persons ought to be respected As the very greatest are not exempted from those punishments which the Laws have enacted for the Factious so their enterprizes ought to be cut off and destroyed the sooner by reason they are more to be feared then others on the score of the power which they have to work upon the minds of people It is true â—â—e means which conduce to it are very dangerous and on such occasions it is that a great Minister of State ought to testifie his zeal and generosity by taking the power out of their hands who abuse it as Arms from a mad man It is necessary to resolve upon one of these three things so to reconcile them that they may rest in a true â—riendship which is almost impossible at least very difficult amongst Grandees who are once offended with one another And this way ought not to be chosen but after a long time of consideration that the assurance of it may be of some continuance The second is more rigorous and withall more certain which is to take off the lives of the Factious to which however I should not advise but in case of extremity and after all other means have taken no effect by reason of the respect which is due to the Royal Family I esteem the third and last to be most agâ—eeable which is to banish them and take away from them the means of doing any more harm They who are so dealt with cannot with Justice complain of it seeing they have deserved it It is unreasonable to suffer such persons to remain in a Court who make open profession of comptrolling their Kings Actions of blaming his Conduct of setting limits to his Authority of raising Wars and revolts in his State Princes though of the Blood Royal are not exempted from Obedience and Subjection to the Laws of the Kingdom It belongeth not to them to give Orders for the government of affairs That Prerogative is inseparable from the Crown and they who would design the assuming such a power to themselves by other ways then those of his Authority deserve to be catechized as Rebels Do we not all know that that which heretofore brought this State into the danger of falling into the Spaniards hands was the too great condescention of Henry the third towards Monsieur de Guise who was but a stranger Prince too Certainly France had not been exposed to those extream mis-fortunes which it hath suffered had he but had the good luck to have held his hands from those enterprizes The resolution of the Councel for the Removal of the Queen-Mother ALthough the Cardinal did very well know the reasonablenesse nay the necessity of seconding his Majesties inclinations to the Queen-Mothers removal yet such was his modesty and so prevalent over his own discretion and interest that instead of so doing he on the contrary rendred his often entreaties to his Majesty that he would be pleased to give him leave to withdraw himself from the Court He represented to him how that peradventure the Queen-mother might thereby be appeased and induced to leave the State in peace and quiet and that for his own part he should willingly suffer himself to be thrown into the Sea to save the Vessel provided only that his Majesty would preserve him in his affections and not remove him out of any dislike either of his Fidelity or Services Nor did he this as being ignorant of the obligation which lay upon him by reason of the place he held in affairs of truly acquainting him with every thing which concern'd the good of his State but onely that he might let his Majesty perceive how little he regarded private concernments in this occasion Nor that he did not much esteem the honour which his Majesty did him by intrusting him in the first place of the Administration but onely because the respect which he did bear to the Queen mother surmounted the consideration of his own greatnesse Not that he wanted heart in his persecutions and afflictions for it was well known the greater resistances he encountred in the Cabals and intreagues of the Court did so much the more whet his Courage and Resolution insomuch that they could not at all move much lesse shake him but only because the greatest courages are most temperate it being sometimes more generous to destroy then preserve ones self In short not that he wanted affection for his Majesties service seeing nothing could more sensibly have touch'd him then to have been deprived by his removal of the means and opportunities to serve and defend him from the unjust attempts of those who perverted by their wickednesses the minds both of the Queen-mother and Monsieur but only that he could never with a good will be withdrawn from doing her all service who had the honour to be mother unto his Master How really was his advice any whit necessary to perswade his Majesty to remove her Her own Actions bespake her unto his Majesty and shewed him in words at length that it was not fit she should any longer continue at Court untill that time and truth had opened her eyes These were the true reasons which induced the Cardinal to desire his Majesties permission to withdraw himself But his Majesty who well knew how great a losse such a man might prove unto his State seeing many Ages did hardly produce his Equal and how that he had made the same use of him that God doth of the Sun that is to dissipate all those storms which might arise not only refused to grant his request but on the contrary weighing the great services he did him the remarkable advantages which France had enjoyed since his promotion to the Administration as also the condition in which affairs now were in respect of the disorders and confusion into which the Queen-mother endeavoured to bring them And lastly comparing the present state of things with what they were upon his first entrance into the management of them he no longer deliberated on this particular but absolutely resolved to desire the Queen-mother to passe some time away from the Court All the Ministers of State were of the same opinion unwilling belike to fall into the sin of Treason against their King to render an unjust respect to the Queen-mother every of them considering that she had no just ground to complain either of his Majesty or them but only of those who had ingaged her in such wicked designs as made her longer stay at Court incompatible with the good of France Politique Observation AS the end of all Government is the good of the State so all Kings are obliged especially to have a regard unto that as being the Center unto which all their Actions should tend and to avoid all such things as would divert them out of that way In vain do they attempt or begin any great or glorious enterprises if any by-respect to those of their Blood or the consideration of their own pleasure be able to put a stop to
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
countenanced them in it and notwithstanding the many shot and skirmishes in which many were hurt and slain both of one side and t'other they did their work so exactly that there was not a Tree Vine or Stalk of Corn standing any where neer the City In this interim the Duke of Rohan attempted to become Master of Sommieres and led up his Army to it and comming thither just upon day breaking hee approached it by one of the Gates which being soon thrown down made way for his entrance but thinking to surprize the Castle too Masillac the Governour of it repelled all his Attempts with such Courage that having received the succours of ten thousand foot which the Sieur de Valensay had sent to him from Montpellier the Duke was forced to retire to Anduze where he was not well received After this the Marshal de Themines went without more adoe to besiege St. Paul and Miatte which lie upon the River Langoust between Castres and Lavaur when he had Quartered his Army before St. Paul he forced it in few dayes and rifled divers of the Inhabitants that were got into Miatte but they had small hopes of any comfort so they sent to the Marshal to desire Articles which being granted he entred and took possession of the Town But all this was nothing worth if he did not attempt to fight the Duke of Rohan and cut off his Forces so he resolved to follow him and over-taking him at Vianes in Albigeois he set the Army into Battalia to fight him The Duke was Quartrred in Vianes and about two thousand of his Foot were at Peyresequade which is at the Foot of the Mountains whereon Vianes is scituated The Count de Carmain went to view them and having reported to the Marshal the Condition in which he found them it was resolved to fight them The Marshal with his Sword in his hand marched in the Head of the Army The Marquess de Cragny and the Count of Carmain took their Stations one upon his right t'other upon his left hand and at the same instant the whole Army couragiously advanced towards the Enemy with so much Resolution that nothing more could have been wished but onely that they had made a little more resistance for that there was not one single man of them saved for whilest those who made the first encounter were at it the rest got into Vianes who were however so closely pursued by the Marshals forces that the Regiment of Normandy was hard at their heels entring into the Town with them Thus he remained Master of Peyresequade where there were about one hundred and fifty of the Rebels Souldiers killed and hurt all which the Duke of Rohan beheld from a Fort in Vianes where he then was from which time forwards he began to despair of doing any great matters for the future especially since he saw himself so closely followed and that the Cardinal had taken such a course in Languedoc that the King could have raised more men in twenty four hours then the Duke in a whole moneth Politique Observation HE who revolteth against a great King seeketh his own ruine He cannot hope for Glory from his enterprise seeing hee is neither accompanied with Prudence nor Justice and he cannot expect any profit by it for besides that the weaknesse or indeed impossibility unto which he is reduced by the quality of a subject he forceth as it were his Soveraign to punish his Rebellion by making him lose both his Life and Estate Mahomet Prince of the Turks had all Rebels in such detestation that he cut off two Falcon's heads for having stooped at an Eagle the King of Birds that he might by this teach his Subjects who durst have the rashnesse to follow that example that they must expect the like punishment for both Prudence and Justice oblige a Prince to chastise those who shall take up Arms against his authority Some Grandees puffe up themselves with the Greatnesse of Alexander who with a few Forces which he drew out of Macedon overthrew the Power of Persia as also with that of the Romans who from being at first Masters but of one City became Lords of the whole World But they ought to know that neither the one or t'other of them were presently set upon by any great Prince but extended their Power by little and little ever proportionating their Attempss to their Forces It is true Fortune and their own Courages did not a little contribute to their successes but seeing Christianity teacheth us that this same Fortune is not any thing else but divine Providence with what reason can he who revolts against his own King hope for favour from heaven whilest he doth act against the Laws and indeavoureth to subvert that order which this Divine Providence hath established in all Kingdomes The Spoil made about Mountauban by the Duke d'Espernon THE Duke of Espernon was neither wanting in the Testimonies of a good Conduct or successe in the Pillaging of Mountauban According to the Orders which he had received he made his Approaches near it about the beginning of June though there were good store of Souldiers clapped into the Town for defence of it this being next to Rochel the greatest prop of the Revolted Party His design could not be brought to any good effect untill after several skirmishes and sustaining divers Sallies out of the Town That of the fifteenth of June gave them some advantage over him for they then killed ten of his and carried with them as many Prisoners amongst whom were the Sieurs of Miraude de St. Omer but they were soundly payed with Interest too in those following conflicts especially in that of the twenty seventh of the same moneth when they left about two hundred dead besides wounded on the place and about forty prisoners shortly after the Duke caused a fair Meadow to be mowed about a quarter of a League from the Town to draw out the Rebels but they had not the Courage to make any more Sallies as as yet But understanding that the Duke had layed up good store of Corn about a League off they contrived to surprize it by the help of a dark night hoping that it would fall out for their advantage Now some Scouts of the Dukes about the Town having perceived what passed gave intelligence of their being gone out so they were quickly snapt The Fight indeed was hot but at last la Roche who commanded them being hurt with three Carabine shot and taken Prisoner too they presently fled and left about one hundred dead and wounded on the place Insomuch that not being able to Reap any Wheat or Hay thereabouts so exactly had every thing been Pillaged that at last they began to bee in very great necessities Politique Observation AMongst the several wayes to reduce a Rebellious Town under Obedience the devastation of al fruits which are upon the earth neer thereabouts is one of the best and most absolute The Losses which the Rich receive
to fight gave the signal and fell upon them the Seamen were so dexterous that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours there were above two thousand shot made and though the night came on yet the Fight ended not for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel pursued them with such good successe that hee came up with them about day break and two others of their biggest Ships were not able to get off for want of water and so stuck on ground but long they did not so continue before they were taken It is true those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop and having killed all they met with the Souldiers who were in the Hold set fire to the Powder and blew up all above with such force that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off three of the Kings Ships were burned with it and above three hundred men lost amongst which were the Count of Vauvert the Sieur de Ville Neufeu and Veilon a Captain of Holland This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France in reducing the Rebels to that passe that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired some to Rochel and some into other places according as the Wind did drive them but never durst afterwards appear any more These things thus ended the Duke of Montmorancy landed at Oleron where he met with no resistance the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed who received the newes with much joy Politick Observation WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt yet it is usually seen that all their designs end in ill success Experience hath made it often manifest that such Crimes seldome go unpunished and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing then to those high Mountains the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bosomes seem to obscure the light of the Sun though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency And is it not the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power which they would have usurped themselves and did not of right belong unto them History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth the many that are would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely But for the greater illustration of it I shall say thus much the injustice of a Cause is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe seeing Heaven doth commonly confound what Man hath wickedly built If at any time they shall become so powerfull as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels yet they can never obtain a remission from Heaven They who attempt to grow great by unjust means will in fine meet their utter ruine God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States to obtain advantages for some time but at last the violences which they Act fall upon themselves and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France as Legate from the Holy Chaire for the Affaires of the Valtoline WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc The Cardinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope arrived in France and came to Marseille where he was received with great honour as also at Lyon according to the Orders sent by the King He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to present the Brief which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris which is a Custome so ancient that I shall omit speaking any more of it but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief to give the King the Title of King of Navar which could not be denied to him without Injustice the Parliament refused to acknowledge it and obliged him not to make any further procedure in the businesse untill it were amended The Legate comming to Paris alighted at St. James de Haut-pas where the Clergy of the City the concourse of the Court and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction After this the Prelates of Paris came to do their respects to him there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet as a mark that they had no power in his presence but the Prelates not being able to stoop to this Order by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church it was concluded in the middle way between both to give some satisfaction to the Legate that they should go so habited to salute him and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame where being come they were to take off their Mantlets but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right The King sent the Duke of Nemours the Sieur de Bonnevil the Introductor of Embassadours and several other Lords of great quality to receive him at his first arrival At night Monsieur the Kings Brother waited on him with a great number of Lords and saluted him with extraordinary respects and one his entrance accompanying him gave him the right hand The same day he had Audience from the King where nothing passed onely Complements but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it and beseeched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy His Majesty answered to these three Propositions that he was ever inclined to Peace and that he would still be induced to it provided it were for the Publick safety and honourable for him and his Allies That as to what concerned the Valtoline the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before
against them The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self was a great impediment to his work And the King in whose hands the onely supream power resides was so much the more jealous of it for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers and that with so much the more reason for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations being assured that it would be afterwards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address the truth which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence letting her see that she ought not to think it any strange thing that the King should desire to be Master or that all Affairs were revolved by his order for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of He used indeed his utmost address to impress this truth in her letting her see that she ought not to pretend to any part of it That the King quitting all his suspitions would give her more then she could wish seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects The Queen Mother who did then much esteem of his counsels did beleeve him and she received such advantages by it that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct that she did no longer think of the Government he restored her into so absolute an Authority that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs This was a very great advantage procured to her by this grand Minister and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Majesty The State too did not receive less profit by it for that this good correspondencie which united the Affections of the King and Queen Mother did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties but remain entire to oppose the Ambition of Strangers The Cardinal that he might the more confirm this Union and make it the stronger perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother assuring himself that this good person whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace replenished with Piety and voyd of Ambition being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them and that he would have somwhat the more power in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors Next to the Queen Mother Monsieur was the most considerable person in affairs as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom run out at the perswasion of those who were near them to seise on the Government The Cardinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass Justice having infused into him with his birth all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty All which the Cardinal very well knew Neither was he ignorant That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano who had the honour to be nearest to his person and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant Monsieur the Prince had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him and satisfie his humour by giving him a part in Affairs and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit but at last with a handsom address he let her see that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State without a good understanding between the King her son and him and that it was to contribute to his own greatness not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals and raising of new emotions But whatever reasons he could then alledge she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King that his Majesty in some Letters to him gave him extraordinary expressions and testimonies of his Favour sometimes by asking his advice as occasions should present as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs which was accordingly effected and the King writing to him assured him of his kindness towards him and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline of the Hugonots and the War of Italy By this he received an entire content and satisfaction so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations then formerly he had done This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it Politique Observation THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad is bound to settle all at home by a strong uniting of the Royal house The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health If one should assault the other the Natural Justice is violated and the Union dissolved which once so the whole frame falls to nothing Who knoweth not that the Union of Grandees especially those of the Royal Family is the most sure foundation of Peace and Welfare to a State They may not be disjoyn'd from their King neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown but Justice will be offended and their Union broken which once so the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred and to give them such advantages as may content them because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects who imagine that a Prince who doth not
he had won to his Interests in Brittain might stir up some Commotion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty but as his Majesties presence only was sufficient to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so he went to Nantes and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there where such as were any wayes suspected were not suffered to appear The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly and the Lord keeper gave them to understand that his Majesties design was only to consider of what means and wayes were most proper for setling the peace of that Province which was the principal thing there debated and at last it was so happily concluded by the Kings Authority and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment that there did not any difficulties arise in it The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest To destroy some strong places many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme and served only to countenance a revolt Which being thus ended The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counsellours whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal who had endeavoured to possesse Monsieur with the opinion That having no other liberty or freedome he might chuse his own wife and in that particular follow his own inclinations but it was easie to undeceive him by laying before him how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdome which do prohibit any Princes to marry themselves without the Kings consent and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King who loved him very dearly and would undoubtedly match him which such a person as would be most proper for him Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part all sorts of Interests were considered with great deliberation and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying were examined to the full and in conclusion the King of his own motion said he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him but with all that the Quiet of his State seeming to oblige him to marry him he resolved to do accordingly That his intentions in it being good he could not but hope Heaven would blesse it with good successe and in case the enemies of the publique Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it It is reported That Monsieur the Cardinal did only represent to his Majesty those reasons which might seem either to invite or disswade the marrying of him without inclining more to the one then to the other as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough and not to want any advices in what did so neerly concern the power of his Authority as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels whose effects are lyable to the changes of Fortune and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure of that which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men who by it raise advantages to themselves At last it being generally resolved the Queen mother passionately desirous that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier sent to Madam de Gâ—ise to come forthwith to Nantes and to bring her with her as also she presently proposed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on This Princesse who indeed was the richest match of France had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans in the year one thousand six hundred eight whilst the King was then living and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hundred and eleven both the King and Queen Mother had pass'd their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans Both being now of an age fit to be married Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her might be performed and Monsieur who had alwayes preserved himself in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will was the more easily induced to effect it in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princesse but however the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty presse it until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal that one of the onely means to shop the farther progress of them was to hasten on his marriage The King did not approve of his marrying any Forraign Princesse least it might prove an in-let for Factions in the State and least it might open a dore for strangers to invade the Kingdome as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier her Birth and vertue rendring her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family The Queen Mother who could not be heartily perswaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne and Monsieur though the Cabal did much drive it on Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house was extreamly rich and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of necessity be bestowed on him They of the Cabal were vexed at heart to find things so carried on but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too Shortly after the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur who answered him that if it were his Majesties pleasure to marry him there he should totally resign himself to his Majesties will By which and in several other occasion he hath alwayes shewed That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordinary respects for the King which had doubtlesse inseperably linked him to his Majesty had not the mallicious devices of those in whom he placed some confidence diverted him Monsieur sent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise to assure her of his kindnesses and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match between himself and Madamoiselle her daughter and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier he commanded him to assure her on his behalf that he would
the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would ingage the Kingdom in Revolts and all this to compel him to deliver up this grand Minister in case they could not effect it by the dayly instances which they perswaded her to make unto his Majesty This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governours of the Provinces where true it is mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal but it is likewise said that the hatred which she bare to him transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State and the publick quiet insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal when it is well known how carefull and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she express'd against him which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and Fortune and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesties Will and satisfaction who expresly commanded it and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge by the continuation of his services of the honour which he did him the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him But lastly who can deny that a designe tending to ruine what-ever it cost one of the chiefest pillars of the State and him whom the King himself had often professed to be the principal Author of his good is not a crime Laesae Majestatis Were it not such in any one to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France Had not experience then made it evident that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France then many Citadels and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom He would easily have retrived them all if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forc'd them from us but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was who was a greater Protection to France then all the Citadels put together and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities Politique Observation JT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger and Justinian inserted in their Books as likewise Leon the first and Constantine in their Politicis and Basilicis that Law made by the Emperour Arcadius whereby they who had engaged themselves in any Faction tending to ruine the chief Ministers of a Soveraigne were guilty Laesae Majestatis And for this very reason If any one in England be convicted of having contrived though but in his thoughts the downfal of any Counsellor of State though he had not executed it yet such is the Law there that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis against the King as it was in the case of Somerset Uncle to Edward the sixth and Protector of the Kingdom for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them that it is death only to speak ill of them Salvian de Marseille saith That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect whence it followeth saith he that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State who representeth the Person of his Prince are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself Thou hast commitied an offence saith Quintilian but because it is against the Magistrate thou art therefore guilty of Treason Whence it was that Verterius as Plutarch observeth was condemned to die he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune whose place is much inferiour to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against publike persons and thus were they punished who so offended And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Soveraigne as is declared in the Law of Arcadius And if the Prince be the head of his State they are then the Members and Instruments by which he governeth And thus hath another said Our Saviour is the Head of the Church the Church are his Body and the Prelats are his chief members They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour that they may the better guide the people by their Influences they are the lively Images in which they cause the foot-steps of their Authority to shine forth Whence it is that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis for only offending by any dis-respect his Princes Image or Picture made only of Brass Stone or the like surely he is much more guilty who disâ—respecteth his living Image in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People and indeed the principal Instrument of his Glory And if it be needful to re-inforce this with any stronger reason That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Soveraign or which interfereth with the greatness of his State And what Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State when a Cabal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruine of a Minister who by the conduct of his Masters Arms and his own Prudence hath extended his limits hath rendered him terrible to all other Nations hath vanquished all his Kings enemies and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Masters authority who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the publike quiet who daylie augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer hath established Peace in the Kingdom and in a word next unto his Majesty is the greatest prop and supporter of its greatness Cicero saith That he who raiseth a Sedition against the Publike Peace doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire There are three sorts of High Treasons The first is absolutely against the Princes person The second against the Respect due to him And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom Now it were to be purposely blind not to rank under this third degree all those Factions which contrive the ruine of any Ministers of State they being so much contrary to the good of the State neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first as in England seeing Ministers carry their Masters Image instamped on their Foreheads Prosecution of the Subject THe Mareschal d' Estree whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been imployed used his utmost endeavours to
his son Selim the first but shewed such an undanted courage that he could never be perswaded to withdraw himself although the Janizaries of his Guard were corrupted and so behaved himself that what with Iris presence and what with the gravity of his words they became ashamed to forsake him or commit the treason they had resolved against him Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt he took â—et and came in great hast unto Flanders where he easily checked their rebellion and punished the chief contrivers thereof Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon from whence he writeth unto the King MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon Boigneux was much afflicted and displeased that he had so poorly played his Cards having not so much as time to draw his forces together so that he had recourse to his usual devices and perswaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty wherein he should lay before him the pretences which he alledged for his departure The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance but so imprudently was it contrived that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason It was full of injurious language against the King and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom but only the Queen-Mothers imprisonment at Compeigne a Chimaera only and the necessity of saving himself without having no security within the Kingdom a reason altogether inconsiderable seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever and his third was the Cardinals ill conduct whom he could no longer endure so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous had he but reflected how effectually he had serv'd the King at Re in reducing of the Hâ—gonot Cities in the relieving of Cazal in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont and divers other expeditions which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of to hide Monsieur's imprudence and rashness in going â—orth of the Kingdom But such insolencie being insupportable and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brianson unto his Majesty then on hunting neer Baignâ—ux where not one of his Councel had followed him he commanded the Lievtenant of his Guards to seize on him and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him which were not conformable to the respect due unto him The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Subjects instead of being honoured as so many mysteries whose causes are to them unknown published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieur's departure both from Orleans and then out of the Kingdom as likewise of his journey into Burgogne which are the very same formerly intimated only adding this one that his Majesty was the more oblig'd to march into that Province in respect they had ingaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party and had particularly prevailed with him to send the Sieur Damase unto him then at Auxâ—rre to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de Bâ—â—carre of Monsieur's Designs to retire into Burgogne for he had then discovered all their intentions and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions that his Majesty made the said Declaration but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret the Dukes of Elboeuf Bellâ—garde and Rouannes the President Coigneux the Sieur de Puy-laurens Monsigot and the Pâ—re de Chanteloupe guilty of high Treason every of them having been accessary unto Monsieur's departure it being his Majesties further pleasure that they should accordingly be proceeded against in case they should not within one moneth make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences impowering all Governours and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levie any Souldiers without his Commission and Authority Politique Observation IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made if they be not executed upon them who persever in their offences Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience unless it be somtimes accompanied with severity Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs when violence scapes scot-free the publike Peace runs a hazard and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct theâ—r insolencies when he most desireth it To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are were to be injurious unto the State and guilty in some kind of cruelty The least severity inflicted upon such men after their Designes are once perceived doth extinguish the remaining flame whereas conniving at them adds feweâ— to their fire in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees who are incapable of true Friendship and that the means to stop the Career of their designs is by Force and Fear Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation by being over severe for that were equally dangerous and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities but so ought he to manage his business that he strike them with Fear and make them apprehensive of his Justice Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible then to such who only endeavour to be beloved and they will sooner break the bonds of Love then of Fear Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments If the rewarding of services be so necessary for the incouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bent by striking them with Fear To be merciful alone is to want one hand and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency were to endanger the loss of the Supream Authority The Debate in the Parliament of Paris upon the Declaration against the Rebels THe Crime which they who abused Monsieur's name did commit by their boldness in writing so outragious a letter unto the King was but too to great yet as one error makes way for another so they did not sit still there but seconded it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to
better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruine To conclude it is to no purpose to perswade them that the peoples charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom is less then the inconveniences of an Intestine War The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabitants a sufficient livelyhood neither can want fall very heavie upon them notwithstanding any Taxes though great imposed upon them in case they have freedom of commerce and work But it is not so when an enemy is once entred among them for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation though they daylie find the enemy at their gates their Cities lost and plundered their Farms burnt their Grounds untilled and they who are never so little worth taken and forced to a ransom besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions There need no other allegation to prove this Truth besides the People themselves who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarums and the noise of Guns and Trumpets whereas they despair if they once see the enemy at their Gates who encompasseth them with confusion maketh them fly from their own houses and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity and even depriveth them of the use of their very High-ways These reasons are so apparent that one must either be prepossessed with Passion or surprized by some sinister advice to imagine the contrary and they are so much the more considerable for France in regard the Emperour Charls the fifth discoursing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects said That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclin'd to murmur that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince if not diverted by some Forraign imployments To be brief one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace is their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Forraign attempts whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it unto which it might send abroad its people Which being so the best course that can be taken is to vent them in the service of our Allies so to do is to follow the example of Scipio who finding the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness rigg'd out two Gallies and lead them to shew proofs of their courage against the Persians and of the Romans too who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy resolved to invade him in Affrick The Duke of Lorrain consenteth to Monsieur's marriage with the Princess Marguerite THe Duke of Lorrain had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness neither did he long keep himself dis-ingaged from new Intreagues and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations had sent unto the King of Swede then falling upon his State to divert that storm yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France In conclusion it is found that at what time he pass'd his word unto the King at Vic he at the same time brake it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi who was then come thither to wait upon him and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty he shortly after executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and deviceâ— He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars as have terribly afflicted the State the Courage wherewith they are born not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding neither was he ignorant of Monsieur 's discontent conceived against the management of the present affairs although admir'd with astonishment by all strangers who found France daylie increasing in glory but at their cost and charges Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it who as she had deserts enough to render her self amiable so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions whom she perswaded she would marry in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite whereby besides the honour of marrying with her he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance in regard it was very honourable and the King being childless it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France which could not but be a great protection to their Family who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France The Spaniards were not behind-hand to advance this Treaty as well knowing the power of France was not to be over-mastered but by arming one party against t'other which this match would infallibly bring to pass by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcileable to the King and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army which would undoubtedly divide the Nobility and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom that he might not possibly think of assisting the German Princes The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing having discovered this practise forthwith acquainted his Majesty therewith who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of Lâ—rrain But the Duke well prepared how to make his excuses endeavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation confirm'd with deep Oaths how that he never would attempt any such thing upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty as to that affair but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs Notwithstanding all this no sooner was the King departed from Mâ—ts but he concluded the match not so much as asking his Majesty's consent and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him and raise suspicions in his head for that he knew no stranger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France without feeling the Force of our Kings Powers So that he proceeded herein with the moâ—e circumspection and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister who had not either of them much to lose The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France marry without the Kings approbation THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King'â— consent If it be demanded where that Law is to be found I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the
Publike Registers where in one of the chapters of Royal Râ—ghts it is expresly so recorded But this Register being but of four hundred â—eats standing at most whereas this Custom is as ancient as the Kingdom it self I would fain ask them where the Salique Law is to be found which hath been inviolably observed in the Kingdom above twelve Ages together Thus it was established by the Custom to which oftentimes there must be recourse had and which must be admitted for a Law carrying in its forehead the Image of Justice much more evidently then any written thing and being also more prevalent to induce the people to a due observation thereof Who can then forbear to have this particular custom in great esteem or not embrace it for a Fundamental Law when it hath been observed from the beginning of this Monarchy and then established for the Kingdoms good Troubles hapned in consequence of Marriage THe greatest troubles have been the consequences of Marriages and they who have contumaciously violated this custom have been constantly punished by their Kings The example of Merouee son to Chilperic ninth King of France will evidently prove the establishment of this Custom in the beginning of this Monarchy who assuming the boldness of marrying with Brunehâ—ut without his Fathers consent became the object of hiâ— Iustice and was punished according to his desert and Pretixtatus Bishop of Rouen who had a hand in the marriage was impeachel in a Council held at Paris of that very thing as a great Crime he indeed was the first who exceeded the limits of his duty in this partitular and accordingly was he chastised for it Saint Bâ—ruâ—ra willing excuse unto the King the Comte 〈◊〉 hibaut de Champagne accused for designing to marry his children without his Majesties consent alledged it was improbable a man of his integrity would ever run into so great a premunire Thus Philip Conâ—te de Namur broâ—her to Baudouin Conâ—te de Flandres being overseer of Jean and Marguerite his Neeces daughters to the said Baudouin engaged unto Philip Augustus in a Treaty that they should not be married without his Majesty's consent which one of our Historians saith to be in reference to the Soveraign right which our Kings have over such persons whose marriages may occasion troubles to the Kingdom Is there not yet extant in the Kings Charters an Oath made by the Grandees of the Nantion unto Charles the Fifth which absolutely implies they were not to marry with Rebels disobedient or enemies of the State One of the Crimes charged in the Duke of Alençon's Indictment was his treating a Match between his Son and the Dutchesse of York an English Prince's daughter without approbation from Charles the Seventh The same Charles the Seventh would not look upon his Son Lewis the Eleventh though of Age for having treated a Match with Charlotte de Savoy without his knowledge though it remained unconsummated until his permission first had and obtained Doth not an English Historian though an enemy to France say that the Match between Anne ae Bretagne and Maximilian of Austriche unto whom she was betrothed from her Infancy was broken in regard the King had not consented thereunto Now if any one imagine that this permission cannot avoid a marriage once consummated I shall indeavour to convince them of the contrary by laying before them the example of Lovic de Begne who having married Ausgarde without her fathers consent was in conclusion forced to quit her though he had children by her and though he was his eldest Son and to marry Adelaide and his son by her was acknowledged for right heir to the Crown by name Charles the Simple I shall add this one more of Judith daughter to Charles the Bauld who having though a Widdow to the King of England married Comte Baudouin against her fathers Will saw her marriage disanulled by Pope Nicholas the first together with the Bishops of France and was compelled after obtainment of her Fathers approbation to be re-married as she was at Auxerre Monsieur 's Marriage with the Princesse Marguerite of Lorrain ALthough the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was very passionate for the concluding of Monsieur's Marriage yet Princes Families being often divided into factions the President Coigneux was not so inclin'd but on the contrary took occasion in the t'others absence whilest he was at Brixels negotiating with the Spaniards for aid to represent divers reasons unto Monsieur to divert him from those thoughts He was not to learn that in case Monsieur married the Princessee Marguerite and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens the Princesse of Falsbourg himself should totally lose that little credit and authority which he then had he was apprehensive of the ascendency which a Woman hath over the soul of a Prince when she is once passionately beloved by him Besides he was the more concern'd in that particular of the Princesse Marguerite because he conceived she would be guided by the instinct and directions of the Princesse de Falsbourg who would in fine rule all lastly he doubted there was no way left to break off this match which would be imputed as his fault by reason of the place he held with Monsieur so that there would be no hopes for him to be restored to the Kings favour or the injoyment of his Goods and Offices These were the true motives and grounds which induced Coigneux to declare himself against the marriage and to disswade Monsieur from any further progresse therein although his advices were seconded with no other reasons then the service of his Highnesse and the good of his affairs He one day took the boldnesse to tell him that he ought not to steer such a course as would undoubtedly render the King irreconcilable unto him seeing his greatest glory and power was tied unto his Majesties grace and favour which this marriage would assuredly hazard nay utterly destroy he layed before him how that though Princes are sometimes excusable for doing such acts in their heat and passion which are displeasing unto their Soveraign yet they never ought to flie into such extravagances as may totally ruine them in their Kings Favour If may sometimes peradventure turn to their own advantage to run out into discontents as the increasing of their stipends or the obtaining of some other gratification but so it cannot be if they imbarque in such designs as may cause an absolute breach All the lustre which Princes have and which rendreth them venerable is the effect of their Soveraigns favour just as the light of the Stars is derived from the Sun their Fountain But these Councels of Coigneâ—x being known drew the whole house of Lorrain to have an eye upon him And I verily believe they might have wrought some good effect upon Mâ—nsieur seeing he was ever inclined to be obedient unto the King had not the return of the Sieur de Puy-Lauâ—eâ—s prevented it who at first dash spoiled all the t'others indeavours This new Favourite had gotten so great an
