew other people to follow the example of those Nations Was it not then seen and may it not be seen again thâ—â— the less Cities iimitated the greater and whether the first inclined thither the last repaired Is it not generally said that two eyes see more then one And do not many Councellors consult and resolve upon any thing better then a few and is it not true that it is not the Clymate or the Region that onely maketh men wise The Spaniard is wiser then the French-man the Florentines of a quicker wit and judgment then the Venetian and yet when the light-headed French-man beginneth once to be staid he is nothing inferior to the wise Spaniard and the Venetians when they consult upon matters of weight resolve them not so soon but better then the Floâ—entines The reason whereof is given by Bodin because the first trusting too much to the dexterity of their wits dwell obstinate in their first conceived opinions and sometimes will not yeeld unto the soundest judgments because they proceed from them who are either their enemies or in their opinions not worthy to be reputed wiser then they whereas the later distrusting every man his own judgement and examining soundly and with great deliberation all the reasons that may be alleaged pro con in any matter whatsoever after long conâ—erence and consultation conclude upon the best and wisest resolution Is it not this proved in the States of the United Provinces especially in the Hollanders who until of late years were commonly called by the Flemings The Blockish and hard-headed Hollanders and now they are grown equal to the wisest Flemings Italians French or Spaniards Court they not Princes that were wont onely to live by the transporting of commodities of their Island into England and other places Have they not their Agents in Princes Courts who in many years would not presume to look upon a Court and knew not how to behave themselves when they came thither Have they not learned the means and ways to insinuate themselves into Princes favours and continue themselves therein who not long ago cared for no Princes favour but â—or one Kings good will and countenance Sent they not their Ambassadors unto the Christening of the Scottish Prince Gave they not their Present as well as others and within it a yearly Pension unto the young Prince to be paid unto him yearly out of the rents of one of their Towns Have they not discovered a shorter way to the Indies and will they not take and make a benefit by the discovery Do they not daily encrease their Revenews Do not their Subjects that were wont to guide a Boat and govern an Oar now manage a Lance and handle a weapon as well as other Nations Do not the better sort amongst them who heretofore never medled with matters of State match the wisest Politicians in Counsel and the best Statesmen of the world in their writings And to be brief is it not likely that if they proceed as they have begun they will in time grow too strong and exceed the Seigniory of Venice the which if it be not assisted by other Princes of Christendom standeth in great danger to become a prey unto the Turk I have once already said it and cannot say it too often God grant that all the Princes of Christendom yea the Child that is unborn have not just occasion one day to curse the King of Spain for enforcing the States to know and use their strength Let us remember the weakness of the Switzers and call to minde upon
Earl of Flanders whose Nobility and Subjects were often reconciled unto them and yet returned to their former disobedience and discontentment And France in my simple opinion although the King that now raignneth and his discontented Subjects were never so well reconciled would quickly return again into Civil Dissentions For the King being most honest frank open-hearted free-minded sometimes somewhat hasty so earnest of that which is laid before him that he hath less regard of that which is passed and also unto that which he must follow and lastly so much presuming upon his good hap and fortune that he can neither conceive nor careth to prevent far fetched practises these his conditions will easily renew some occasions of discontentment even perhaps in his best and his most loving Subjects Every man that hath deserved little will demand much when his Kingdom is frank and free And will it not be impossible to content all that shall and will beg of him An open-hearted man cannot dissemble his grief nor conceal an injury and is it not likely that he shall have many griefs many injuries offered him An hasty man never wanteth wo and doubtless he shall have many occasions to shew himself hasty And then if he shall either neglect that which he ought to follow or not be carefull to prevent such practises as may be devised against him he that hath but one Eye may see that he cannot long continue in Peace and Amity with such Subjects as shall be still encouraged by other Forraign Potentates to rebel against him And that which hath been said already maketh it most manifest that his Subjects shall not want this encouragement Thus have I satisfied your Request in every point that it pleased you to give me in Charge In some things I have been somewhat briefer then I would and in other perhaps longer then I should The length may be excused because all things being done for your pleasure I hope you will give me leave to please my self in some things wherein I was carried away with the great delight that I took in handling the same And the brevity is excusable because when I saw that my Treatise was grown to be somewhat long I thought it convenient to hasten to an end Excuse both and tender my credit and accuse me of unkindness if I be not ready to yeeld you better contentment in the like Task hereafter when years shall have encreased my slâ—nder Experience and Experience shall have perfected my simple Knowledge FINIS To the Reader A Libel whose substance cannot be changed after it is once given into a Civil or Ecclesiastical Court may in some sort be declared or amended before a replication be made thereunto A witness which after Publication is once granted cannot justly be received may be lawfully examined upon new Articles depending upon the former and a Iudge after the Deposition of Witnesses are communicated to both parties may by vertue of his office and to inform his own Conscience re-examine a witness If Additions and Declarations may be allowed in matters of Iudgement and Iudicial Courts and especially in the examinations of witnesses which may easily be corrupted I hope it shall not be offensible in me to make a Declaration of some things not sufficiently declared and expressed in any precedent Treatise especially since this addition serveth rather to illustrate then any way to enlarge my Discourse and all or the most part of that which I have thought good to add in this place came to my mind or my knowledge since my task was finished Farewel and judge so of my labours that you discourage me not to labour for you again in any thing wherein my pen and my pain may yeild you pleasure and contentment A SVPPLEMENT TO THE HISTORY OF THE State of Christendom AFter that I had thorowly as I thought finished my task and had discoursed upon every point thereof in such manner as you see of some briefly and of divers more at large I hapned upon a Book called Podaces de Historia that is to say The Fragments of an History The which was lately Imprinted and Written as it is supposed by Antonio Peres somtimes Secretary unto the King of Spain and now residing in London not as a rebellious Fugitive as many of our Countrymen live in Spain but as a Gentleman that thought it better to forsake his lands and livings then to live under the tyrannie and injustice of a cruel and ungrateful King This Book containing much matter fit to clear and declare some points lightly handled in my Treatise in regard whereof and for that divers men both speak and think diversly as well of the maker as of the matter thereof I have thought it meet and convenient with the substance of this book May it therefore please you to understand that whereas Don Iohn was sent by the Spanish King to Govern the Low-Countries he had a Secretary appointed him by the King called Iohn de Soto a man that endeavoured himself by all means possible as wise and worldly servants most commonly do first to know and then to feed his Masters humour and by feeding thereof to seek his own profit and preferment In which his endeavours he proceeded so far that the Spaniard fearing lest that his Brothers ambitious nature receiving both nourishment and encouragement from his wise and politique Secretary might in time adventure to attempt somthing to the prejudice of his Kingdoms and Dominions thought it convenient not to suffer so dangerous a servant to attend any longer upon so ambitious a master But because he doubted that if Iohn de Soto were removed from Don Austria's service and not preferred to some place better then the Secretaryship was it would not only discontent the servant but also displease the Master for the better contentment and satisfaction of both he advanced him to an office of greater countenance and commodity and with advice of his Council placed in his room Iohn Escovedo a man of a milder nature and in the Kings opinion not so fit at that time as the other was to favour and further his brothers aspiring and audacious enterprises This man advertised the King his master of all Don Iohn de Austria his doings and sought rather to please the King then the young Duke his Master But at length he followed the footsteps of his Predecessor and yeilded nothing unto him in feeding his Masters humours he found quickly that his Master loathed the name of Duke and longed to be a King that the Pope and Princes of Italy were as desirous as he to make him King that the best way to induce the Spanish King to yeild his consent thereunto was to entreat the Pope to write unto his Brother in his behalf and that England was a Kingdom for his purpose and worthy the conquering A plot is laid how to invade England and conquer it and the Pope is entreated to recommend the enterprize to the Spanish King and Don
Iohn for the execution before and the possession after the conquest The Pope writeth unto the King in the behalf of his Brother he fearing that when his brother had obtained England he would not rest satisfied therewith but coveted greater matters and that he should find many Christian Princes ready to assist him in his endeavours thanketh the Pope for his loving and kindly care of his Brothers advancement and denieth not his suit for fear he should offend his Brother but requireth time to consult and deliberate of the matter for the enterprize said he is honourable but hard and difficult and my Brother a fit man to be employed therein but his credit must be regarded and his aiders and abettors cannot chuse but participate of his dishonour if the enterprize should not succeed according to his and their desires This answer runneth for currant until the plot laid for England was prevented and broken by the wisdom and policy of the Queen and Council of England Then Don Iohn and his Secretary together with the Pope and other Italian Princes think upon another Kingdom for him and altogether practise how to make him King of Tunis a place that required a man of his worth as well to keep it as to contain the Turk within his limits The Pope therefore writeth again unto the Spanish King praying him to bestow the Kingdom upon his Brother He entertaineth both the Pope and his Brother as he did for England alwaies forbearing to make Don Iohn greater and mightâ—er then he was himself All these practises with the Pope were done secretly and Escovedo was the man that was still employed in them The King was never made privie unto them until that the Popes Nuntio talking by chance with Antonio Peres revealed all their secret intelligences with the Pope and he presently made report thereof unto the King The Spanish Ambassador also advised the said Peres that Don Iohn de Austria by means of Escovedo had great recourse unto the King with whom his Messenger had several privie conferences and never acquainted him with any and after they had been with the King they went unto the Duke of Guise who concluded a great league of amity and friendship between Don Iohn and the said Duke upon pretence that the defence of both Kingdoms France and Spain was the cause of this League Antonio Peres imparteth the news unto the King who dissembleth his knowledge thereof and entertaineth both his Brother and his Brothers Secretary with all outward shews of kindness and brotherly affection Don Iohn wearied with continual crosses and untoward proceedings in Flanders resorted on the sudden into Spain without giving the King any notice of his coming The King giveth him outwardly a very kind entertainment confer together about his preferment and dispatcheth him in all haste for Flanders pretending the troubles there to be such as his long absence from thence might greatly endanger his State Don Iohn departing leaves Escovedo behind him to solicite and follow his business in his absence Here endeth Escovedo's prosperity and beginneth Antonio Peres his downfal from that favour and good fortune which followed him before that time For when the Duke Don Iohn was gone the King consulteth with him how to proceed against Escovedo Then they call to mind all their former intelligences they think it dangerous to send him back again into Flanders because he would still nourish him in his ambitious humour Then they hold it likewise to be a matter of no small danger to proceed against him by Order of Law because that was to call his Brother in question and so to offend his Brother thereby to give him an occasion to fall from him unto his most mortal enemies Then they resolve that the best and safest course was to give Escovedo a Baccado that is a morsel to shorten his days because that being done secretly his Brother would haply think that some of his enemies had secretly poysoned him This resolution being thus taken Antonio Peres is commanded by the King to put the same in execution and he performeth the charge so cunningly that no man but he and the King knew by whom Escovedo was poysoned He being dead his son Pedrâ— Escovedo useth all means possible to come to the knowledge of them that murthered him and seeking findeth some light occasion of slender presumption against Antonio Peres which is nourished by Peres his enemies Escovedo counselled by Peres adversaries and his Fathers best friends presenteth an humble supplication to the King wherein he accuseth Antonio Peres of his Fathers death and beseecheth his Majesty to vouchsafe him the benefit of Law and Justice against the Murtherer His Petition is received and read by the King that he shall have Justice with all favour and expedition Peres is committed as a prisoner unto his house and order is given for his examination The King wavereth betwixt hope and fear as men usually do whose consciences are charged and burthened with guilt somtimes he hopeth well because no man to his knowledge knowing the matter but he and Peres he thinketh that the accuser shall never be able to make sufficient proof of the matter and somtimes he doubteth that Peres may in hope of pardon from him by whom he was set on work confess the murther and the cause thereof These perplexities thus troubling the King Peres is likewise perplexed with the same passions somtimes he liveth in hope because the King comforteth him and his accuser proceedeth faintly in his accusation within a while after he beginneth to fear because he is committed to harder durance commanded to confess the fact and conceal the cause willed to compound with his accuser and so eagerly prosecuted that he flyeth to Aragon The people there being grieved with the manner of proceeding against him and with the manifest breach of their ancient priviledge rise up in Arms make Ghilmesa their Head and by main force deliver him out of prison he being at liberty flyeth into France and thence cometh into England Thus you have briefly heard the fact now it remaineth to clear such questions as may arise from this fact The Questions are these 1. First Whether the King commanding Escovedo to be murthered in this manner may not worthily be accompted and called a Murtherer 2. Next Whether Antonio Peres obeying this Commandment hath not committed as great an offence as the King 3. Then Whether the King being found a Murtherer deserveth not to be Deposed or Excommunicated for this Murther better then the King of France did deserve to be deprived of his Life and Crown for murthering the Duke of Guise 4. Lastly Whether this Excommunication and Deposition may be warranted by the example of other Princes who having committed the like offences have endured and undergone the like punishment To clear the first question it shall be needful to know whether the King had just occasion offered him by Escovedo to cause him to be murthered For though Princes have life
and death over their subjects yet he is to be accompted a Tyrant that causeth any of his Subjects to be done to death without having deserved to lose his life and this authority given them by Law and common consent of their subjects tendeth to no other purpose nor respecteth any other end then that sin may be punished and malefactors not permitted to live both to the scandal and detriment of well doers If therefore Escovedo committed no offence worthy of death the King had no power no warrant no authority to take away his life his offence therefore must be known the nature quality and circumstances thereof well examined and duly considered and according as his crime shall fall out and prove to be great or small pardonable or capital so shall the Kings actions seem punishable or excusable All that Antonio Peres his Book chargeth him withal is that he had secret intelligence with the Pope the King of France and the Duke of Guise wherein he was set on by his master Don Iohn de Austria who was the King's Lieutenant General and by vertue of this office represented the Kings own person and was armed with his authority if not in all things yet in as much as concerned the execution of his charge and commission The question then must be whether the Secretary unto such a Lieutenant performing that which is commanded by his master may be taken and condemned for a Traytor Treason hath many branches and is of divers kinds and it would be tedious and troublesome to make a recital of them all And it shall suffice to declare whether any of the actions specified in this accusation be within the compass of Treason He wrote Letters to whom To the Pope Why He was no enemy but a friend to the King of Spain What was the tenor and contents of this Letter Nothing else but that it might please his Holiness to recommend one Brother unto another Why That was an office of kindness and not of treason And for what purpose desireth he to have him recommended Forsooth for the employment in the service and enterprise that was to be made against England Why that service liked the King and proceeded first from him it tended to his benefit it was to be undertaken in revenge of his supposed wrongs against his enemy and all this is no treason And for whom wrote he For Don Iohn de Austria his Kings Brother the Pope's Darling and Turks scourge the Princes of Italies Favourite the Queen of Englands terror and the whole Worlds wonder But he wrote without the King's privity How shall he know that Had he not good cause to think that all that he did was done with the King's counsel and consent Had he not eyes to see and ears to hear and discretion to consider that whatsoever was done against England should be both grateful and acceptable unto the King I but he might think that the King would not be content to have his Brother made a King Why He was his Lieutenant already and so next to a King He had done him great service and was to do him more and so deserved no small recompence he had the Title of a Duke but no Living fit for a Duke the vertues and valour of a King but no possibility to be a King but by his Brothers favour and furtherance briefly he desired that honour and Escovedo perhaps thought the King meant to prefer him to that honour the rather because the King might be led to advance him to a Kingdom in his life time by his fathers example who prefers his Brother Ferdinando to the Empire before he died himself why then be it that he was either deceived in his cogitation or beguiled with the love of his Master or went further then he had warrant to go why lawful ignorance extenuateth the gravity of and as to annoy a Princes enemy so to pleasure his friend was never punishable or at any time accounted treason But when the enterprise against England failed he solicited the Pope for the Kingdom of Tunis but how Not to have it without the Kings good leave and liking And when made he that motion Even then when the Princes of Italy and the wisest Counsellors of Europe stood in fear of the common enemy doubted that Tunis might be recovered by the Turk and therefore thought it meet to have so valorous and victorious a Prince there as was Don Iohn de Austria who having the Kingdom in his own right would be the more willing and ready to defend it and