their Protector and he strictly requireth all Kings the lively Images of his power to do justice unto them Upon this just ground are the Ordinances of France founded which severely punish like the Roman Laws all such Governours and Commanders as oppresse the poor to satisfie their own covetousnesse and our Kings have made the greatest persons of the Kingdom the Objects of their Justice whever they have been convicted of Tyrannical violence What reason is there that poor men who have enough to do to satisfie the necessities of life who undergo great inconveniences in quartering of Souldiers and in effect bear the greatest but then of War should be forced to satiate the unbounded Avarice of a Governour or General Were not that to bury them alive or to force them to despairs Despairs the more dangerous because they are a soil in which great men usually sow the Seeds of their discontents to raise divisons and beget civil dissentions Is not the King more injured therein then any other whatever Is he not truly the head of his Subjects the heart of their lives and fountain of their souls Which being so is it possible to exhaust their blood and substance without weakning and destroying him Besides in case any sudden necessity befall where shall he look for assistance And in case of an invasion will they not be easily ingaged to a Revolt upon hopes of more gentle usage The Marshal de Marillac's Death THe Marshal de Marillac's Indictment was finished with all due formality he was first conducted to St. Menehoust thence to Vâ—rdun the Theater of his Crimes and where the proof of them would most easity appear from thence he was carried to the Castle of Ruel where the King commanded judgement to be given by the Lord Keeper and 22 Judges elected by his Majesty for their integrities and known abilities His kindred solicited for him as often as many and with what liberty they pleased They used their utmost indeavours to ingage the Judges to save his life nay they threatned them partly by recommendations partly by menaces sent from persons abroad the most potent that could be interessed in his protection The discussing of the Informations Interrogatories and Pleas by him used to save his life too up two moneths times in the Court All the Commissaries were perfectly instructed of every proceeding it being permitted them to deliver the full and ample extract of all his charge and defence unto those who solicited in his behalf He was so favourably dealt withall that one of the Commissaries who had drawn up the information was not received as Judge nor divers others against whom he excepted at which the King was not a little offended It was permitted that one of the Judges who pleaded unto his fellow Brethren nothing but reasons of lenity and all arguments which might induce them to acquit him was admitted to sit as Judge though by the strictnesse of law he might have been excluded The King himself proceeded with so much Clemency that there was not any one appeared on his behalf to solicite his condemnation but on the contrary his Majesty called all the Judges before him and that he might give them free liberty to act told them he expected no other Justice from them but such as they would willingly shew unto his meanest subject To be short before they proceeded to judgement he was twice demanded after the longest Interrogatories that ever were heard it having lasted three whole days if he had any thing to say for himself unto which he answered no. Here was as much favour and lenity shewed as possibly could have been desired towards a person designed to be saved But what likelihood was there to defend him from the penalty of the Ordinance in 46. ratified in Parliament which declareth that whoever purloineth the Treasure shall be punished by confiscation of Body and Goods Upon what accompt could he be exempted from the penalty of the Ordinance de Blois which commandeth that all the Heads and Members of Companies found to have exacted monies to avoid quartering in Houses or Villages shall be punished with death without hopes of pardon with this additional clause that though his Majesty should by his favour or the importunity of others be induced to pardon it yet the Lord Keeper is prohibited to Seal it and the Judges required not to regard it Could the Judges possibly have eluded that Law which tieth up the Kings very Mercy Moreover what could they find in the Prisones or his Crimes which could invite them to favour him who had not made himself considerable in any his imploiment wherewith the King had honour'd him but by the extortions he had imposed on the people Are not all Magistrates bound to imploy their utmost care in defence of the poor who have no relief but Justice Whereas his Robberies accompanied with such endlesse impositions made him worthy of death and did they not likewise oblige his Judges to be the more severe towards him The State could not receive any losse by his death who had never done any remarkable service for his King or Country but who on the contrary was the chief instrument to perswade Monsieur to come into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand Could it with reason have been expected that the Cardinal whose services are indeed considerable enough to obtain his Majesties pardon for any offendor should use his power with the King to beg his pardon who had consented and peradventure proposed to destroy him at least promised his assisting hand in so execrable an action Can it be denied but that after such strong and weighty reasons it had been injustice to afford him any favour Whereupon twelve of his Judges conforming their opinions to the rigours of the Law adjudged him worthy of death declaring him attained and convicted of purloining the Treasure or publick extortion exactions falsities counterfeits cheats over-charging and oppressing the Kings Subjects Two days after viz. upon the 8th of May he was beheaded at la Greve wither he was carried from Ruel Politique Observation HAppy is that State where the Laws are strictly observed was the saying of an Antient and it â—ay truly be called Happy indeed because the Laws inhibit any thing repugnant to the Publike good cherish what-ever is conducing to the advantage thereof for that the true happiness of a State consisteth in the privation of those evils which may afflict it and in the enjoyment of those things which contribute to its advantage When the Laws are despised then are the people oppressed then the Usurpation of another's Right Disobediences Revolts Violences and all the crimes which are the plague and ruine of a State are in agitation whereas as Justice on the other side consisting only in the due observation of Law cutteth off these enormities and secureth every one in th' enjoyment of those goods which Fortune hath bestowed upon him Th' Emperour Justinian writ very fully and well unto the Pretor of
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
alteration that his Commission being to be executed in publick and himself being to be there in the head of his Officers as Bayliff of Bar to understand the King and Parliaments pleasure it would be unnecessary to give him a copy thereof and that it appertained not to the Duke of Lorrain to give leave to the Officers and Inhabitants of Bar to obey his Majesties commands seeing they having no other Soveraign but his Majesty no one could have the power to exempt them from that duty which they owed him The Sieur de Couuonges upon this answer withdrew and the next morning the Sieur de la Nauve going to the Palace where the Officers of Justice were assembled took his place and caused his Commission to be read unto them which impowered him to seiz the Dutchy of Bar for his Majesty for default of Homage and to re-unite unto the Crown the rights of Royalty and Soveraignty which had heretofore been alienated and which a subject guilty of Felony could not justly injoy that to this end he was inabled to alter the Titles of Justice to ordain that all succeeding Acts should passe in his Majesties name that they should be sealed with his Arms that all the inhabitants of Bar should have recourse to his Majesty for Letters of Justice and Favour of Pardon and Grace that the money should be hereafter stamp'd with the Arms of France and that in general the same Orders should be established among them as were observed in the other Provinces of France Then he told them he thought it unnecessary to exhort them to be obedient unto his Majesty seeing they were his Subjects born and that it could not but be glorious for them to be under a Prince who had taken Justice for the rule of his actions who for his Clemency is beloved by his people and who for his Valour is honoured of all the World that the seizure of Bar ought to seem the lesse strange unto them in regard the Duke of Lorrain his Majesties Subject and Vassal in relation to this Dutchy which belonged in Fee to the Crown had failed to do his Fealty and Homage though by the customes of France none but his Majesty could re-install him in it that his Majesty had for ten years past expected his submission though he might lawfully have seiz'd it upon the death of the late Duke and that this Law of Fealty should be the more vigorously executed as to the Dukes of Lorrain in regard they had often failed to do their duties unto his Majesty As to that which concerned the reuniting of the Regal Rights to the Crown of France he added that those Rights being as it were a Flower extracted from that Crown by the importunities of the Dukes of Lorrain it was the more equitable to re-unite them and deprive the Duke of them because he hath so far abused them that he wanted little of a total usurpation without considering how our Kings have reserved the last appeal and Homage as so many marks of Soveraign Authority not to be alienated that there was little reason to suffer them longer in his hands who had for so many years together delayed and refused to do homage for them and indeavoured to perswade the World that those perform'd by his Predecessors were but so many visits and complements especially considering that bounty hath its limits as well as Justice and that it is taken for a dishonourable weaknesse in Kings when it is excessive or when it perswadeth them to put up abuses offered unto them In fine he ordered that the Dutchy of Bar should be seized and delivered into his Majesties hands and that the Royal Prerogatives should be re-united to the Crown of France by the Messengers of the Parliament who accompanied him to be injoyed by his Majesty untill he had receiv'd satisfaction in the causes of the seizure This was the substance of his discourse at the Palace In the following days he cause his commission to be read in the Bayliffs court in the chamber of Accompts and the Town-House The Messengers of the Parliament executed the Decree all the Officers took the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty He did several acts of Justice required the Clergy to make publick Prayers for his Majesty and the Royal Family inhibited all Gentlemen and inhabitants of Bar to bear Arms for the Duke of Lorrain regulated some disorders committed by the Provosts of Mareschals in the exercise of their Office and in general setled every thing which he thought conducing to his Majesties service That Kings never ought to alienate their Demesnes especially their rights of Soveraignty THough Liberality be so becomming Kings that it is no lesse beseeming them to give then to command yet ought they never to extend their bounties so far as to alienate their Demesnes The Revenues of the crown do chiefly contain two things the rights of Soveraignty and the lands which they have reserved to themselves or acquired by any other way whatever The rights of Soveraignty consist in the power of executing Justice coyning of money granting of Pardons making Peace and War establishing Laws imposing Taxes creating Magistrates and sending Embassadours As for Demesne Lands as it is impossible to support the charges of State without a certain income Kings have alwaies reserved some of this sort beside their Soveraignty to serve their occasions This Demesne though of lesse honour hath ever been esteemed so sacred that Kings at their Coronations have sworn to preserve and defend them to the utmost of their powers Indeed it is impossible as Tacitus observeth to keep a people in quiet without Arms Arms without Money and Money without Revenue or Tribute Hence it was that Nero having deliberated how to abolish all the Tolls of the Kingdom the Senate though they approved of his Magnificence yet could not give their assents unto that because the ruine of the Empire would be inevitable when the Nerves of it should be so destroyed If the alienation of ordinary Lands and Tributes be so prejudicial to States those of Soveraign rights are incomparably more considerable and dangerous These latter Rights are like the Rays of the Sun inseparable from the Royal Family and like the most noble parts of the Kingdom without which it cannot be preserved in that strength which becomes it That of the Law which inhibiteth the alienation of royal Prerogatives ought to be understood more in relation of those then of Lands and thereupon hath ordained that if any thing be alienated or dismembred it shall notwithstanding be re-united to the Crown as so many distracted members to their body to restore it to its former strength This hath been alwaies so exactly observed in this Kingdom that in the very Pensions of the Sons of France the Demesnes of the Crown are never alienated but with expresse reservation of reverting to the Crowns when the Males fail and that without any right of Soveraignty so that to grant such royal Prerogatives
would give Monsieur any counsel â—ending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu and chief Minister of State in that Kingdome Wherein occur many Important Negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time With Politique Observations upon the CHAPTERS Translated out of French by J. D. Esq LONDON Printed by J. Macock for Joshua Kirton and are to be sold at the Kings Arms in St Pauls Church-yard 1657. EMINENTISSIMVS ARMANDVS IOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEVS etc. G Faithorne excud TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Thurloe Esq SECRETARIE OF STATE SIR THe Illustrious Cardinall truely Eminent for his sublime qualities presenteth Himself unto You in ful assurance of a most ample Protection both to his Memory and Fame Generous and active Souls have a naturall and therefore inseparable inclination to the mutuall Honour and Defence of each other It were injustice that that Pilot who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbulent and frequent storms of Fortune should be toss'd and molested in his Urn the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all Be pleased therefore Noble Sir to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius Indeed the cleer and happy Justice of those affairs whereon you are engag'd will not finde much here for your imitation yet questionless many things there are which upon another account may challenge your admiration and applause The Symmetrie of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of SIR Your Honours most humble Servant JOHN DODINGTON To the Reader I Desire thee to excuse the many Errata's which doubtless thou wilt here meet in regard the Printer in some places hath fail'd in point of Orthographie give him the allowance as in such cases are common and the scales will be turn'd for other faults I must also Apologize in regard of my own affaires which would not permit me to review my own Coppy or Correct the Press If thou dost then demand why I undertook it I shall deal ingeniously with thee and tell thee I was ingaged upon it by the importunate surprisall of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me ere I well knew what I had promised I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by either of us be amended Thus much more I thought good to let thee know that if this finde thee merciful I may perchance present thee with the sequell of the Cardinals Administration until his Death the manner of his Death his last Will his Birth and Youthfull Studies with diverse of his Letters and many quaint Observations upon his Life and Death which I hope may better deserve thy approval I. D. These Books are lately Printed and are sold at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard A Collection out of the best approved Authors containing several Histories of Visions Apparitions Prophesies Spirits Divinations and other wonderful Illusions of the Divel wrought by Magick or otherwise Also of divers Astrological predictions shewing the vanity of them and folly of trusting to them By G. I. A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James Written by Sir John Harrington for the private use of Prince Henry The Magistrates Authority in matters of Religion asserted Or the Right of the State in the Church A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius Of Government and Obedience as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and Reason Four Books by John Hall of Richmond Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's The Constant Maid A Comedy and St Patrick for Ireland That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois Written by George Chapman These now in the Press The Man in the Moon Or a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon By Domingo Gonzales Also Nuncius Inanimatus or the Mysterious Messenger both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Anno 1624. GOD who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over-rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them unto the pertaking of his Authority And if he hath ordained intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius His Prudence which guides all things by Weight Number and Measure hath affected that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art so there should likewise be in Regality Caesars Constantines and Charlemains whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others As it is said in Philosophy Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happiness to be now governed To speak truth his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory that many ages have seen his Prudence Valour and Justice do shine with so much splendour that without doubt they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes He never affected any Title but that of Just because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings that it was it which rendered their Majesty most venerable That it was it which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes and lastly that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace But we should offend against that very Justice if we should deny hâ—m the Title of Great which his Scepter gives to him The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited the Title of August which his vertue hath acquired the Title of Conquerour which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him His dignity maketh him the greatest of Kings his Power the strongest his Conduct the wisest his Treasuries the Richest and his Vertue the most just We have seen some Clouds arise which have seemed to obscure his light but they have onely
any other mans of what condition so ever he be That this constraint is repugnant to the safety of Kings of which in History are many examples especially in these latter ages These reasons were very considerable but withall the Marquess D' Effiat followed them home with such address and vigour that they made the same impressions upon the Kings as they had done upon his Embassadours minds who indeed did much contribute by their Letters to bring it to a resolution Articles of Marriage between the King of Great Britain and the Princess Henrietta Maria of France THe Negotiation was so fortunate that the King consented to all those Articles which were demanded in behalf of the Catholicks and accordingly his Majesty gave command to his Embassadours to accord it and on the 10th of November they were signed by them with the Cardinal upon these conditions That the Kings Sister should have all manner of liberty to increase the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion together with all her Officers and their children that to this purpose she should have a Chappel in every of the Kings houses a Bishop and twenty eight Priests to administer the Sacrament Preach Gods Word and doe such other Offices as their Function required That the children which should be born of this marriage should be brought up in the Catholick Religion untill the age of 13 years by the Princess That all the Domesticks which she carried into England should be French and Catholicks chosen by the most Christian King and they dying she might take others into their place French and Catholicks by and with consent of the King of Great Brittain Moreover that both the King of Great Brittain and Prince of Wales his son should bind themselves by oath not to attempt by any means whatsoever to make her change her Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it and should promise by writing upon the faith and word of a King and Prince to take order that all those Catholicks as well Ecclesiastick as secular which had been imprisoned since the last Act made against them should be set at liberty That the English Catholicks should not be any more hunted after for their Religion nor constrained to swear any thing contrary to the Catholick Religion and that such seizures of their Goods as had been made since the last Act should be restored to them And generally that they should receive more liberty and favour in respect of the Alliance with France then had been promised them upon the Spanish Treaty This was as much as could be desired for the present in behalf of Religion until the Princess who was indued with all the qualifications both of Body and Soul which could render a Princess beloved should have acquired a good power over King James his spirit and the Prince of Wales her husband and so finish the remainder which the King expected both from her zeal and behaviour with the more confidence because Ladies have a great hand over their husbands and Father in Law when they are once intirely loved by them Politique Observation THere is good reason to hope for the Conversion of a Prince from the Princess whom he marries Women have so natural an art to perswade men and to lead them to what they desire that there is hardly any thing impossible for them to do Their beauty alone hath such strong charms that they imprint in the soul by their eyes all the affections they have a mind to and the Love wherewith they are cherished gives them so great a power that if they have never so lâ—ttle ingenuity one cannot defend himself from their perswasions and if it be thus true in general it is not lesse in the particular of converting their Husbands or the People who are subject to them History is so full of Proofs of this nature that one must be altogether ignorant if he knows not that the divine Providence hath divers times made use of their means for this glorious purpose Thus Clotilâ—a daughter to the Duke of Borgogn was the occasion that Clovis one of our first Kings her husband imbraced the Christian Religion and banished Idolatry out of his States Iâ—gâ—nd Sister to Childebert King of France being married to Hermenegild King of the Gâ—ths converted him to the Holy Châ—istâ—an Faith Chieâ—umte daughter to the King of Merâ—e in England married a King of the West Saxons made him become a Christian and she her self a Saint Thâ—â—dâ—linda wife to â—â—gâ—lulph King of the Lombards perswaded him and a great part of his people to lay by their false Gods and to live under the Lâ—ws of he Gospel Gizel daughter to Hâ—nry Duke of Bavier and Sister to the Emperour Henry the first being married to Steâ—hâ—n the first of that name King of Hungaria made him and his whole Kingdome resolve to in â—race the Fâ—â—th of Jesus Christ and thus many others of the like examples do verifie that Qâ—eens have ever had a great power in this particular and the spirit of God which hath made use of them for such glorious effects saith The unbâ—lieving Husband shall bâ— sanctifiedly the believing Wife Heaven it self fights for them in such occasions when they labour for his glory besides it cannot be denyed but that their Rbetorick is perswasive that their accord do some time passe or currant and undeniable reasons that their words are charms and that their addresse is able to master the greatest courages In the midst of this diligent care which the Cardinal took for the Interests of Religion and the State his Prudence was not forgetfull of any thing which might bee thought in favour of the Kings Sister It was agreed in respect of eight hundred thousand Crowns which his Majesty gave her in marriage that she should renounce all successions either Paternal Maternal or Collateral which might befall unto her and accordingly after she had received leave from her mother the Queen Mother so to do she did renounce and the King of Great Britains Embassador did ratifie it that in future no such pretensions might arise to trouble the quiet of the Kingdomes as formerly had been Withall he took such tender care of all advantages for her that she could not suffer any inconvenience by any accident whatever It was agreed upon by his care that the Prince deceasing without issue the mony should be totally restored to her to be disposed of according to her own will whether she did live in England or in France That if he had children by this marriage there should onely be two thirds of her Portion returned the other being moveable that the last twenty of the third part should be made a yearly rent to her during her life that her Dower should be eight hundred thousand pound sterling por annum returning French mony at sixty thousand Crowns rent which should be assigned to her in Lands and Houses one of which should be such and accordingly furnished that she might make
more inviolable than the word of a Prince it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity or to desire his ratification by Oath The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration that another swore for him now to desire that he himself should swear were to decline that respect which is due unto him However the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath when they are of any great importance which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in The Laws look upon it for so venerable that they never permit it to be broken what ever advantage happen by it Perjury is condemned as a double sin because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God who is invoked as a witness but also Faith which is the most sacred Bond of humane society Which Laws too do oblige Princes much more then other men to keep their Oaths because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithfull they have not any thing left them which is considerable Christians ought to be most precise in this point if they would not be put to the blush at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels It is much to be lamented that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths if they may but get any thing by it they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity who thought the Art of well-lying a great piece of vertue and that it was an Index of a good Wit then that of the Common-wealth of Rome which was so religiously faithfull for their words that Ptolomey King of Egypt left his young son their tuition and protection without the least apprehension of suspition Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity as soon as he came of age they delivered up the Kingdome into his own hands The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw d' Esten extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Hollaâ—d came likewise thither to desire his Majesties Assistance and the renewing of the ancient Alliance The League being ended and the enemies of their Liberties beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies then to keep his own People in obedience received them with all kind of favour and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires His Majesty knew that their Protection was Honourable that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed that what Assistances he gives them are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity and withall that it was full of Justice The History of Holland had taught him that the Princes of Austria by their altering the Fundamental Laws and oppressing the publick Liberty of those Countries had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority to shake off the yoke of their obedience by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland An ancient saith that Power is full of equity which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country This in particular was so much the more assuredly just for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People and upon Conditions cannot infringe them and not lose their Authority and especially if they break Covenants which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Soveraign People in the Treaty of the League made Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain and Arch-Dukes of Flanders And in the same quality have the Kings of England Deâ—mark and Sweden the most part of the Hans Towns the Common-wealth of Venice and many Princes of Germany ever treated with them whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises A work of Justice so much the more certain for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him Besides these important reasons the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make by defending of them that it is above threeseore years together that they have obliged not onely this State but the most part of Europe to assist them to ballance the Power of Spain and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated besides that it was now much more necessary in regard the Garisons were to be established in the Valtoline and it would concern the State to make him some diversions that might entertain his Armies elsewhere withall he found that if he did assist Holland with these succours it would ingage them to do as much for him when occasion should require it which was no inconsiderable thing as Henry the Great found by experience when he was by them assisted against those unjust oppositions which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him He himself too might fall into the same necessities seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes is like a Calm at Sea which as it is often over-blown with storms so that too is no less subject to interruption by civil or forraign Wars These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours of a strong succour and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them and this great Minister who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution having determined them concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan three Millions and two hundred thousand Livers in three years On condition that they should re-imburse them three years after the War was ended That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever without his advice and interposition That if he had any occasion of Ships of War they should furnish him either for sale or hire at a reasonable Price That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars they should repay him one half of the said
whom assistance may be had and who if they should slip their necks out of the Collar might not do us any displeasure in it They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes upon a place which is designed to be assaulted either in relation to Passages or in respect of having from them Ammunitions both of War and necessary victuals as there shall be occasion Hannibal knew this full well when as he was upon his expedition into Italy and made a League with the French and Spaniard he took Hostages of them and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds The Romans did the same when they made war upon the Lacedemonians by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them by way of Hostage to the end that their interest to perserve them may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy had taken such a course as this were it onely in point of Passages we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers nor indeed to so many disgraces yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances However as it ought to be taken for granted that they will start aside in case the enemy give them satisfaction to their interests so there ought still to bee Forces ready which may clap in upon them and supply their deficiencies It is a trouble to see them break their words yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it and by dividing expence between them which else must be undergone by one alone It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it and to be prepared for the worst Moreover it is profitable to make Leagues not onely with States but with Princes and their Successors and to contract them with greater certainty then Edward the fourth King of England did who having recourse to one of our Kings after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome had not other answer but that the League was made with the King of England and his State and that he being no longer King of England France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances imploy their Arms against him who was present Master of the Crown To be short it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made may not serve for a pretext for them who would fall off There must not be so much as the least starting hole left for them to creep out or to break their words especially if they make any accompt of their reputation which is inseparable from their fidelity for without that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline AT the same time that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coevures he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune which told him that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy by those ways which he had till then tried so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary he resolved forthwith to take the field concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly without giving them leave to provide themselves he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble He had long before given order to 3 Swiss and 3 Grisons Collonels to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men so that he had nothing else to do but to send them word to be ready on the other side the Residents of Venice and Savoy being come to him they had agreed upon all things together The Sieur de Mesnil had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich for the Swisses and Grisons forces and the Resident of Venice undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo for such forces as should march into the Republick that which was most troublesome was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons it would be impossible to keep it from being known and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline The Popes Nuntio called Scapy and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swisses or the marching of any Troops which the King should send but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made had given too particular an assurance of it by means of the money and the promises which were made them that they should be seconded with a puissant succour against any who should attempt any thing against them upon that accompt But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual His remedy was to cause his Horse to march four by four that is all such as were sent him from Bresse and to secure the Canton of Bern for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment seeming after he was once entred as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means to the Grisons It was enough that these Cantons were by several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces upon so just an occasion as this was and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not seeing if they should they might be forced to it without breaking the Laws of Equity Thus he being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani had induced them to take resolved not to demand it untill he were upon the very point of passing because they should be better advised then to deny him when they find him in a condition not to be hindred they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons and to perswade them to rise and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis to enter into the Grisons to seize
entred without any resistance but he having first given the Allarum to the Town he who commanded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence and to shut the Gate but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power for the Duke of Vendosm then Governour of Brittain hearing of it presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province with order to bring all the men they could every one of which came with great diligence The Duke of Vendosm comming Post found that the Sieur de Querrollin entred into the Fort with store of Souldiers Victuals and Ammunition The Duke of Rets and Brissac came at the same instant of time as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port as also to assault the Town in six several places The Fort was finished in a trice and a Battery presently Planted but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted both he and his Souldiers forsook the place Withall to bring the design to a good passe they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was and the Cannon did such execution that he was forced to hoise Sail which he did by the help of a dark night and a strong wind which carried him over the Cables that were overthwart the Port though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port which were taken and in fine he sled towards Rochel who were not behind hand as also the whole body of the Hugonots to disown it by their Deputies and by their Declarations which they sent the King Politique Observation IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governours of Provinces not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace upon places of importance especially on the Sea-Coast and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars For what neglect is committed in this point doth much help and assist those who would imbroyl things and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprize them Holy Writ tels us That they of the Tribe of Dan being informed that the Inhabitants of Laish were secure and suspected nothing went assaulted them took their Town without resistance put them all to the Sword and burned their City Did not Francis the first upon his expedition into Italy and by the surprize of Villa Franca teach all Governours of all Places that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from alwaies being upon their Guards and that it is without reason that they think themselves secure either by the strength of their Fortifications or by the far distance of their enemies For Prospero Collonna who commanded that Town and making merry without the least suspicion upon confidence that the King was far enough off from him was surprised by the Sieur de Palisse which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters It is true he himself might be excused in regard his Sentinels were taken and that some of the Inhabitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse but however the whole misfortune was laid in his dish though he was a brave Commander yet he was much blamed it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say I did not think I was in any danger For this very reason it was that Iphicrates one of the Athenians most renowned Captains would have his Army alwaies upon their guard or in a posture to fight during times of Peace in the same manner as if in the heat of War and he answered some who misliked his curiosity that one ought alwaies to suspect who would not be surprized Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governour of a Place he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude That in Commanding all he is bound to watch for all that he remember Governments are called charges and that the name of Charge which he hath ought to teach him that it is a burthen committed to his Prudence and that the place which is intrusted with him is not barely recommended to him but he to the place to be guarded and conserved with his best care Anno Dom. 1625. EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time to consider the Face of the World when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us to behold that fair Star establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr before troubled with Tempests to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before languishing and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse which the Hoar Frosts and Snows had left behind them But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France presently after it had pleased his Majesty to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour and to dispel by little and little those causes of Civil Wars which did every year renew themselves in the State to set bounds to the ambition of strangers and to establish such an order under the Kings authority which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes The increase of glory which his Majesty every day gave to this Minister did serve to augment his courage and raised new lights in his Soul subtilized his Prudence and furnished him with occasions to demonstrate to the World that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop He could not be enough admired seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State of a thousand fair opportunities That it is impossible to serve the Publick and injoy the pleasures of this life he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion and certainly if pleasures could not bewitch him interest nor profit could never Charm him or get any power over his Will Honour was the chief aim which he proposed in all his actions which he sought for in his Masters glory and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it But that
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
that it was not reasonable to let his glory lie under such a blemish Now the onely way to secure it was declaring the whole Passage before a Councel where should be the major part of all the Nobles and the Cardinal perswaded the King that they should be assembled in his Majesties Presence They who received this command were carefull to be there accordingly and the Councel being met the King told them that he had caused them to be called thither to consult on the Affairs which might relate to the Publick good upon such Proposals as the Chancellour should make unto them who beginning at the Treaty made with the Grisons and renewed from time to time by which they tied themselves to give a free passage thorough their Countries at all times for his Majesties Armies to go into Italy as also not to accord the same to any other without his permission shewed at last to them how the Spaniard to the prejudice of these Treaties had ever indeavoured by fair and foul means to procure the same Passages might be granted to himself to further his intended Conquest of the rest of Italy as occasion should invite him to it to which purpose he had usurped the Forts of the Valtolâ—nes and that his Majesty for the recovery of them had been constrained to send the Marquess de Coeuvres thither with an Army that before his Majesty had made use of any force hee had consented that the places should be deposited in the Popes hands for a certain time and upon certain conditions which conditions being accomplished and the limited time expired the Spaniards had however found means to perswade the Pope to retain them yet longer though of right he ought not so to do for that they were onely deposited with him That his Holiness had been often urged to return them unto the Spaniard and that his Holiness had moved them to receive them which they had refused to do for that they esteemed them more secure in his Holinesses then in their own keeping After which his Holiness being unwilling to disseise himself of them the Marquess de Coeuvres was forced to enter upon them by strength of Arms That but very lately the Spaniards had also induced his Holiness to send his Legate to try if he could obtain from his Majesty out of the respect which he did bear to the Holy Chair that he would surrender up the Forts again to his Holiness and suffer the Grisons to be deprived of their Soveraignty of the Valtoline That these Propositions seemed to be so much the stronger in regard it implied that his Majesty must give way to the Grisons who were his Allies losing of that which was their indubitable right That his Majesty had still indeavoured to preserve them by the strength of his Arms and to surrender up into the Popes hands all that did not belong to them But that to return all which did belong to the Grisons could not be done unless to the great prejudice of the Grisons to the advantage of the Spaniards and to the absolute loss of his Majesties Reputation That it was upon these Proposals his Majesty did desire their advices to know whether it were fitter to condiscend to them or to continue the War desiring every one of them to speak freely what he thought proper to be done that a conclusion might be had and sent to the Legate who would not stay to take along with him the Result of this Councel though he had been importuned to it but however he had promised to expect it at Avignon The Marshal de Schomberg took hold of the discourse and amongst other things told them That having several times been by his Majesties command to treat with the Legat he had smelt out that his designs were alwaies in the Spaniards behalf as much as possible could be of which there needed no other proof then the two Propositions which he had made to deprive the Grisons of their Soveraignty and to restore the Forts to the Pope that the Spaniards might gain time to draw their Forces together and retreat them and his sudden departure after he had been refused though it had been as shamefull for the King to have granted them as it had been hurtfull to the Grisons to have indured it That for his part he was of opinion rather to resolve on the War and that for divers reasons which he there alledged which testified as much Courage as Prudence then to make a dishonourable Peace by assenting to Propositions contrary to the Honour and Justice of his Majesty The chief President of the Parliament of Paris speaking in the name of all the Officers of the Soveraign Courts said onely thus much that the King had ever made such good choice of able worthy Ministers that it would bee a peece of Prudence to follow their opinions and particularly that he thought what the Marshal de Schamberg had said was very just and reasonable The Cardinal de Sourdis was of a particular opinion by himself and proposed for the Cessation of Arms alledging the inconveniency of the season But they considering it as a thing which was earnestly desired by the Spaniards onely that they might get time and draw their Forces together both in Italy and the Valtoline it was hearkned to but by a very few persons nor seconded either by the Cardinal de la Valette or the Marshal of Bassompierre who were both of them well acquainted with the Spaniards Interests and designs the one by his being at Rome and the other in Spain so delivering their opinions against him carried it in conclusion for the war The Cardinal that he might give them the more liberty to speak freely with-drew a little aside and comming near the King testified to him how much he esteemed Peace That it was his opinion alwaies to prefer it before War if it could be obtained with safety to his Majesties honour and reputation and without hazarding the good of the Kingdome which was inseparably united with that of his Allies But that he perceiving nothing in the Legates Proposals which did not undermine both one and t'other and which onely designed the procuring of Glory and advantages to the Spaniard and which tended to the ruine both of France and his Majesty or the detriment of his Allies he could not submit his thoughts to Peace That for his own particular he was more against it for that every one who had never so little acquaintance with the affairs of Spain well knew that their chief drift in forcing the Valtoline out of the Grisons Power was onely that they might bring what Troops they had a mind to into Italy and that by this means they might become Masters of it That this their design was of no small importance to the Crown of France which would have somewhat to do to defend it self from his Arms if he could once bring it to passe For a place once taken on the Borders will serve