was this desire an offence Or could this motion be counted treason He might have remembred that Don Iohn de Soto was removed from serving Don Iohn de Austria because he furthered him in the like enterprizes But he saw him preferred to a place of greater honour and commodity which gave him just occasion to think that the King rather liked then disallowed his actions Thus you see there is no desert of death in practising with the Pope Now it remaineth to consider how this dealing in France with the King or the Duke of Guise may be justly esteemed a crime capital It appeareth that the French King was then in League with the Spaniard whose Ambassador was then residing in his Court and Ambassadors are not permitted to remain but where there is a League of Amity betwixt Princes The Guisards affection hath been declared to have been always greater towards Spain then towards France And the enterprize of England might seem unto Don Iohn de Austria very difficult yea impossible without some favour without some help from France if then to favour this enterprize he had some secret intelligence with France is he therefore blame-worthy Or hath it ever been counted a fault in a servant or Lieutenant to seek all lawful and honourable ways to bring to pass his Masters desire and purpose Do Princes prescribe unto their Lieutenants or Ministers all that they can do to compass and effect their designs Do they not rather give them a few short Instructions and leave it to their discretion and wisdom to foresee and use other means to further their intentions Is not this the reason why they make choice of wise and discreet men for such employments Is not this the cause that when they send young Noblemen either to Wars or Ambassadors or to forraign Governments they are ever accompanyed with grave and wise Counsellors Briefly Is it not this that moveth them to command that their young Lieutenants Ambassadors or Governours shall do nothing without their Counsellors I know that it is very dangerous to be employed in Princes affairs Danger in conceiving a message and Danger in delivering the same and danger in reporting an answer thereunto And yet be it that a messenger conceiveth not a business rightly that he delivereth not his will and pleasure as he should do and that he faileth in report of his answer to whom he is sent yet he committeth not a
crime worthy of death unless his Princes State be greatly endangered by his fault and folly Let all the ancient and new Histories be perused that handle matters of State All the large Volumns of Civilians be read that ever writ of points of Treason and all the Negotiations that have passed betwixt Prince and Prince be well and duly considered and it will appear that never any Princes servant or minister hath lost life for practising with his Masters Friends and Allies unless it were proved that through his fault of Friends they were made enemies For the Laws take not any man to be a traytor by whom his Princes State is not weakned or endangered or his Countries adversaries strengthned or assisted in deed or in counsel by advice or by action Then since it was not proved that Escovedo his practises with the King of France or with the House of Guise tended to the disadvantage of his Prince to the loss of his Realms the diminution of his Friends but rather to the advantage of the Kings Brother the benefit of the Low Countries and the continuance of the League and Amity betwixt France and Spain For Don Iohn de Austria his League with the Duke of Guise was concluded for the benefit and defence of both Kingdoms I see no reason why Escovedo should lose his life for contracting with France openly or secretly with the Kings pleasure or without his commission especially if it were not shewed that he had some express commandment not to deal in any matter of what nature soever with France without his privity For although it be a fault in a servant to be over-busie in his masters affairs into which divers servants fall many times either because they are desirous to be always doing somthing or for that they think they cannot be too careful and vigilant in any thing that concerns their masters yet it is an offence pardonable And the fault that proceedeth from temerity and rashness deserveth rather commiseration then cruelty pardon then punishment especially unless it be such a fault that hath no certain kind of chastisement appointed out by the Law But Escovedo was once well affected unto the Kings service and afterwards changed that affection But how will this be proved Bartell in his Book de Guelphis Gibellinis setteth down four causes or changes or signs of a changed affection and of a mans mind estranged and departed from that faction which he once liked and followed The first If he have any sudden occasion of quarrel and contention with a man that is mightier then himself amongst his own faction The second If any inheritance or great commodity be fallen unto him which he cannot enjoy unless he leave his old friends and lean unto their enemies The third If he be lately joyned in affinity with the contrary faction And the fourth and last if moved with any of these causes he departeth from one side unto another Of these four signs which was found in Escovedo Had he any quarrel with any one about his King that was greater then himself It appeareth not and Don Iohn de Austria testifieth unto the King that he was generally well liked and loved of all men Had he any league of kinred or affinity in Rome or France It was never urged against him and he never sought any occasion of any such alliance Left he his Masters service to serve the Pope or the French King There was nothing further from his heart Had he any pension of the Pope any fee of the French King any yearly reward of the House of Guise The intelligence that was given against him mentioneth no such matter and although he had some benefit by all these yet it maketh him no traytor For servants and Kings Counsellors may and do usually receive rewards of their Princes enemies much more of their friends which are given to the end they should do some good offices about their King and what Counsellor can be greatly blamed if he take a reward of an enemy to effect that which he knoweth his master would have effected Or who can justly think evil of that Counsellor who when an enemy seeketh a peace that will be both honourable and profitable to his Prince receiveth some notable reward to be a mediator of such a peace Is it not good to ease an indiscreet enemy of his money And have you not heard of Philip de Commines that divers great Officers of England had yearly Fees of the French King and yet were held and taken and that not wrongfully for good and faithful Counsellors unto their own King and Country It is noted for indiscretion and a great over-sight in the Seignory of Venice that when they send their Generals into the Field against their enemies they give them express charge and commandment not to fight a Battel without leave of the Senate because while they are sending for that leave they many times lose very good opportunities to overthrow their adversaries For that oft times it falleth out that the time the place and other circumstances give him opportunity to do better service then he should be able to do if he were precisely fastned unto his Instructions And undoubtedly the late Duke of Parma might have benefitted the Spaniard much more then he did in the Low Countries had he not been constrained to let slip many good occasions whilst he attended for advice and resolution out of Spain And it is certain that Don Iohn de Austria after his Victory at Lepantâ— might have done great service unto all Christendom had he not refused when he was requested by the Venetians to follow the victory because he had no warrant out of Spain to go further then he did And the Duke of Medina might as common fame reporteth in the late Spanish enterprize against England have annoyed our Realm much more then he did had he not stood so nicely to his Commission If therefore Flanders which in those days was very tumultuous and subject to divers accidents if France which favoured not England at that time so much as it doth at this present if the Pope who wanted not a number of fugitives to incense him against England if the House of Guise which had their secret friends and their privie practises in England if England it self which was the mark whereat the Pope the Spaniard and Don Iohn de Austria did shoot Briefly if all these together might minister many sudden occasions speedy resolutions and better furtherance from France from Rome then from Escovedo's practises were tolerable and his secret dealings gave the Spanish King no just occasion to put him to death It remaineth to see whether the cause of his death being unjust the King had any reasonable excuse to extenuate the murther He that cannot escape death but by killing another shall not be punished by death if he kill another because it is lawful to repel force by force The husband or father that killeth an adulterer in