the enemy to fortifie himself and strengthen against him After this he gave his Majesty to understand that he was not ignorant of the many difficulties which would arise for the continuance of the War and that peradventure the Rebellion of the Hugonots might divert the sending of some part of the Power of France into the Alps. But he added that the Reputation of a King being to be preferred before all things for that once gone neither his Authority nor his riches nor his Arms would be regarded he was of opinion and it seemed most expedient to him that the War should be continued for the preserving his Crown in its lustre rather then conclude a Peace upon such shamefull Conditions as those which had been proposed by the Legate That his Majesty should send such recruits as should make his Army be feared That the Super-intendents would assure his Majesty he had Treasure enough for the discharging of four Musters without touching any thing of the present Incomes That the Clergy offered six hundred thousand Crowns as a Contribution towards it That the Hugonots were so abased by those signal Victories which his Majesty had obtained over them that they could never rise again and that seeing every thing did thus contribute to the carrying on of the War it was his advice to conclude on it before any other thing whatever After he had ended no one spake any more judging that there could not bee any other thing worth further Consideration in the businesse so the King told them he would give notice of their Result to the Legate and intirely prosecute what had been then and there concluded Politick Observation WHat ever great parts a King or his Ministers may have either by nature or experience yet he ought not to ateempt any important affairs especially if they carry any danger along with them without assembling the Grandees of his Kingdome and consulting with them on it This I think to be profitable not onely for the good of the State but also because it cannot be doubted but that Counsel hath been ever found and adjudged by wise men to bee the most assured stay not onely of Kingdomes but of particular families Salust writ to Caesar that not onely Kingdomes but private Towns too injoyed prosperity whilest good Counsels were in force and that nothing but mis-fortunes had befallen them after that compliance fear or pleasure had been introduced amongst them Not that a Soveraign is bound to resolve with a great number of Councellors of what he should do but I say he should deliberate with them and afterwards resolve with his Ministers what is fittest to be done He need not fear that in so doing he doth discover any weakness or insufficiency for that he is bound to it by the very Lawes of Prudence it is argument enough of his ability if he ground his resolution upon the advices and consultation of several persons Though the Sun be cloathed with a wonderfull brightnesse which ravisheth the eye to behold it yet God hath not forbidden the Stars from partaking of the government of the Universe because they have particular Influences which though inferiour to those of the Sun yet do they not cease to be usefull for the perfection of the World Just so too though Counsellours who are called to deliberate on Affairs may not be compared for understanding or Soul with the King or a grand Minister yet as the Earth brings forth several Plants which are particular and proper to it so their apprehensions and minds may be replenished with such thoughts as would not perhaps have fallen under the considerations of others and yet do not for all this become lesse usefull or unprofitable to the common good But besides this Consideration is it not evident that Councel is necessary to be taken by a grand Minister if only for his discharg The most part judge of Advices by the Events though no rule can be more uncertain whence it happens that if any one alone shall pretend to advise his Soveraign and things fall out contrary to expectation hee will bee infallibly blamed for it And in case there be no great difficulty in affairs yet it were not amiss to do so for the satisfaction of the Grandees of a Kingdome Grandees for the most part though very expert both in Politick and Military Affairs are of such a humour that nothing will like them nor no Resolution please them unlesse they have a hand in it and they will be most commonly sure to work advantages against that Minister who shall have perswaded his Soveraign if the Affairs fall out otherwise then was expected They are of the same humour as Cornelius Tacitus saith Cornelius Lacon was of who being Captain of the Emperour Galba's Guards was an enemy to all Counsel how good soever if it came not from himself Nothing can be more proper to defend a mans self from this blame which is sometimes very troublesome as also important to ones fortune then sometimes to assemble an extraordinary Councel when there is any question doth arise As once when the Spartan Embassadours came to Rome accompanied with a certain Captain whom Porus had sent to give a true accompt of the affairs in Armenia though it was not at all needfull to call any extraordinary Councel to resolve on the War for that the condition of Affairs did oblige to it yet Nero called the Principal men of the Town together as Tacitus reporteth it and deliberated with them whether it were more proper to run the hazard of a doubtfull War or make a Peace with the Enemy where it was unanimously concluded to carry on the War and not a man of the contrary opinion The Deputation of the Valtolines towards his Holiness IF those Proposals made by the Legate were repugnant to the Glory of France those which the Valtolines Deputies made at Rome to his Holinesse and the Sieur de Bethune were absolutely unjust The Spaniards had excited and wrought the Catholiques of those Countries upon the score of Religion to offer the Soveraignty to his Holiness and to declare by their Deputies to the Sieur de Bethune that it was not to be hoped they would ever submit themselves to the Government of the Grisons a thing they could not do with their Consciences They also framed a long discourse in which they pretended to shew by many reasons that the two Crowns of France and Spain not being able to agree upon the Interest and Right which either pretended in those Countries there could not be a more proper more plausible or just expedient found out then to put themselves into his Holiness hands who treating the two Kings as a common Father might grant them passage as it should seem best unto him and when hee should find it proper for the good of Christendom This discourse conducing to the Popes Interests did not a little elevate his thoughts and he had made no great Bones to consent to it had not the
to his own Quarter so that after a great attempt there is but small successe The Hugonots finding their weakness to their own costs have recourse to the Kings Clemency THe signal Victory which his Majesty had obtained by sea before Rochel and the Isle of Ree together with the impossibility whereunto the Duke of Rohan was reduced of attempting any thing in Languedoc so closely was he followed by the Marshal de Themines forced the Hugonots to have recourse to his Majesties Clemency They begged his Majesties pardon by their Deputies whom they sent to him to testifie the sense they had of their fault and to assure him of their future fidelity and obedience His Majesty was well pleased with it and the Deputies comming to him at Fonntain Bleau about the end of August whilest the Legate was there there was no kind of acknowledgements and submissions which they did not make both in behalf of themselves as also of the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize who sent to supplicate him by their particular Deputies that he would be pleased to imploy them in the War of Italy that they might testifie by their Passion to serve him that there was not any danger in the Sea or Land to which they would not chearfully expose themselves to contribute to his Glory After they had made their speeches they presented the Paper of their Complaints humbly beseeching his Majesty to have regard to it for that they were grounded upon several Graces which had been conferred on them by the Edict of Nants and several other Grants The King received it and appointed it to be examined Now although the sweetnesse of Peace which charmeth the mind the Poverty of the people and those enterprizes which the Spaniard made upon the Allies of France did generally invite all the French to wish that his Majesty would accord to them the pardon which they desired yet some there were who were divided in opinion what was most fit to be done upon that affair one part conceiving that Rochel having received so great a rebuke and finding themselves without Island without Sea without Souldiers and without Vessels they ought not to let slip such an occasion The reason was that in so doing they should loose a very advantagious opportunity to force the City by a Siege which could not hold out above six moneths to demolish their Forts and reduce them under the Kings obedience which once done the whole party of the Hugonots would be quite ruined their other Towns disabled to make any resistance and that thus the Regal Authority would not onely receive a great accruement of Power but the Church too would receive a very great benefit by it These were the opinions of vulgar thoughts which look on nothing but what is before them and just in their noses but want discretion to look a little further they considered not that it would alwaies be in his Majesties Power to take up Arms against the Heretiques seeing now they behaved themselves otherwise then they used to doe as hath been often seen and that his Majesty might easily keep those advantages which he had upon Rochel by fortifying the Isles of Ree and Oleron and keeping a small Army in Fort St. Lewis and in the Country about Rochel but that it would not alwaies be seasonable and timely to oppose the Ambitious design of the Spaniards upon the Grisons or the Valtoline That the King could not without dishonour leave off those glorious enterprizes which he had already began and that in case he should it would give full Liberty to the Spaniards to make themselves Masters of the Valtoline as well as of the rest of Italy where they had already sent their Armes and had also strongly fortified themselves That this affair was more important then that of the Hugonots for that a more favourable opportunity to gain a happy successe could not be had when one had a mind to it Besides that it was not sufficient to be hurried on by an inconsiderate zeal without any regard had to the Interests of the Kingdom seeing that their Religion made a part of the Estate and that also it very little concerned Religion to defer for some time the ruine of the Hugonots for that War and Violence did never yet conduce to their Conversion Heresie being like Saffron which grows the faster the more it is trodden under foot that when Heretiques have been burned they have lived like Salamanders in the fire when they have been cast into the Water they have increased like Fishes and when their heads have been cut off they have like Trees put out more new branches then were taken off so that there was no talk of ruining Heresie but onely of the Party which was stil free for the King to do considering the frequent grounds they gave for it for that mutiny was naturalized in them but that it was far otherwise in the affairs of Italy and of the Valtoline which might not be abandoned but with extream great shame and without ever hoping for another opportunity to root up the Spaniard if he should be now let alone to grow up and gather new strength These were the important reasons represented by the Cardinal to the King and which induced his Majesty to grant a Peace to the Hugonots that he might carry on his designs in Italy and the Valtoline After the paper of their grievances had been examined his Majesty confirmed to them whatever had been granted by the Edict of Nantes granting them free Liberty for the exercise of their Religion in such Towns where they had Churches and Church-yards and an Act of Oblivion for any thing done in the War but he would not consent to the demolishing of Fort Lewis as being too important for the keeping of Rochel in aw and obedience These favours were accepted by the general Deputies of the Hugonots in the name of all the Hugonot Towns excepting those of Rochel Mountauban Castres and Milhana who having been gained by the Duke of Rohan and Sieur de Soubize and finding that their Leaders had onely obtained a single pardon without any other advantage and without being imployed in Italy according as they desired they intreated his Majesty upon other pretences that he would be pleased to grant some time till their two chief Officers and those four Cities were joyned with them The King granted to them that delay upon condition it were not over long who presently sent away the Heads of those Resolutions which had been taken Politique Observation THough the weakning of a Party in a Kingdom which hath been long breeding so that they may make no more Insurrections be a thing much to be desired yet it will not be peradventure alwaies seasonable to attempt it it is the duty of a wise Minister to take all occasions for the doing of it according to the state of Affairs of the Kingdom Suetonius Paulinus one of the most experimented Captains of his time made it
those effects to the sending of those Companies into Languedoc upon the first beginning of the year who might be in a readiness to fall on them in case they should appear insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing and this is really the most certain preventive remedy for all Revolts But however you may behold another Reason of State which is the more considerable for that it did by little and little and without being perceived undermine the greatest prop and force of them The little Authority which the Ministers who preceded the Cardinal had caused his Majesty to take upon him and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at either of running into the Hugonots party or of abetting them whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted and either themselves would go in to them or at least lend them monyes to make more Levyes But now the case was altered and things did not run in their former channels This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it and at last brought it to such a pass that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Favâ—urs which were bestowed on them that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer But things began now to be carried in another way and they began to live after another sort and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience They now began to perceive it was to no purpose to think to have that by a high hand which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife began presently to fall back there having been certain people removed from the Court who made it their onely business to embroyl things and like Wasps sucked up the best of the Treasures which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees who lived at the Kings costs and charges and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government The taking away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning who were never strong but when assisted elswhere Thus it was apparently seen that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal they were afterwards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification Politique Obseruation AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom A State cannot but be happy when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart a Ministers ought to study no one thing more then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience the splendour which made him be honoured with respect How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties seeing they will slight his Authority And how shall he be able to receive respects from them when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes so having once lost his light he is no longer admired or respected The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them and make it evident that the dis-esteem and weakness whereunto he is fallen serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power The Governours of Provinces too they take some share and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself every thing is attempted without controul and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force which they cannot by justice The Publique Monies are turned aside the people oppressed and at last all things brought into confusion Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him Spaâ—ta was governed with a good Discipline because the Kings knew how to command That it was rather because the people knew how to obey But for my part I imagine that the happiness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well commanding and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them Which if it be true of Kingdomes in general it is most assuredly so of France in particular seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King seeing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever in its due order then to restore him the self same qualities with which he took his Birth The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King Queen Mother Monsieur and the Princes of the Blood and others AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force if not cherished with Affection so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes but took extraordinary pains to continue them in a good understanding with his Majesty The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will He did the more readily undertake this trouble because he had for several years received sundry testimonies of her favour and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services and it sorted so happily that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers inclinations the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations yet so it is that the splendour wherewith it is attended hath such powerful charms that the discreetest souls and least ambitious have much ado to defend themselves
Majesty of all possible means to communicate it to his Highness and that his Majesty having had advise upon it was counselled to lay hold on peace in regard of the disposition of Affairs both within and without his Kingdome considering the small progresse the Arms of the League had made after two years time in Italy and lastly for that those very things were obtain'd in the Peace for which the League had been contrived all which things were much more considerable then any Formalities and Punctilio's of honour Upon the second point the Sieur de Bullion had expresse charge to tell his Highness that his Majesty had so much the more willingly consented to the Treaty of Peace that he might be capable of ending his differences with the Common-wealth of Genoa by arbitration in respect his Arms had so little contributed to advance his interests as yet and that if his Highness would be pleased to make known his pretentions The King would embrace them very affectionately and as his own and would also concur with him for the procuring him all possible satisfaction and content either by disputing the business by reason and if need were by Arms. Upon the third point which had no relation to any thing of the League and yet was no inconsiderable thing neither for that it was designed only to allay and take off from the Dukes anger and passion that his Majesty well knowing the courage and magnanimity of this Prince and that it was his high mind which made him esteem glory above all things as also that eminent Titles of honour have a great influence on the Souls of those who are touched with greatness and that it doth bring them to that point which is pretended commanded the Sieur de Bullion to humour this inclinations and to let him know that his Majesty had by the Sieur de Bethune proposed to the Pope to cause him be Crowned King of Cyprus as wel in regard of the pretensions which the house of Savoy hath upon that Kingdom as also in regard of his particular valour which was risen to so high an admiration and credit in the whole World that this Title could not with Justice be denied him and that there was not any King in Christendom which would not be wel satisfied with the admission of a Prince of his Birth and recommendation into that degree and quality The Dispatch of the Sieur du Chasteauneuf to the Common-wealth of Venice for the Affairs before-mentioned THE Sieur de Bulloin made use of his Reason with so much Judgement and Prudence that he obtained all he could desire The Cessation of Arms was consented to and accordingly proclaimed in Milan Genoa and Piedmont The referring of the businesse to Arbitration was well approved of and his Highnesse delivered a breviate of his pretensions to the Crown of Cyprus to the Sieur at Bullion who assured he would recommend that businesse particularly to his Majesty and told him that most assuredly his Majesty would be very careful of it On the other side the Sieur de Chasteauneuf was at the same time sent to the Common-wealth of Venice to induce them to accord to the Treaty and accommodation of Mouson and from thence for the same purpose to the Grisons the Valtolines and the Swisses Those first Reasons which were given in charge to the Sieur de Bullion to represent to the Duke of 〈◊〉 were also included in his Instructions and he had likewise particular order to adâ—… to the Common-wealth of Venice That they had great reason to be well satisfied with the Peace seeing it freed them from a chargeable War subject to many accidents and in which well they might lose much but gain little And because the Venetian Embassador declared that he did imagine the assurance of the Treaty to consist in the keeping up of those Forts in the Valtoline the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf had Order to let them know that such a pretension as that was would most assuredly have broken off the Treaty of accommodation and that all that was to be wished was sometimes impossible to be effected Besides that the keeping up of the Fort would be a great charge either in relation to the necessary expences for the giving of a full satisfaction or else for the maintaining of a strong Garison and who at last cast too might not peradventure be able to keep out the Spaniard if at any time hee should have a mind to enter upon them with an Army He was also charged to let them perceive that the natural inclination of the Valtolines was not to indure any Rule or Government and that they would never have indured any long time together that those Forts should remain in the power of a stranger and that the Spaniards knowing their natures to be such would alwaies be inciting and assisting them underhand to retake them so that the keeping up of the Forts would instead of securing the Treaty onely become an absolute ground of troubles to the Common-wealth as they who are nearest seated to the Valtoline who are in perpetual fears and jealousies and forced still to be upon their Guard against the Spaniards attempts which would put them to vast charges and force them too at last to yeeld to reason And he was commanded by his Majesty that he might humour the Commonwealth in its Interests to tell them that the King would willingly grant them the Passages of the Valtoline and Grisons for ten years he knowing how passionately they desired it and moreover that his Majesty would in case they should request it enter into a defensive League with them The Sieur de Chasteauneuf prosecuted these Instructions so luckily that the Common-wealth was sensible of the honour the King had done them in sending to them an extraordinary Embassadour upon their Affairs and left it to his Majesty to consider whether all those advantages which were to be wished for were comprised in the Treaty and that for their particulars they thought themselves much obliged for his proffer of a defensive League assuring the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf that they should be ever ready to continue those testimonies of affection and observance which they had alwaies had towards the Crown of France which was as much as could be desired from them Then the Sieur de Chasteauneuf went towards the Grisons and the Valtoline in prosecution of his Embassiy The Instructions which he received from his Majesty concerning those parts was to joyn himself with the Marquesse de Coeuvres and to swear those people to a solemn observaon of the Treaty The Valtolines made not any difficulty at all at it but accepted of the Treaty as also to pay every year unto the Grisons five and twenty thousand Crowns which had been imposed on them But as for the Grisons there were many meetings and Assemblies held amongst them without any resolution but onely in general terms they thanked his Majesty for his assistance and acknowledged themselves
to present to his Majesty the Ratification of the Articles of Peace which it had pleased his Majesty to accord to them the year last past were accompanied with those of Rochel who came in their behalf to offer their submissions and to beseech him that they might obtain the same grace and favour which had been granted to the rest of that party It is true they did not so much repent for their Rebellion as they were sorry for those inconveniences which the Kings Army had put upon them then commanded by the Marshal de Themines who succeeded the Marshal de Plessis and who pressed so close upon them that they could not peep out but in danger of being taken For that they no longer had the liberty of injoying their Goods and that all their Traffique was spoiled Affliction doth at last open the eyes of those Rebels whom insolency and ambition had but lately closed up of which they gave assured proof by those earnest intreaties which they made to his Majesty to forget the Rebellion of which they had been guilty The same reasons which invited his Majesty to shew his Clemency to the rest of that party did also perswade him to do the like to them of Rochel as also the Cardinal hinted one more to him somewhat powerfuller then the rest There had then been newly discovered a Combinatiyn between divers Princes and Lord of the Court as shall be anon declared and amongst others one of their designs was to ingage Mensieur with the Hugonots Party so that if Peace had not been granted to Rochel as well as to the other Towns and Cities it were the ready way to let open a door for War and to give those Rebels the more means to execute their designs by a high hand for it were an easie matter by the means of this one City to raise all the party And last of all this great Minister laid down before his Majesty That the English being as they were picking a quarrel with us to which they were inclined would upon a word speaking find Rochel ready to let them into France These reasons of State were of great weight and fit to be considered of which his Majesty being sensible he did at last grant the City of Rochel the favour which was desired and the Cardinal was not a little diligent to watch that this Peace were not concluded upon such shamefull Articles and full of basenesse as formerly they had been The King consented that the Town should be delivered into the hands of the Corporation on condition they kept no Ships of War that they observed those Orders for Traffique which were established in the rest of the Kingdome That they should restore to the Ecclesiastiques all the Goods which had been taken from them That they should suffer the Catholicks to live freely and quietly in the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion and in the injoyment of those Goods which appertained unto them That his Majesty should leave what Garison he thought fit in Fort Lewis and the Islands of Ree and Oleron onely promising that out of his bounty and goodnesse he would settle such a course in it as those of Rochel might receive no trouble by it either in their Commerce or the injoyment of their goods These Articles were agreed on about the beginning of February and the next day the general and particular Deputies ratified and confirmed them thinking themselves happy for having obtained this end from his Majesties Bounty By this years injoyment of Peace among the Hugonots his Majesty did with the more ease detect and break the designs of those who were factiously bent as also he assisted his Allies in Germany he eased the people and went on labouring in the means for restoring of that happinesse and glory which had been so long wished for in the Kingdome I shall onely adde that his Majesty for the surer execution of the Treaty sent Commissaries to Rochel who were received there with great honour Those of Rochel having sent their Deputies to Surgeres for the establishing the exercise of Religion and setling things into such order that there were very great hopes of a true Obedience and long Peace had not that people been extreamly much inured to Rebellion Politique Observation ALthough the Rebellions of subjects force a Prince to punish some for an example yet prudence doth oblige him sometimes to dissemble it and to give them peace when as there is any fear of a greater mischief to follow by any new revolt which joyning their flames with the former might endanger the putting of the whole into combustion It could not be any weakness of heart or necessity to which as an Antient saith the Gods themselves are obedient will force him to it It is no fault to fear when as there is a just ground for it but it is rather a great piece of prudence and a vertue without which there is no enjoyment of happy success in war any long time together of this Marcellus heretofore gave us a good example when as Badius that he might acknowledge the favour which Hanibal had done him in saving his life and giving him back his Ransom made the most part of the inhabitants of Nole revolt against the Romans in the Battle of Cannes This Captain seeing the conjuncture of Affairs did oblige him rather to allay then exasperate used his utmost power to regain Badius by assuring him that if he would but return to Rome those wounds which he had that day received would bring him great rewards Badius was much taken with the generousnesse of the Message and Marcellus the more to accomplish his design sent him a very goodly Horse and five hundred drachma's of Silver which did so oblige him that he was ever after very loyal and faithfull to him so that from that time forward he would never inflict any punishment upon those who were revolted It was more by Prudence then by Force that the Romans became Masters of the Universe A discreet Minister ought much rather to induce his Master to accommodation on such occasions then to hazard the State in any eminent danger by too much stiffenesse in resolution for the punishing of those who are revolted when they are upon the point of having a strong assistance by which means they may hazard the successe of the War An Edict against Duels JT was no small happinesse for France to be thus at Peace abroad and with the Hugonots at home but the Cardinal could not imagine it sufficient if not setled amongst the Nobility who were every day cutting one anothers Throats in Duels It was impossible to perswade them by any reasons that it was one of the greatest parts of glory for a wise man and a Christian to overcome his own emotions of anger and to forgive his enemies So this great Minister insinuated into his Majesty who was already zealously desirous of Justice That nothing was so contrary to the Law of God and
but they who are overswayed by passion do pretend to attain it but by vertuous wayes The Condemnation of a Book composed by Sanctarellus the Jesuit WHilst his Majesty was using these just and prudent means for the establishing of Peace in the State There did arise very great disputes in the University of Paris especially between the Doctors of Divinity and all about a certain book composed by a Iesuit one Sanctarellus by name which treated of the power Popes had over Kings which book had been approved by their Chief President by his Holinefs Vicegerent and by the Master of the Holy Palace His Doctrine was very strange teaching that Popes had a Power of direction or rather correction over Princes that they might not onely excommunicate them but deprive them of their Kingdomes too and absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance whether it were for Heresie Apostacy or any other great publick Crime whether it were for the insufficiency of their persons or for their not defending the Church and that his Holinesse might at last give their States to such as he should think fit They who were clear sighted attributed this work to the Spaniards Ambition which useth all devices to stir up commotion amongst their neighbours and fish their own ends out of the troubled Waters and who did at that time chiefly aim to draw the hatred of all Christendome upon the King by reason of the succours which he had given to the Grisons and Hollanders and of some assistance which the Princes of Germany who were oppressed by them did hope for from his Majesty These tricks of theirs are so ordinary that it might easily be concluded this in particular was shot out of their Bow and that it was onely a piece forged in the Fire of their Ambition But that we may not be longer stayed upon the consideration of the promoters of so strange an opinion I shall only add that for the present it made a great noyse amongst the Doctors and was opposed by several books which were then set out and that the whole Body of divinity did condemn it some indeed of the old league seemed to favour it But the Parliament which is the depositarie of the Kings power that they might not let his Majesties Authority rest Idle called the chief of the Society of Iesus before them and obliged them to sign a Declaration by which they should condemn the said Book and to cause another of the like to be subscribed by all the Provincials and Rectors and by six of the most ancient of every one of their Colledges in France and so ordered the said Book to be burn'd by the Hangman with prohibition to the Stationers to sell any of them That the Kings of France may not be deposed by the Pope IT is very often no lesse important to prevent the offending of the Regal Authority by the publishing of any pernicious Doctrine then to oppose any violences which are offered to it by Arms. In my opinion he spoke very learnedly who likened this authority to the apple of the eye which may not be touched though never so little but the whole man is suddenly troubled and hurt by it for to say truth it can hardly be expressed unto how many inconveniences a State is exposed when once the authority is entrenched upon or shaken though it be but a very little But would not that Magistrate be very much to blame who should suffer that the authority of our Kings should be brought under any other power which might despoil them of it Were it not the only ready way to open a gate to the revolts of Grandees who would find means enough to embroyle the State as often as they pleased if the people might but once be perswaded that the King were guilty of any great sin uncapable of ruling suspected of heresy or a favourer of heretiques were it not the ready way to furnish the ambition of strangers with a pretext for entring upon and invading the Nation when and as often as they would or had power so to do Besides what appearance of any reason were there to tollerate so dangerous at enent and which all the Fathers of antiquity have condemned as erroneous which too was but now late risen up again in these last ages and in the time of Gregory the seventh who first attempted to make it vallid The King never ceaseth to be King until he be deposed by him who first constituted him to be King or unlesse he falls under those conditions which his first Constitutor hath declared should be the means he would use to throw him down from his authority Our Kings are only appointed by the hand of God He hath made use of their courages to set the Crown upon their heads and God hath not appointed that either Apostasie Heresie or any other Crime should be the condition which should shake them out of their Authority for that both good and bad do equally raign as we have heretofore said and by consequence they cannot be deposed but by God himself nor can they be deprived of their Authority for any crime whatever Besides if they could be deposed by Popes it would necessarily follow that the Pope must be superior to them in Temporal Power for that such deposing must needs be the Act of a superior Iurisdiction now the Popes are so far from being above them in this particular that rather on the contrarie the most ingenious and able writers of antiquity have confessed that they are inferior to them Pope Gelasius writ to the Emperor Anastasius Polagius the first to Childebert one of our Kings and St. Gregory to the Emperor Mauritius and that in such express terms that their meaning cannot be questioned The most moderate of them who uphold this error cannot maintain against these reasons the power of dispossing Kings which they ascribe to the Pope they say indeed it is not an absolute and direct power that they have and that they do not so much excercise it in despoyling them from commanding as in dispensing their subjects from their oathes of allegiance which they had made to them But how frivolous is this evasion For the Popes cannot dispense with divine right and the obedience from subjects to their Princes is commanded by divine right in an hundred express places of Holy writ But I shall passe farther on and say that it is not in the power of a King to bring himself under such a condition as that their subjects can be discharged from their duties and oathes by any means or way whatsoever for they may not do any Act which is prejudicial to the Regal Authority entrusted in their hands but they are bound to leave it entire not maymed to their successors Whence it hapned that Philip the Long intending to make a Treaty with his subjects of Flanders granted to them for their security of his observing the league that they might rise against him and withdraw themselves from
perfection the design of uniting the Auseatique Towns and the Princes of Germany and accordingly his Majesty sent them Troops and Forces and such monies as he had ingaged to them as also to keep an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men upon the Frontiers of Campaign to ingage some part of the Emperours forces to stay in Alsatia by which means he might give the more advantage to those of the League who did in the revolution of the year make a great progresse by this means against the Emperours Armies It is the highest peece of Prudence to assault ones enemy by a third Person IF it is advantagious for the King to settle a Peace at home in his own Kingdome it will be no lesse needfull for him to drive on some War among his neighbouring Princes to the intent that they being forced to defend themselves might be so prevented from attempting any thing against France It is one of the best peeces of Policy for which Lewis the eleventh is commended in History for he knowing the designs which the English and the Duke of Bourgogne had contrived against him did raise them so many new broyls that he hrought them to an impossibility of executing their wicked intensions against him Above all this one means ought to be made use of when as a Soveraign doth once begin to grow so Potent by his Arms that he becomes terrible by reason of his Victories The safety of States doth consist in the equality of the neighbouring Princes and there is great reason of fear if any one of them shall grow to be too Potent for that Ambition which is natural to all Princes cannot well contain it self within bounds when it is once accompanied with Power It is the highest point of Wisedome to assault ones enemy by a third hand to raise a League against him in which one is not any thing concerned but onely to contribute some monies or send some Troops thither which may be as occasion serves disowned for is not this the way to obtain the end which a man doth propose without any great expence and without putting any thing in hazard or danger An Enemy is sometimes overcome by this way with more advantage then if the whole force of a State had been imployed against him at least he will by this means be so busied that he will not have any time to think of attempting any thing on his neighbours but rather how he may best defend himself and yet one is not all this while forced to break with him but preserveth Peace in his own Country one is at little or no charge and the Souldiers will be spent who under go many great inconveniences in strange Countries The Embassadour who is to negotiate such a Treaty after he hath resolved upon and set down this truth for the foundation of his good successe That Princes have no other motives in their designs then their own particular Interest is obliged to induce them to whom he is sent to have a good opinion in his Audiences and to represent all those things and reasons which may further and countenance the design which he would insinnuate and perswade them to He ought to let them know that the Peace in which a great Prince is left doth raise great suspicions and serves to no other end but onely to augment his Force and establish his Power that not long after he may attempt new designs That many Princes have in fine been ruined by being two great Lovers of the Sweets of Peace That it is much better to prevent an Enemy then to stay in expectation of him by which means he may be taken unprovided and consequently be the easilier ruined whereas staying for him will give the lesse abilities to our selves for our defences by letting him take what advantages he pleaseth against us That those who love quiet in an over great measure do never subsist long for it is to their enemies a most evident sign of little courage and lesse resolution to repulse any attempts which may be made upon them That nothing is more shamefull then a Peace which giveth way to our enemies to fortifie themselves for the commencing a War and that he who neglecteth first to fall on them when he hath reason on his side both but adde to their Insolences and Courages That a false glosse of Peace will at last deprave into a base and true servitude That after all it will be easie for them to vanquish and overcome their enemies if they will joyn and unite their Forces for by every ones contributing the to War they will have a greater power and with lesse charge then their enemies That it will be very honourable and glorious for them to have curbed his Ambition whose Arms begin to strike a terrour into all the World and by thus insinuating to them the glory utility and facility of the design they cannot but let themselves be perswaded to ingage in it with a great deal of readinesse and affection Combinations of divers Grandees of the Court against the King and State IT is as impossible long to keep France in quiet as to prevent the agitation of the Sea by Winds The humour of the French is full of Action and they are no sooner clear of one broyl or War but they are desirous of beginning another The Cardinal had used his utmost indeavour to settle the Kingdome in quiet but divers young Princes and Lords of the Court not able to relish the sweetnesse of such a Calm did still ingage it in some new Commotions Peace indeed did not so much grate upon their humours as the cause which gave it which was nothing else but the Authority with which his Majesty dispatched the Affairs of the Realm and the necessities which he layed upon them to live within the limits of their duties Now as they had much adoe to submit after they had many years lived in an intire licentiousnesse they resolved to employ all their indeavours to shake off the yoke The most expert amongst them acquainted the rest how the Cardinal was the man who had perswaded his Majesty to take this power into his own hands whence if followed that they layed their heads together and contrived how they might bring him into some disgrace or remove him by what means soever it were from the Stern As their design was extravagant so the wayes which they proposed to accomplish it were extreamly difficult They despaired of doing any good upon the Kings mind towards it for that he was too clear sighted not to be mindfull of those signal advantages which he had received from the sage advices of this great Minister and too too indulgent of his States good to deprive it of so prudent a supporter so that they concluded there remained onely 2 ways proper to attain their end The first was to put all things into confusion then to force the Scepter out of the Kings hand by which means they might bring
punished according to their deserts and to take off any pretext for their making of Factions in the State should they but arrive to the end which they proposed to themselves he resolved to beseech the King to give him leave to retire himself from the Court He could not be reproached for this Act without injustice seeing the discontent of all those Factious persons was onely grounded upon the Power Authority and Glory which he had acquired for his Master and the good Order and Government which he had established in the State Great and Noble Souls cannot endure that Envy her self should have the least occasion to detract from their Glory and accordingly he testified to the whole Nation that he did not at all consider his own Interests Now that hee might the easilier obtain his request of with-drawing himself and that he might the better dispose his Majesty to grant it he entreated the King being then at Fountainbleau that he would give him leave to passe away some few days at Limours by reason of some indisposition which he found growing upon him which the King gave way to and being there he was visited by Monsieur what resentments soever he had for the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment as also by Monsieur the Prince of Condy whom he had perswaded the Queen Mother to Caresse notwithstanding all her aversions from it that he might ingage him in his Majesties interests and divert him from taking part with those of the Cabal From thence it was that Monsieur the Cardinal writ to his Majesty beseeching him that he would be pleased to let him withdraw himself He presented to him that for his own part he never had any other designs in his service then his glory and the good of his State but was now extreamly much discontented to find the Court divided upon his occasion and the fire of dissention ready to flame out and all with design for his ruine That he would little esteem his life if imployed in his Majesties service and for the good of his Crown but that it could not but trouble him to see himself basely Butchered in the midst of the Court as it was almost impossible for him to avoid it he being every day attended by a multitude of men whom he knew not and not having any one near him who could defend him from any violence which might be offered to him that in case his Majesties pleasure were such that he would command him to continue neer him and in this danger he would most gladly obey him without the least repugnancy because there was not any thing which he would prefer before his Majesties Will. But the confidence he had that his Majesty could not take any delight to behold him ending his dayes by such a death to which he could not be exposed but his Majesty must remain injured and offended did oblige him to think good to retire himself from the Court He added that his want of health too which was much impaired by that great concourse of people with which he was dayly over-pressed did make him beleeve he could not long hold out in the management of Affairs and that his Majesty had so much the more reason to grant him his request in regard his weaknesse would in a little while make him uselesse in his service He writ to the same effect unto the Queen Mother and begged her to imploy her Power with his Majesty to obtain his requests But their Majesties were so far from having the least inclination to admit of his retirement that on the contrary the King openly declared he would never give his consent to it he being sensible enough of those great happinesses which he had procured to the Kingdom already of that credit and esteem which he had raised his Arms unto amongst strangers of the submission to which he had reduced the Heretiques of the good Order which he had established in the Treasuries and of the great height whereunto he had advanced the Authority of his Scepter The Queen Mother too considering over and above these reasons which were not unknown to her what a losse it is to a State to be deprived of a grand Minister how usefull the Cardinal was to her Counsels and Interests at the same instant resolved to oppose his removal so that it was by their common advices concluded to command him no longer to think of absenting himself and to let him know that his services were too well known to procure an assent for his departure and lastly that he need not be afflicted at the sense of those wicked designs which were contrived against him nor at the inconveniences which he suffered in point of health for that it were easie to remedy both one and t'other Monsieur the Cardinal who prefers nothing in respect of their Majesties will and pleasure submitted all his resolutions accordingly The King too that he might provide for the safety both of his life and health assigned Guards to him who were to wait on him every where and defend him from any attempts of his enemies he commanded the Sieur de Folain to have an especial care that his health were not prejudiced by the multitude of people who made addresses to him but that entrance were onely permitted unto such as had occasion to speak with him about some urgent Affairs These Provisions of the King were so many certain testimonies of the good Will which his Majesty did bear towards him and I think that the honour he got in this Action was more considerable then all the rest for by it he evinced to the whole Nation that hee was not tied to the Court but onely for his Majesties service and that his own particular intrests and concerns were not valued at all by him Politique Observation IT is impossible to prevent that the splendour of an extraordinary vertue honoured by a Prince with a great power should not raise up the Envy of those who have never so little Ambition in them The Sun doth not more naturally attract divers vapours from the earth which afterwards become Clouds and darken his light then a grand Minister doth ordinarily see his own merit and the greatnesse of his Genius draw upon him the hatred of the Grandees that they make use of factions and divisions against him We have elsewhere said that Fortune was never yet seen to defend them from this infelicity and I shal now adde that the cheef and ready way for great men to exempt themselves from the blame and the troubles which envy may stir up against them is to manifest that their medling in affairs of Publique concern is free from all manner of self-interest which may easily be done by their desiring to withdraw themselves from the trouble of Government to lead a private life This moderation will stop the mouths of the most imbittered men who after this cannot find any thing to object against the power wherewith they are honoured and are forced to convert their
But that I may now return to the two Brothers who were come to wait on this Majesty at Bloys his Majesty being retired to his bed sent about two howers after mid night to find out the Sieurs d'Hallier and the Marquis de Moicy Captains of his Guards and commanded them to go into their Chambers and make sure of their persons accordingly they seized on them and it is reported that the Duke of Vendosm beginning first to speak should say looking on his Brother well Brother did not I tell you in Britain that we should be arrested and that the Grand Prior should answer would I were dead upon condition you were safe there again and then that the Duke should reply I told you the truth when I said the Castle of Blois was a place fatal to Princes They then made a thousand excuses each telling the other that he was the cause of their imprisonment and that they themselves confessed that they were advised that evening by a letter how they should be imprisoned but that they could not believe it That whole morning they had liberty to disburthen their miracles by their complaints of the misfortune in which they found themselves imbroyled Afterward they were carried to the Castle of Amboyse and thence to the Bois de Vincennes This blow gave the allarum to the whose Cabal though his Majesty who would content himself with punishing of some few pretended to be ignorant of the rest He also sent a commission to the Count de Soissons to command during his absence in and about Paris for the securing of it It 's true he would not trust himself there but chose rather to passe away some little time either in Savoy or Italy A certain Princess took the boldness to say unto some who went to visit her that notwithstanding the assurance which the King had given to the Grand Prior in behalf of his Brother the Duke of Vendosm yet that both of them were arrested which did clearly evince that those were near his Majesty did perswade him to break his promises which being reported to the King it is said he was pleased to answer that the was not well informed of the whole passage and that he was not concerned to entertain such discourse for that if they knew themselves innocent they would never have thought of demanding a security to come and wait upon him and that who so doeth require an assurance for his attending on his Soveraign doeth in effect condemn himself to be guilty and that the promises which are made on such an occasion ought not to be his warrant unlesse they be very clear and expresse to that purpose Politique Reflection ALthough all absolute promises which are made by Kings ought to be kept and that even with seditious persons yet it is not the same thing where a divers sence may be imposed on them or where there is an apparent good will shewed on purpose to draw them on into a snare prepared to arrest them To punish them and hinder their troubling the repose of the Kingdom cannot be denied for an Act of Justice which if it cannot be done but by giving them fair hopes and good words to a muse them then such means are to be made use of accordingly provided alwayes that there be no expresse promise granted unto them King Antigonus having understood how that Pitho Governour of Media did raise Souldiers and money to revolt against him pretended not to believe those informations but gave out that he would send him an Army to command upon some exploit or other designing that Pitho when he once heard how affectionately he was esteemed would peradventure come to wait upon him which indeed hapned accordingly for he presently repaired to the Court shewing himself highly pleased with the Honour which the King did him and that he came on purpose to receive his Majesties Commands whereas Antigonus finding him within his power chasticed him according to his deserts Pope Leo made use of the self same device to imprison John Paul Baylloni and to punish him for those Crimes which he had committed and he answered those who complained of being deceived by his promises that evil doers could not think themselves deceived when they were chasticed for their fals but that they were deceived when as there were permitted to continue Scot free in their Crimes and when their liberties and lives of which they were unworthy were continued and granted to them The proceeding of Artaxerxes King of the Persians towards Artaban is not improper to be remembred on this occasion This Prince having unâ—eâ—sâ—ood how the other had contrived to kill him and seize upon his Kingdom resolved to prevent him but he being cunning and alwayes well guarded he had recourse to his wit dissembled the suspition which he had against him and that so handsomly that Artabanus imagined himself to stand very right in his opinion To compleat his designe he gave out that he intended a certain forraign invasion and gave him order to levy his Troops and draw them together which being all assembled Artaxerxes desired to see them mustered in his own presence and comming up to him in the head of his Forces seemed to be much taken with the handsomness of his Arms and desired to make an Exchange with him Artaban finding himself obliged to put them off forth with disarnied himself and presented them to the King who seeing him naked would not loose that opportunity but fell on him and killed him with his own hand I know there are some Politicians who are of opinion that there need not any great care be taken concerning performance of promises nay not those which are absolute and expresse though made by Princes in the way of assurance and security and that it is sufficient for them to answer those who shall complain of the breach of them as Agesilaus did a friend who taxed him upon a promise which he afterwards had found to be unreasonable If what you demand be Just I have promised it but if it be unjust I am not obliged to be as good as my word and when he was answered that a Prince ought to perform whatever he promiseth yes Quoth he and a subject ought not to request any thing of his Soveraign which is unreasonable But for my particular I am of opinion that a Prince is obliged inviolably to observe all expresse promises and that it is only permited to his Ministers for Justice sake to be lesse then their words I should rather imagine that a Prince should on such occasions make use of all violent means rather then delusions because Force is reputed for a vertue when backed by authority and nothing can be alleadged against it whereas deceipt cannot be taken for any other thing then a kind of mallice unbecoming the Majesty of a Soveraign The Assembly of the States at Nantes the King being present UPon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment it was mistrusted least divers persons whom
qualifications as would only render his power feared and redoubted An Assembly at Paris to redress disorders of State THe setlement of Trade was sufficient to bring great profit to the Kingdom but it was likewise necessary to use divers other means for the raising of it to it's height and greatness The King had long before concluded on it but finding himself unfurnished of a Minister to put it in execution the affairs had still continued in some lameness until at last seeing himself assisted by the Cardinal he resolved to assemble the Chief Officers of his Kingdom especially those who had acquired most experience and shewed best conduct in affairs And for the better resolving upon the means he appointed them to attend him a Paris where being met together his Majesty himself opened the reasons of their Assembling upon the second of Deceâ—ber in the Thuillâ—ries He was pleased to tell them That he had called them together to provide some remedies against the disorders of the State and that the Lord Chancellor should farther acquaint them with the rest of his desires and the Lord Chancellor beginning his speech represented to them the great disorders that had crept into the Kingdom whilst the King was imployed abroad to repel his enemies and the great expences he was at for the keeping up of his Armies and then told them that his Majesty was resolved for the establishing of the Kingdom in its ancient splendour to employ powerful redresses and so to regulate his Treasuries that there might alwayes be a sufficient foundation to supply the occasions of the State without being forced to overcharge the people as of late He gave them to understand that the King was contriving to lessen the expences of his house and even those which he was at for the paying of several Garrisons in places of no importance which he was resolved to dismantle To settle Trade with â—ll possible advantages for the enriching of his subjects So to govern his Souldiers both in garrison and the field that his subjects might be no more oppressed upon which it chiefly was that his Majesty had desired their advices When he had concluded the Cadinal made a most excellent speech in which his eloquence was no lesse to be admired at then his prudence He laid before that Illustrious Assembly how visibly God had made use of his Majesty to atchieve that in a little time for the publique good which many thought impossible to have been effected in an age He gave them to understand that as there had been great charges and expences so the King and Queen had received very great advantages by it in relation to that Honour and Glory which is due to them and that if any good successe had at any time happened it was only the dawning of those resolutions which his Majesty had taken for the easing of his people and restating the Kingdom in its former Splendor That as only God can make something out of nothing so it was necessary to lay a good foundation in the Treasury and to that end to cut off from the extravagant expenses and add to the receipts or indeed to do both at once He shewed them how that every one regarding the advancement of his own private Interest it might possibly provoke some to anger if their expences were moderated but he added withal that no one could justly complain at it since nothing was to be preferred before the Publique good and that the King and Queen Mother were both resolved to give a good example by contracting the expences of their families He told them that if in great tempests there was sometimes a necessary to part with the goods to ease the vessel and defend her from shipwrack prudence did direct the like thing in a State Which ought not to be cast away for the preservation of any ones particular good and that they themselves were bound in reason to conform themselves to the resolution thereof for that it is impossible private and particular mens plenty and Riches should long last when the State is poor and needy in fine he told them that setling a good government in the Affairs and Treasuries they would in a very few years find both the King and Kingdom raised to a greater pitch of glory then ever it had formerly been but he added it would not be so necessary to order such things unlesse they were really put in execution That the glory of setling the Nation being reserved for his Majesty they who were deputies ought to esteem it a great Honour done them in that he gave them part of it and that for his own particular he should esteem himself most happy to dye in the prosecution of so glorious a design After this first overture the King sent divers proposals to the Assembly by his Solicitor General upon all which such courses were resolved as were thought most necessary for the setlement of the State But it was first of all concluded what order should be observed in the levying of men as also for the maintaining of them in such order that the Country man might not be injured by them It was thought fit to keep two Armies in readiness of between eighteen and twenty thousand foot and two thousand Horse as well to secure the Publique Peace as to support the Kings Authority and also to keep Forreigners in a due respect It is true there were sufficient means found out to prevent the peoples damage but it was to be doubted that the Souldiers would not so readily observe those commands which his Majesty had been so careful to order Next of all it was considered what unnecessary expences of the State should be cut off as well to pay off two and fifty Millions of Livers which the Exchequer was indebt as also to acquit the charges of the Nation without increasing the taxes In order to which it was thought fit to contract the expences of the King and Queens Families according to the resolution taken before the late Kings death Not to exceed the sum of two Millions in Pensions which was the sum appointed by the late King Henry the Great for that business and lastly the Assembly proposed to his Majesty the dismantelling of a great number of strong places which being in the heart of the Kingdom or at least remote from the Frontiers did only serve to countenance Rebellions and consume a vast sum of mony for payment of the Garrison Souldiers and building unnecessary Fortifications There was also care taken with reference to his Majesties good pleasure for the relief of divers poor Gentlemen Captains and Souldiers wounded in his Majesties service And at last the Assembly made earnest request to his Majesty that he would for the future prevent those revolts of the Grandees which were commonly made every year to the great trouble of the State and that he would punish some for example sake who had the Boldnesse to take up Arms against his Authority or to divide
ravenous according to Pliny that having seized upon one Prey and discovering another he presently leaveth his first and pursueth his second game though he be uncertain of taking it He who would undertake a war without being absolutely necessitated to it doth not he do the same thing doth he not hazard the pleasures and certainties of Peace to obtain victories by his Arms which by the opinions of all Wise men depend rather upon Fortune then Valour He who designs anothers ruine is himself often included in it and that Prince who would blemish his Neighbours reputation doeth often find his own exposed to those disgraces which he had provided for others He doth not only exhaust his own Treasures but maketh himself hated by his subjects in drawing from them contributions for the carrying on of his war in leading them to slaughter and exposing his Country to ruine for that the divine Providence is well pleased to chastice arrogances and Publique in Justice and raiseth such a flame as may destroy perchance his own Country instead of his Neighbours The flames of war are not so easily extinguished as lighted and many Grand Monarchs designing to employ them for the subversion of others have only raised them for the last piles of their own glory and Honours It is no lesse unjust to raise a war not necessitated to it then infamous to remain within dores when the Publique Interests oblige the undertaking of it The King animated by the save Counsels of the Cardinal resolves on the siege of Rochel THe Cardinal must of necessity have had lesse courage and zeal for his Majesties service then hitherto he had expressed longer to have â—…ted the Rochelois to go away unpunished for their insolent mutinies Sâ—… Grand Minister who was eminently endued with those two admirable qualities openly told the King who chanced to discourse with him upon that affair that there was not any reason longer to put up their indignities and that he thought it expedient for him to make use of his Arms for the curbing in of the Insolence of those Rebels who hourly disturbed the Repose of his Country He briefly represented to him the several insurrections which the Hugonots had of late years raised up in the Kingdom That of all the Towns Rochel was the support of their Revolts as also the fierbrand which Forrain Princes made use of to enflame the Kingdom with war That that one City was an obstacle to the undertaking of any great designs That it was a shame to see those Edicts how just or necessary soever not regarded or observed in their City That it served for a Road to discontents and a retreat for Rebels That Peace could never be certainly established in the Kingdom nor abroad whilst that place was in a condition to second a Faction That France could not be in security from strangers whilst that place was in its own power to set open their Gates and on the contrarie that there was reason to hope for a happy and prosperous Peace that place being once disarmed and their Forts reduced to nothing by which they would be forced to live in their obedience This discourse once ended it was no hard matter to resolve his Majesties inclinations for the reducing them to the rules of obedience by a potent siege especially seeing he was not of so little courage as to suffer such obstacles and indignities unpunished any longer But though it were regretful longer to suffer it yet it was no lesse difficult to prevent it The reason he had to puniâ—h them was apparently visible but the means how to do it not easily found out But as difficulties serve only to augment great courages who are carried on by any extraordinary sense of glory so the King animated by the generous Counsels of the Cardinal fixed upon the Resolution of making strong preparations for the siege of it I shall moreover say That the Cardinal knowing that no one ought to shut his eyes in dangers but rather to look upon them exactly to consider them and if possibly apply preventive remedies to overcome them so he did not disguise any thing to the King which might happen in the siedg He represented to them the strength of the Hugonot party grounded upon many strong places fortified with intelligence from abroad cemented by the Interests of divers Grandees of the Kingdom and supported by their own Forces that whatever the Precedent Kings had gained in many Battailes and a long tract of various war served only to make Treaties of Peace which are as so many marks of their uncomptrouled insurrections He desired him to remember the Ambition of Grandees the Passion of Ministers the insolencies of them of this Faction their Plots Cabal and animosities and he clearly told him That it was the more necessary to remove all these obstacles with his very utmost power in regard if he did not instead of healing it would fester the wound and diminish instead of making his Arms more considerable But withal he assured him that in case his Majesty thought fit to do his utmost upon this rebellious place there was reason to hope for a good successe seeing he had Peace with Germany and no enemy to divert him the English only excepted who at that time were not strong enough to be much feared That in case any one should attempt upon France there might however be means found out to put off or hinder their designs which being so he did not find any difficulties but what were under his own power That the Sea Port of this City might be blocked up if he would go to the Charge of it and that making a line about it with Forts and Redouts all hopes either of men or victuals would be cut off from them That bringing good store of vessels which might be drawn out from several ports of France the English attempts in case their Fleet should arrive would be to no purpose seeing his Majesties Ships would be all under the shelter of his Forts and Batteries which might be raised at the mouth of the Channel by which means Rochel would in a little while be reduced to necessity forced to deliver upon mercy and then so ordered that they should never be in a condition but of obeying for the Future Theâ—e considerations were laid down with so much discretion and proposed with such clearness that his Majesty could not be ignorant of the just grounds he had to hope for a good successe in his design upon this City So he resolved about the beginning of the year to go on with it and his whole thoughts were bent upon the preparations for the siedg though it were very secretly carried that they might have no suspition of it before all things were ready for to assault the place The Cardinal caused almost exact Plat-form of Rochel to be drawn out and of all the adjacent places He saw all their Forts their Form height and bigness the breadth and depth of their ditches
needs meet him with his Sword in his hand Not a day how holy soever but he would profane by his Duels no place how publique soever which he would not bath with the blood of some one or other so little reckoning did he make of the Kings Prohibition after the comming out of the Edict he had fought with the Count de Thorigny and slain him about the end of the foregoing year and the begining of this he had another Duel with la Frete where his second was killed which quarrels of his were so much the less to be connived at in regard those of the best quality were still parties in it So the King resolved to punish him which he having notice of withdrew himself into Flanders where he found means to perswade the Archduchess to Interest her self in his affairs upon the score of the Damoizelle de Montmorency her favorite who writ to his Majesty to beg his pardon The King took advice of his Confessor and as there was no reason to forgive such offences so he counselled him not to grant it and made it evident to him that he could not do it with a safe conscience but that his Majesty might not seem totally to deny the Infante he sent her word that at her request he should not be questioned for what was past provided he came not either to Paris or the Court. This was as much as a Just Mercy could well do But the same fury which had formerly ingaged Bouteville in those quarrels did so provoke him upon his Majesties denial of a total pardon that he openly vowed he would ere long fight in Paris nay and in the Place Royal it self accordingly not long after thither he came and having given notice of it to the Marquis de Beuuron with whom he had a quarrel that he was ready to give him satisfaction for those differences between them which he had not the liberty to do in Flanders whither Beuuron had come to find him out by reason of the promise which he had ingaged to the Infante not to fight on any of her Territories So they made choise of the Place Royal for their combats where being met three against three Bouteville des Chapelles and La Berte against Beuvron Bussi d' Amboyse and Bouquet they fought and Beuvron was killed out right by Chapelles La Barte desperately wounded by Bouquet and Bouteville with Beruuron close grapling together with a good will to be at it with their daggers but having cast away their Swords it is reported how in this equality of advantage they mutually asked one anothers life to go part their friends This was all that could be got from their neglecting the Kings will and the fury which led them to entertain such detestiable offences The King heard of it and soon after that Bussy's Mother had arrested Bouteville by a Gentleman of hers and des Chapelles at Vitry from whence they were conducted to safe Custodie to Paris and there delivered over to the Parliament to be proceeded against his Majesty having absolutely refused to shew them any favour though their kindred made great requests for it and at last their heads were struck off at the Greve by order of the Parliament Politique Observation HE who defendeth the wicked and he who offendeth the good are both in equal abomination before the Lord as Salomon saith in his Proverb 's I should therefore submit to that of St. Chrisostome who saith That as Justice without Mercy is not Justice but cruelty So Mercy without Justice is not Mercy but extream rashness It were not lesse improper to pardon all Crimes then to use on all occasions the extremity of Justice Both ought to be moderated by discretion without which there are as many inconveniences which will follow gentleness as severity Philip advised his son Alexander to be very courteous to his subjects whilst he was not King for it would not be fit for him to use so great indulgence towards them when as he should arrive to the Throne Judging with great wisdome that it is impossible for him who ruleth to treat all with clemency not only because the Interest of his subjects doth sometimes compel him to be severe but also because unlesse he punish the wicked it will be a dimination of his own authority The Heathens say Jupiter himself cannot raign without Justice And Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius saith nothing is more becoming a Prince then the excercise of this vertue and doth not Solomon who is much more authentique say The Throne of a King is established by Justice St. Cyprian in his Tract of the twelve abuses saith the Justice of the King is the Peace of the people the Nurse of Children the defence of the Country the comfort of the poor and himself the hope of Heaven to come And if a Soveraign ever may make use of it he ought not to let it lye idle when it sends to the purging of his Court from such seditious companions as engage his nobles daily to cut one anothers throats It is a Crime more then Brutal for the instinct of nature forbideth beasts to fall upon one another It is reported that Neurians are Wolves one six mouths of the year men t'other six mouths but I should with more Justice imagine their swash bucklers not to be men at all but that by their greediness of spilling mans blood that are beasts Wolves and Tigres all their lives Their courage is not courage but a fury which hurrieth them on to dip their hands in their brothers blood not a courage but a Rage which maketh them madly expose their bodies to death and their souls to damnation It is not any just Law of Arms which obligeth that to be thus barbarous but a Devilish Charm which deprives them of their reason The foolish passion of an imaginary honour which animateth them is a monster begot by vanity brought up by fury and nourished by blood as it is said of that in Habacuc the greatest the noblest and most courageous serve it for a prey What apparency of reason can there be alledged for renuing the old Butchery of Haman flesh before the images not of a Moloc a Saturn but a vain fantasie of honour What Justice to tollerate that which God hath so expresly forbid and condemned to be punished with death which heaven abhors which the Laws detest and which is only worthy of Hell fier But above all things it ought not to be permitted when committed in dirsion of the Regal authority for once admitting a Kings power to be trampled on the next thing which follows will be the peoples revolt and a general confusion in the whole Kingdom The King of England's and divers other Princes endeavours to divert the King from his resolution against Rochel THough the design of besieging Rochel were kept very secret yet some little suspitions there were of it which allarumd all the neighbouring Princes The English who had already concluded upon
their entring into France resolved to redouble the Forces which had been alloted to take shipping and others too were no lesse jealous of it They knew how much it behooved them to uphold the Hugonot party in France which would disunite the Force of the Kingdom and so employ the King whenever they had a mind to it that he should not be able to march out of his own Frontiers to oppose any designs of theirs or attempt any thing upon them They well knew France was not a little to be feared when as it was at it's full liberty and no remora at home to hinder the going out of their powers That it hath pretensions upon all her neighbours and that if the Hugonots were but once quashed and Rochel their strongest support destroyed his Majesty would then be at full liberty to prosecute his pretences So every one preferring his own Interests before Justice and Religion sought for opportunities to divert his Majesties Arms and force him instead of assaulting others to defend himself they consulted together by means of their Ambassadours and made a league to assault France in divers places at one and the same time The King of Great Brittain being Chief of the league took care to send from one place to another to resolve particularly what should be done Politick Observation POlicie obligeth Kings to foment the beginnings of division amongst their neighbours but it ought to be accompanied with Justice else it cannot passe for a vertue and is to be used onely towards enemies The Laws both of nature and Christianity forbiddeth the doing of that to others which we would not have done to our selves they who deal otherwise do invert the rules of humane society Bajazet the Turkish Emperour was to be pardoned for that answer of his to Sigismonds Ambassadours who remonstrated to him that having no right or Title to Bulgaria he was bound in Justice to withdraw his Arms from it that he had such Guns in his Arcenal as gave him a right not only to Bulgaria but as much as he could finger too in any other place An answer I say excusable in a Tyrant who openly professeth to trample all Equity under foot but not so in Christian Princes whose victories ought alwayes to be bounded in with Justice That which Antigonus the Great replyed to one who would needs perswade him that whatever Kings had a mind to was lawful was much more praise worthy he told him true it was so but amongst Barbarian Kings not them who professe Justice and to whom all injustice is an abomination God hath in the Scriptures apointed distinct Laws both for Princes and private men and as particular persons may not do any thing against the Common good so Princes cannot attempt any thing of injustice without offence Plutarch blameth Marius very much for not executing Justice but when it was advantageous and because he alwayes took profit to be honest not regarding truth so he might be stronger but measured the worth of the one by the value of t'other and attempted the executing of that by craft which he could not obtain by Force God saith Isaiah reproveth the counsels of them which are not conformable to his Laws and Princes do but in vain hope to bring their designs to a good passe when as there is no resistance of Gods decrees Prosecution of the Historie THe Abbot of Scaglia was one of the Prime men in this confederacie by the Duke of Savoys means who desirous to reveng himself because the Treaty of Mouson had been concluded without his knowledge made choise of him as a person capable to embroyle things who went about it the more passionately because he was offended with the Cardinal for having driven him out of France for making of cabals against the State His first voyage was into Holland to see how they stood inclined and to draw them into the league But meeting with some there who negotiated his Majesties affairs he could make but little progress in it his reasons not being seconded with that mony which theirs was Thence he went for England where finding their minds according to his own desire he still used his best endeavours to drive on the quarrel which being once concluded The King of England sent about the month of April the Lord Mountagu to take particular orders for execution of it both in Savoy and Lorrain and with the Duke of Rohan It was needful to have some pretence to disquite Montagues Journy and no one was thought more fit then for him to pretend he was desperately in love with Madam de Cheurcuse then in Lorrain with whom he was to discourse that he might be fully informed of all the Factions at the French Court the Chief of which kept a strict correspondence with her So he began his Treaty with the nearest State first and that was Lorrain besides Buckingham had a particular intercourse with Monsieur de Lorrain by Madam de Cheureuses means and all that he might fully know the State of the Intreagues of France He having found the Duke much exasperated and that he only wanted an oportunity to let the King feel effects of his anger he ingaged to him to enter upon France at the same time that the English Fleet should land there The Duke also gave him hopes that his attempts should be the more considerable in regard the Emperour who he was assured did blow the coals of the French Faction would send him Forces for his assistance being at last fully instructed and having disposed the Duke of Lorrain to the doing whatever he could demand he went into Languedoc where meeting the Duke of Rohan he gave him an accompt of their whole design who being thus filled with hopes of potent succours from England Savoy and Lorrain he resolved to rise at the same time with the rest Thence he went to Savoy where the Duke animated against France and particularly against the Cardinal his only work there was to receive the Dukes assurances of entring upon Dauphine as soon as the English put to Sea to which purpose part of his Forces were already upon their march He presently dispatched one to the Duke of Rohan to assure him of the assistance of six thousand foot and five hundred Horse exhorting him to be careful and courageous for that their business was in a good condition They fancied to themselves that they did all ready cast that thunder bolt with which they ruined the whole Kingdom of France Mountagu shortly after returns through France to Lorrain but the King was not ignorant of his Intreagues having had a continual watch upon him foure months together that he might snap him upon his return and learn more particularly by the contents of his Papers the quality of his negotiations and accordingly he was very fortunatly taken upon the Borders of the Kingdom by the Marquis de Bourbonne whom his Majesty had commanded to apprehend him About him was found a little cabinet of papers which
the people in their duty Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux to indeavour their reconcilement and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs The ground of their difference was this the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace granted by the King to the Hugonots to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been registred in the Parliament Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat fining him 1500 Liures and ordered the rest to appear in Court and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest and confirmed Minuelle in his Office grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him but the Duke of Espernon being not of an humour easily to submit to any others will then that of the Kings persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest The Parliament made a third so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace which was then made by the Parliaments Authority In sine an extream feud rise between them and the Parliament came to that point that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel The King finding of what consequence it might prove dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux to dispose the Duke to give the Parliament satisfaction and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good The Sieur de Leon came thither and finding the Parliament resolute that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this that he would go to the Parliament and pay them some complements of honour and respect The Parliament was not contented with it so their accommodation was deferred till at last the news being come that the English Fleet was at Sea every one addressed himself to serve the King and to hinder their landing in Guienne And then the Cardinal de Sourdis Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them At last unto the Parliament he came and having complemented them with great civility they answered him in the like without the least mention of any thing past and thus this great storm was allayed Politique Observation JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves for they discovering one anothers defects by their division give occasion to redress them and withall each one feareth to offend that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance and produceth the same effects as a weight equally divided in two Scales which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself and their Soveraign never the wiser Thus said Cato to them who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar had ruined the Common-wealth It is true it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot but the friendship which had formerly been between them was the first and chief cause Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater who afterwards finding it begin to break by the deceases of Pompey and Crassus their wives which served to preserve it there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties and that every thing went to decay chose Pompey sole Consul giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed Seneca with great reason compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it that the more weight is laid on it the stronger it bears it up whereas it would easily be broken if made of one stone alone In fine this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses to the looking more strictly into things and the keeping every one in his duty It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Majesties service and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Province but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence One of the chief is when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority to oppose the power of a Governour and if a Governor abuse his power to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament And thus was it according to Tacitus that the Roman common people ballancing the Nobilities power did along while prefer their liberty Yet above all it would be necessary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities from whence strange accidents might follow If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound either death follows or at least great sicknesse and doubtlesse such contests hapning among Governours either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them or at least breed great disorders amongst them The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people and the Senate caused great evils and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar did break out every one siding with some party took up Arms from whence followed strange murthers and Tragedies and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will. The King going from Paris towards Rochel falls sick at Villeroy after the first day of his setting out VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to invade France The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed
which is intrusted with them in prejudice of the Kings royal authority What care ought he to have to maintain the chief Officers of the Crown the Governours of Provinces and Towns and generally all the Grandees of the Kingdome in their duties doth it not concern him to know what ever considerable thing is done amongst them their designs Cabals Interests Abilities and their very inclinations that he may take order with them according to their dispositions and the common good and to divert such Mutinies as they may in time raise ought not his duty lead him to look into the Commerce and Trade that it be preserved in it's greatness as the Fountain of the Kingdomes wealth The Common Rabble will call upon his thoughts sometimes to be resetled in the duties they owe their King and Country But what proportion of his time then will the affairs of war take up when there is a necessity of raising Forces Will it not behoove him to give all necessary dispatches either for quarterings or marching of Regiments or to lead them on to fight with courage either for amunition or the exact observation of militarie discipline It would need a long discours particularly so set down the great duties of a principal Minister but the Briefness which I have proposed to follow gives me not leave to describe them These are enough to guesse that he will have somewhat to do to go through with them and that upon these considerations a Chief Minister ought to be satisfied and totally to acquiet himself of the Burthens which accompany both the Justice and Treasuries The English Fleets arrival before Ree DUring his Majesties sickness about six in the morning upon the 28 of July the English Fleet appeared about Olonne between 18 and 20 Ships At first it was supposed they were Dunkerkers who might have perchance some design upon the Dutch Fleet then in the Road. But when they were perceived to draw neer the I le of Ree that their number encreased and the Hollanders not affraid of them it was easily concluded that they were the English Fleet of which there was quickly a greater assurance when they saw all their Ships at anchor at the mouth of Breton neer the Cape d' Ars. The rest drew neer one of the Forts in the I le of Ree called La Pree against which they shot very much all day long and the next day too until night in so much that the Ships encompassed the Point of Sablanceau within half musket shot of the Land and some of them adventured within Pistol shot Which made the Sieur de Thoyras then Governour of the Cittadel St. Martin in the I le of Ree Judg that they intended to there abouts so he drew out as many of his men as he could well spare to prevent their designs and carried them as neer as possibly he could to that place that he might fall on them in their disbarking But their Landing being favoured by above two thousand peeces which shot continually They had the oportunity to set on shoar about ten thousand men The Sieur de Thoyras had not with him above two hundred Horse and eight hundred foot yet it being for his Majesties Honour to welcome them at their first footing he resolved to assault them notwithstanding the incredible violence of the Cannon which beat down every thing that did but appear upon the shore He hoped for a good successe from the Justness of his cause and that his Souldiers would force Fortune to be favourable unto them He divided his Horse into seven parties five of which were commanded to give the Charge and break the English ranks and the foot had order to follow on the two other parties were to keep off for a reserve upon the first signal of the Fight The first went on in good order but were forced to Gallop off again for that the English Cannon put them in such confusion that the most part of them were routed before ever they came to engage some killed some wounded and others unhorsed but their courage who were in a condition to march on stood firm so they advanced up to the English Battalions and there did what ever could be expected from high resolutions The English astonished to see the French come thundring in that manner upon them thorough the midst of the Flames and Cannon shot were put into such disorder that many of them swam to their Ships The French now finding they were not pursued and seeing that they were not in condition to fight they rallied together and charged them once more before ever the foot came up but at last they came and fell in doing more then could be expected but the violence of the Cannon was such that it was fit to sound the retreat and to expect a more favourable occasion to fight with them Rostaincler the Sieur de Thoyras his Brother the Baron of Chautail Navailles and divers other Gentlemen and light Horse and about one hundred and fifty Souldiers were slain in the excounter most part of the Officers being wounded neither had the English a lesse loss Fifteen Officers of their Army were killed besides divers Livetenants and Ensigns They likewise lost one of their Collours and upon a vew taken they found between five and six hundred killed and wounded So they had but little stomack for that present to advance any farther into the Ilaud but in 3 dages time they fortefied themselves on the shore side keeping under shelter of their Ships neither would they stir one foot till they were informed that the French intended to defend the Cittadel of St. Martin and not meet them any more in the field Politique Observation I Think it impossible to prevent a strong Fleet from landing in an Iland where they may come on shore in sundry places unfortefied The night alone is enough to favour their landing and admitting there were Forces enough to meet them in all places yet the Canon would make such havock that at last there would be a necessity of giving them leave to come on shore Thus hath Machiavel and the wisest Politions observed That it seldome happened that ever any Fleet especially if accompanied with a good Army was hindered from opening any passage if undefended by a good Castle When Francis the first undertook the war in Italy The Spaniards being on t'other side the River Beuchamby with very great Forces to hinder his passage were forced to make way for him when they saw Monsieur de Guise with his Sword in his hand followed by all the Troops to take water that they might come fight with them In the like manner Philip de Valois having commanded Godemar du Fay to keep the Passage of the River Somme at Blanchetacque with a thousand men at Armes besides the Bowman of Genoa and six thousand foot did quickly notwithstanding all this see the English Army force the passe and in lesse then six howers to be all over whilst the Sea
promises of ten thousand Crowns to them who should convey victuals into Ree in short from July to the end of August there was nothing to be seen but Couriers of all qualities poasting up and down the Country and others to advance the succours which at last arrived as we shall hereafter declare and relieved Ree to the shame of the English and the Kings immortal Glory Politique Observation PRudence is a Helmet which secureth a Kingdom from all sinister accidents which may betide it It is the Eye of a Minister of State which helpeth him to see all that is needful to be done as his valour is the hand which serves him to put it in execution Without it he were more feeble then a Blind man and might expect nothing but confusion from the resistances which he shall make against the enemies of the State whereas with Prudence every thing is possible Antiquity hath said that a Wise man is Fortunes Master and that there is not any thing in the power of that blind Goddess but is subjected to the Laws of vertue and which may not be diverted by the prudent Counsel of a Wise man Plutarch on the life of Fabius saith God only gives good successe to mens actions according to their being messured by vertue and Prudence and the Example of the Emperour Antonius the Debonnaire may serve to Illustrate this truth He had so many good successes in all his undertakings it is said he never repented of any his resolutions and that he saw all his designs come to passe according as he contrived them Now a certain Roman Senator taking the boldness to aske him the reason of it after he had testified how much he esteemed his conduct and with what wonder he was possessed to see so happy an end crown all his endeavours he was answered that he did as much as was possible foresee all those accidents which might fall out and thereupon he prepared proper remedies for them That he spared neither his care nor discretion to bring his designs to passe and that he committed the executing of them to person fit for it This is the Rule of Prudence and true it is that as the light of the Sun shews the way to any place where a man would go so this vertue when possessed in any eminent degree inlightens the Soul of a Minister with so much Splendor that it gives him a means to obtain whatever he can propose to himself It discovereth to him infallible wayes to arrive unto the ends of his undertakings guideth his motions ordereth his Counsels regulateth his affections composeth his Actions Governeth his wisdome appointeth his orders and discovereth to him whatever is able to stop the course of his designs And as it teacheth never to attempt impossibilities so it is a most certain way to arrive unto whatever is within compasse of being brought to passe And thus it may safely be said that by Prudence it is that God doth prepare the wayes of happiness and good successe for mankind Buckingham stormeth the Cittadel of St. Martin NO one but God alone moveth in an instant The succours could not be put into Ree on a sudden and the English finding no body come to trouble them in the fortifications upon the shore resolved to besiege the Cittadel of St. Martin The Duke of Buckingham conceived such great hopes of making himself Master of the place that he writ to his Master of Great Britain that in eight days he would set up his Colours in it and his Majesty published a Declaration inviting his subjects to go and inhabit the Island of Ree promising them great priviledges and freedoms and that he would take care to hunt out all the French That which made Buckingham thus confident was he found himself on the Island very strong and knew there were but few French in the Cittadel and his Engineers assured him of making such devices that it should be impossible for his Majesty to relieve it To which purpose he made his approaches upon the Cittadel on the sixth day after his arrival and on the seventh commanded six peece of Cannon to be planted upon the Port of St. Martin who began to batter the place from day break with such effect that beating all down where the Mills stood they wantest but little of bearing them clear away but the besieged laboured with that dexteriousnesse and diligence that they covered and so saved them and withall their Battery shot at that of the English so luckily that they soon dismounted all their Cannon This discredit madded the English who the next day raised another Battery to be revenged of it and drew their Trenches about the Cittadel that they might make their nearer approach Now the Sieur de Thoyras not acquainted with letting his enemies make their avenues without going out to meet them fell upon them in their works and the English were no sooner at their labour but he sallied out upon them with great violence and courage But above all on the very first day he made use of one for to secure a Haven where such Barques as came to releeve him might land in safety and raised a work round about it upon the shore-side which he kept as carefully as the Cittadel it self and from thence it was that he received those succours which afterwards delivered him out of trouble The enemies Trenches were not such but that he had intelligence with those of the Island especially the Catholiques who were a good number and such as might furnish him with many necessaries for the Cittadel which the Duke of Buckingham perceiving sent them all away in Boats so that there was now no other hopes of relief but from the main land The English in the mean time trifled out a moneth more without doing any thing but at last growing impatient they resolved to assault a Half Moon not quite finiâ—hed and by favour of the night fell upon it but being got on the top of the Wall they were knocked off again by the Halberds and so ill-handled that after the losse of about one hundred and fifty men they drew off again whereas we had onely four souldiers hurt This vexed them indeed and made them resolve to try once more what good they could do upon the same Half Moon but they were then also beaten off with good successe The Sieurs Montant Praron Montandre Caisac and Saint Previl received the assault with a great deal of courage of the French party Beauliâ—u onely miscarried and the greatest hurt which the English did was this they poysoned a certain Well near the Half Moon that they might the more incommodate the besieged who to say truth did very much want water and thereupon they resolved not to stir any more but to force the place by Famine and to put them to all imaginable inconveniences which might compell them to surrender Politick Observation A Passe being once forced it is discretion in him who is repelled to retreat unto some