was proved against the French King but many other matters as hainous as their murther Briefly that in Kings one fault be it never so grievous may be pardonable a few somwhat tolerable but many must needs be punishable in the highest degree and with the greatest extremity To this I may answer that I have already sufficiently cleared the French King of all that was more wrongfully then truly laid to his charge and that the Spanish King may be charged with many crimes as many as the late King of France but in particular Escovedo his death was an horrible murther but the proceeding of Antonio Peres and his friends made it much more horrible for wherein did Peres offend the King Was it an offence against his Majesty that he fulfilled his commandment in causing him to be murthered whose death he desired Was it a treason not to confess this murther which could not be revealed without the King's prejudice Was it a fault to confess the murther as he was commanded and to conceal the cause as he was willed Was it not a crime punishable to compound with the accuser and to buy his quiet as Peres did with twenty thousand duckets Briefly Was it a sin unpardonable to blemish his own reputation and to impoverish himself and all to please and content the King If all these be no faults then had the King no just cause to be displeased with Peres as he was somtimes friendly other times hardly pleased to day favouring him to morrow persecuting him one while promising him great rewards another while taking from him his own goods and his own substance and if all these be faults whose faults be these Are they not the King 's as well as Peres his faults Nay came they not from the King and not from Peres who did nothing but what the King commanded him what he thought fit and convenient to be done which he not only required him but also promised him great rewards to do But grant that Peres offended the King highly what offence had Peres his wife and children committed that they should be imprisoned and his Son lose his ecclesiastical living Offended they because they became suitors for his enlargement for his speedy and just tryal Had he been a manifest Traytor it was lawful for his wife to sue for his pardon Had she been guilty and consenting to his treason she could have endured no more then he did unless he had been first condemned and the Law favoureth women even in cases of treason because it presumeth that by reason of the infirmity of their Sex they dare not attempt so much as men and had his son joyned with his mother for his fathers liberty that was no sufficient cause to take away his Living For the Law which enjoyneth a childe to prosecute and revenge his fathers death if he chance to be killed upon pain of loss of his childes part and portion cannot but permit him yea either expresly or secretly charge him to do his best and uttermost endeavour to preserve and keep his father from a wrongful and undeserved death And the Cannons which permit not the Pope who is a competent and the highest Judge in any Ecclesiastical cause to take away a Benefice from any man at his pleasure suffer not a Lay Prince who is no competent Judge in Ecclesiastical causes according to those Cannons to make his pleasure a just and sufficient reason to deprive any man of a spiritual Living It is ergo manifest that there was and is great wrong done unto Antonio Peres to his wife and children and this wrong ceaseth not in them but reacheth unto others and not unto mean men only nor in the least kinde of injury For Iohn Don de la Nuca a man of no mean authority a Magistrate the chief Justice of all Aragon must not be lightly punished which had been somwhat tolerable but unjustly beheaded which was extream tyrannie and for what cause If I may not tell you the King 's own letter shall tell you This Letter written by the King unto Don Iohn Alonso contained these short but sharp words Assoon as you receive this Letter you shall apprehend Don John de la Nuca chief Iustice of Aragon and let me assoon be certified of his death as of his Imprisonment you shall cause his head straightway to be cut off and let the Cryer say thus This is the Iustice which the King our Lord commandeth to be done unto this Knight because he is a gatherer together of the Kingdom and for that he raised a Banner against his King who commandeth his head to be cut off his goods to be confiscated and his House and Castle to be pluckt down to the ground Whosoever shall presume so to do let him be assured so to die You see the cause he is a Traytor How is that proved The King said so He gathered together the Commons How doth that appear By the King's Letter He raised a Banner against the King who is his Accuser The King Who the Judge The King What Tryal had he Assoon as he was taken he was executed a Judgement goeth before an Arraignment and Execution before a Judgement Who was the Executioner Don Alonso de Vargas With what solemnity is the execution done Whoso is a Traytor shall die so whoso raiâ—eth the Country shall die so whoso raiseth a standard in the field against the King shall die so all is treason and all is death all upon a sudden and all without due and lawful proof For such a Justice as Don Iohn de la Nuca was could have no other Judge no man else to condemn him but a certain Court called Contes Lateras the King and the States of the Kingdom such a crime as was laid to his charge cannot be heard and determined in Aragon by the King such a sentence as passed against him hath no more power or force against a mans person his goods or his honour then a sentence given by the complainant against the defendant such a King as the King of Spain should be in Aragon is no longer a King if he break the Laws of the Union and of those Laws there are two especial branches the one That whensoever the King breaketh those Laws the Subjects may presently chuse another King The other That all the States and rich men of the Country may assemble together and forbid any rents to be paid unto the King until the Vassal whom the King doth wrong be restored unto his right and the Law which he doth presume to violate be likewise re-established in full force and strength Moreover because there is no other Law and Obligation wherewith to binde a King then with an Oath an Oath is taken of the King at his Coronation to keep those Laws and the Oath is given him with these words We who are able to do as much as you do make you our Lord and King with this condition that you shall keep our Laws and
going to any other Judge convent the Emperour himself before the Pope if he will not maintain his bargain or contract and if the Emperour may be immediately convented by his own subjects before the Pope with much more reason may the Spanish King be called in this case to Rome to answer the contempt of his oath as well because he is inferiour to the Emperour by many degrees as for that the peers of his Realm and the whole Nobility of Aragon are of better consideration and more regard then any private subject I finde that the Laws and common consent of all Doctors allow subjects when their princes will not do them right and justice there principal remedies against such Princes The first That subjects may compel their Prince by his Superiour if he have a Superiour to whom he oweth homage and duty to try the equity of his cause before that Superiour The second That a Subject may convent his adversary before the common Ordinary of the Diocess if his Lord and Prince chance to be negligent in the administration of Justice The third That the Prince denying to do justice to his subjects may lawfully be deprived of his power and royal authority over them The first and second perhaps will not seem fit to be practised against the Spanish King for that although he be a subject unto the Pope for many of his Kingdoms yet he will hardly acknowledge that subjection The third is more proper and therein the question may be whether subjects can lawfully expel their Prince out of his Country and from his Crown and Dignity if he do oppress them too much Some men hold hardly for the affirmative and St. Thomas holdeth an opinion that they may lawfully kill such a Prince and that it were a work somwhat meritorious And this opinion is condemned by others and the Councel of Constance determined the contrary against Saint Thomas and yet all agree in this That subjects need not obey such a prince In this contrariety I think salvo meliori judicio that the best course is to admonish such a prince of his duty and to pray him to reform and reform all that is amiss But who shall admonish him His best subjects and other princes and if after such admonition he shall still remain incorrigible then may his actions his cruelties his tyrannies be made known unto the world and after this Declaration duly justified and truly certified to all Christian princes it may be lawful to implore and employ their help and assistance for the speedy suppressing such a manifest and incorrigible oppressor and tyrant But the Emperour is too weak and the Pope will not be willing to joyn against the Spanish King The Emperour will be strong enough if other princes may be entreated to joyn with him in this honourable action and the means to perswade him and entreat them hath been declared already It resteth therefore to shew that the pope may be brought to enter into this action it may be doubted that the pope will be hardly induced to displease and offend so mighty a prince and so faithful a friend as the Spaniard You have heard that Leo the tenth and Clement the seventh crossed his father who was alwaies mightier then he and when they saw him to grow to strength they sought means to weaken him by joyning in league against him with divers French Kings But to leave his late predecessor and to come to himself Was there not a pope who in the flower of the Spanish King's youth when he had not one foot in the grave as he hath now did openly oppose himself against him Did he not imprison his Ambassador Garcilase de la Vega when he was sent unto him about matters of great weight and of greater benefit to all Christendom Did he not cast Iohn Antonio his postmaster at Rome into prison Did he not command that there should be no more any such officer in Rome which had continued there for a number of years together How many times did he stay his Ambassadour sent out of Spain to other princes took away their packets opened their letters and read them Did he not oftentimes when he meant to deceive the Spaniard send him Ambassadours to entertain him with vain hopes and when they were half way towards Spain revoke them and command them to go with the said Letters and the same conditions unto other princes Did he not in the Decree against Asconio Caciaco declare his Catholique Majesty to be an open and professed enemy unto the See of Rome What could he do more then all this unto the Turk the common enemy of Christendom What have the later popes done more then all this against the late French King William for the Spaniards sake they made their professed enemy And why may not this pope be induced with the report of all that hath been already said to as much as all this against the Spaniard now that he declineth that he is going to the grave or against his son that shall be coming into the world and may be of more terror unto Italy and the rest of Christendom then his grandfather or his Father because he is heir to as many Kingdoms as they were and is likely to succeed his father when he shall be very young and youthfull I have said enough to make the Spaniard hateful and odious to all the world but I may not end without adding somwhat more to all that I have said The seditious Author inveigheth most bitterly against the French King for his two murthers but I have shewed that the Spaniard hath committed many more then two and I must add to these murthers the unlawful execution of Diego de Meneses somtimes Vice-roy of the Indies and the Governour of Guscabs of Henry Perera Captain of the same Town of Emanuel Seradas of the Count de Terras Vedras of Peter Alpeene and Sforza Ursino whom he caused to be poysoned The same Author aggravateth as I have said the French Kings murther because he killed an Ecclesiastical person and I promised to shew you that the Spaniard hath killed many more then one witness Fryer Iohn who because he stood for the liberty of his Country was hanged in the Isles of Madera witness Fryer Hector Pinto who was poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile witness Iames de Moronake who was beaten to death with Souldiers although he was brother to the Earl of Myra witness many others who were either thrown into the Seas or hanged or poysoned The same Author burthened the late French King to be an author of heretiques because he did not utterly subvert the protestants in his Realm but I have cleared him of that accusation at large and yet forgot to tell you that he did more against the protestants in his Realm then the Spaniard did in his Dominions and he had done much more then he did had the Spaniard not favoured the protestants against him and had he not known that