de Conty his Prisoner of War who concluded the Treaty of Peace with Charles de Bourgogne A Prince is obliged to it if it were only by the Compassion which a noble Courage ever hath of them who are overcome Haloyoneus Son to Antigonus having after a victorie lighted upon Heleneus Phyrrus his Son in a sad deplorable condition cloathed with a Mantle unbefiting his greatness embraced him with all possible kindnesse and having so brought him to Antigonus his Father he did the like But withal he told his Son he had not done all which he was bound to do in leaving that cloak upon his shoulders And at last having restored him to an honorable attendance and treated him with great kindness and humanity he returned him safe to his Kingdome of Epire. The Siege of Rochel AFter the King had obtained this signal victory against the English he bent all his thoughts towards the besiedging of Rochel that with their Wals he might destroy their pride This town as others was at first but little yet the Port being commodious it grew great by Commerce and so insolent after heresie had set its standard there that they would make those priviledges which our Kings had from time to time granted them passe for contracts and to destablish a kind of Commonwealth in the State They durst not openly declare this pretention to the King by their Deputies but their manner of proceeding was an assured proof of it a procedure the more insupportable in that it was the support of all factions both of the Hugonot party and the Grandees of the Kingdome upon any discontents Their Rebellion was become natural and shortly after this they auguented their Crimes by calling in the English to protect their offences Some rich Merchants indeed there were who having somewhat to loose would have been contented to be quiet but on the otherside it was filled with store of Sea men surely and proud as also very poor who having nothing wherein to employ themselves proposed that they might be at more ease to make an insurrection in the Town concerning their priviledges In order to this design they made a Manifest to spread abroad their complaints as a poyson in the minds of the Ignorant People of the Hugonots party which might induce them to take up Arms and to shake of the yoak of obedience This resolution of theirs took them off from paying any respect to the King They drove out the Sieur Doux Maistre des Requests sent by his Majesty to them in quality of super intendent of Justice with so much violence and outrage that they threatned to throw him into the Sea They openly assisted the English in whatever was within their power They solemnly buried the English Lords and Gentlemen and such French Rebels as were killed at the Landing on Ree They sent Londriere with three hundred men to second the English when they found themselves too weak in Ree They received Madam de Rohan the Mother and the Sieur de Soubize who assisted at their assemblies and enflamed them more and more There was no reason longer to suffer these things unpunished The King about the beginning of August when they declared themselves so openly for the English made his approaches upon the Town several companies of the Regiment of the guard with two other Regiments and two hundred Horse were sent before it The Duke d'Angoulesme began to work upon the Fort De La Moulinette to lodge Forces there as well as in that of Fort Lewis They requested the Sieur de Commings Captain of the Regiment of the guard that he would come to their assembly to advise upon some means of accommodation and as they saw no Declaration of an absolute siege until the English were forced from Ree they thought to be excused as heretofore by renewing their Protestations of fidelily But their words were not to be believed All their proposals tended onely to comfirm their resolutions against the King His Majesty thereupon after the defeat of the English took his last resolution of forcing them to acknowledge their faults and to live within their bounds by a strong siege The Order of the whole circumvallation was prescribed by his Majesty he raised 13 Forts and several redoubts upon the Trenches the circuit of which were three Leagues or there about all out of musquet or falcon shot but not of Cannon The Kings design was by making these works to compel them by famine and necessity to surrender neither did they much trouble themselves to hinder their work by their Sallies upon hope of being easily releeved by Sea forsomuch as they were soon finished by the care of the Cardinal and the Marshals de Scomberg and Bassompierre His Majesty being well assured of their faithfulnesse would not imploy any other persons indifferently as formerly had been done in Charles the ninth's time and that so inconsiderately that the very Commanders of the Siege had no desire to take the Town This circumrallation thus finished cut off all releef by Land and it happened that having supplied the English with a good part of their provsions they had been quickly brought by necessity to surrender had they not been assisted by Sea But shortly after they were so close blocked up there too that they durst not shew their heads Politique Observation IT is equally base and inconsiderate to suffer the insolencie of a City which not contented to revolt against its Soveraign alone doth also call in strangers to uphold their Rebellion After the reducing of them by fair means hath been tryed to no purpose then ought all forcible means be used to bring then within their bounds That King who is deficient in this particular will soon find himself exposed to scorn both in his designs at home by his neighbours and in prosecution he will inevitably find both one and the other take up arms against him His neighbours if they know his aversion to war and how unwilling he is to appear in the field will soon rush in upon him and a party once accustomed to revolts and permitted to attempt against the Soveraign authority will soon shake off the yoak of obedience He ought therefore equality to be disposed both for peace and war He ought to intend nothing more than the chastising of Rebels upon such an occasion The expences dangers and cares ought not to be considered by him It is equally dangerours for a Prince to be more inclined either to war or peace Hence Marius was blamed because he exercised not his authority in times of peace by which means he could never keep the Common-wealth in quiet Perseus lost his Kingdome by slothfulness and to much loving of mony desiring rather to keept in coffers than to expend it in paying Souldiers necessary for his defence Thus he lost his Kingdome and his treasures were ransacked before his face Pipin had never been so bold as to have put his Masters Crown upon his own heads had Childerick loved arms
of the Joy he had in this accident to find the succession devolved upon him whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities and from whom he might receive the same respects both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor He had order to proffer unto him his Friendships and Royal assistance of his Credit Name and Authority assuring him that he should find the effects of it not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there but also in all other things when-ever occassion should be next of all he was to inform him of the design which the Spaniards had to marry him after dissolution of his late contract to one of the Emperours Daughters and then dexterously to observe to him that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat being very considerable in Italy for their scituations and fertility as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan that they might take some advantage over them and that he not being able to defend himself against them but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France and the Princes of Italy was obliged so to carry himself as neither of them might be jealous of him Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him but in case he should so change that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him he would find himself reduced to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards who would expose him to the scorn of others and cause him to loose his reputation of friendship and fidelity that all things considered he could not do better then to remain Neuter to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France Austria and the Princes of Italy without doing any thing which might incense either one or t'other but perceiving an intire affection for France as for him who desired his good prosperity and settlement and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least But above all the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent with the Duke de Rethelois and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Father However he himself was inclined to marry her could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome He had instructions likewise to tell him how much his so doing would settle his affairs and authority against his neighbours designs who peradventure if his succession were not declared would be the bolder to attempt upon him and not unlikely on his person too These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission upon his comming to Mantua he was resolved with all kind of honour usually shewed to an extraordinary Ambassadour of France After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him telling him withall that he received it with the greater respect in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage that he might afterwards wed not one of the Emperours daughters as was supposed but the Princesse Maria his Neece whom he passionately loved and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois he ever spoke of him with great respect as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed and whom he looked on as his successor in case he died without issue The Marquess de Saint Chaumont thought it improper to propose to him when he found him so inclined the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio chief Minister of Mantoua he discovered it to him and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life giving him withal to observe that this once done the house of Austria and Duke of Saxony must of necessity cease their pretensions which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many any longer to be permitted He pressed him too the more earnestly in regard the Marquesse de Strigio told him how that the Physitians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist his body being sickly The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular and faithfully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉 As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair took his leave of the Duke to return to his Majesty and to give him an accompt of what he had done Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members which ought to provide for their conservation Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection either by fair means or foul This made Theopompus answer one who demanded of him how a King might raign in safety That he ought to fear nothing but permit all reasonable things to his friends and be carefull of his own Subjects that they received no injury from any one Divers Princes have been ruined by their toleration of injuries against those who have depended on them We have a remarkable example hereof in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias for having been deaf in his behalf in not defending a wrong which had been done unto him Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings then the observation of this thing It is an action resembling the divinity to protect the weak against the mighty and to defend them from oppression Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and
of revenging the affront which they had so lately received perswaded them to a general consent They wanted onely the third Vote upon which the Levy depended where upon they refused to contribute any money colouring their denial by diverse complaints which they made against the Duke of Buckingham and most part of the Chief Ministers in England which made a great noise in the Parliament and so incensed the King that being constrained to give way to the insolence of their requests he told them that he would examine their demands and complaints and give them answer accordingly However be gave order for the rigging out of a strong Fleet in behalf of the Rochelois and gave the command of it to the Earle of Denbigh the Duke of Buckingham's brother in Law This was all the Rochelois could hope for yet it blinded them to all respect and obedience They shaked off the yoak of Loyalty which they owed to the King they carried themselves to the utmost extremities that possibly could be imagined they trod under foot the Kings Authority and chose him for their Protector who was Declared Emeny of his Crown Politique Observation ALthough a People never hath any lawful reason to become disloyal to their Prince or to cast themselves into the Arms of the Enemy of his Country yet it is a thing easily resolved on when there are no other means to secure them from the fears which they apprehend and which have engaged them in their revolts In Philosophy it is held for a Maxim That granting one absurdity a thousand others will follow by consequence It is no lesse certain among Polititians that a people carried into one fault which is the taking up Arms against their Prince will be exposed to great extremities and every day augment the number of their Crimes Their Custome is to promise to themselves great matters in desperate affairs from strangers and such means as are without all apparence of reason probable wayes or ordinary instruments They are great lovers of Novelties and with a little wind carried to extremities and new thoughts if they find their former resolutions and designs not come to the accompt they expected They easily follow those who put them in hopes of liberty If any seditious person in credit with them do but tickle them in the eare with telling them that they do not enjoy their full and perfect liberties under their lawful Prince nothing is then more easily perswaded then to revolt nay to throw themselves into the Armes of their very worst enemy never considering whether the remedie be not worse then the disease Being once revolted they never return to their duties but by force of Armes and the fear they have of paying the punishments they have justly deserved inviteth them rather to run and hazard then that of confessing their errour and repenting An Ancient Authour said very wisely when he likened them to day-labourers who are at every ones service that will make use of them ready they are to subvert all things not for the publique good but in order to their own design and under pretence of liberty The greatest part of such Revolts are commonly accompanied with some Intelligences and encouragements from strangers who offer their assistance not for any love to them but themselves that they may make advantuge out of their divisions discord is their Musique The History of Italy furnisheth us with a notable example of this particular in that of the Pisan's who having been perswaded by one of our Kings and Lewis Forza to withdraw themselves from the obedience of the Florentines presently banish their Officers gain'd many rich Merchants and began to live as free people but finding themselves too weak to hold out at that rate they emplored the ayd of their neighbour Princes which was not denied to them by reason of the jealousie which all those States are in of one another Geâ—â—oua sent them men and Munitions Lucqua mony and Sienna which was in hopes of great advantages from them sent both one and t'other Neither is this the last degree of a mutinous people for if they cannot attain unto their desiers by a Forraign protection they will rather totally deliver up and sell themselves the return to their Princes power especially if they be but a little perswaded of being hardly dealt with and that they shall be reduced to a slavish subjection such difficulty will they find to stoop under their former yoak after a tast of licentiousness and impunity The King of Spain sendeth Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral with a Fleet to his Majesty THe King finding what need he should have of Ships had as hath been related accepted of the proffer which was made to him at Villeroy by Don Diego de Maxia in behalf of the King of Spain But their design in that proposal being only to engage France in an open war with England that they might the better carry on their designs in Germany and Italy they were careful not to be at Ree to assist his Majesty to expel them At last Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral of Spain after many delayes came about the end of December with his pretended Fleet to the Haven of Morbian in Brettaign The King commanded the Duke of Guyse to receive him with all possible Honour and indeed such it was that Don Frederick could not enough admire at the manner of his entertainment Shortly after he departed towards the I le of Ree where at that time was no great need of him But however he proffered his service unto the King who received him with great kindness His Majesty sending to visit him but his vessels were found so unprovided of victuals men and necessaries that those things together with his long delay considered It was easie to Judg they had no great mind to fight for France and that the King his Master would be very sorry to contribute to the taking of Rochel a place which might be made use of to raise a war in the Kingdome and that with a little charge if he had a mind to send any Forces to them At last he gave an assured sign of the truth of this suspition when not long after he went to his Majesty and took his leave of him to return towards Spain telling him that he could not now be any more serviceable to him The King would have much wondered to see him so hasty to be gon considering he came so far but that he knew they had more mind to ingage France in a war with a third party then adventure on it themselves His Majesty on the other side knowing That strangers and Forraign Forces ought not be employed but in urgent occasions and at last cast did so much the easilier consent to his departure and in regard too that the Cardinal had assured him That great store of vessels would very shortly come before Rochel So he finding the wind fair hoysed sail about the end of January to return to
from all parts and his Majesty had the pleasure to behold with what eagernesse every one desired to be engaged with the Enemies Hereupon the English Fleet seeing the Sea smooth and their Ships mooved with a fair Gale came up toward his Majesties Fleet about Cannon distance turned about their Ships and discharged their Broad-sides the like did the Rochellois and the Kings Ships were not long before they set out to receive them where they behaved themselves with such courage that the English had no reason to believe they had lesse resolution now then they had lately shewen at the I le of Re that which most of all troubled them was they were not ignorant with what obstacles they were to encounter in the Channels that they were to break through three Rayles two of Vessels floating on the Sea and linked together by Chains and Anchors and a third several Vessels filled with stones and sunk before the Bank the Channel too was covered all over with Vessels full of Souldiers and Voluntiers of the Nobility all eager of fighting with them besides they were to avoyd the shot which would thunder in upon them from both sides of the shore by the Bank al these difficulties made them dispair of doing any good upon it and that time the water was too low for their Ships in which their chief strength consisted and their design could not be excused but at high-water because when the Sea began to ebb their Vessels of burden would remain as the mercy of his Majesties great Guns insomuch that all things duely considered they concluded it impossible for them to break thorough On the other side the Rochelois who had promised them to Sally out and do miracles did not appear at all for they had found that it would be impossible to make way thorough to the Bank there being so many Vessels full of Souldiers Volunteers to be fought with insomuch that the Earl of Denbigh what out of anger and what out of despair resolved to draw off many complaints he made against the Rochellois as that they had deceived the King his Master in assuring him that it was easie to passe into their Port and not informing him of those obstacles which he was to provide against and with forces the King of France had a board his Ships Vessels to fight with his Souldiers but yet al his complaints could not secure him from being much blamed all that he did before his going off was he had sent out a Fire-ship with Petards and the like from which he expected great matters as that it would burn all the Ships it came neer but it happene to work sooner then his enginers imagined so that they being unable to get of the Barque which was fastened to it they burnt their Vessels and themselves without any relief or succour Politique Observation IT is unsafe to believe a unrevolted people or to build any designe upon their promises They themselves do commonly ground all their rebellions upon vain hopes of which being despoiled they have present recours to such from whom they can expect assistance without considering into how great disasters and to what little purpose they engage them They want fore-cast to prevent those inconveniencies into which they are throwing of themselves and Friends and they judge of events by their own desires rather then by the rules of War They never misdoubt of a good successe in that which they wish with passion as nothing is so dangerous as rashnesse which carrieth people blindfold into disasters so they frequently fall into those misfortunes which they did not foresee and in it ruine all those whom they have perswaded to become companions of their enterprises Artaxerxes suffered himself to be guided by the fair words of Themistocles who being discontented with his own Countrey perswaded him to a War against Greece where being arrived he soon found Themistocles could not make good his word to him whereby he came exposed to many dangers Themistocles indeed was so ashamed of it that he poisoned himself but what did that advantage Artaxerxes's It neither defended him from the discredit and blame nor saved him those expences which he had bin at In the same manner the Sieur de Chaumont one of our Kings Generals in Italy let himself be guided by Bentivoglio in the assalting of Boulognea from whence he had bin banished upon the hopes he gave him that the Citizens and Nobility would revolt but being come before it he was forced to retire with dishonor all those promises of Bentivoglio which were founded more upon his passionate desire than reason being vanished into that ayr which gave him the first conceipts of them I might add for another reason the facility wherewith a people revolted do submit to their soveraigns when they find themselves reduced to an impossibility of executing their designes For as they have not prudence enough to foresee those dangers into which they run neither have they generousnesse enough to observe their promises made upon any accompt whatever Thus Alexander King of Epire invaded Italy upon some assurances which a revolted people called the Lucani at this day inhabiting the Basilicate of Naples had given him of a speedy subduing the whole Kingdome and that they would never forsake him but he soon found it quite otherwise For they having made their Peace with the rest of their Country-men to enjoy their goods and liberties upon condition that they slew him forthwith fell upon him and by an extream breach of Faith killed him which might serve all Princes to beware how they credit a revolted rebellious people both because they will usually promise more then they can perform feign and pretend several impostures to draw any one in to their assistance and last of all if they find it for their advantage make their own accommodation and leave those whom they engaged with them to shift for themselves The English having attempted their utmost to relieve Rochel resolve to depart THE sodain departure of the English pass'd for a miracle not only amongst the most Religious but the wise too and indeed it was apparent to be seen that Heaven it self did fight against them and would that his Majesty should be victorious over them his thoughts being accompanied with so much Piety and Justice And was it not indeed a miracle to see so great a Fleet set sayl from England with undanted courages resolve to consume whatever should oppose them and on a sodain seized with fear insomuch that their Armes seemed to drop out of their hands and they could not be perswaded to fight was it not indeed a real miracle that on the third night after their arrival in the Road of the Chef de Bay the Wind being favourable for the Rochellois to sally out according as had bin assigned between them should presently turn about and that just as they were at the Oar was it not I pray an absolute miracle that when at another time
a little retired by reason of the infections which are in the Army Now the Sieur Arnoult being returned to Rochel and having assured the inhabitants of the inclination his Majesty had to pardon them if they would really confesse their faults and give him reason to beleeve that they would in future live within the bounds of their duty they named Deputies to wait upon his Majesty who commanded them to acquaint the Cardinal with what they had to say They went to wait upon his Eminency at Rousay at the Quarter de la Bergery where they were in conference full two hours with him after which every one guessed by their cheerfulnesse that they were very well contented they desired a safe conduct to wait upon him two dayes after in the same place which was not denied them and being come thither they testified a great resolution in the people to deliver themselves up to his Majesties mercy seeing that notwithstanding their Rebellion he had been pleased to let them live in the exercise of their Religion the injoyment of their goods and withall the preservation of their Walls the Cardinal sent them back to the King whom they found upon the Bank they were afraid to appear before his Majesty but being brought into his presence they cast themselves at his feet and begged his pardon and mercy with as many apparent submissions as could have been desired His Majesty said to them you deserve to be severely punished but since God hath given you the grace to confesse your fault I pardon you your lives The Deputies returned to Rochel with great joy promising to be ready the next morning to conclude upon the particular Articles of the Treaty But the Mayor and those of his party had onely pretended this Treaty to gain time that they might work upon the people by possessing them how important it was to their liberty to keep up their fortifications which otherwise would be levelled with the ground and at last having moulded them to their own temper all the Treaty vanished to smoke Nay their insolency was such that being confident during this intercourse of parley his Majesties Army would not keep so strict watch as usually they did they had the boldnesse to send out a fire-ship about three in the morning amongst the Kings Vessels near the Bank which guarded the Passages and at the same time shot off divers great pieces but without any execution The Cardinal who knew that an enemy ought never to be trusted caused the watch to be kept in as great strictnesse as ever so that the Boats which were upon the guard perceiving the fire-ship drew her aside into a place where she burned down without doing any hurt Politique Observation VIgilance is the savegard of Armies and he who commands a siedge is the more obliged to watch that he may sustain the enterprises of the besiedged in regard the wisest then attempt them when they are least suspected Negligence and Victory do never any long time go hand in hand together and the least carefulnesses do often turn the scales in War Those campes which are garded with most circumspection are the most secure and he who is not alwayes in a way of defence puts himself into eminent danger That General who lets his forces sleep without good gard commits the care of them and their lives to fortune Iphicrates one of the most famous Captains of Athens was far enough from committing this fault for his Souldiers kept the same gard in peace and with the same stricttnesse as in War their arms being alwayes ready by them to fight At first it was woundred at but the reason he alledged was That a man may be never surprised he ought always to be in fear By this means after the shame of a rout he will not be forced to say I did not think there had been any thing to fear If a General hath reason at any time to be upon his gard more especially ought he to be so then when there are propositions of peace in treaty for one of the most usual wiles which great Captains use is that of proposing some treaty whereby they might make advantage Thus Pope Julius the second that he might gain time to prepare himself against the Duke of Ferrara amazed King Lewiâ—h the twelfth with the apparencies of a fair accommodation In the like manner Ferdinando Arragon sent Philip Arch-duke of Austria to amaze the same King by a treaty of Peace which they swore unto that they might hinder him in consideration thereof from making necessary preparations for the assisting of his own party who by reason thereof were forced to leave the Kingdome of Naples and Ferdinand made it evident that to that purpose was his designe for he could not afterwards be perswaded to ratifie the treaty Nothing is so safe as to treat a pear with distrust and he who so doth hath a double advantage by it first by depriving his Enemy of all hopes to surprise him and secondly because the good order in which he keeps his Forces gives him the credit to obtain more beneficial articles The Rochelois are reduced by famine to extream miseries ONE of the remedies which the Rochellois used to relieve their necessities especially after the English were returned was to turn out all the unnecessary mouthes they found means by the help of a dark night and in a tempest which had broken in sunder some of the floating Vessels which stopped the mouth of the Bank to passe a Barque laden with women which the Kings vessels then in gard did not perceive time enough to prevent but this was the onely time they could procure that advantage but on the contrary their insolency being come to the height they forced the Kings Justice Severely to punish such as attempted to save themselves by Land about the end of August above three hundred persons of all ages and both sexes came out by the Channel at low water and being got to Land fell to eating of roots and herbs with such greedinesse that it was easie to judge how much the inhabitants of the Town were necessitated by famine They had been fit objects with compassion had they been lesse insolent but as nothing except necessity it self could bring them to their duties so the Sieurs de Brisfac de Fourille and the other Captains of the gards when they lighted on them forced them back into he Town to augment the famine of the inhabitants This just severity was oftentimes used towards them by which means their miseries were such that having neither bread pulse nor any thing usually edible they found out an invention to boil Beefs-hides in tallow such other things They were oftentimes seen to go into the Salt-pits to gather herbs and cockles and such other stuff as they could frie which they presently devoured as delicates They eat bread made of thistle-roots and their hunger not so satisfied turning into fury came to that passe that they eat dead
of Clemency mercy used towards poor vanquished Creatures ought no longer be esteemed a vertue but a necessary means of salvation I should add one more reason out of Polybius his History which is good deeds are a Chain of Gold which do much more fix and establish the interests of Kings then those of Iron and if Religion seem to invite them to practice it neither doth reason of State any whit lesse what was it which tied the Celtiberians so strictly and affectionately to the Roman interest but that generous and noble Act of Scipio the Affrican who restored a noble Lady his Prisoner to her husband without doing her any violence or injury and returned him all the Gold which had been brought for her ransome Did not Cyrus gain by his handsome treating of Cresus after he had vanquished him Did not that tie up the hands of all Greece who would out of the great affection they did bear to him have highly resented any injury done to him The Roman Senate did much blame their Consul Popilius for his rude treating of the Genois and commanded reparation to be made them because they esteemed the honour of a Victory not compleat where it was attended with any cruelties or rigours Those Princes who are good to their Prisoners and those whom they have vanquished are not onely commendable but delightfull to those they rule over The Romans having reduced Capadocia to a Province diminished the Tax which they used formerly to pay unto their own King because they knew that the clemency and sweetnesse of their Empire would invite others to submit to them with the lesse reluctancy and resistance His Majesties Declaration for estblishing of the Catholique Religion in Rochel IF it be glorious to overcome it is no lesse important to take such care as may confirm the Victory To this purpose his Majesty before he left Rochel published a Declaration comprehending that order which he would have observed there for the future both to establish Religion and to prevent this people from relapsing into their former Rebellion This Declaration contained that the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion should be freely exercised there both in the City and Government of Aulnis that the Churches which had been lately destroyed thereabouts should be re-edified and restored to them in whose possession they formerly were together with all their appurtenances that a sufficient maintenance should be given to such Curats as had not means to live on out of those lands which belonged to the Town-house That the Religieux de la Charite Les Religiouses Hospitalieres should be re-established in the Hospitals of the Town to attend upon all sick persons That a Crosse should be raised in the Castle-yard at the foot of which an Inscription of the taking the City should be inscribed and that every first of November a Procession general should be made to give God thanks for his mercies that the Church-yard consecrated in the lands of Corcille where those of the Camp who died during the siege had been buried should still he conserved to that use that a convent of Religieux Minimes should be built there who might pray unto God for them and perpetuate the memory of the thing this is that which his Majesty did for thanks-giving to God and the consolation of the Catholick party in the Town The Course his Majesty took to keep Rochel in Obedience IF his Piety were so admirable in that particular his Prudence was no lesse in commanding all such things as were necessary for the preservation of the Town in its duty He deposed the Mayor who had fomented the Rebellion with such insolent stubbornnesse and discharged the Shrivalty and Commonalty of the Town without hopes of restauration He ordained that the most seditious persons of the city should forsake it and amongst others Gâ—ison Mayre Godâ—â—ray Salâ—breâ— and Deserbrâ—â—res not so much as excepting the Dame de Rohan who was carried to Niort by the Sieux de Lannay Lieutenant des Gardes des Corps Next he revoked all the Priviledges and Charters heretofore granted to the City He commanded the Walls the Rampards the Bastions and the rest of the Fortifications to be razed and the Ditches to be filled up leaving only the Tours de St. Nicholas de la Ghaiâ—â— de la Lantern standing with that part of the Wall towards the Sea to preserve the Town from Pyrats He further constituted and appointed that no stranger should have a house or family in the Town without his Majesties permission had and obtained or that any Heretiques should return to their former dwellings To be short he ordained for the better keeping them in their obedience that there should be an intendent of Justice in the City Country and Government of Aulnis who should see the execution of his Ordinances and have an eye to that which concern'd his service all which was inserted in the said Declaration He then commanded the inhabitants to be disarmed and that certain Regiments should remain in the Town until it were quite demolished After all these things thus appointed he returned to Paris where he was received in great magnificence the Companies of the City making Orations unto him But I passe by the particulars of those Ceremonies and confine my self to my design of writing nothing but what relateth to the Government of the State Politique Observation HAnnibal was discommended for not knowing how to pursue a Victory when obtained and that Soveraign doth little or nothing who after a reducing of those Rebels that attempted to shake off the yoke of their obedience neglecteth to fix and settle them by all necessary orders and rules for the continuation of them in their duties His orders ought to be proportioned to the quality of the vanquished who if they be Rebels ought to be treated in another manner then such as were under another Government It ought likewise to be remembred whether they who are vanquished be of the same Religion with the Conquerour and in case they are not then to establish divers such persons there who professe the same with his own and this he is obliged to by Prudence as well as Piety It being an assured remedy of weakning a people if they be divided and that a party be made sure of amongst them The ancient Kings of Aegypt did wisely tollerate and establish all sorts of Religion in their Countries and Kingdomes to the intent the diversity of opinions might dis-unite them from any Revolts On the other side if those whom a Soveraign overcommeth be his own natural Subjects he ought not totally to destroy their Cities and Towns for that were to weaken his own power Which is the same thing that Craesus perswaded to Cyrus when he had been vanquished by him do not quoth he I beseech you destroy the Towns of Lydia for by it you will not destroy me but your self to whom by right of Arms they now belong but however this rule admitteth
and Horse beget a Horse they having some part of his glory by the honour which they have of being his Subjects and God himself jealous though he be of his own glory as he protesteth in one of the Prophets hath he not commanded us to honour his Saints as the second causes of Miracles to build Churches raise Altars make Vows unto them and to publish their praises for those Miracles which his omnipotent hand hath wrought by them his instruments And were he not besotted who should refuse this honour to the Prince of the Apostles when his very shadow cured so many diseases though effected by a divine power really lesse inhaerent in him then that which grand Ministers have in themselves for the publick good If perverse obstinacy should transport any one to deny them this respect may they not easily be convinced by Gods own example when he spake unto Moses saying Thou hast led my people out of Aegypt though indeed it was the work of his own hand God well knew that he had made use of Moses his servant as the chief Minister of his Kingdome and for the Conductor of his people and therefore how jealous so ever he were of his own glory yet he would ascribe it to him as well knowing that the honour attributed to second causes doth not at all diminish that which is due unto the first This is the true image of honour which ought to be given unto Ministers for the services which they pay unto their Soveraigns and who need be jealous of it seeing God is not A King and his Minister are so strictly united as the hand and instrument in the Artificer so that nothing but malice and envy can oppose that praise which is due to a Minister who hath effected any enterprise with successe tending to the publick good of the Kingdome As the King is first and chief so the first and chief honour is his but then without injustice his Miniser cannot be denied the sharing of some part with him who hath been his instrument to obtain it The expences of the Siege of Rochel amount unto forty millions of Livres THe greatnesse of the expence before Rochel can hardly be imagined without considering the particulars as the punctual paying of the whole Army the building of the Bank Munitions of all sorts and the like They who disbursed the several sums reckon it at forty Millions but the particular diligence and care of the Marquesse d' Effat Superintendent of the Exchequer to provide all that there might not be any want deserveth and undoubtedly so will to passe in History for a particular commendation He entred upon the Treasuries at a time when they were fifty millions of Livres in debt and the Treasurers hardly perswadable to assist his Majesty in any of his occasions by reason of the review which had so lately been made amongst them the Parliament too had much ado to be perswaded to rat fie Edâ—cts for to raise money yet he used such addresse and diligence that not onely there was no want of money but the charge was lesse then formerly it had used to be and in such expeditions where the Souldiers were hardly paid at all such and so great care did he use in the charge of the Treasuries There was a necessity of making some new Edicts but the chief means he used were according to the Cardinals instructions to cut off all superfluous expences to commit the management of those sums which were expended unto persons of known fidelity and trust The Cardinal did not onely lend out upon this occasion what monies he had in his own Coffers but ingaged his credit as far as it would go to raise more amongst his kindred and friends He was not so sittle affectionate to his Masters service as the Cardianal d' Amienâ— was 〈◊〉 who stil sent out of the Kingdom all those gratifications which he received like unto those Courtisans who love the money better then the man and measure their pleasure by their profit whereas the Cardinal prefered his Masters glory before the whole Indiaes he studied nothing but the increase of it and the continuation of himself in his favour that he might to that purpose contribute his utmost care and devoir Politique Observation PHysitians tell us that mans body could neither stand nor go without Nerves Muscles and the like and it is no lesse certain that the body of an Army cannot march or long subsist without a great masse of money to maintain them That Prince who hath no Silver will presently want meat for his Forces be can neither provide them Arms or Cloaths and necessity once pinching upon them away they all flie if any perchance stay behind they are weak as water faint and unable to do any service whereas Plenty of money maketh an Army flourish and in heart one of the greatest means the Duke of Parma used to uphold the Wars in Flanders and France was to see a dayly distribution of the Ammunitions and bread delivered out unto the Souldiers to see them once a year cloathed from head to foot and monethly paid without which he could never have had preserved his army so flourishing and victorious as he did It is true indeed 〈◊〉 was to blame so highly to vaunt before Solon the Athenian when he shewed him his 〈…〉 riches Solon told him he did not esteem him any whit the more potent because war was made with Iron not with Gold however it cannot be denied but that as Levies cannot be made without money so in some sort money is as necessary as Souldiers A small Prince if he have great treasures may have the command of a great army though his Subjects are but few others will willingly let him make Levies in their Countries but he who wants money how great soever he be can neither raise any or keep them long together wheâ—… they are raised I have alwaies much esteemed the advice of Pericles one of the ablest Captains of his time who said that Victories were commonly obtained by these three means Money Souldiers and Councel and to speak the truth who is defective in either of the three must not expect an happy successe in his enter prises Caesar was not ignorant how necessary a thing money was for the incouragement of Souldiers as I have heretofore observed and History reports of him that he was liberal in distributing it among them when by any exploit they had well deserved it of which he hath left behind him one notable example when after that his forces had indured much hardship before Berry he made a Donative of 2000 Sesterces to every man To conclude it is no lesse requisite to settle an order in the Treasuries then to have as good foundation of money for the effecting of which it were good to imploy understanding faithfull men for the payment of Souldiers and the punishing of those who commit offences to make a weekly pay-day to all the Souldiers it being more
hundred foot whom he fell upon at unawares in a Village not far from the Town They were so fortunate that they did not onely bring Nismes to famine but Vsez Aletz Aduze and all the Sevennes having burned above fifty Villages with all the Corn then standing on the ground both old and new neither durst the Duke of Rohan once attempt to prevent it The Duke of Espernon did the like about Montauban and not long after the Duke de Vantadours Troops of Curassiers his Gardes and Carabines which were in garrison at Beaucair being commanded to march up towards Nâ—smes that they might draw out their Forces to fight with them went up and drove away all their Cattel in sight of the Town on purpose to invite them out they presently made their sally and were so resolutely charged that their horse was broken and the Dukes Forces broke quite thorough to the foot left threescore and seventeen dead upon the place and about fifty wounded After this blow the Rebels durst not appear any where their luck 's was so bad so that the Kings Army were Masters of the field The Prince finding his presence was no more usefull in those parts obtained leave of his Majesty to return to Berry Politique Observation HE who hath perswaded any Towns to revolt must not expect to keep them any long time unlesse he be Master of the Field his hopes of maintaining them in his own power will vanish and he will soon see them re-taken by his Soveraign before his face if once he be master of the Country For as there is not any place how weak soever which doth not hold out some small time especially if it be assisted so there is not any place how strong soever that can alwaies hold out it not releeved that is unlesse there be a sufficient power on foot to force him who is sate down before it to raise his siege or at least to send Forces and Ammunitions into it Places cannot defend themselves but must have men to do it for them neither can the men ever do it unlesse they have refreshments both of victuals munitions and Souldiers otherwise the troubles necessities and discommodities of a Siege will inforce them to surrender whether they will or no. It is evident that if the Soveraign be Master of the field then the revolted Towns can hardly be releeved or assisted because of his greater power to prevent and hinder it Those places I must confesse which are strong indeed seem to command and keep the Country in subjection but this power of theirs can be of no long date unlesse their fellow Rebels have a potent Army to assist them with Convoys both of Men Victuals and Munition The Tyrians were so insolent by reason their Town was so strongly built upon a Rock in the Sea that they mocked at Alexander when he besieged them and made a Bank about them to keep off any relief from comming unto them they asked of him if he designed to make himself greater then Neptune by that device of his to overcome the Sea his Souldiers they called Asses and beasts because they laboured without ceasing in carrying matterials towards the Bank but at last Alexander having reduced the neighbouring Country finished his works which he had projected and finally forced them to render at his mercy Which being so the best advice that can be given to a Soveraign for the preventing of a Revolt or the progress of it is forthwith to make himself master of the field and to fall upon them and their Towns without giving them leasure to increase their numbers or fortifie their Cities For shewing a resolution to force them by Arms if they submit not by fair means is a most powerful way to open the strongest gates whatever Maharbal General of Hannibals horse was not ignorant of this particular when his advice was forthwith to march up to the Gates to Rome after that famous Battel of Cannes telling him that there being hardly any forces at all neer or about the City he would infallibly in a little while become Master of that too Hannibal followed not his Councel but those who perswaded him to give his Souldiers breath but yet every one concluded he lost a most fair opportunity it having been a most easie thing in that conjuncture of time to have carried his victorious Troops to Rome and to have forced the Citizens to set open their Gates unto him Caesar never did so but when ever he found himself master of the field any where presently went on to the perfecting of his Conquest which he could not think compleat whilest there remained any thing undone or any small place untaken The Duke of Savoy enters into a League with the Governor of Milan to fall upon the States of the Duke de Nevers and Mantua WHilest his Majesty was thus ingaged before Rochel and in Languedoc the Duke of Savoy and Doâ—n Joncales de Cordona Governour of Milan seeing the Duke of Nevers had taken possession of the Dutchesse of Mantua and Montferrat made a League together The Articles imported that the Duke of Savoy should indeavour to make himself master of all the places in Montferrat excepting Casal Poâ—t Desture Nice Aqui and some other places and that the Marquesse de Montenigro should fall in upon the State of Mantoua and get what he could there The Emperour being wrought to it by the Spaniards commanded without regard had to the Duke of Nevers submissions which he had sent to him by the Arch-Bishop of Mantua that those Dutchies should be in sequestration until the claim of Prince Gastles who pretended himself heir to them were adjudged and determined and sent the Comte Jâ—an de Nassan in the quality of an Imperial Commissary to seize on them and there to fortifie himself that the King nor Princes of Italy might enter upon it In brief the Duke of Savoy having his Army ready upon the first news of Duke Vincents death seized upon Albe Sainct Damien Dian Trin Gabian and Motecalvo Don Joncales went with his Army to Casal where finding himself opposed he made himself Master of the adjacent places and the Marquesse de Montenigro invaded Mantua to get what advantages he could The Duke of Matnua hereupon dispatched one in all hast unto his Majesty for those succours which had been promised to him and in the mean time he himself had raised an Army of about twelve thousand foot and two thousand horse part he sent into Montferrat the rest he kept in Mantua and thereabouts to binder the Marquesse de Montiningro's progresse in the Mantuâ—â— The King being informed of these violent emotions permitted all Monsieur de Mantua's friends to go to his assistance and his Highnesse to ralse what Forces he thought fit in the Kingdome of France insomuch that shortly after the Marquesse de Beuuron carried with him store of French over the Mountains of Savoy who cast themselves into Cazal and so incouraged the inhabitants that Don
Prudent States-man ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present the former would be much found fault with if he should lose the Wind when it is fair and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World that the advantages of time is the onely thing which if laid hold on carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue Nature observeth her time to put forth her works we never see her bedight with Flowers but when the Sun smiles gently upon her just thus is it with a Prudent man he must strike when the Iron is hot and not strike untill it be hot For this reason it was that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things and it is but truth that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice which was comprehended in two words onely know thy time that is lose not thy opportunity but make sure of it it being certainly true that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground-work of great successes above all an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest before he be fortified and that his other Troops come to joyn with him The valiant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians when he foresaw that if he gave them time Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them which would augment the difficulties to overcome them Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy resolved to prosecute the enemy because his Prudence fore-told him that in case he deferred it their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together and then instead of one Captain and one Army he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes which were to passe the Rhine presently advanced to fight with Anovistus as doubting least if those forces should come up to him he might be too weak to encounter them The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition commits the Government of the State to the Queen his Mother THe King before he departed from Paris would as reason was settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person of whom he was well assured He knew that Kings being out of the way gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir who in their presence durst not think a thought that way tending Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person upon whose Credit Fidelity and Ability he might rely The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother advised his Majesty to fix upon her as he had done at the siege of Rochel though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains it being at that time that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts in perswading the King to devolve his power upon her was that she still was guided by those very persons who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency when they found themselves supported by her authority But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests he did not long stick at it but finding it most fit for the Government of the State he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it For first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other but it would have raised great broils in the State and secondly he had much rather have been thought improvident in fore-seeing that might hurt him then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour lying in his power and lastly he had some reason to hope that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence might open her eyes to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her In fine his Majesty give the Queen his Mother full and absolute power and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose to bee read in the Parliament Politique Observation NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman as to procure some honour to her for as they are naturally passionate of ruling so there is not any thing doth more please them then power It should seem that nature having created them to obey they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too for either of which they are very improper Hence it is that they arm themselves with fire and anger against all who oppose them unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love next to which nothing doth so much please and satisfie them as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them It is a long while since a Philosopher said no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger as good deeds which as they make a greater impression on the mind by how much they come nearer to their inclination so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them and hence it is that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper for the good of the Kingdom by the States met at Paris Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances AT the same time the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown resolved to publish divers Ordinances relating to his peoples good such as he had chosen out of the best rules which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen and by the Assembly at Rouen in the year 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six His Majesty knew that God who had put the Scepter into his hands had not more commanded him any one thing than to administer Justice indifferently to all whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper to pick out from those rules such choice ones as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good to propose them to the Counsel that they might be made Ordinances after mature deliberation had upon them all which was done accordingly and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris whether his Majesty went to hear them read in
to forsake their false and turn unto the true Religion and in case they become obstinate to punish them by the Ax. Heresie is a Crime laesae Majestatis Diviâ—ae and as Heaven hath endued them with no lesse Authority to punish those offences committed against God then those against their own persons so it cannot be doubted that they have an absolute and Just power to punish Heresie with all the severity that it deserveth But however discreet Princes have alwayes used much moderation in this particular because they ever conceived violent means were proper in the first growth and when it might quickly destroy Heresie without any likelihood of its springing up again but that being once spread abroad and increased Rigors and Severities would more fix and confirm it besides the confusions and disorders which would follow in the State by such cruelties and punishments It should seem that for the confirmation of this their judgment the Son of God prohibited his Disciples from picking out the Tares from the wheat which grew together in the field and were hard to be divided it being most certain that it is full as difficult nay no lesse impossible to exterminate Heresie when multiplyed without great confusion even to the State where it is and some trouble to the true Church it self But granting all this to be so yet the Laws of Prudence do not allow of at least whilst a Prince may avoid it that he should grant them any Towns or Places for the excercise of their Heresie for that were to divide his Kingdome to nourish an Enemy in his bosome to foment a Rebellion against himself and to furnish them with arms and means to cut his own throat It is also to give advantage unto strangers who are still fishing in troubled States and hindreth a Prince from assisting his Allyes when their necessities and his own Interests invite him to it and in fine it were to expose himself the true Church and Professors of true Religion unto a thousand affronts and tyrannies That Prince who allows them but weapons submits himself to greater troubles the he is aware of but he who employeth his power to destroy them doth an Act not onely of Religion and Generosity but also of great Prudence and discretion The Kings departure on the fifteenth of January in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and nine towards Piedmont THe same day that his Majesty went to the Pallace to publish his Declaration Ordinances and to cause the Power which he had comitted to the Queen his Mother to be read he likewise departed out of Paris towards Cazal But I may not passe by the observation of a singular act of Prudence in his Majesty who had already advanced the most part of his Forces to Auvergne under the command of Monsieur de Thoyras immediately after the taking of Rochel that be might every day draw them neerer and neerer to the place where he intended to make use of them insomuch that he lost not one hours time upon which he knew the successe of affairs did often depend His Majesty desired to go by the way of Bourgogne and Champagne as well to avoid the sickness which was very hot upon the Road of Lion as also because he had not as yet passed by the Towns of Troyes Dion or Chaal us Where he made his entrance with great Splendour and Magnificence shewing the people by this what respect they were obliged to shew unto him Politick Observation WIse Polititians have not thought it proper for a King to let himself be often seen by the subjects yet they have all concluded it fit that he should visit at least once the principal Cities of his Kingdome This gives them an acquaintance of the people whom they are to governe and the magnificence with which they are accompanied makes impressions of obedience in the thoughts of their subjects Which magnificence doth so much the more contribute to beget respect because the people are often guided by their own sences and Kings ought not to neglect occasions of making themselves reverenced and esteemed The Sun is venerable in our eyes by reason of his lustre and Splendor and with the vulgar nothing doth breed so great a reverence towards the persons of their Princes as the pomp where with they are accompanied whence it comes to passe that many have been of opinion that a King ought not to make himself be feared yet none ever thought but he was obliged to use all means to beget a respect and obedience toward him Humility is a virtue which in this particular is to be dispenced with because the meanuess of his train or reception could diminish the respects of his people and for this reason it is that God hath obliged them to enforce that honour which is due unto them and to maintain themselves in a State correspondent to their Majesty in reference whereunto the wisest Kings would not permit any to approach near their persons but with great respects and seldome would appear in publick but when with great attendance The ancient Kings of the Persians Medes and Judians required their subjects to salute them prostrate on the ground Amongst those of China they are adored like Gods others are served upon the knee and suffer themselves to be seen but seldome and then with great Ceremony too and men do the more readily reverence them in regard God Almighty hath stamped his image upon them for their greater honour and that there is still something in their face that speaks them more than humane The Duke of Lorrain comes to visit the King before his departure and promiseth after his return to come and do him homage for the Dutchy of Bar. WHiles the King was at Chaalous the Duke of Lorrain came thither to wait upon him hoping that by his bare complements civilities he might satisfy his Majesty without doing homage for the Dutchy of Bar which was in his possession by the death of his predecessour The King had often called upon him to do his homage knowing that as God had put the crown upon his head so he was by it obliged no lesse to preserve the Authority which he had given him over stranger Princes then over his own subjects The Duke refused it not but pretended that the Dutchy of Bar belonged to him in chief as also that of Lorrain by virtue of a certain Salique Law which had been likewise confirmed by those of his Family and was yet to be seen amongst his old Record and thereupon would do homage in his own name and not in his wifs to whom really it belonged The King who could not endure injustice would not permit that the Dutchess his wife who had put the Ducal Coronet upon his head should be so dealt with but resolved that either shee should do the homage or he in her name Upon this account it was that he came to assure his Majesty he would suddenly after his return acquit himself of the
the King of Kings and Governour of all Kingdomes His Majesty departeth from Suze towards Languedoc after Cazal and the strong Towns in Montferrat were revictualled HIS Majesty having stayed at Suze as long as was needfull for the securing of those advantages which he had got as also for the conveying of Wheat and all other necessaries into Cazal and the places of Montferrat in case they should be again set upon after his with drawing back he at last resolved to passe through Languedoc His design was onely to bring the revolted Heretiques under obedience who had of late shewed their teeth against him upon all occasions and opportunities whatever Notwithstanding his Majesties Declaration made at Paris as hath heretofore been observed they had made an Assembly at Nisms where they published a sedition manifest by which they indeavoured to represent his Majesties gracious proffers for so many snares to intrap them and that notwithstanding his Kingly word he intended to put them all to the Sword whereupon it was resolved not to lay down their Arms but by and with the consent of the King of England to which effect all they of the Town and Party were to bind themselves by oath which was as much as to say they peremptorily resolved to continue the War as long as ever they could The King of England being troubled for the affront which had been given his forces both at Ree and before Rochel desired nothing more then to see France divided and at War amongst themselves which would be a great dimunition of his Majesties strength and power Monsieur de Rohan had likewise been with the King of England in the behalf of the Assembly to implore his Protection and to let him know that they of his party having built all their hopes upon the expectation of his succours did humbly beseech him not to defer any longer his assisting of them Were not these so many evident signs and tokens of an intended bloudy War for the securing of themselves in those Towns which were strong and in their own powers did they not hope his Majesty would find work enough to be diverted in Italy and that he might neither have time nor power to fall on them or oppose their designs And after all this what reason was there to give any longer way to this rebellious people to fix and root themselves any more in their obstinacies and willfull perversenesse Must not his Majesty in so doing have been defective both in Prudence and Courage But the Cardinal was too industrious to suffer any such blemishes to lie upon his Masters glory so that he perswaded his Majesty that it was now high time to call them to accompt and that he should forthwith set forward to curb in their insolencies and to set bounds to their unlimited Pride and Rebellion Politique Observation REvolts are the most dangerous Convulsions in a State and as in mans body there are Symptoms which are as so many Prognosticks to tell us the event of them so those of States are most commonly accompanied with certain circumstances which give a just cause to fear lest they may end in the ruine of the Kingdomes where they are first born without present remedy to prevent it The wise Pilot when he fore-sees any storms as usually he doth by some secret Winds and I know not what tremblings upon the surface of the Waters provideth himself against they happen and a wise Minister discovering by a revolt such signs which may make him suspect their consequence ought no longer to defer the imploying of his utmost power to divert those mis-fortunes which are threatned Now among â—ll such Prognostications none are more apparently evident then manifest Declaâ—ations unlawfull Assemblies Levies of men keeping of watch in Towns and Ciâ—ies against their natural Prince For these things are indeed the fore-runners of â—aying aside all respect and duty and in some sence the dividing their Kings Authority and his Kingdom too These are manifest Symptomes of a mortal disease which threatneth the State Now as a wise Physitian when once he discovers in his Patient any one or more signs of death doth no longer delay his applying of all necessary preventions So a Minister when he finds any people either resolved or inclined to it is obliged to make use of his masters forces to prevent it and allay such storms in their first growth which if delayed would perchance in danger the whole structure In such occasions he ought to use an extraordinary diligence for if vigilance and care be necessary in such enterprises as are made abroad much more is it in those nearer home especially when it concerneth the keeping of a people inclined to Rebel within the limits of their duty By this means was it that Alexander prevented that general insurrection which was intended in Greece for he appeared there in the head of his Army before there was a word heard of his being upon his march And how much recommended was that vigilance of Rhodoginus King of the Persians who being one day told whilest he was washing of his head of a certain rebellion newly began amongst his people had not the patience to sit until he had made an end but tying up his hair mounted on horse-back to go and take care about it well knowing that Rebellion is like a Viper easily killed in the Birth but much more difficultly overcome if let alone until it gain force and strength The King of Spain treateth with the Duke of Rohan for the raising of more troubles in France THey who have once delivered themselves up to a revolt are easily led into all extremities upon hopes of a good successe Thus was it with the Duke of Rohan he had so much forgot himself as to demand assistance from the King of Spain who glad of any opportunity to trouble the Waters in France caused his Agent de Clauset to be received with honour and assured him of all assistance for which he could reasonably hope A Treaty not long after was concâ—uded in which the Duke of Roâ—an obliged himself to continue in the War in France so long as his Majesty of Spain should think fit and generally to further and defend all the interests and affairs of Spain And lastly that he should not treat or conclude of any League or Peace without his Majestie of Spain's consent and approbation and the King of Spain did reciprocally promise him all manner of assistance particularly that he would pay him down at two payments six hundred thousand Duckets of Gold towards defraying of the charge of the War and to make a diversion in Provence Languedoc Dauphine and other such places as his Catholick Majesty should think most convenient for his interests and designs and besides did grant unto him a Pension of forty thousand Duckets yearly and eight thousand to his Brother the Sieur de Soubize and ten thousand more to be yearly distributed amongst his Officers as he should think fit O most blind
very unsafe for the Publique affairs to advance persons of this temper into high employments Ambition is commendable and deserveth to be cherished when it excites generous Courages to great Actions for the getting of Glory but that which leadeth men to obtain the highest dignities by all nay by any means whatever is as much to be discommended in it self as it is pernitious to the publique good They who are once over-powered by this passion think on nothing but how to advance their Fortunes they are not concerned at any mishaps in the publique provided they obtain what they aime at in their particular affairs what care they to put the State into disorder and trouble if they encrease their own power by it There is not any one person in the whole Kingdome how advantageous or useful soever he be to the General and Publique good whose ruine they will not procure if they apprehend his downful may serve for a Foot-stool to their own advancement The more power they have the more dangerous they are for an accesse of Authority addeth fuel to their fire They care not though to whole world perish so they may but arrive to that pitch which they propose to themselves If any obstacle encounter them Oh! they are all in fury against him whom they suspect to have occasioned it and if they see their fall inevitable it is their proud pleasure to see all fall with them Princes not necessitated by other considerations take a good Course when they bestow honours on them whom they know to be more faithfol to the State then Passionate for their own particulars and on such who study not so much to grow great as to obtain that glory which doth inseperably attend on vertue The King after the taking of Privas prosecuteth his Victory into Languedoc and gains great advantages by it THE siege of Privas being ended his Majesty designed to advance into Languedoc and to visit some other of the Hugonot Towns Those whom he could not reclaim by fair means he resolved to do by force He had already commanded the Chiefest of them to be forraged which had been done accordingly as Montauban Castres Nismes and Millaut and the Marshal d'Estreè being gone to make the Forrage about Nismes had cut off a good party of their Forces who sallied out to hinder him The King no sooner advanced but the Towns of Gorce Vallon Vaguas Sainct Ambroyse and many other of the Sevennes returned to their obedience So without loosing more time he wenâ— before Alâ—ts which he besieged The Duke of Rohan had used his utmost art to perswade the Towns-men to be courageous and had sent them Souldiers there being only two hundred in the Town which was very strong by scituation and Art but as ill luck would have it for those whom he sent it was their mis-fortune to be most of them cut off before they got to the Town which was thus They attempted in the obscurity of a very dark night to break through the Kings Army they had wounded the first Sentinel but the second discharging at them gave the Aâ—larum and the Cardinal who never sleeps but when all is safe came thither in a moment at the head of two hundred Horse and charged them so resolutely that the darkness of the night and the lightness of their own heels was their best security some were however taken and put to death This defeat of their succours and the sad example of Privas wrought upon them in the Town so that they resolved to yeild and accordingly they sent to begg his Majesties pardon which was granted with liberty for the Garrison to withdraw where they pleased This happy successe was of great advantage unto the Kings Forces and did so perplex the Duke of Rohan that he could not tell how to steer his course Some who were well affected unto his Majesties Interests gave notice of the trouble in what Monsieur de Rohan then was and the Cardinal who is sure never to loose any the least occasion of serving his Majesty found means so to work on him that he got him to submit unto his Majesties mercy he represented to him how rash he was in supporting this revolt That nothing but mis-fortune could arrive to him in particular by it for that his Majesty was fully resolved to cut the wings of heresie and Rebellion That he ought in reason to be satisfied with the excercise of his Religion as also those of his party and that returning to his duty he might in time hope to receive those honours which were due to his Birth The Duke hereupon went privately unto his Majesty promised in future to continue Loyal and protested to live in an exact obedience The King freely pardoned him on condition that he should spend some years out of the Kingdome Now he being the head of the party his repentance could not be so closely carried but that many began to perceive it and follow his steps Divers Deputies of the principal Hugonot Towns came in and did the like The rest being allarumed by the happy successe of his Majesties forces fearing to become Subjects of their fury and rage disposed themselves to accept of peace and made divers Proposals for a general accommodation which were brought unto the Cardinal but thought unworthy for the King to grant But the Duke of Rohan having made his accommodation though as yet not publickly known perswaded his Majesty to give him leave to call a general Assembly of the Deputies then at Nisms to be kept at Anduze which was approved and being there met the Duke so dealt with them that they were a little more reasonable in their demands then formerly The Cardinal observing his time so wrought with them though of a fiery harsh and stubborn nature that what by his presence and discourse he at last overcame them insomuch that they relied on his onely word which was that they should have the free exercise of their Religion and enjoyment of their goods Whereupon they resolved to beg his Majesties pardon and to submit themselves to his will and pleasure withall they were contented that their Fortification should be demolished according as his Majesty â—hould command to take off all occasions of any future revolts and to give Hostages for the performance of their promises The King pardoned them and Proclamation was made of the favour his Majesty had granted them which was to the great joy of his Subjects in general and particularly to the satisfaction of the Hugonots themselves Politique Observation THere is no better way to prevent Civil Wars then by disabling those who are discontented from fomenting a party or at least to make sure of their Loyalties And when once a Revolt is on foot no surer way to dissipate it then by winning those who are the Leading men amongst them There ought to be great care had that such men grow not great in the State or if they be already then ought they to be tied
a Deity They knew Heaven would be very severe in punishing those who violated it and they would not only be overwhelmed with Infamie but that it would be of ill consequence to the State considering how true it is that Justice and Fidelity are the two chief things which support the Thrones of all Kings Prosecution of the Subject I Cannot omit the great assistance which the Venetians did this year send unto the Duke of Mantua it being impossible for his Majesties whole Army to have been with him soon enough although some few Troops had already come to him The King had by his Ambassador negotiated those Succours with the Venetians upon the first discovery of the House of Austria's design Now the Venetians were the easier enclined to send these Succours it being their very great Interest to hinder the Spaniards growing power in Italy especially so neer them they having so often and so long had designs upon them Besides they well knew that they had at that present several good Towns and places which formerly belonged to the Dutchy of Milan but had been taken from it by their Common-wealth which peradventure the Spaniard might have a mind to recover from them In conclusion they send divers times Mony Victuals and some Troops unto the Duke of Mantua which did not a little help to preserve him Politique Observation THere is not any thing more dangerous then to suffer a potent Ambitious King to seize on a Neighbour Princes Country by violence seeing his conquest will only serve for a Bridge to the next Kingdome An Ambitious King is like a great River ever eating into it's Banks without regard had either to the Justice or Injustice of his designs When he hath once proposed his end he careth not by what means it is atchieved His chief care is how to make a party in his Neighbours Country how to raise a division which may open an entrance for his Ambitious designs He spareth no cost to corrupt their Officers and Ministers He is like some people in Affrick who sleep with their eyes alwayes open and as he believeth the greatest glory to consist in possessing the greatest empire so he imagineth the design of Command to be a just cause of War If his Forces be not strong enough he bloweth division amongst his Neighbours to make them revolt and maketh use of those who are credulous that he may subject their fellows to his Dominion He winks at Justice not that he may Judg with Equity but that he may not behold if possible the injustice of his own intentions In short there is not any thing which he will not do if it lead him to new conquests Which being thus who can be ignorant of the obligation which lyeth upon all Allyes to assist one another when any attempt is made upon any single Country amongst them The assistance which they lend is a security to their own States and in fighting for him they confirm their own quiet But above all they who are nearest bordering upon one another ought to be careful in this particular because they run a greater hazard When an Army is at our Gates it is little worth then to call upon a relief far from us for great Armies do not flye no they march but slowly and before they can arrive to assist us we are lost and taken He who being unable with his own strength to defend himself calleth in a friend far distant from him is like a sick person who being taken with a sodaine dangerous fit sendeth for an able Physitian to another place twenty miles distant and in the mean time before his Doctor arrives becomes incurable Antiquity hath furnished us with an admirable example of the thing in that of Sâ—gâ—nte which being besieged by the Carthaginians was taken before the relief from Rome could come up to it And of later times the City of Sienna being besieged by the Imperialists was in expectation of the French assistance but to little purpose they being at too great a distance to come up to them In such occasions those Countries neerest at hand are to be employed they being in reason bound to rise in their behalf and hereupon it is that Alliances and Leagues made with them are much more advantageous then any others whatever Prosecution of the History NOtwithstanding that the Treaty of Peace and the Renewing of Alliance between France and England had been concluded in April whilst his Majesty was at Suze yet the final confirmation of it was used to be done by oath and by extraordinary Ambassadors interchangeably sent which Ceremony had been put off until his Majesties return back to Paris from his Italian-Expedition and was now performed in September at Fontain-bleau whither the Lord Esmond came from the King of Britain for that purpose The King caused him to be entertained with very great honour as had been accustomed on such occasions particularly invited him to dine with him at his own Table that day when the Ceremony was celebrated The appointed hour being come he was conducted into the Church of Bourg magnificently prepared for that purpose where the King and all the Princes of the Court wayting on him hear'd Vespers At his entrance he saluted with great respect the King and Queens after which he took his place in a Scaffold made ready for him The King made the oath in his presence and swore upon the Holy Evangelists to observe and perform all the Conditions of the Treaty which he had signed The same oath was made at London the same day with no lesse Ceremony by the King of England in the presence of the Marquis de Chasteauneuf Extraordinary Ambassador there forth at purpose Politique Observation AS Sacraments render Actions the more venerable so have all people thought it fit to confirm their Treaties therewith that Princes might be obliged the more Religiously to observe them But in all times they have been as various as Nations That which was most universally observed was to drink in the same Glasse It is true those of Thracia and Aegypt did not use the same Cup but the same Ox-horn The Jewes used to kill certain Beasts and divide their entrailes The Caldeans passed through certain Flames holding a Sword in their hand to confirm their oaths But the Ceremonies of the Arabians seem to me more extraordinary then all the rest Some eminent Person of the Treaters placed himself in the midd'st and beating his hand with a sharp stone drew bloud which was gather'd up with some part of their Cloths wherewith they besmeared seven other stones about which they stood invocating the names of Denis Vrania The Scythians mingled blond with Wine dipp'd their Arrows their Hatchet and Javelins in it with several Protestations of Fidelity and then drank it up causing the witnesses of their oath to do the same The Romans were accustomed to call their Great Priest who raised an Altar of Turf placed a Hog on it which he smit with a
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
but of his Servants who had perswaded him to it and that he was so much the more obliged to return with speed because all Europe would blame him in case the Emperor and Spaniard should make any great progresse in Italy whilst his Majesty stayed at Paris in Expectation onely of his comming thither The Cardinal also considering how lately he had obliged Marillac by procuring the Marshals staffe for him could not suspect any double dealing from him whereupon he very earnestly recommended this one thing more to him that he would testifie to Monsieur how desirous he was to serve him and to assure him that next to the preservation of his Masters favour he had not any greater ambition the of being known for his most humble and faithful Servant But he instead of performing any tittle of this second Commission no lesse important for the good of France then the former only discoursed to him of the great power this Grand Minister had in the Kingdome concerning the many strong places in his Government of the great Expences he made and those vast benefits which the King bestowed on him he well knew this to be the only way to provoke him unto Jealousie and to encrease those disgusts which he had already conceived against him which were still fomented by those who were about him Indeed he did not quite forget to tell him that the Cardinal recommended his very humble service to him but Monsieur asking whether he would passe his word for performance of it replied No by which and the like answers he raised so great a distrust against him that it was impossible to perswade him to return to his Majesty until the Cardinal had passed the Alpes Politique Observation PRudence and Fidelity are two of the most necessary qualities in a person imployed in Negotiation of Affairs The former to serve the second to prevent all disservice to him who employeth He who transacteth any affair without Prudence is like a Workman without Art well may he have his Tools but he knows not how to use them and just as a Workman marrs his subject matter if he know not what form to give it so doth an Imprudent Negociator ruin both publique and private affairs committed to his charge and care for Prudence ought to be his guide the Conduct of his thoughts and words and the square by which he ruleth his Actions without it there is not the least hope of a good successe Now although this vertue be thus and thus necessary yet fidelity is in some sort much more By fidelity I mean a firm constancy and an unalterable resolution to serve them who set him on work Without this all the Abilities and Prudencies in the world are not worth one Rush For admit Prudence inlightneth his Soul yet fidelity is that which guideth his desires though Prudence tell him what are the fittest wayes to obtain the end of his Commission yet it is fidelity which preserveth him from turning either to the right or left after any particular advantages and if Prudence preventeth him from being cheated and deceived yet still fidelity defendeth him from all by Interests Fidelity teacheth all men that a Negociator ought not to look upon what lyeth in his power but upon what his faith obligeth him which is the inviolable preservation of his Interests who employeth him and that with so sacred a respect that no passion prevail upon him to divert him from it Breach of Trust is a fault so much the more odious in a Negotiator because publique affairs are entrusted with his integrity Now for the choise of such persons most fit for this kind of employment I am of opinion that they who are of an indifferent Temper and of an approved honesty are much more proper then refined crafty men The former are much more capable of a true affection They will at least stick close to every tittle in their Instructions and return a right and exact accompt of the State of affairs where they are sent Whereas the latter are apt to refine every thing and to imagine that only to propose what they are commanded is too little They are commonly addicted to ingage themselves in a thousand things if they concur with their particular inclinations or Interests instead of adhering barely to that which is given them in charge Monsieur 's Pension is augmented THE Cardinal was well informed of the many devices used by Monsieur's Creatures to divert him from that esteem which he ever had of his Services neither was he defective in using his utmost care to give him all satisfaction and content whereby he might oblige him to return for he evidently foresaw that strangers might raise advantages from these our intestine broyles whereupon although he could not serve him in making up his Match with the Princesse Marie a thing so passionately by him desired in regard the Queen Mother opposed it with all her Interest yet he procured his Majesty to encrease his Revenue by granting him the Dutchyes of Valois and Chartres and one hundred thousand Livres per annum augmentation out of the Exchequer which was two thirds more then the Revenue of all the Princes of France that had ever yet been and withal so wrought with his Majesty that he promised him the Command of the Army of Champagne and Government of the adjacent Provinces to Paris in case the Queen Mother went into Italy with his Majesty as she gave out she would The King made some difficulty of encreasing his Revenue because he had so often found him capable of evil Counsels which made him misdoubt lest he might employ them only in raising new Broyles in the Kingdome But the Cardinal whose admirable soul foreseeth all remedies proposed to his Majesty which he very well approved that whenever he should so do his Rents and Revenews should be seized to his Majesties use Monsieur was acquainted with these affairs and withal told he was now obliged to be satisfied and contented in case he did only design to live within the limits of respect and obedience seeing his Majesty had given him sufficient to live like a Prince and to satisfie his smaller diversions And he being by nature and of himself well enough inclined to live in obedience and order accepted of it and accordingly his accomodation being thus made he promised his Majesty that he would very sodainly return into France Politique Observation Concerning the * Revenues for life only the remainder being in the Crown Appanages of the Princes of the Blond IT is very dangerous to allot any chief Provinces for Appanage to the Princes of the Blond Their Birth renders them great enough neither need they any additions of Honour especially such which may serve them to make revolts which commonly draw their ruine with them if their Kings rule as they ought to do If they demand them for security they may be answered that they ought to expect none but from their own obedience and their Kings bounty
Their weakness is the Kings strength neither can they increase but his must diminish He who intrusteth them with power raiseth a dangerous enemy against himself The Sun is but one and all the Stars receive their light from him yet upon condition that he may at his pleasure deprive them again of that splendour just so is it with Princes their greatnesse proceedeth from the King and he may despoil them of all their honour in a moment if once they recede from the due respect they owe unto him The Riches which he bestoweth on them are for the discharging of those expences which are proper for persons of their eminency not for the upholding of Factions and abetting of Revolts What advantage did Charles of France take in Normandy given to him for Appanage towards making a War against Lewis the Eleventh his Brother And the States assembled at the same time at Tours did much admire his Majesty would so give it to him but advised him to recall it and grant him onely an Annual Revenue some in Lands and some in Pension in lieu of his Appanage Who did ever bring into so many eminent dangers as the Appanages of Berry and Bourgogne Were not these two Provinces the retreats of all discontents Were not the Courts of those two Dukes the Forges where all the Thunderbolts that were afterwards thrown about the Kingdom were formed and contrived Were not there the springs of all dissentions discontents and civil wars And were not they the persons who brought in the Kings of England and Dukes of Britain onely to favour the designs of their Ambition The Cardinal is declared Generalissimo of the Kings Armies in Italy THe spirit of division which had till then kept Monsieur from the King gave great hopes to the enemies of the State to advance their designs in Italy They doubted not of inflaming a civil War in France which might so divert his Majesties Armies that he could not have the leisure to come up to them a second time The Duke of Lorain offered Monsieur as many forces and money as he could desire and the Duke of Savoy who never yet escaped a broil sent twice to him to complain that he being so much his servant he should take any other country for his retreat and to offer him his with protestation of quitting the Soveraign authority to him nay that he would even forsake it to make him absolute Master thereof as also of himself and children to be disposed at his Will and Pleasure These Offers were sufficient to have charmed any Soul had he been at that time so distrustfull as after he was but he rather chose to follow those just reasons which the King had proposed to him and to submit himself to his pleasure All that forraign faction was wonderfully surprised at the news of his accommodation and the Cardinal who stayed his Army from advancing into Italy onely in expectation of his return perswaded his Majesty no longer to defer his resolution that the Spaniards might not make any further progresse The King desired to go in person he being too couragious to entertain himself in a Chamber whiles his Armies were in the field But the Cardinal who foresaw that the unseasonableness of the time might indanger him advised him to stay some time and offered himself to undertake that imployment The King received this Proposition as an assured testimony of his fidelity but such so tender was his affection to him that he could hardly be perswaded to part with him he being as much grieved to consent to his departure from him as he was heretofore joyed for his return as was seen by all the Court at Rochel Privas and Fountainbleau Yet at last his Majesty knowing how important the assisting of Monsieur de Mantua was as also how much the glory of his Armies and Authority were concerned in it could not intrust them with any but the Cardinal who was not onely the chief Minister in his Counsels but also the greatest Commander in his Kingdom He knew in what reputation he was amongst strangers what Courage his presence infused into the Souldiery Of his Prudence he was assured having oftentimes seen his Enemies Plots discovered by him prevented before ever they were ready to be put in execution His good conduct too he could not be ignorant of he having by often experiment found it to be exact and excellent and such as was to be preferred before any other In fine he could not doubt of Victory whilest his Army was incouraged by so brave a Commander These were the reasons which induced his Majesty to give him that command of Generalissimo As soon as he had received his Commission he departed from Paris being about the latter end of the year which his Majesty intended to celebrate by as famous an Act as he began it As great exploits beget emulation so some there were who muttered that such an imployment should be conferred on a Cardinal an Ecclesiastical person but they betrayed their own ignorance who knew not that History affords us divers examples of several Cardinals who at sundry times have commanded Armies Spain in the time of King Alphonsus made use of the grand Cardinal Albornoz who followed him through the midst of the most bloudy Battels Then Ferdinand and Isabella imployed the great Cardinal Ximenes General of their Armies in Affrick Italy hath had many Cardinals out of the families of the Colonni the Vitilesci the Câ—râ—â—ffi the Fregosi who have shewed their valour in Armies that we might know that as the Romans with their long Robes did heretofore Conquer the greatest part of the Universe so that that habit was not inconsistent with Victories Besides the ignorance of those Censurers could not bee excused seeing they knew how that the ancient Laws of this Kingdom do oblige several of our Bishops to follow his Majesty in person to the Wars as also that they are bound to it by the Tenures of their Temporal Estates It is to be seen in Hugon and the Chronicle of St. Dennis in the year 1209. that Philip Augustus being at War with the English called upon all the Bishops to accompany which they did accordingly and afterwards that the Bishops of Orleans and Auxerre seeing the King was not there returned back again they pretending themselves not obliged to it unlesse when the King were there in person The King seized upon their Temporal Estate which they complaining of at Rome could have no other redress but that they ought to obey his Majesty the Pope being unwilling to break the customes of the Kingdom neither were they restored to the enjoyment of their goods untill they had payed their Fines for it In the same manner I have seen an Act of the Bishops of Auxerre dated in the year one thousand two hundred twenty and two by which he confessed himself obliged to send to the War of the Albigeois being unable to go thither in person by reason of his