it was not Religion but private quarrels that caused a division in his Kingdom and this division was as you have heard and shall hear maintained and nourished by the Spaniard For when the troubles began first in France the princes of Vendosme and Conde being displeased with the greatness of the House of Guise drew into their faction and side the Houses of Montmorency and Chastilian that they might be the better able with their help to prevent and withstand the encrease and advancement of the late Duke of Guise his Father and Uncle who had usurped and gotten into their hands all the authority credit and power of the Kingdom during the minority of Francis the second their Nephew afterwards the same Duke of Guise and the Constable fall into variance for no other cause but for that the first was jealour of the other both of them being in great favour and credit with Henry the third Four principal causes encreased and nourished the contention between these two princes The first was the office of great Master of France which the King gave unto the Duke of Guise when he made the Duke of Montmorency Constable of France who was great Master before and had a promise of the King that the office should have been reserved for his son The second occasion of their discontentment was the Earldom of Dampmartin which both of them had bought of sundry persons pretending right thereunto and when they had sued for the same a long time in Law the Constable obtained the suit The third cause of their discontentment was because the one of them seeking by all means possible to discredit and disgrace the other the Constable procured the Duke of Guise to be sent into Italy that he might in his absence possess the King wholly and alone and when he was there he could not do any thing worth his labour or worthy of commendation because the Constable either fore-slowed or hindred his business But the Duke of Guise being returned out of Italy and finding that the Constable was taken prisoner at St Laurence to be revenged of the indignities offered whilst he was in Italy procured that the Constable was held a long time in prison and used all the policies that he could devise to delay and defer his deliverance the which delays occasioned his Nephews of Chastilian to crave aid and assistance of the late King of Navarra and the Prince of Conde his brother who had married his Neece The fourth and last cause of their strife and difference was the competency between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Iamvile for the office and charge of Colonel of the light Horsemen of France This debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time in this manner it hapned that the first Author thereof being dead the Duke of Guise prevailed too much in the French Court the which the Lords of Chastilian perceiving to their great sorrow and discontentment left the Court and in returning from thence were it in earnest or in policy began to favour the Lutherans of France who at that time began to preach in cellars and in houses secretly and became their friends more to defend themselves from the House of Guise then to seek and procure any alteration or change of Religion until that the King himself at the instigation and instance of the Duke of Iamvile took Monsieur de Andeles at Cressy and sent him prisoner to Molin and imprisoned the Videan of Chatres and many others These imprisonments and years of further mischiefs caused the friends and followers of the Constables to prepare with great silence and secrecy a mighty Army in Germany with which he purposed to make an horrible execution of the House of Guise under a colour to free the King from that bondage wherein the late Dukes of Guise and Aumale held him of which followed the great execution of Amboise the rigorous commandment that was given to the King of Navarra and the imprisonment of the Prince of Conde at the assembly of States held at Orleans and many other accidents which had continued with far greater cruelty then was used against the Houses of the Constable and of Chastilian had not the sudden death of the young King prevented the bloody intentions of the House of Guise The unexpected death of the young King perplexed and dejected the House of Guise much and surely they had been reduced unto extream desperation had not the Spanish King revived their hope and put them in great comfort who until he saw them in great extremity stood in doubt which part to favour most and kindled the fire of dissention on both sides to the end it might at the length burn and consume France in such manner as it did of late years It was the Spanish King that when the King of Navarra was made Governour of Charls the ninth and the Constable restored to his ancient Honour and Dignity supported the Duke of Guise and gave him such counsel that he both won the King of Navarra and the Constable to favour him and his enterprises against their own Brothers and Nephews and took the young King and his Mother at Fountain-bleau and carried them to Melind The Queen-mother grieved with this captivity of the King and her self was sain to entreat the Prince of Conde and the Lords of Chastilian to help to set him and her at liberty And then the said Prince and Lords not being able to resist of themselves so mighty enemies as the Guisards were especially being aided with the power and authority Royal became protestants in good earnest and declaring themselves Protectors and Heads of the Huguenots craved their assistance wherewith they seized upon many Cities of France not making any mention of their Religion but pretending to free the King and his Mother from that captivity wherein the House of Guise held them It was the King of Spain who when the Duke of Guise was slain at Orleans by Poltrot practised with the Cardinal his Brother to entertain and maintain the divisions in France not to subvert the Lutherans but to weaken the Kingdom wherein the Cardinal proceeded so cunningly that he drew the Queen-mother from the Prince of Conde and the Chastilians by whom she was set at liberty by perswading that the Prince of Burbone the Constable and the Chastilians sought her utter ruine and subversion and would never leave until they had sent her into Italy unto her friends there for which she conceived so great displeasure and indignation against them that she caused the one brother to be killed at the Battel of Iarvack and the other at the Massacre of Paris it is thought that if the Montmorencies had been there at the same time they had drunk of the same cup. Thus you see that the troubles of France grew not for Religion but for competency and emulation that was betwixt the House of Guise
and the Chastilians and Montmorency then those competencies were nourished by the Spaniard for his benefit and not to subvert the protestants and that the King might and would easily have reduced all his subjects to one Religion had not the Spaniard hindred his course for even towards his latter days perceiving that wars were not the right and ready means to subvert the protestants he took another way which was to forbid them to resort to the Court or to enjoy any Offices Dignities Governments or Benefices whereby he mâ—de the old Hugonots cold in their Religion and to suffer their children to become Catholiques that they might be admitted as well as others unto Honours and that very few or none that were not protestants before fell to the open profession of their Religion which course if it were taken with both kind of Recusants in England would sooner call them home then other courses that are taken against them Again The same Author thought the French King worthy of deprivation because he was in his opinion disloyal and not trusty unto his old and ancient friends and favoured not the House of Guise so much as they deserved the which crime may very well be returned upon the Spanish King who when he might have pleased one of his best friends and one of the mightiest Kinsmen that he had refused to pleasure the one or the other when the pleasure done unto them should greatly have benefitted all Christendom For when as Pope Gregory the thirteenth purposing with the aid and assistance of certain Christian Princes to have undertaken a sudden enterprise against the Turk to the benefit and augmentation of Christendom prayed the Spaniard to have some help and succour he not only refused to send him any manner of help but also would not lend him any of his Gallies which the Pope offered to have entertained and sent to that enterprize at his own charges But this unkindness was nothing in respect of the discurtesie and disloyalty which he shewed unto Don Sebastian late King of Portugal the which unnatural and unkinde practise all Christendom hath occasion to lament for when as Sebastian intending to aid Muly Mahomet King of Fez and Morocco against Muly Malucco his brother who had driven him out of his Kingdom which intention by reason of the profitable composition which Sebastian had made with the said Mahomet had greatly advanced all Christendom required the Spaniard his Uncle to give him help towards this honourable action he promised to furnish him with fifty Gallies well appointed and with four thousand fighting Souldiers The which when Malucco heard he offered him presently certain Maritime Cities if he would not assist his Nephew the which condition the covetous Spaniard accepted and was not ashamed to forsake his own Kinsman and a Christian King and entred into League with a barbarous Infidel But he was rewarded accordingly for when he sent Vernegas his Ambassadour to take possession of the City Zaracha and of other Towns that were promised unto him The Barbarians mocking him for his covetousness and disloyalty made his Ambassador to dislodge with cannon