infirmity and another injunction made to the Bayliffs in the year thirteen hundred and four commanding all Prelates and Ecclesiasticks who were bound to attend his Majesties service that they should be ready to wait on his person These examples may serve to demonstrate that Prelates have heretofore been accustomed to serve our Kings so that there cannot be any just exceptions made against their following of his Majesty in Arms. Politique Observation THe General of an Army being the second person of a Kingdom had need be indued with all the qualities necessary to the King himself but those which do most contribute to his glory and the good successe of the Armies under his command are Prudence Courage and Reputation Prudence is like the eye which beholds those things that are proper to be done and what is fit to be commanded Courage is that which executeth them and Reputation is like the soul in couragious Battels which gives motion to the Souldiers with so extraordinary a generosity that it is easie to know when they are commanded by a General in whom they have a confidence Prudence is necessary for him to deliberate with judgment what is sound and fit and to command them to good purpose which teacheth him to keep his Army in good order which acquainteth him with the humour and disposition not onely of those Officers who command under him but likewise of his Souldiers that he may the more readily know how to command them upon his designs which teacheth him the observation of military Laws which helpeth him to foresee and prevent great dangers which gives him means to judge of Treaties and make advantages of them as occasion shall happen which furnisheth him with resolution to prosecute his designs with courage of mind to bear mis-fortunes and with moderation in good successe These are some of those effects of that Prudence which is requisite in a General I could add a thousand other subjects in which it is needfull but for the present I shall onely say in general terms that Prudence ought to be the rule by which he squareth all his actions Thus did the Egyptians acknowledge it for an inseparable companion of command whiles they represented it by an eye placed over a Scepter If a General have need of Prudence surely Courage is no lesse necessary for him that he may break through all obstacles which may happen for the assaulting of his enemies with rigour that he may adventure upon dangers without fear that himself may be in the fights and that in his own person he may lead up his forces to infuse the greater resolutions in them It is not that he should rashly run into dangers but to look them in the face and to send others on without apprehension of fear It is an errour in young men who think that a General cannot be couragious unlesse he run madly into dangers that were rather fury and would procure him the discredit of being rash rather then the honour of being couragious If he had an heart without judgement to what purpose were it He being the Soul of War and others lives depending on his he is bound to preserve himself for the preservation of others Not that he ought to be absent when orders are to be given or his Souldiers incouraged but that he ought not to run headlong into the heat of the Battel unlesse when he finds the Victory wavering and that his example is requisite to renew the courage of his Souldiers and to carry the day by some extraordinary attempt In such occasions he may adventure himself else not His staffe of command being to force others on and the Sword in the Souldiers hand to execute his commands Lastly Reputation is requisite in a General for without it the Souldiers have not any confidence in him whereas when they once esteem him it intitles him to a greater power over them then any other thing when they shall have oftentimes seen him break through dangers they will not flinch at any thing The Sun his vigour maketh all things the more fruitfull and it is most certain that the reputation of a General is that which makes him more resplendant amongst his forces and adds a great life to his commands The Souldier moves but by halfs under a low spirited Commander and is hardly perswaded to any extraordinary enterprises He seems onely to have Arms for his own defence but when his Commander is a person of reputation it is far otherwise I am of the same judgement with him who said Opinion hath so great an Empire that it governs the whole world at least it is so far true for that virtue her self would have but small authority in commanding without being beholding to her Thus an ancient and that wisely held that the happinesse of successe was the daughter of authority and of the reputation of great men The End of the First Book THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Second Part. Anno 1630. IF Antiquity hath made Afrique to passe for one of the most wonderfull Countries of the World because it every day produceth something which is both new and Monstrous I am most confident that this years History will enforce the judgments of those who shall consider it to confesse that Europe runs the same Parallel and the extraordinary diversity which is here met with is ground enough for it seeing every Sun brings to light somewhat which is not common and seems to give a new face to all State affairs Bellona sets all parts on fire with the flames of War Peace endeavoured which all it's might to extinguish it in Italy Honour and disgrace breed strange effects Ingratitude will cause us to behold such Monsters that the Age to come will want faith to believe the qualities of them Love and hatred will a like strenuously act their parts The Stars of Heaven in their malignities one against t'other seem to conspire the ruin of Nations and Armies In a word there is not any one thing which a man may call strang or unheard of but I find acted to the life in this years compasse not to say in Europe but even in France it self If should seem that Heaven which cannot justly be more admired at for any thing then that of its various twinking lights the Stars is sometimes delighted to shew us an extraordinary diversity in Negotiations of States and partly to afford those who govern fit opportunities to testifie their Prudence to the World The Divine wisdom permits their Splendor to be somtime Eclipsed with thick clouds which are soon after dissipated and blown over to make their light appear the more glorious Such is the condition both of Kingdoms and particular men that they are both equally subject to the changes of Fortune But as the wise and prudent Pilot saves and keeps his vessel in the greatest and most violent storm not losing his judgment either at the flashes of lightning or the claps of Thunder which
birth which was every day apparent by her conduct whilest shee had the management of affairs as also because she every day fancied to her self that she did see Forrainers enter into France with their Swords in their hands burning and killing all and turning the State topsie-turvie These Panique fears made her earnestly desire to see the King and because the wayes were difficult for one of her sex to passe she dispatched one to his Majesty beseeching him with all earnestness that she might have the honour to see him The King who took a most particular care to render her all respects and compliances which might be agreeable to her presently departed from the Camp at St. Pierre to give her this satisfaction though for the good of his own affairs and for his health's sake it had been more proper to have deferr'd it to a more seasonable time It cannot be imagined how many artifices the Queen Mother imployed to stay him at Lyons without considering the news which came from the Army how that many of the Souldiers believing the King would not return any more had disbanded the very same time that they perceived his Majesty went from thence and by this means did put the successe of affairs in hazard for that the Companies were diminished to nothing Politique Observation WOmen are capable of ruining the most important affairs in a State if they have but power to execute their passions History is pregnant with examples which verifie the many evils they have caused whilest the Government of Kingdomes hath been in their hands Fear which is natural to their sex takes them off from approving the Wars be they never so just be they never so necessary for the glory and advancement of the State Their Conduct is founded more upon Passion then Judgment and they look not into any Reasons caring not so they may arrive to the end of their designs and not at all reflecting on the consequences which attend it There is not any blast of wind or flames like the Passion of a Woman especially when shee is filled with hatred as the Queen Mother was who would have been very glad to have seen the Cardinal perish in this design and which shee hoped to see if his Majesty did but leave him there alone The Resistance which they find against their wills serves to augment their hear and the very contradition converts their designs and desires into fury whence an Antient very wisely said that Womens Counsel is not to be made use of in Publique affairs but as Medicines to which a man hath recourse in extream necessity and when all other means fail The Queen Mother continueth her anger against the Cardinal THE King had too much knowledge and experience to be moved by all the Instances made to him so that he departed three dayes after to return to St. John de Morienne But the Queen Mother was aggrieved thereat so much the more sensible by how much shee had earnestly desired to stay him neer her And the Lord Keeper who omitted no occasion to exasperate her mind against the Cardinal raised thence great advantages to infuse into her Spirit new resentments of hatred and anger against him The displeasure which he conceived in his particular to see the War was carried directly against the Spaniard whom he had alwayes openly favoured raised up new inventions in his mind to stir up the anger of this great Princesse entertaining her in all those thoughts which might serve to reinflame her The opinion which he had of his own judgment and of his own thoughts which he adored as so many revelations with held him from stooping to the Cardinals prudent conduct Though discretion and the acknowledgment which he was obliged to shew of that high Honour to which he had raised him should have perswaded him that he had strong Reasons importing the good and glory of the Estate which carried him on to continue the War Politique Observation IT is very dangerous for a States-man who hath any share in the Government of affairs under the conduct of the Chief Minister to be too much wedded to his own opinions All the Orbes follow the motion of the Primum Mobile and as we should soon see the World revolve into it's first Chaos if they should clash so can there follow nothing but confusion in Kingdomes when the inferior Ministers would carry on affairs by wayes contrary to those of the Chief He wants Judgment who doth not accomodate himself to the principal Genius which hath the ordering of all affairs and deserves as much blame as Fabius Maximus who almost overthrew the Commonwealth of Rome by opposing himself with too much violence against Scipios expedition into Affrique It is good to conform ones self to the opinion of those who guide the Stern and though it be permitted us to give some Place to our own thoughts neverthelesse it never ought to arrive to that height as to hinder us from following their resolutions or paying them our respects and endeavours It is true the Prudence of a States-man is too remisse who makes himself indifferent to all he ought to resemble a skilful musician who sometimes sets up one string and le ts down the others But however if he depend upon another he is obliged to follow rather his then his own Judgment not forgetting that his degree is inâ—eriour and that in diversity of opinions submission and to know to how to yeild are Marks of a wel-tempered soul and that the most generous spirits are the most universal and the readiest disposed to all that another would have This condiscending not being an effect of debility but of Respect whereas obstinacy and perverseness in maintaining ones opinion is a dangerous sickness of the mind and more proper to Pedants then to persons of affairs The establishment of the * The yearly râ—nt payd by the Officers of Justice to the King Droict Annuel THe care which the Cardinal had of Forraign affairs never took off his thoughts from the concernments within the Kingdome The late King Henry the Great haviâ—g hatched grand designs for the glorâ— of Frâ—nce had occasions for monies and thought it necessary to establish the Droict Annuel Hence he raised great sums but prejudicial to the people because it gave way to all Officers of Justice and of the Treasury to keep the free disposal of their Offices they paying every â—eâ—r a certain Tax to the * A Treasâ—ry â—o calleâ— from the Casualty of the â—ncomes Parties Casuelles and the liberty to continue the Sale of Offices which were introduced since the time of Francis the first who finding himself obliged to make a Vertue of Necessity was constrained to create many Officers which were continued from the time of Henry the second who created the Sieges Presidiaux and many other Officers which have remained even to this present The Cardinal who had no other end in the Honour which the King had done him to continue
him in the conduct of the most important affairs of the Kingdome them the Reformation and re-establishment of the State did not fail at the end of the foregoing year to represent to his Majesty that it was not only important but almost necessary to take away that power of Sale and consequently to suppresse the Troict Annuel upon which it hath it's principal dependance And his Majesty did so much the more approve of his resolution because he found nothing in the Cardinals Counsels which was not as admirable as profitable to France Politique Observation THE Sale of Offices is one of the greatest mischiefs in a State Ambition never faâ—ls to raise them to an excessive price which causeth that al the Honours of the Kingdome serve rather for a recompense of riches then of vertue It takes away from Kings the power of chusing Officers which are the Organs whereby Justice is distributed to their subjects it casts the greatest Courages into despair when they find themselves reduced to Poverty see others occupy the place of vertue and that the most glorious Actions to which they could aspire shall not be able to raise them out of the dust Is not that it which gives subsistance to such a number of Officers who-instead of serving do but oppresse the people Is not that it which hinders the suppression of a great number and reducing of them to a smaller which might be the hundreth part of what now are and yet sufficient for the Kings service and the good of the people With how many pensions doth it overcharge the Kings exchequer and the sum which is imployed in their pay is it not immense But this Sale of Offices is not only a charge to the Publique since particular persons suffer extreamly much by it The hopes they conceive of the continuation of the Droict Annuel incourageth them to buy their Offices at so high a rate that the very richest are beggard by it If they continue any long time in their Offices the expences to which they are tyed to live with some Splendour undoes them and their Children are so far from drawing any advantage from it that they are commonly left if not in absolute poverty yet in much want Many are constrained to sell them off during their lives for the accomodation of their families and to divide the money among their Children and it is as much as any if he be none of the richest can do to maintain one of his Children in the succession of his Offices leaving all the rest in a necessity of living below their qualities The suppression of the Droict Annuel in regard of the Officers of Iustice re-established by the King THese just considerations being represented to the King by the Prudence of the Cardinal induced his Majesty ever since the beginning of the year to suppresse the Droict Annuel in relation to the judicature which are more considerable then the rest that so by little and little death might extinguish a great part of the Offices and take away the venality without any great prejudice to the Officers themselves For he had resolved to allow the Survivances to those who had long lived in their charges with Honour Or if they were taken away by death to grant their Offices to such of their Children as should be found capable or in case they left none able to manage them to cause that such as should succeed should allow some recompense unto them thus restoring to the State by little and little the accomplishment of its perfection But these Officers made so great instance to his Majesty for the Continuation of the Droict Annuel being therein like the sick who flatter themselves in their diseases and will not apprehend the danger to which they expose themselves that he was obliged to continue it for 9 years longer but burthened with such extraordinary charges that they would find difficulty to pay them whereby they might enjoy the favour granted to them by the Declaration made in June and be staggered another time to desire the continuation of it The King would not absolutely discontent the Body of Officers who do at this day constitute the greatest part of his Kingdome But his Prudence sound it fit so to burden this condition that the greatest part should renounce the benefit which he accorded them to free themselves from the charges Besides the immense expence of the War did incline him to this resolution for his supply Necessity obliging to do that which otherwise he would not do Politique Observation IT is with men as with the sick We must not administer neither to one or t'other the remedies proper to their disease without regard to the disposition of their humour because they may sometimes be so stirred in the discontentments which they receive that their sickness would rather encrease then receive any abatement The most commendable Counsels which are given upon the General consideration of affairs become oftentimes hurtful by reason of some circumstance which may happen The most that can be done in such occasions is to put the business into such a state that that which is needful to be done suffer but a simple delay conserving still the liberty of executing counsels in a more favourable time It hath been often seen that States have been cast into extremity and sedition by attempting any unreasonable reformation It is not of smal importance to content the Officers when they are so numerous as they are in France They are they who keep people in obedience who have power to enforce obedience to the Laws They are the Directers of the civil Government in all Towns and by Consequence the commotions which might be stirred up in their breasts by any extraordinary discontent though taken up upon a false ground would be as dangerous as a violent heat which doth seize upon the Heart the Liver or any other vital parts The Kings return from St. John de Morienne into France A Little while after his Majesties arrival at St John de Morienne he was seized on by 2 or 3 fits of a Fever which gave occasion to the Cardinal to doubt lest his Majesty might fall into some more dangerous sicknesse And as one never ought to hazard the Person of a King who is the Soul of his State the heart which distributeth the Spirits of life by the Arteries unto all parts the Liver which giveth nourishment to all and the principal of all others good fortune so the Cardinal entreated his Majesty with so many instances to retire himself from that abode which was neer hand infected all over with the pestilence and return to Lyon where he would find a good ayr and ease from those great Cares which the War had ingaged him to take upon himself that at last he did accordingly resolve to return and arrived there about the beginning of August The Cardinal in the mean time could not think of quitting the Army so soon foreseeing that should he have gone with his
about with fury It snatcheth away all fears and there is not any thing which it doth not perswade and lead him to The Events of War are incertain and it is in fights as in other affairs of the World sometimes he who negotiateth findeth himself reduced in certain conjunctures to put himself upon an eminent hazard of losing all to gain all the advantage to himself so he who in a combat would carry away all the glory by a high hand doth often see it reaped by his enemies for that he attempted to reduce them to too great an extremity The King falls very sick and disposeth of his State-affairs DUring the Treaty God Almighty who hath not made Princes of any other temper then other men permitted the King to fall into a violent disease the issue whereof being incertain put the affairs of the Kingdom into a strange confusion But as all the sicknesses wherewith he doth afflict men are not to destroy them his love alwaies guiding and conducting the order of humane affairs so he would not deprive France of a King who was so necessary for them nor the Church of her eldest son who fought for her Liberty He restored him his health and imployed the sickness to let him know that he was liable to the Laws of humane frailty as well as the least of his subjects He gave him this occasion to make known that vertue and extraordinary Piety wherewith he had invested his Soul His Courage evidenced to all the World that he did not fear death but considered it as an easie passage from the miseries of this life to the eternal happinesses of Heaven his thoughts were not fix'd upon any thing but how to render his Soul worthy of the divine mercy which he did hope to obtain The onely regret which he testified was not the leaving his Crown but the having committed offences which humane weaknesse cannot avoid and for which he desired pardon of God which all bathed in his tears he begged those who were present to assist him in Politique Observation KIngs are not exempted by the lustre of their Crowns from the necessities either of sicknesse or death If their Birth and Scepter have advanced them sicknesse and death render them equal The greatest part of adversities do not spare them at all during their lives But it should rather seem on the contrary that the greatnesse of their birth hath obliged them to undergo the greater afflictions The divine Prudence having so ordain'd it to let them know they are but men The valiant Alexander bewitched with his Conquests suffered himself to be perswaded by his flatterers that he was of the Race of the Gods and he was not undeceiv'd of this presumptuous opinion untill he was wounded and saw the blood run down from his wound There is indeed nothing more ordinary with great men then to forget themselves amidst those extraordinary respects which are payd to them God hath left them subject to the same afflictions with the rest of men which serve as so many calls to advertise them that their Felicity is not on earth and that their Kingdom is but a place of exile where God hath left them liable to the same inconveniences That true greatness doth not so much consist in the power to do whatsoever one would as in the will to do what one ought That it is blindness to measure their power by the licentiousness of satisfying their Passions and that the greatest Princes in subjecting all things have first subjected themselves to reason shewing in all their actions that though they could do any thing yet they would attempt nothing but what were fit and worthy of Gods Lieutenant that greatnesse doth not acquit them from well-doing but on the contrary as it hath furnished them with more opportunities so more is expected from them that their surest Revenue is the good and love of their people and that they ought not so much to fear to suffer evil as to do evil The gentleness of the Cardinal towards his Enemies THe Kings sicknesse produced several occasions by which the Cardinal perceived but with great grief the extremity of the hatred which the Queen Mother had conceived against him which made him redouble his care to do all things which might render him agreeable to his spirit There was no one quality or thing able to beget good will in the hearts of men with which he did not study to furnish himself that he might render himself deserving of the honour of his Majesties good favour Good Offices make a man acceptable and it cannot be related with how much Passion he imbraced his Majesties Interests We usually love them that love our relations and the Cardinal had so great a desire to pleasure his Majesty that forgetting all the injuries which he had received from the Marshal de Marillac he got ten thousand Crowns to be presented to him and a Command given him equal with that of the Marshals of Force and Schomberg to go to the relief of Cazal It is impossible to hinder our wills from loving them who love us it being very true that there is no stronger charm to oblige others to love us then our first loving them Now there is not any person can better testifie them the Queen Mother her self and those who were neer her both at Lyon and in her return to Paris how much zeal and affection the Cardinal vowed protested and shewed to her in a thousand actions which concern'd her service Great submissions reclaim the most brutish natures Now nothing could be added to those which the Cardinal made to his Majesty at Lyon and in the same journey to Paris when he begged his pardon in behalf of his most just intentions as if they had been most grievous offences and in such a manner as was able to allay the fury of a Lyon Was it needfull to imploy so many cares to use so much industry to make him be beloved who was the chiefest of men and the most amiable Those eminent qualities wherewith the Creator of the Universe hath inriched him as a Master-piece of his Power and which he form'd but once in six ages and so many glorious exploits which have immortalized his honour are not these I say such efficacious charms that it is impossible to see him and not to love him It is true that they were sufficient to have wrought upon any spirit which had not been cemented in its Passion for above two vears together And though it were so he for his part did never forget any of those things which are imagined to be capable of re-estating himself in her good thoughts The ordinary discourse with which he entertained her was that he could never do enough to recover that place which he had heretofore had the honour to possesse in her good opinion and to confesse and acknowledge to her those great favours for which he was still ingaged to her though indeed and by the strict Laws of Equity
sorts of wickednesses which are not powerful enough to entertain the minds of women especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies The greediness of absolute command hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge then any other cause whatsoever without this consideration that God hath not created their Sex for Government and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions that they are very unfit for that purpose But as Ambition is a blind Passion we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers when they think to increase their Authorities and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute The great Qualities of the Cardinal ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd the good success which accompanied his Conduct of his Armies the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued with which he did penetrate into what was to come and foresaw effects in their Causes and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State that though he gave Orders in the greatest yet he never forgot the least and that prodigious promptitude which produc'd effects from resolution in Counsel before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies and one may say they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles In effect that was the cause of the King 's going from Paris and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her Politique Observation THe King well knew that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advantagious to a State as his services have been profitable and that in it a Prince receives as much blame as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments wherewith he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke might rebound against his Authority He ought to know that it is easie to blame those who govern and to lament their Conduct and that many more find it very perfect and compleat seeing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses There need no more but to consult with experience to evince that it is very difficult to find a great Genius on whose Prudence they may confidently rely for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unusefull for that their Country produc'd none such in their times He who is so happy as to meet with one ought to preserve him with as much care as the most assured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels for the only losse of an expert great Captain And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister his only conservation is of greater importance then that I will not say of Towns but of whole Provinces for he is not only capable of regaining them but conquering new ones whereas the losse of him is irrepairable for that hardly many ages produce one that doth resemble him Why the King went from Paris and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac to be Arrested THe King went from Paris only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs and to withdraw himself from those importunities not to say violences of the Queen-Mother In whose presence the respect which he had for her hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her His Majesty knew that it was necessary for the good of his Estate to chastise those contrivers of Intreagues and on the other side he cemented himself in an unalterable resolution which being an effect of his own onely Prudence acquired him so much the more Glory never to part from the Cardinal Now it was often seen that these Cabals had no other beginning then from the Lord Keeper and the Marshal de Marillac therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil causing him to be carried to Lysieux and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg to arrest the t'other and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours who had been so audacious to commit such offences between the King and Queen-Mother and to breed a division between their Majesties which keeps them at a dislaâ—â—e to this very day Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition which made them aspire to the Government of the State by the destruction of him who had established it in so sublime a pitch of Glory that it is not only more honoured but more feared too by strangers Again could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt and to punish their devices which they used with the Queen-Mother to carry her on to the ruining of him by whose Counsel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession winking at their unworthy actions which had heretofore rendred them culpable and by which they made their first attempts His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector when in their conduct there was just reason to complain of them And on the other side when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude he could no longer permit that one of them should be any more imployed in affairs or that the other should remain unpunished for those many Crimes of
which he had often been accused So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches who would have ruined the Genius of France by accusing him of Ingratitude It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice to cause those evills to fall upon them which they would pull down upon him and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes which they would falsely lay to his charge Politique Observation THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude which renders men so much the more blame-worthy for that they are impeached by good Offices An infamous life hath three steps first to forget kindnesse secondly not to recompence them the third to render evil for good The first is the effect of a great neglect The second may sometimes proceed from a want of ability But the third can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice So though the first cannot be excused yet it may be born with The second was in so great detestation by the Egyptians that they caused such as they found culpable to be proclaimed by the City-Crier to the end that no one might afterwards do them any kindness thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him But the third hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men that they thought only death was fit to expiate it that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor a Traitor being only to blame for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise but by the obligations and favours which he had received At least the most moderate of men could never indure it seeing they are like those vapours which the Sun having exhaled from the earth do indeavor to obscure his splendour They deserve to be punished especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State as here they were when they attempted this destruction who next to the King was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister who is the first instrumental cause by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory as striking at the very person of the King himself I should much blame that Minister who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon and there are others amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires vengeance Mercy is not contrary to Justice but Justice is governed by Mercy which serves forâ—ts guide Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of It is more noble in a King to pardon then to execute the rigour of Justice but it must be to such persons whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse then from black detestable Villany A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua DUring his Majesties sicknesse and their beginning of these Intreagues the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid The Duke of Savoy Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany that the Sieur de Leon who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals with Letters from the Sieur de Leons and an expresse promise from the Emperour that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat with consent that the Town Castle and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands This was as much as could be desired for the foundation but the circumstances how to do it were difficult it being agreed by the Treaty that the Emperour would invest the said Duke only within six weeks and that fifteen daies after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua and the King of Spain his from Cazal and other places of Montferrat This did much trouble the Generals because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army before the Spaniards would leave Cazal which stay they could hardly make because the Plague was very rife in the Army and they had victuals but for certain days these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up before half the time were elapsed which should they have done the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal who had not subscribed to it with their usual designs because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got whenever the Treaty should be brought These just considerations were debated by the Generals who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it so they resolved not to regard it but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal The Spaniards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French who at the first onset fight like Lyons They presently sent back Mazarini who had brought them the news to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace and that to put it in execution they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Cittadel of Cazal But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear concluded especially the Marshal of Schomberg that they should presently advance to Cazal thinking that their appearance only would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith without staying till the end of the two moneths which was accorded by the Treaty Politique Observation IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace which may have an assured end in a place far distant from Armies whilest they are enemies Great distance maketh many things be unknown in point of particular Circumstances and of the present State of the Armies which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance as with Astrologers who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven perceiving only that which is most apparent in them without being able to observe many particular Qualities So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs without the exact knowledge of all which nothing can be certainly resolved on which shall surely be put in execution It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him with whom a man doth treat but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage if that be omitted there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another
he treated in Piedmont and Savoy the fidelity wherewith he had guided himself in those Treaties wherein he had been imployed since the beginning of the War The intelligence of Forraign affairs which had made him happy and considerable in several encounters The good order which he kept in the Army whilest he was super-intendent of Justice and the eloquence which he had testified in his younger daies in several Charges Now that so many good qualities might not be let lie without honour and so many noble actions without reward his Majesty as I said thought fit to impose the Charge on him of having a care concerning the Affairs of War making it evident by his judicious choice how exactly well his Prudence knew to make use of persons according to the particular qualifications of their minds The quality and good parts of a Secretary of State THe Charge of Secretary being as it is one of the most important of the Kingdom It is needfull that the Person with whom it is intrusted should be indued with qualities accordingly He should have Experience to manage both at home and abroad the affairs in which he is imploied He should be well acquainted with the particular humours of Princes strangers and Grandees of the Kingdom as also of their several interests and pretensions Eloquence in discourse is necessary for him because the King intrusts his Pen with him to write to all Monarchs Princes Parliaments and Estates and generally to people of all sorts For it is not enough barely to let them understand the will of his King but he should do it in fit and proper terms for a King that is with Majesty and the Elegance of a Masculine generous stile without any thing of bombast or affectedness I know nothing so absurd as to make a King speak beneath his Majesty As for that which concerns Eloquence though to write Letters in the name of some barbarous King which are not so exactly digested may be tolerared yet it would be extreamly found fault with in France where neatnesse hath made her Throne and doth particularly inhabit and where our Kings have nothing but what is eminent and of the best The very name of Secretary of Estate doth sufficiently shew how much Fidelity and Secresie are required in him he ought principally to be blessed with these two qualities because should he discover such things as are intrusted with him there could not but great inconvenience follow it The King pardons the Duke of Vendosm AFter that the King had evidenced in the course of this yeer an invincible courage to reduce his enemies under the Law an admirable Prudence in the good Orders both of Peace and War A constancy not to be shaken in resisting the Artifices of seditious spirits A Justice full of Courage to assist his Allies and in a word all other vertues which are proper ornaments for a Kings Crown he would conclude all with an action of Clemency in pardoning the Monsieur de Vendosm after some assurances of his repentance and fidelity for the future in relation to those Crimes for which he had been till then kept Prisoner in the Boys de Vincâ—nnes and gave him liberty but on condition to go pass away sometime out of the Court and Kingdom Politique Observation IT is an act becomming the greatness of a Prince to pardon the faults of Grandees when there are no longer any apprehensions of danger to the State and when they are washed out by an humble repentance The most generous are still the most mercifull and they esteem it as honourable to forget an injury as to remember a kindnesse That Emperour was highly commended by all Antiquities who being to sign a Warrant of Condemnation wished he had never learnt to write And Solomon who hath left to all Kings a perfect example of Wisedome saith it is the glory of a man to passe by offences However a King ought to be mindfull that he do not too soon recall into his Court a Prince or Grandee who may be provoked by that Justice which hath been passed upon him least the opportunity of revenge which he may meet with in affairs do carry him insensibly to a relapse Opportunity is a charm which ingageth men ere they think of it The least disgusts which they shall receive will revive their old grudges and it is impossible for a great person to conserve any Love for a King from whom he imagineth he hath received some harsh usage and once not loving him he is above half disposed to raise embroils whenever occasion shall serve It is very difficult to join close together that which hath been once broken asunder and a reconciliation in point of friendship is not stronger then the glue which joyns crackt vessels which are easily broken asunder by a small blow An imaginary wrong or a small displeasure should not make a reconciled Prince fall back again when he is replaced in his first station of affairs They who imagine that just punishments are soon forgotten do much deceive themselves It is as much as a Stoick would say that he had forgot injuries but Princes are far enough of from such maximes so that the safest remedy for all their evils is a removal from the Court that no meeting with any who are used to ingage people in Intreagues they will be as it were forced to keep within their limits when as peradventure their passions would make them flie out again ANNO 1631. JT is much more pleasant to behold the Heavens twinkling with a thousand several stars or shining with the glorious light of the Sun which rejoiceth the earth with its splendour then to look on it ful of Prodigies flashed with lightnings ful laden with Clouds shaken with Tempests and covered with the Vail of an obscure night Just thus without all peradventure was it much more agreeable to consider France in the splendour of her Victories which she obtained in the fore-going years in the enjoyment of a happy quiet caused by the submission of the Grandees of the State and by uniting of all the people all things being established in excellent order under the Conduct of so wise a King and every one living with Peace in his own profession then to contemplate her full of factions troubled with Combinations and threatned with a general dissolution by those intelligences which the chief persons of the Kingdom held with strangers But as the Laws of History oblige me to write them impartially both in one relation and t'other so I look upon my self as compelled to give an accompt of those turbulencies wherewith she hath been assaulted that by those glorious actions of the King and those Prudent Counsels of the Cardinals the way of securing and warranting an estate from those dangers whereunto it is commonly exposed by civil Wars may be learn'd Though the Queen Mother had reason to have rested satisfied knowing her self to be the happiest as well as the greatest Princess upon earth yet she
could nor live contented after the Cabal which had beleagured her Soul had once perswaded her that she was obliged to ruine the Cardinal She did neer upon the matter equally divide the honour with the King All the French did indeavour in emulation of one another to testifie by their respects and obediences the sweetnesse which did shine in all her actions The Revenues which she injoyed were greater then those of three Queen Dowagers of France all together There was no charge or expence which she was not able to go through with witnesse that magnificent structure of Luxenbourg which contends with the Louvre and is the most accomplished piece of all that ever any of our Kings have attempted She could not deny but that she injoyed upon the matter an absolute Authority in the State The King permitted her to take upon her self as much as she could wish in the administration of affairs He resolved upon no one thing of importance in his Counsel but upon her advice When necessity enforced the King from Paris and that she would remain there he still left the government in her hands and also ordered that Embassadours should attend upon her to communicate forreign affairs to her and to receive from her mouth resolutions thereupon Was not this to possesse all that is glorious and noble in a Government Was not this indeed to injoy her self with more pleasure then the King seeing she was exempted in what she pleased from those great troubles which accompany the Conduct of Affairs and from those embroils which are frequent in Wars and Voyages all which the King was obliged to under-go but she tied to nothing but what she pleased her self excepting those affairs only which related to the good of the Kingdom Last of all that Cabal factious as it was being so much favoured by her what did it but abuse her bounty to serve the Passions of some particular persons Did it not so trouble her repose by sinister impressions which were infused into heâ— concerning the Government and by those suspicions which were instilled into her against the Cardinal by her eagernesse and desire to intermeddle in affairs with greater power insomuch that the good order established in the State wrought no other effect in her mind then to make her doubt that the most glorious victories of his Majesty instead of transporting her with joy would fill her Soul with Fears and that Forraigners would invade his Country Thus the most sublime Acts of the Cardinal which strook both terrour and admiration into strangers were no otherwise considered by her then as so many tricks and deceits Whence it happened that instead of acknowledging his Majesties bounty and the respects which he shewed her she repayed his kindnesses with complaints and instead of enjoying quiet and content which she had reason to imbrace her life was filled only with vexatious inquietudes Politique Observation GReat personages though raised up a little above other men yet are neither more happy or contented If they suffer themselves to be transported with Passions it is with them as with the Sea which being of a vast circumference is no whit the lesse subject to the agitations of the Winds so they being raised a little above others are not the lesse subject to be vexed with inquietudes Though they possesse more then enough wherewith to content themselves yet they giving themselves the liberty of desiring still more rather out of a humour then a necessity are never in quiet or repose but give us just reasons to believe that although Fortune hath denied Crowns to poor men yet nature hath made them happier in requital of it by giving them minds desirous of lesse That shining flame which we may behold at the end of a Torch dwells not there but by the force of that matter which feedeth it and is continually raising it self towards the Heavens as disdaining the place where it then is desiring as it were to get up into the Concave of the Moon so grand persons though cloathed with such splendour as makes them shine in the eyes of all other men cannot rest with quietness of mind in that authority from whence they receive it but their aspiring souls carries them still onwards to new designs of raising themselves above all things They can never be contented with the command over men unlesse they can also command their Passions which nature hath created in them as in other men Without this all their glory serves only to stir up in them violent desires to get still more Whereas on the contrary he who hath circumscribed his will with reason hath added this happinesse to his greatnesse that he will be exempted from the troubles of the World The Queen Mothers hatred against the Cardinal THe desire of destroying the Cardinal was the chief cause of the Queen Mothers discontents and no one can imagine with what impatiency she designed it Her most faithfull servants were astonished at it considering that meeknesse was the quality which every one saw to shine with so much splendour in her whole deportment So that her Majesty cannot be accused with that violence but to set the saddle on the right horse it ought to be imputed to certain imbroiling spirits who had ingaged her in it before she was aware of it Whoever hath had the honour to be often neer her Majesty cannot but conclude so and they who have had never so little knowledge of the Intreagues of those times cannot be ignorant that her Majesty did openly drive on at a meeting at Dupes the design of ruining the Cardinal to that extream and utmost verge after she was counselled to it by the enemies of that great Minister for two chief reasons The one was they concluded that the King could not in fine deny the abandoning of him if her Majesty should continue to urge him to it with fresh and continued instances A Mother having but too too attractive powers over a son to draw him to her own desires especially such a son so full of respect and observance as the King was The second because in case the Cardinal should get the better of them he would then sit on their skirts for those seditious Assemblies which they had contrived against the Kings service and against his own particular Interests which if it should so fall out 't were better for them to drive on their first design to the very utmost Intreagues of the Ladies neer the Queen Mother THe Ministers of Spain who had great interest in the ruining of the Cardinal did endeavour with their utmost the heat of these flames to which infamous intent they employed several Ladies who were neer the Queen Mother but especially three great Princesses to whom her particular favours gave most free accesse viz. the Princesse of Conti the Dutchesses of Elbaeuf and d' Ornano Several other great persons of the Court were of the same party some of them not so much caring for the good successe of