shot But he forsook his Nephew as some say of purpose knowing that for his honour and the maintenance of his promise Don Sebastian would adventure himself in that enterprize although he had not help from the Spaniard and so losing his life in defence of so honourable a quarrel leave him a great possibility to attain unto the Kingdom of Portugal which fell out as you have heard according to his expectation Lastly The same Author concludeth the French King to deserve to be deprived of his Crown because he was in his opinion a Tyrant But you shall hear the marks whereby a Tyrant is known and then judge whether he or the Spaniard may best be called and reputed a Tyrant Bartol in his short Treatise of Tyrannie setteth ten principal observations to know and discern a Tyrant from a good and just King which he took out of Plutarch his book de Regimine Principum First Such Princes kill the mightiest men in their country that they may not rebel against them Secondly They keep their doings hidden and secret from wise men that they may not reprehend their actions and provoke the common people to rebellion Thirdly They suppress Learning and the Students and Professors thereof left they should wax wise and dislike their unlawful proceedings Fourthly They suffer no great meetings or general assemblies of their Subjects lest that they should enter into some conspiracy against them Fifthly They have their spies in every corner and place to hearken and observe what men say of them for knowing that they do not well they alwaies fear to be ill spoken of and therefore they entertain those spies very willingly Sixthly They maintain their Subjects in Divisions that the one part standing in continual fear of the other both may be afraid to rebel Seventhly They keep their subjects as low and poor as they can possible that being continually occupied and busied in getting their livings they may have no time or leisure to conspire against them Eighthly They nourish wars and send their souldiers afar off from home because that by wars their subjects are impoverished and they provided of sufficient souldiers to defend them in their unjust quarrels Ninthly They have their guards of strangers and not of their own subjects because they stand in great fear of their own Lastly When their subjects are divided they favour the one part that the other may the more easily be destroyed by their help These be the properties which Bartol examineth in this manner to kil Noblemen and not to spare his own brethren is the action of a tyrant unless the murther be grounded upon a just occasion to suppress wise men is likewise tyrannical except they commit some offence worthy of death to hinder Learning is not a work beseeming a just Prince unless he doth forbid the study of such Sciences as are not lawful and fit to be entertained in a Christian Commonwealth to permit no assemblies of subjects argueth tyrannical inhumanity if their assemblies tend not to evil purposes to entertain spies may be lawful if it be for the punishment of sin and not for the suppressing or false accusation of good and loyal subjects to nourish divisions can in no wise be commendable because a good Prince should procure his subjects peace quiet and tranquility to impoverish subjects is simply most unlawful for that the wealth of their subjects is the riches of good Princes and good Kings will rather labour to enrich them then to impoverish them to comfort then to afflict them to succour then to leave them succourless to procure forraign wars for any other cause but to avoid wars at home is a manifest argument of a notable Tyrant and especially if his wars be unjust to have a guard of strangers may be lawful if a Princes subjects may not be trusted if they have been such
as have been lately subdued if prone and ready to rebel and if they shewed themselves mutinous and disobedient unto good Princes lastly to destroy one faction by another is of all actions the most inhumane of all inhumanity because it behoveth a Prince to preserve his subjects at home and abroad in time of peace and in time of wars against open adversaries and secret enemies Now if you look back upon all that hath been said you shall easily perceive that all these marks may be found in the Spanish King who hath not spared his son his brother his kinsman his nobility and peers whose Country hath by the testimony of their own writers no great store of learned men whose natural subjects are employed in forraign services whose forraign Dominions are maintained by domestical divisions whose guard consisteth of Flemmings although his Spaniards be the most trusty and loyal subjects that he hath whose spies are infinite or else his intelligences could not be so great as they are whose subjects cannot be rich because he fleeceth so mâ—ch whose wars are unlawful because they are begun without just occasion continued with iniquity and performed with barbarous cruelty briefly whose studies endeavours and purposes tend to no other end but to weaken all Christian Princes that he may tyrannize without comptrolment and make himself or successors monarchs of the whole world without resistance Then to conclude this Treatise which is added only to give some light to the precedent matter If it be perjury to break an oath willingly sacriledge to murther not only one but many Ecclesiastical persons unjustly hypocrisie to dissemble with friends cunningly tyrannie to afflâ—ct subjects wrongfully impiety to betray Christians unto Infidels wilfully and to murther kill and massacre subjects unlawfully I may more justly conclude then the French seditious author did against the late French King that the Spanish monarch may be lawfully excommunicated and deposed because all these crimes concur in him together and that no wars of what nature soever can be held unjust and unlawful that shall be enterprised and exercised against him so long as he shall continue to be as he is the common and only perturber of Christian peace and tranquility FINIS A. Coâ—ley Carion Plutarch Plutarch Herodorus De Hailon Plutarch Carion Plutarch Herodotus Titus Livius Holinshed Polid. Virg. Plutarch Herodot Don Antonius Apology Râ—stbergius Dubraevius Dinothus de Bello Belgico Plutarch Justinus Carion Du Haillan The same Author with Pol. Virg. and Hector Boetius Mores gentium Munster Frâ—â— Lean. Guido Donato Tit. Livi. Du Hailan Carion Terapha de vitis Reg. Hispan Polid. Vir. Holinshed Guicardin Paradin Dinothus de bello Belgico Gio. Giov. Pontavo della guerra di Napoli Nicolle Giles Annales de Aquitanie Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Hect. Boetius That the Turk is grown great by the dissention of Christian Princes Mar. Arrogo Pietro Mexias Illescas Du Haillan Carions Cron. Guyl Atchives Di Tyro nella Historia della guerra Hiâ—rusalemme An answer to an objection that Princes aid Rebels proving that in times past they did the like Terapha Holinshed Pol. Virg. Du Haillan That the Flemming had just cause to rebel against the King of Spain Anales Flandriae Marchantius Smillerus de Repub Helvetior Dinothus de bello Belgico Responce ala Declaration de D. Jehan de Austrice Discourse summarie de Estates Generals du Pags Bas. Dinothus D. Chytraeus That France hath rebelled against their Kings before this time Pedro Corn de la lyga q confederation Francesa The causes of the Leaguers rebellion their proceeding policies David Chytraeus Risembergius The Duke of Guise the head of the League his proceedings and policies The Duke of Guise his imitation of other great Rebels and a Comparison betwixt him and them C. Tacitus C Tacitus Plutatch Dion Piero Mexias Da Haillan A strange Interpretation of the Oath of Allegiance A comparison betwixt the Duke of Guise and Sâ—jan Caesar Pipin and Hugh Capet Du Haillan Du Haillan Holinshed Du Haillan denieth the Law Salique The Frenchmens first Objection and the answer thereunto Hottomanus de jure successionis The second Objection with the answer The third Objection and answer Guido Papnis quest 23. 9. Hostiensis extrâ—de major et obedientia c. dilecti filii Alexander Cent. 25. n. 20. vel 5. Baldus in tit Si defendo fuerit contra in t Dom. in generalâ— n. v. The fourth Objection and Answer John Bodin Philip de Comines Guicciardine Gâ—oviano Pontavo della guerra di Napoli Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Du Haillan Froissart The fifth Objection with the answer Hottomanus Gul Benedictus inc Raghutius in verb. mortui n. 49. Terrixubeus tract 2. Con Clus. q. Terapha Holinshed Hect. Boet. Hist. Poloniae Du Haillan Piero Mexias vida de Carlo Magno Du Haillan lib. 15. p. 214. The sixth Objection with the Answer John de Terra Rubea tract 2. conclus 9. 10 11 12. Guliel Benedictus in c. Ragnat in verbum eodem test num 148. Guido Papius quest 279. Nich. Gyles Froissart Froissart Nich. Gyleâ— Du Haillan lib. 21. Vita de Marc. Aurelio Tarapha Illescas lib. 6. Du Haillan lib. 6. Du Haillan lib. 8. Du Haillan lib. 2. Du Haillan lib. 2 6 8. Nic. Gyles Idem Idem Smillerus de republica Helvetiorum The reasons why England challengeth not her right in France Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Da Haillan Phil. de Comines Holinshed Polid. Virg. Hect. Boet. Vie da Francois Primier dece nom Phil. de Comines Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Annales de Aquitain T. Walsing in his Neustria Hect. Boet. The Causes and means how we lost all France Holinshed Polid. Virg. Du Haillan Ph. de Comines Paulus Aemilius Marco Arrogo sans occino nel suo governo Hect. Boet. Hottoman Joh. Tilletius Du Haillan lib. 15. Pedro Corneio de la lyga y Confederation Francesca How the King of Spain his Predecessors grew from mean Earls to be mighty Kings Historia Pontifical de D. Illescas Spanish Piero Mâ—xi Vida de Ludovico Sp. Nich. Giles Guicciard Vida de Don Alonso Du Hailan Nic Gyles Froissart Munsterus Functius Polid. Virg. Holinshed Terapha Guicciard That the Kingdom of Naples hath been fatal to many Nations Nic. Gyles Du Haillan Functius D. Illescas Piero Mexias vida de Wencelao D. Illescas vida de urbano 6. Functius lib. 10. Caxton Du Haillan Math. Paris Math. Paris Paul Jovius lib. 2. Guicciardine D. Illescas vida de Fagenio Phil. de Comines Guicciard lib. 5. Guicciard lib. 1. D. Illescas vida de Julio 2. Guicciard D. Illescas vida de Clemente 7. How the Spanish King came by Naples Guicciard lib. 5. 6. 9. Sleidon lib. 16. How the Spanish King came by the kingdom of Navarra Guicciard Terapha de Regibus Hisp. The Spaniards title to the Kingdom of Portugal Sleidens Commentaries Don Antonio his Apology Froissart vol. pr. c. 252. Du Haillan lib. 6. Froissart vol. 3. c. 25. D. Anton.
Their contracts bind them as much as Laws 19 20 R REmedies of Subjects against unjust Princes 26 S DOn Sebastian of Portugal intendeth to aid Muly Mahomet King of Morocco against his brother 28 Sforza Ursino and the Count de Terras Vedras and Emanuel Serradas unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 The Spanish liable to be depos'd for breaking the Laws of Aragon p. 17 He entreth into a League with Muly Malucco against his own Nephew Don Sebastian of Portugal 27 The Swedish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOME AFter that I had lived many years in voluntary exile and banishment and saw that the most happy and fortunate success which it pleased the Almighty to send unto my gracious Soveraign against the malicious and hostile Attempts which the Spanish Monarch both openly and covertly practised against her sacred Person and invincible State and Kingdom I began to despair of my long desired return into my native Countrey and to consider with my self with what price I might best redeem my sweet and inestimable liberty Sometimes I wished that her Majesty had as the Italian Princes have many confined and banished men abroad upon whose heads there are great Fines set to invite others to kill them in hope to receive those Fines in recompense of their murther But my wishes vanished as smoak in the wind and as long as I dwelt in those cogitations me-thought I did nothing else but build Castles in the Ayr then I applied my wits to think upon some other means of better hope and more probability and supposed that to murther some notable Traytor or professed enemy to my Prince and Countrey might be a ready way to purchase my desire But the great difficulty to escape unpunished the continual terror that such an offence might breed unto my conscience and the perpetual infamy that followeth the bloody Executioners of trayterous Murderers for I held it trayterous to kill my friend and acquaintance made both my heart and my hand to abhor any such action Martius Coriolanus seemed unto me a most happy man who when in revenge of a few mistaken injuries he had wrought his Countrey great despight and annoyance suffered himself with much difficulty to be intreated by his Wiâ—e his Mother and the Senate of Rome to return home and to become so great a Friend as he had been a Foe unto his country That day should have been more joyful unto me then the day of my birth and nativity wherein I might have seen a Letter from any of my friends with assurance of my pardon to call me home But I find my self so much inferiour to Coriolanus in good fortune as I come behind him in manly valour and other laudible qualities Whilest I lived in this perplexity I hapned by chance to meet with an honest and kind English Gentleman who was lately come out of Italy and meant to sojourn a few moneths in France and then to return into England He knew both me and my friends very well And although his License forbad him to converse with any Fugitives yet hearing by common and credible report that I was not so malicious as the rest of my Countrey-men but lived only for my conscience abroad he adventured now and then to use my company and with me and in my hearing to use greater liberty of speech then with any other of our Nation Whereupon I presumed that as I was trusted so I might trust him again and as he did conceal nothing from me so I might adventure to reveal to him the secret projects of my inward cogitations I therefore acquainted him with my eaâ—nest desire to return and with the great difficulty which I found to procure my return and he perceiving that my words agreed with my wishes and that my tongue uttered nothing but what my heart thought promised me faithfully to effect my desire if I would be content to grant his request I presuming that he would demand nothing but that which should be both honest and lawful gave him my faithful promise to satisfie his demand He accepted my offer and uttered his mind in this manner In my travel I have heard many things which I knew not when I came out of England and no more then I would and yet much more then I can be well able to answer when I come home if you will be as willing as I know you are able to frame me a good and sufficient answer to all that I have heard all the friends which I have in England shall fail me but that I will purchase your return home with credit and countenance And because your promise bindeth you to vouchsafe me this favour I will as briefly as I can possible shew you to what points I shall need and most desire your answer I heard Princes generally reprehend the Flomings perhaps more boldly then justly accused of rebellion the French men I know not how truly burthened with the same crime and our Sovereign in my poor opinion wrongfully blamed for aiding both the French and Flemish Nations I heard some men to maintain this strange opinion that the Turk had long before this day been utterly subverted or sorely weakned had not her Majesty holpen those two Nations which hindred both the French and Spanish Kings from imploying their united forces to the utter subversion of the Turk I heard some men charge us with vain-glory as men that had learned of the vain-glorious Souldier in Terence to brag of our valour and exploits in France where they could hardly believe that we ever obtained the tenth part of that which we boast to have atcheived And others who were better acquainted with our Histories and more affected with our conquests do wonder and marvell greatly howwe could lose in a very few years all that our Predecessors got with much effusion of blood and with great difficulty I heard the Spaniard our mortal and professed Enemy highly commended for that his Predecessors could of a mean Earl make themselves mighty Monarchs and because that he with his wisdom doth maintain and keep all that they got I heard his might magnified his Policy admired his Government extolled his Wisdom commended his Wealth feared and all his Actions justified I heard contrarywise our Portugal Voyage condemned the Cause thereof disliked the Success dispraised the Entertainment given unto Don Antonio disallowed and her Majesty accused to have given the Spaniard many and divers occasions of discontentment The death of the late Queen of Scots The intercepting of certain monies sent into the Low Countries The proceeding against Catholicks the expulsion of the Popes authority out of England the sending away of the Spanish Embassadour in some disgrace and our League and Amity with the United Provinces are the principal causes that displeased the Spaniard I heard it imputed unto her Majesty as a fault that her Grace continued in league with the late French King who was charged to
be a Heretick a Waster of his Revenues a Lover of dishonest women a Murderer of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise and a Prince neither able nor worthy to govern so great and mighty a Kingdom as France I heard the Spaniards attempts and enterprises against England justified because our Queen was excommunicated her people not able nor willing to help and succour her her Subjects overcharged with unaccustomed Subsidies our Forces not sufficient to encounter with his strength and our Realm easie to be subdued by Forraigners I heard again some men condemn the Spaniard of great folly for ruling the Low Countries by strangers for not granting liberty of conscience unto his Subjects in those Countries for taking upon him to enforce them to alter and change their Religion for intending to reduce all Protestants to the ancient profession of Papistry for aiding the Leaguers in France and for attempting to make himself Monarch of the world I heard some think it a thing impossible to subvert him others suppose it to be a very easie matter to overthrow him and many desirous to know the means how to weaken him I heard the tumults of Aragon diversly construed the murder of Escovedo sundry wayes censured and the proceedings against Antonio Perez justified by some and condemned by others To be short I heard many say more then I can well and readily remember and yet not so much as I can be content to hear in praise of my Countrey and in disgrace of Spain in commendation of our Princess and in dispraise of the Spaniard in allowance and approbation of all her actions and in reprehension of all or most part of his Enterprises These things were in substance all that I heard some to my comfort and others to my grief And if in clearing all these things you will vouchsafe me your paines I will warrant your return within a very short while after that you shall have sent me your Treatise Your credit with Cardinal Allen your acquaintance with Morgan your Friendship with Thomas Throgmorton your conversation with Charles Pagett and your long experience in forraign affairs hath undoubtedly enabled you to give me a full satisfaction to all these demands If you run through them lightly you shall rather point at them then please me If you dwell upon them long you may fear to be thought too tedious And yet because you have leisure enough to handle them at large I shall take great delight to see and read them somewhat largely handled Such was his speech and this my short reply In hope of performance of your promise I will undertake your task not because I take my self able to answer your expectation but to shew you that I will hazard my poor credit to recover my dear Countrey and because I trust you will use my labours for your instruction and not to my discredit You may be instructed if you read them advisedly and I discredited if you make them common To be short with assurance of his secrecy I undertook his task if he shall hold his promise I shall think my labours well bestowed if they may procure my return I shall have employed my pains to my contentment And if my pains may pleasure and satisfie the Readers their satisfaction shall double my joyes when I shall attain safe and free access unto the long desired place of my Nativity The singular affection which you bear unto me and the great good opinion which unworthily you have conceived of me have greatly deceived you in making especial choice of me as of one better able then any other of your wise and discreet friends to deliver unto you a sound and sure Judgment of the present Estate of Christendome You see Flanders in trouble France in Arms Scotland in division and the whole remainder of the universal Christian world either as Neutrals idly looking and gazing on their miseâ—ries or as men interessed in the same cause voluntarily ayding and abetting them or their enemies This sight seemeth unto you very strange because that professing one Christ Crucified fighting under one Master and bearing the general name of Christians they give occasion unto the professed enemy of Christianity by taking advantage of their unnatural dissention to to enlarge his already too large Confines and Territories In truth you have some cause to marvel hereat But if it may please you to remember That things in common are commonly neglected that perils which be far off and not presently imminent are little regarded That dangers which are at hand and hang dayly over our heads carry us away with their due confideration from the vigilant care and providence which we ought to have of common Enormities And lastly that this careless negligence or the common Adversary is no new thing but a matter of great Antiquity and long continuance You will leave to wonder thereat and begin to prâ—y unto the Almighty as I do to remove the Causes of our unnatural 〈◊〉 to change the minds of our malicious Christians and to illuminaâ—e the hearâ—s of our lawful Princes that they may with the eyes of Indifferency and 〈…〉 upon the calamity of their loving Subjects Consider the cause 〈…〉 thereof consult upon the ways and means to redress the 〈…〉 deliberation put in present practise those remedies 〈…〉 and singular Wisdom shall seem most meet and convenien◠〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 but silly Ship-Boys in this huge Vessel tossed with the raging Waves of 〈◊〉 unmerciful Seas We may look upon the Masters behold the Pilots â—nd be ready at the Call and Command of the other Officers and this is all that we can do and who so looketh for more at our hands erreth as much in your Opinion as you are deceived in your Choice But the Interest which you have in me and the hopes which I conceive of you make me rather to hazard my poor Credit then to incur your heavy Displeasure You may and I hope you will conceal or excuse my follies but I would not and God forbid I should deserve the least diminution that may be of your accustomed favours towards me In hope therefore of your Secresie I will boldly enter into this Tragical Discourse The chief Actors whereof are The mighty Monarch of Spain The merciful Queen of England The unfortunate Don Antonio of Portugal The valiant King of France The Imperious Prelate of Rome The sleeping and secure States of Germany The Politique and Grave Senate of Venice And the weak but wise Princes of Italy Spain coveteth more then his own Portugal and France would gladly recover their own Rome and England labour and indeavour only to conserve and maintain their own Germany feareth not the peril that is far off Venice temporizeth wisely and the rest of Italy sheweth an outward affection to him that is mightiest but inwardly wisheth his weakness and the good and prosperous success of his Adversaries This is in brief the open and hidden Idea of the present Estate of Christendome wherein the
himself Monarch of all the world all the Princes of Christendom fearing his over growing greatness began to consult and take advice how they might bridle his ambition and hinder the proud and insolent projects of his aspiring and imperious minde But the Princes of Germany who had greatest occasion to fear him most were the fiâ—st that bended all their thoughts and all their cogitations to move the rest of the Princes and Potentates of Europe to joyn with them in League and Amity against him Then were there sent Ambassadors unto the King of England France and Denmark Then were there Letters written unto the Swiâ—zers Then were Letters dispatched to the Duke and Seigniory of Venice to desire help against the Emperor and to distract the Venetians from the League of Amity which they had with him and to intreat both the Venetians and the Switzers not to suffer any Forces to pass by their Dominions which should be sent out of Italy unto Caesar. Then did as many Princes as were not in League with the Emperor shew themselves forward in this honourable Action and those who for their Leagues sake could not openly assist the Confederates against Caesar exhorted others to joyn with them against him and to make them more able and willing to enter into the action they lent or paid them great sums of mony which they owed unto them Then since it behoveth Princes in wisdom and policy to keep their next neighbours as weak as they may since the Spaniard before the king of France changed his Religion pretended to war against him for no other causeâ— but to inforce him thereunto and now continueth his Wars and aiâ—ing his Rebels although the French king is of himself become a Catholick which proveth manifestly that it was not Religion but ambition that moved him to aid and assist those Rebels since it is apparent to the World that he onely disturbeth as I have said the peace and quietness of all the world and causeth the Turk to insult as he doth upon Christian Princes since both Othon the Third and Conrad the Emperors Laws injoyn all Princes as it hath been shewed upon other occasion to bend their Forces and to bandy themselves with main might against such a Prince and such a disturber of common peace as the Spaniard is I see no reason why the Princes of Christendom as well Friends as Foes unto him should not all joyntly and with one consent inforce him to contain himself within his bounds and limits and to succour and assist him against the common Adversary of Christian Religion who of late hath given the Christians no small overthrow The Popes of Rome were wont when Christendom stood in no greater danger of the Turk then it doth at this present to send their Ambassadors from Prince to Prince to reconcile them if they were at variance and to exhort them to imploy the uttermost of their powers against the professed Enemy of Christendom It is written that Paulus Tertius a Poâ—e that was ninety years old when he departed this world not long before he diâ—d considering the great danger and peril that was likely to fall upon Christendom by reason of the pride and ambition of the great Turk and the unnatural discord and dissention that was betwixt â—rancis the first and Charles the fifth sent his own Nephew the Cardinal Fernese unto them to make a friendly composition and agreement betwixt them The like Atonement might the present Pope make betwixt the French king and the Spaniard who hath now no other pretence to fight against France but that the king thereof although he is become a Catholick yet he remains Excommunicate a pretence both vain and frivolous because the kings of France and the Peer thereof and also all his Officers cannot be lawfully excommunicated by the Pope as it may appear by the priviledges granted unto divers kings of France by many Popes as namely by Martin the third and fourth Gregory the eighth ninth tenâ—h and eleventh Alexander the fourth Clement the fourth and fifth Nicholas the third Urban the fifth and Boniface the twelfth The which Priviledges are to be seen in the Treasury where the kings Charters are usually kept And when the Pope shall interpose his Authority many other Princes shall likewise labour to make them friends as of late years the King of Denmark was a Mediator of peace betwixt him and our gracious Sovereign And if when this motion shall be made unto him he will neither regard the Authority of the Intercessors nor respect the manifest eminent danger of Christendom but still continue and follow his ambitious nature and unchristian course then will it be a sit and convenient time to implore and imploy the aid and assistance of his near and dearest friends against him then because â—insmen forsake even the next of their own blood when they will not yeeld unto reason and friends many times fall unto variance when they are put in mind of old quarrels and antient injuries it will not be amiss to revive the memory of old and new wrongs and indignities offered by the house of Austria unto their Neighbors their Allies their Kinsmen their Friends and other Princes that now either fear or favour them Then would it be shewed that all the Emperors and Princes of that Family have neither regarded consanguinity of blood or alliance of Friendship nor the wealth of their Subjects nor the bonds of Equity and Reason but have always preferred their private gain before the Commonweal their own interest before their â—â—insmens and Friends commodity and advantage their own will and pleasure before all Law and Justice briefly their subtil devices and deceits before plain dealing and sincerity Then to begin with the infancy of their Family it would be made known that when they were but poor Counts of Hapsparge they encroâ—ched upon their Neighbours they wronged and oppressed the simple and well-meaning Switzers over whom they tyrannized so long that at length by common consent and by a general Revolt against them both they and their Officers were violently driven out of the Country Then would it be declared that Rodulph the first Emperor of their House obtained the Empire by plain deceit and cunning and so carried himself therein that he sought his own commodity more then the wealth of the Empire and shewed many evident signs and arguments of loathsom and detestable ingratitude For whenas the Empire had been void almost Twenty years and divers Compeitors affected the same as Henry of Thyringia and VVilliam Earl of Holland Alphons King of Castile and Richard Brother unto the King of England and all those Corrivals had almost wasted themselves and their friends in seeking for the place and in maintaining themselves therein The Electors being over-wearied with the length and troubles of this tedioâ—s Competency sent Conrade Archbishop of Coruge unto Othagarius King of Bâ—hemia to pray him to accept the Empire but he thinking himself not sufficient