great men when they are once perswaded it is necessary for the preservation of their Authority There is not any thing but only power which advanceth them above other men and they are easily led by it to ruine every one whom them conceive to hurt them But above all women are most subject to this fault in regard they are weaker and more wedded to their Passions then men are The natural levity of that Sex makes them passe with little adoe from the extremity of love to that of hatred not being able to keep a medium It is enough to ingage them not to do a thing if you do but earnestly entreat them to do it especially if they be but a little provoked to anger Such entreaties as are made to them when so affected cause them to passe from that of Anger to Fury and when they cannot dis-allow of the thing which is entreated of them yet it is enough to deny it if they love not the person who desires it Rigour hath a greater Empire in their Wills then Submission And they whose Souls seem to be more heightned then others are so much the more to be feared they having more mettle then conduct it is impossible ever to root out of them any jealousies which they have once conceived and their humours are so fixed in suspicions that it is almost impossible to defend ones self from them by lawfull means If the beauty of their countenances give them an almost absolute dominion over the minds of men yet the weakness of their Sex doth subject them under the commands of all and every Passion especially that of hatred from which it is impossible for them to dis engage themselves after they have once given it admittance into their breasts Although I look upon all Queens as exempted from the major part of their qualities by reason of the particular assistance which they receive from God who considereth them as his own Images here beneath yet it is very rare to find any who are not liable to that violence which is inseparable from their Government And this is one of the reasons upon which Aristotle groundeth that saying in hâ—â— Politiques that they are not proper to govern States In regard Clemency is known to be one of their chiefest Pillars It is also most assured that such as are born with a more generous temper then others are the more to be scared for being unable to direct with Prudence they fortifie themselves with rigour and become inflexible towards those of whom they have conceived the least suspicion Monsieur the Kings Brother disapproveth of the Queen-Mothers Intreagues MOnsieur Brother to the King was not ignorant that the Queen-Mother was in the quality of a subject as wel as in that of Mother to his Majesty and that therefore she was bound to obey him in every thing which absolutely concern'd the good of his Kingdom so that he could not approve of her opposing his will and pleasure neither was he backward of testifying his dislike of it to the King The discourse which he made of it did give no little satisfaction to his Majesty who was resolved not to let pass any opportunity which might conduce to the firm establishing of him in his due respects especially seeing Monsieur himself had confirmed him in it by his protesting to the Cardinal that he loved him as a person whom he thought necessary for the good of the State Yet we know that the favourites of great Personages do sometimes pervert their best inclinations and are the common instruments made use of to divert them from their duries therefore the King concluded it very fit to make sure of Coigneux le Sieur de Puy-laurence Monsigot whom Mansieur principally confided in he knew there was no chain which could tie the major part of such people stronglier then good Offices and accordingly he resolved not to wave or let slip any time to advance them and to hold them off from being gained by such as were already ingaged in any Faction His Majesty caused three hundred thousand Livres to be given to Monsieur de Puy-laurence that he might buy the Dutchy of Anville He granted to Coigneux an Office of President au Mortier of the Parliament of Paris with hopes of a Cardinals Cap which his Majesty had also writ for to the Pope Monsignot had fifty thousand Livres for his share and each of them received these gifts with such handsom actions and expressions of thanks that they made a thousand protestations of preserving and continuing their Master in a strict intelligence and obedience to his Majesties will and pleasure Politique Observation IT is very important for a Kings service to make sure of those in whom the Princes of the blood do most confide It is the only means to keep them within compass and they are only able so to dispose them for that they do make such impressions upon their spirits as shall carry them when and where they please to incline them Princes commonly are notwithstanding the greatnesse of their Souls which they receive with their birth more addicted to their pleasures then their affairs whence it happens that they do not give themselves time enough to examine of what qualities any things are or whether fit to be ingaged in or not but remit the particular care of that to those whom they confide in and are contented when things come to be acted if they do but hear them tell them they are good and they had rather suffer some disorders in their houses then lose a quarter of an hours passe-time These are they who share the government with Princes whiles they impose on them the burthen and so divide the honour of commanding thinking on nothing but delights and supposing that as their births hath created them the chief in the State so Fortune cannot but be propitious to them for the obtaining of whatsoever is necessary to give them a continual subsistance It is for this reason it cannot be doubted that it were necessary to keep their Favourites obliged very strongly to the Kings service and to be dependent upon his Majesties will and pleasure that they may be made use of as occasion shall present themselves for the good of the State In Spain none are allowed to the Kings Brothers but such as are belonging to the Kings themselves which are changed too very often lest a long continuance in their service might in time beget too strong a confidence and draw them off from the first ties of their obedience For this reason it is that there ought no great deliberation to be had for the removal of such from them who are experimentally known to ingage them in affairs prejudicial to the good of the State for the great compliance in permitting them a longer continuance neer them will soon produce very dangerous effects Their removal peradventure may seem harsh to Princes but it is better they should be displeased then the whole State be indangered
It is a great good fortune for a Minister never to be put upon such a rock and therefore it is that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly the chains wherewith they are fettered being so pleasant and agreeable to them Interest is that which doth most efficaciously more them And indeed it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means then by making provision for their advancement There is no design which they will not approve of alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars They perswade their Masters to rest contented if they themselves are once satisfied The most part of affairs of the world are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them They never represent any thing to their Masters but on that side which they best like and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet There ought to be care had that all which is intended for them be not done at once Ambition still increaseth and those benefits which are done to a favourite do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater benefits to come The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother she having before-hand placed all her confidence in him as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs They had perswaded her that could she but ingage him in her interests she might soon find men enough to uphold them and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests But this factious seditious Cabal which inverted her strongest inclinations made her mislike those procedures and carried her on even to reproach him for that after she had so particularly cherished him he should take so little care for her concerns It is true it was heretofore verily beleeved in the first yeers of her Regency though I think without just grounds that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur then towards the King and that she might well cast her eyes upon him as many others of her quality have done to make use of him for the upholding of such designs as she might have to which the King might not be so favourable But it must be confessed that she governed her self so prudently by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will insomuch that this prudent Conduct of hers gained her a great esteem with the people who being desirous of nothing more then peace they regarded her Majesty with extraordinary affections as her who was the greatest advancement of publick tranquillity by her preserving the bond of union between her children Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opinions of her by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers in that design which all men knew she had to gain him to her party whatever it cost that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had taken to destroy the Cardinal Politique Observation JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest children and to rely upon them to be maintained in the greater authority It should seem it is with Children as with fruits the newest are still most agreeable so it frequently comes to passe that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents when as they who are older shake off the yoke of obedience and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth but most especially so it is when as mothers are become Widdows and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds that they do cast themselves upon the interest of the younger ones whom they look on as the supporters of their old age and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest whom they look upon very often as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them withall they are dependent upon them in several respects because by the deaths of their Fathers they are become the heads of their Families and this dependency upon them is insupportable If this be ordinary in private Families how much more is it in those of Kings History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government in prejudice of their brother Ptolomeus Phiseus gave at his wifes perswasions the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son and to go no further then France it self Lewis the Debonnair did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty Charls the Bauld before Lothair who was the eldest Did not Constance wife of Robert seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son to Crown Henry her second son King oppose it in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son whom she loved most intirely And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design did she not embroyl all things even whilest the King yet lived but much more after his death by fomenting the divisions between her children that she her self might have the more Authority This occasioned a most sad Civil War to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King both in the declining of his age and Kingdom when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family especially after he had suffered upon his first coming to the Crown so great afflictions by reason of the misfortunes of his first marriages their dissolutions which afterwards hapned for the remedying whereof the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed Not to seek for examples far from us is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain it being yet fresh in the memory of man for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government to enter into the Combination against him because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs It is so frequent in history that we shall need no other proofs for it it may safely be said that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous
worth made him very undeserving Politique Observation I Have formerly said It were requisite that the Favourites of Princes should be nearly tyed to the Kings Interests that they might be carried to whatever his Majestie should desire of them and now I shall add that it is not less then necessary to prevent their troubling of the State for that the most part of such Civil wars have hapned by their means But there are great obstructions and difficulties in the encompassing it seeing that it is not somtimes in the power of the greatest Ministers to retain them in their duties what-ever advantages are prepared for them And as eating doth but excite the hungers of starved stomacks so those Riches which are given to them do but make them more ambitious of other and greater It is the humour which doth possess most Princes Favourites and is the cause which doth often engage their Masters in great Broyls The most violent storms which turn all things up-side-down are formed only out of Clouds drawn up by the Planets into the highest Region of the Ayr and the greatest Revolts which have troubled the quiet of the people and ruined whole Kingdoms have proceeded from those suggestions which Princes Favourites the Stars of the State have raised in their minds from whence they often get nothing but mud and dirt Hath not the last age made it evident here in France in the time of Henry the third when as the Duke d' Alençon had not gone out of the Court but by the perswasions of Bâ—ssi and Semier and some others his Favourites who were troubled to see the government of Affairs in the hands of some who would not give them leave to do what they pleased And if we look back a little more shall we not find that Lewis the eleventh whilest he was Daulphine had not withdrawn himself the first time from Charles the seventh his Brother but by the advices of Chaumont and Boucicaut and their Partisans who could not enoure to see that his Neece the fair Agnes and Villiquier should have so absolute a Power Our own times have furnished us with examples enough to prove this truth which are so well known to all men that I need not trouble them or my self to relate them I shall only add this that as Goldsmiths have a certain strong water to separate Gold from Silver though incorporated by the Fire that they seem to be the same Body So the Favourites of Princes have certain Arts which the malice of the Court teacheth them the power of which is so great that when they please they will divide a Mother from her children a Brother from a Brother and generally all whom Nature or Friendship had joyned together in so strict a league that one would have reasonably imagined nothing could have been able to have made a separation Monsieur 's resolution to leave the Court. VVHen Coignenx had once perswaded Monsieur by his subtle devices to leave the Court he gave him no respite until he had put it in execution That his departure might be with the more noise which might serve for a Beacon to put the whole Kingdom in an uprore he found a trick to perswade him that it would be an act of courage in him to go quarrel with the Cardinal in his own house before he went off and to declare to him that he would be no more his friend but that he would take the Queen-Mothers part against him Accordingly Monsieur went to him and told him so But the Cardinal who knew such things could not proceed from his goodness which rendred him not only the least evil-doer but indeed the most obliging Prince of the world answered him with nothing but respects and civilities Assoon as Monsieur went from him he got into his â—oach and went directly to Orleans without taking leave of the King The Queen-Mother seeming to be surpriz'd at it presently sent notice of it to the King then at hunting who was much troubled at it though he could expect little good from the base dispositions of Monsieur's servants of all whom his Majesty had been fully informed though he could not imagine they would have carried things to such extremities considering the great gratifications he had bestowed on them and those several protestations of inviolable fidelity which they had but so lately made unto him When his Majesty return'd from hunting he alighted at the Cardinal 's and gave him such singular testimonies of his favour that they were able to obliterate any apprehensions of Monsieur's proceedings His Majesty promised he would protect him with and against all and commanded him to be the more confident of it in regard he was bound in honour to preserve him from whom he had received such signal services That if any did him an injury it was his Majesty whom they did offend and he would so take it as done to himself From thence the King went to find out the Queen-Mother to whom he could not dissemble how much Monsieur 's departure did displease him and the just ground he had to suspect that she had a hand in the counselling him to it of which for the present she endeavoured to clear her self though shortly after it was found to be but too true by that strict intelligence which was between them and by those letters which they writ to the King having one and the same sense and expression As also by Monsieur's own discourses to the Ladies at Orleans when they asked of him the reasons of his so sudden return not that the Queen-Mother was ever satisfied with Monsieur or he with her but that there was a means found out to perswade them that if they would but closely unite themselves they would be the better able to drive on their own Designs and induce the King to ruine the Cardinal the only thing which they desired Politique Observation THough the Ring-leaders in a State be of different humors and inclinations and though they be much divided by the emulation which they bear to one another yet they do easily re-unite that they may if possible increase their own Powers by destroying that of their King Experience sheweth us that fire can naturally incorporate most different mettals as Gold and Iron The fire of Ambition is no less able to unite the minds of Grandees when it is once proposed to trouble the Kingdom One hath not obtained the Pension or Boon which he desired another could not get his kinsman into a Benefice as he attempted and another thinks he deserveth to have a greater hand then he hath in the government of affairs or could not procure the Office which he aspired to and these are those several discontents which they have received in the diversity of their designes and which run them up to that pass that they become unsatisfied with the King or his principal Minister not at all considering that there are several other concerns besides theirs in particular which oblige by necessity that
those things be granted to others which they would so fain procure to themselves This general discontent is enough to unite them together and to engage them in that one designe of a revolt They know there are two waies to attain to greatness Prudence and Power when they once perceive that all the devices of their Will or to speak more properly all their Deceipts are not able to raise their greatness to that pass which they desire they presently fly to the latter imagining in themselves they might get more by it then by the former They cannot be ignorant how that many of their Predecessors have bee shipwrack'd on the very same score by which they pretend to raise great advantages to themselves and as the minds of most men abound rather with hopes then fears so they fancy to themselves that Fortune will be more favourable to them then others and upon this account it is that they do often associate themselves together not with intent of putting State affairs into a better posture as they pretend but to advance what in them lies their own private Families and Interests at the cost and charges of the Publike I shall liken them to the first qualities which not holding themselves in a good correspondency for the preservation of the subject whereof they are compos'd do unanimously conspire and contrive the ruine of it for in the same manner do they instead of keeping up and maintaining the State by their Prudence and Authority of which it is their honour to be chief supporters they employ them to divide and ruine the people forcing the Prince to contribute to the means which are necessary to oppose their violences The Queen-Mother rejoyceth at Monsieur's Departure AFter Monsieur's departure the Queen-mother became more resolute in her eagerness against the Cardinal and believed that his going away would be very advantagious to her They who flattered her and blew the Coals of her Passion perswaded her that half the Kingdom would quickly be up in Arms and proffer their assistances to Monsieur in what-ever he would employ them That several Towns would revolt That Monsieur 's discontent alone if once known abroad would raise a war on every side and that amidst this confusion the King would think himself very happy could he but prevent the ruine of his Kingdom by submitting to that of the Cardinal She withdrew her self from being at any counsels to which she had but lately before used to go and seemed less solicitous in dissembling her discontents What pity was it to see a Kingdom exposed to so imminent a danger of being totally subverted by Civil wars and all to destroy him who for eight yeers together employed his whole time both day and night to settle it in its former glory What Injustice was it to repay the Cardinal's services with such Ingratitude What a confusion was it to see a Mother and a Brother revolt against their King and all to satisfie the Hatred and Ambition of their Ministers The King endured it with the greater displeasure because he understood that Forreigners had sowed these Tares under hopes of kindling a fire which should constrain him to withdraw his Forces from Italy abandon â—he assisting of his Allies or at least to submit to shameful conditions of Peace for which purpose they were just upon meeting in Piedmont His Majesty was not to seek in the knowledge that Queens are not exempted from punishment when they contrive troubles in the State that is if the quality of Mother did exact the respects of a Son from him that of a King did oblige her not to prefer any consideration before that of the good of his State and in conclusion that he ought to use all diâ—igent means to break off the intelligence which she held with Monsieur and those who nourished his mind with discontents There was no more certain way then to assign her some Town to live in a little distant from the Court to disperse here and there those who abusing her goodness did foment the fire of dissention in her soul and to place near her some one endued with Discretion and Power that she might not in future attempt any thing against the good of the State The Respect wherewith the King did alwaies honour her was such that he could never resolve to use any violent remedies but at the very last cast after he had tryed all others to which end he resolved rather to leave her then that she should leave him and accordingly he removed to Compeigne imagining that the sharpness of the season would invite her to continue at Paris after his departure and that in this small separation she could not any longer divide the Court into Parties as then she had done There were likewise other devices found to draw off some of the most factious from about her that their absense might afford some opportunities of calming her spirit It were to have been wished that she had rather according to his Majesties pleasure resolved to have lived in quiet at her Palace of Luxenburgh whilest his Majesty was out of Paris then to have followed the Court where her presence countenanced the Faction which she had there contrived Indeed the King verily imagined she would the sooner resolve so to do because she had declared she would intermeddle no more in any affairs neither appear at any Counsels so much did the Cardinal's presence afflict her whereas she instead of comporting her self to this fair and sweet way was guided by the perswasions of those who ruled her spirit and who induced her to resolve to carry on her anger to the utmost extremity and to follow the King every where assuring her that at last the people would all rise and that from thence she might undoubtedly find some expedient to perswade his Majesty to consent to the Cardinal's Banishment or Ruine This procedure of hers did absolutely intrench upon his authority as if he could not have commanded her to quit the Court and it served only to provoke the Kings anger and to force him to deal more rigorously with her then otherwise he desired to have done Politique Observation HOpe is that Root which doth long nourish the Thought of Revenge and without which the most generous persons lose their Courages and fall into despair instead of prosecuting their designs No one hath so well described the qualities of that which is without reason as the Ancient who said it is the dream of those who are awake and whose minds are mastered with this Passion To speak truly just as Dreams fill the mind with Chimera's which have no other being then in our Fancies so an ill-grounded hope fills our Courages with illusions and imaginary contentments by representing such things which are absolutely beyond our reach as if they were subject to our wills and desires it flatters our thoughts with a vain belief that there is not any impediment possibly to be met with in our enterprises which we
shall not be able to surmount and though at the very instant a storm be over our heads yet it assureth us that it will not last long but that a calm will soon follow If we are to begin a war it makes us see an Army already in the Field which nothing can resist If any enterprise threaten us with miscarriage it perswadeth us that we shall soon see some alteration in affairs setting before our eyes the examples of many who have been raised out of great misfortunes to greater glories and honours Thus it is this same Hope which fortifieth the most dejected Courages animates the most astonished men with new souls and recruits the resolutions of them who were even languishing Have we not seen it serve for an Anchor to the most miserable to keep them firm in all Tempests when they have been upon the point of being overwhelmed and for a North Pole to guide them to their desired Haven Hope is that which preserveth necessary vigour for the executing of hazardous designs our own Wishes never last so long as Hope doth for we soon disclaim our Designs if we once believe they will not take effect It hath alwaies been known for the Mother of Valour and for a vital Spirit which animateth the heart to great attempts The charms of Hope are very powerful but they are also dangerous and much like the Egg of an Aspick which is very pleasant to look on by reason of that diversity of colours wherewith Nature hath been pleased to paint it but within it is full of deadly poyson of which time brings forth a most venemous serpent For if in Enterprises there be nothing so dangerous as a mis grounded Hope yet the pleasure wherewith it entertains our minds in matters of Revenge is very dear to us and makes us pay high Interest for it It is the miserable man's Treasure and somtimes too it is an addition to his miseries It is not enough that a hope be conformable to our desires but it ought to be laid by when it is grounded upon the assistances of some persons who are easily to be ruined or upon an Insurrection of a people who every day change their resolutions whom a little fear disarms and who this day love him whom but a little before they could not endure at all The King entreats the Queen-Mother to desist from her Intreagues THough the inflexible stubbornness of the Queen-Mother was able to provoke the most patient Courages yet the goodness of the King could not be overcome by it Whilest she was at Compeigne whither she followed his Majesty he still made new attempts to surmount her resistance He was not backward to let her daylie see by his frequent conjuring her and that with a great tenderness of heart which did evidently convince to her that he neither wanted Respect or Affection for her that she would much oblige him if she would but recede from the evil advices of those who lived about her and who only desired a separation between them for their own Hatreds or private Interests He proffered to her to set the Marillacs at liberty if her content depended upon it though otherwise they had deserved to be punished and indeed he valued nothing in respect of her affections He often beseeched her to love the Cardinal for his sake and made her see that she was obliged to it seeing she knew better then any one how beneficial he was to the State and that he had alwaies faithfully served him He was not deficient to let her perceive That the grief which this great Minister had to find himself in her disfavour was a most pregnant testimony of the affection which he had for her service and that he did sufficiently oblige himself to an eternal fidelity by those publike acknowledgements of the Favours which he confessed to have received from her goodness and that all her eagerness against him could not obliterate the remembrance of them and at last that he might pretermit nothing which might move her he caused new perswasions to be made to her by the Sieur de Chasteauneu'f Lord Keeper of the Seal and by the Mareschal de Schombergh that she would be assistant at Counsels and recede from those underhand Intelligences which she might have with Monsieur But they could procure no other answer then that she was weary of medling with affairs and that she would not have any more to do in the Counsels testifying apparently by this answer that positive resolution which she had taken of following the wicked Designs of those who had engaged her so that after all these endeavours the King was only touch'd with uncomfortable grief that he could work no more upon her but his sorrow was accompanyed with this satisfaction that he had omitted nothing which might properly conduce to the obtaining of his Designe Politique Observation AS there is nothing which causeth greater misfortunes in a Kingdom then Divisions of Princes of the Blood so there is no greater care ought to be had then for prevention of such differences Physitians have alwaies hopes of life whilest the noble vital parts are uncorrupted but they once tainted they look for nothing but death and the greatest Politicians have been of opinion that no very great misfortune could happen to a State whilest the Princes of the Blood who are like the vital parts live in that decorum and obedience which is due to the King But on the contrary they begin to fear and distrust if once they see them falling back and dividing Parties into Factions against their King's Authority But more especially because their disorder is attended with confusion at home and gives great advantages to strangers abroad Other heads of Revolts are easily wrought upon by satisfying their own private interests But it is a hard matter to unite those of the same Blood after a defiance shall have once seized on their minds From hence it is that Micipsa in Salust saith the greatest force of a Kingdom doth not so much consist in Arms or in the richnesse of Treasuries as in the good intelligence of the chief Nobles which can neither be subdued by Arms nor corrupted by Monies but especially in the friendship of Brothers whose Blood ought to render their union indissolvable The Kingdom of Cyprus had not been ruined as Justin relateth it but onely by the dissentions of two brothers The whole East had not been subjected to the Roman yoke but by the mis-understandings of those Princes who ruled in those Countries And no other misfortune made way for Pompey to make him Master of Judea then the contention of Hircanus and Aristobulus who in envy of one another pretended to possesse the Crown Philip well knew of what consequence love between brothers was when as beholding the small kindnesse between his sons Porseus and Demetrius he so often commanded them to love one another representing to them that Eumenes and Attalus at the beginning were so small that they were
ashamed to be called Kings and could never have raised themselves so high but by their mutual and reciprocal affections as Plutarch reporteth it in the life of Demetrius Not to look after far fetch'd examples what did ever bring France to so deplorable a condition as the reiterated divisions between our Kings the Dukes of Bourgogne and Orleans Did it not reduce it to an eminent peril of Shipwrack and expose it for a prey to Forraigners who were only chastized by an extraordinary providence of Heave which took a particular care for the preservation of this Monarchy when it was just upon the point of being ruin'd Undoubtedly a State is easily vanquished when divided by those of the Kings own house and family disorders soon follow thick and three-fold The people following their example shake off obedience every one fisheth in the troubled Waters the poor are oppressed by the Souldiers the rich have much ado to enjoy their Estates Governours lose their Soveraigns good wills and do no longer stick to their interests unlesse upon their own private account and in conclusion forreign enemies make what advantages they please out of it The Reasons of the Queen-Mothers Removal THings being at this passe was there any reason to defer the redressing of them what colour could there be after so many perswasions instances and entreaties to leave the Queen-Mother in the Court both animated and discontented where she countenanced a Faction kept a close correspondence with Monsieur against the King and divided the State Had it not been an absolute defect of all sort of Prudence to have endured her keeping up of Combinations without the Kingdom of which we have seen but too many sad consequences To have permitted her party openly to slander the King and his Government to stir up the people to sedition to solicite strangers to make war upon the King under pretence that they had married her children Had it not been an extream basenesse any longer to have dissembled the knowledge of that Faction which would impose a necessity of driving away his most serviceable and confident Ministers and only because they forsooth could not procure from them whatever they desired Had it not been an absolute losse of common sence to have allowed their abrogating that respect which is due to their Soveraign as God Almighties own Image Could any one and not be of this Cabal wink at their endeavours to draw off his Majesties most faithfull servants from that duty which they owe unto him Should one have expected untill the English or Spaniard had brought their Armies into France to assist the revolt or until the Princes who were of this party should have beaten up their drums and sounded their Trumpets for to lead their Souldiers into the field to have ruined the whole Kingdom with fire and sword To have done so had been the most perfect piece of folly that had ever yet been heard of Yet for all this was the King much troubled that he was forced to do such things as would displease the Queen-Mother as to remove her though after he had indeavoured all meek and fair means which her Abettors had rendred in vain though she had laid off al natural thoughts such as a Mother ought to have for a Son and a Subject for a King and though she had to her very utmost stirred up both the French and Forraigners to trouble the quiet of the Kingdom But at last the King began to consider that the businesse would grow worse and worse if convenient order were not taken to prevent it that he was bound to prefer publick before private interests as those of an incensed Mother and if it be proper to use the expression of a Mother revolted against him which were things not to be considered at all according to the judgment of one of the Queen-mothers Grand-mothers who amongst those instructions which she gave her son told him that he ought to prefer without any distinction the safety of the Common-Weal before that of any particular or private persons Withall his Majesty was not ignorant that as God doth ever prepose Universal before Individual benefits so Kings who bear his Image and are his Vicegerents on earth ought to do the same That if the Father Almighty did expose his son who was one and the same with himself to the rage of the Jews he could not then be blamed for removing his Mother a few days from the Court yet continuing to her all Honour Officers Goods Liberty and Power that she could desire and this for the necessary good of the State to the conservation of which God had so obliged him that he ought to prefer nothing before it The King thought with himself that those great Honours and Lands which he had bestowed on her and that almost absolute Authority which he had alwaies intrusted with her whilest she continued in her affection for his Majesty and the publick good would hold him excused from any condemnation and would sufficiently evince to all the World that he had not made use of so violent a remedy but by compulsion and constraint of those her Partisans and by the extremities into which they hurried her so that judging within himself that he ought no longer to defer his resolution he at last proposed it to his Counsel Politique Observation WHen Eagernesse hath laid such deep roots in the mind of Princes of the Blood Royal that they cannot be eradicated by any possibility it will then be absolutely necessary to prevent their forming into Factions which usually arise from such beginnings There will unavoidably great changes soon follow in a Kingdome where partialities have any sway amongst them The very least disorder which can happen between the Heavens is capable of reducing the Universe into its first Chaos and the dissentions of those who are neerest related to the King are able to bring a whole State into Confusion to tie up the hands of Soveraign Authority and to expose all as a prey to Forraigners The opinion which is held that it is proper to nourish several parties and bandyings amongst Grandees whereby to make them lesse able to resist their Kings Will ought not to be understood of Leagues and Combinations to be headed by those of the royal Family which may attempt to impose a necessity on the King to do what even they shall think fit for such a division would lead a Kingdom into utter ruine and undermine the most solid foundations of Monarchy It is no whit lesse inconvenient to let Princes alone in any bad intelligence for their over great union hath produced sad effects it alwaies ought to be limited by the respects and obediences which they ow their King for admitting it to be otherwise their Factions being like impetuous winds the popularity which is gentle and calm like the Sea would receive their impressions with ease become furiously inraged run into all disorders and put a State into desperate hazards On such occasion no
his son had compleated that Faction which he had designed against him and the State but not sparing his own blood he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions Charles the Ninth did not pardon the Duke of Alençon his own Brother no more then he did the King of Navar for upon his first knowledge of their Intreagues he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes Did not Henry the Third after conference with his Nobles at Bloys threaten the late Henry the Grand and the Prince de Condè in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered The Queen-mother her self did the same thing for during her Regency she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion lest he might attempt something against her Authority L' Mareschal d' Estree addresseth himself to execute his Majesties pleasure against the Queen-mother DUring the Queen-mothers abode at Campeign the Marshal d' Estrée was very carefull to shew her all manner of respect according to the command given him by the King He went constantly to receive the word from her he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keyes of the City and whether she would have them brought to her All the Officers of her Family prosecuted their charges without any disturbance she her self went abroad when and where she pleased unaccompanied with any who could but seem to restrain her liberty neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect but to beseech her from his Majesty that she would be pleased to go to her house of Moulins which her self had made choice of since her Widdow-hood he assured her she should not have any guards about her Insomuch that really she could not have any just cause to complain And in fine she condiscended to go to Moulins Not long after some of her Faction being at liberty reflecting on the neernesse of Paris and how advantagious it might be to their designs in regard it was the Center where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secresie advised her to change that resolution and perswaded her to continue at Compeign although her self had not long before said that she could not possible live there The King knew that the Neighbour-hood of Paris war of a dangerous consequence for those very reasons which made them aim at it so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom she pitched upon Nevers and the King had no sooner approved of it but she presently changed her mind pretending she had not any money for the journey thereupon she was promised a supply and that she should not want for any thing so she pretended a great preparation of Gallies to transport her out of France which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers in case she would go thither To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornnesse against the Kings Will having forgot belike that she was his Subject as well as his Mother and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty that she would depart from Compeign so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the onely offence but her delays in that City being so passionately and stifly by her desired bred the greater jealousie and suspicion of her Politique Obeservation OBstinacy is a fault the more dangerous amongst great persons in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people and their resisting their Kings Will causeth great evils in a State That perversenesse of not being ruled by reason and their Soveraigns Authority serveth only to ingage them in great disorders which instead of advancing ruineth their Interests and shipwracks all their adherents For the King must be obeyed and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family Better it is for them to bend then break to turn to any hand rather then go streight on to their ruine and confusion The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will of absolutely doing this or that thing but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever reason doth dictate to be advantagious or proper when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which formerly had been concluded necessary and profitable she presently with-draws her self An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels who piercing into the truth of things in an instant and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents which can render them either good or evil may â—â—hout fear of being mistaken remain firm in their first decrees But so it is not with a humane Soul which oftentimes coming to learn that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestnesse as he did before prosecute them That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerfull men to follow the Counsels of the wise even against their own opions which rendreth them more inclinable to accommodation then others Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs as when we are sick we are most eagerly desirous of those things which are quite contrary to our recovery The Discontents of Monsieur's Creatures AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers Name and Seal in their Letters this was one of the chiefest that she had not been removed from the Court but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal But is not this like the complaining of the sick who being fallen into some shamefull disease by their own faults will by no means accuse themselves but indeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justifie themselves Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mothers Removal then Vertue is the cause that Sin betaking it self to all wickedness out of the hatred it bears to goodness should by that means come to be aliened from God who withdraws himself from it It cannot indeed be denied but that the King before her left he at Compeigne did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal and it were not amisse if the true motives which induced him so to do were here layed down The good of his State was chiefly in his intentions and
induce the Queen-Mother to yeild unto his Majesties Will and Pleasure The Marquis de Sainct Chaumont came divers times to her from his Majesty to assure her that he could no longer permit her stay at Compeigne All which produced nothing but new heart-burnings in her mind and great lamentations at her Imprisonment which in its self was but imaginary seeing she had not any Guards upon her disposed of the keys of the City and went abroad where-ever she pleased This procedure of hers could not but provoke his Majesty neither indeed could it be longer endured in a State where Obedience is the Foundation of Government so his Majesty resolved to dispatch unto her the Mareschal de Schomberg and the Sieur de Roissi who were known to be both prudent and respectful to the end they might deal clearly with her telâ— her the truth which till then had been forborn and discourse at length unto her the disorders of her carriage of which his Majesty till that time seemed not to take any notice notwithstanding the shew which she made of her innocence Accordingly they dealt ingeniously with her represented to her that the King was well informed of those many Cabals contrived against his Authority and Glory that he likewise knew Monsieur's departure first from the Court and then out of the Kingdom was an effect of her only Counsel Lastly that there was not any one in the Kingdom how great soever who could pretend to a Right of imposing a Law on his Majesty for the choice of his Ministers and that his Majesty could not but think it extreamly strange that she above all others in particular should so press him to destroy the Cardinal seeing she knew better then the whole Nation that there was not any person in the Kingdom who had done or was more able to do service to the State then he To be short that she had no such great reason to complain that she was forced to live removed from the King there being not any Law in holy Writ which require children alwaies to live with their Mothers especially when they are of age to dispose of their own good but that it s found written in divers places which command Kings to be obeyed as God's Lieutenants upon earth that his Majesty had just reason to be offended he having so often sent to her to withdraw her self from Compeigne and she having as often slighted it nor could she pretend any excuse for her so doing seeing his Majesty had offered her the choice of any other place to dwell in that they were obliged to tell her that this her disobedience was not to be endured in a well ordered State neither that it were just for his Majesty to put up this resistance of hers that it was the ready way to force him to use her with more rigour and Monsieur de Schomberg did not stick to tell her that it had been his own advice to remove her from the Court so prejudicial was her presence to his Majesties service These discourses so full of Truth and Prudence should have opened her eyes and discovered his Majesties goodness unto her who was satisfied only with a short removal of her for such reasons as have formerly Imprisoned nay condemned divers great Princes to death whereas her mind was so charmed by their devices who had ingaged her in this Cabal that instead of disabusing her they only added extremities to the excess of her choler Politique Reflection ALthough great men should more especially be informed with â—he truth of things seeing their affairs which depend on it are of greater importance then others yet however the most part of them do not much love her she seldome comes within their Courts but naked and if perchance she appear in their presence they turn about from her as if they could not endure to see her They desire things should be related to them as they would have them not as they really are It is very dangerous to find fault with any of their Actions which they undertake in confidence that they are well-beseeming their greatness If any one presume to debate their Designs by discovering the naked Truth to them he will presently be esteemed but an ill servant for his pains whence it is that the most part of their attendants unwilling to run the hazard of displeasing them do not discourse to them of any their affairs but so as they think may be acceptable to them they find by the daylie experience of others both past and present that this complyance of theirs is the most assured supporter of their Fortunes and a far greater prop to them then Truth her self Those Princes who are of this humour never well counsell'd there being but a few who would willingly for their sakes renounce their Fortunes especially seeing by telling truth they should get nothing Such counsels as thwart their Passions are either esteemed extravagant or as proceeding from a naughty servant They are for the most part like that unjust Judge who demanded of our Saviour what Truth was but would not stay to be inform'd Great and many are the inconveniencies which by this means happen to them for those specious appearances of Truth with which they are deluded are like to those Lamps set out on the tops of Rocks by Pirates which insteed of a Harbour entice the vessels to their shipwrack whereby they make a prey of their goods An Ancient Author saith That the greatest pleasure of the mind consisteth in the knowledge of Truth But it ought to be understood of a soul free from Passion and which only prosecuteth the Laws of Justice And the Rule of the Wise says Happy is the Prince who is so disposed and who knoweth how to esteem those who counsel him freely without disguising the Truth for they and only they are the real supporters of his State and greatness Prosecution of the History THis behaviour of the Queen-Mother's seemed incredible considering the goodness which she had hitherto made apparent in her conduct neither indeed could she possibly have fallen into such disorders had she not been lead into them by those very persons in whom she most confided Such and so great was their wickedness that wanting sufficient reasons and inducements to entice her to their own bends they sought for some amongst the Stars and were so bold as to cast the King's Nativity and foretold her that by the Position of the Heavenly Signs his Majesty could not long live which being so the Laws of Prudence obliged her to side with Monsieur that she ought in reason to look on him as the Rising Sun who would shortly sit at the Helm and whose favourable influences would be necessary for the upholding of her greatness This foundation being thus laid it was no hard matter to perswade her in her Passion that she need not much regard the Cardinal for the King once ceasing to be he would of consequence lie at their mercy These were the vain
for a King without Conduct who had vanquished the English in so many encounters taken Rochel forced the Alps twice relieved Cazal suppressed his Rebellious Subjects bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria setled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression gave peace and liberty unto Italy by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christendome and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terrour It cannot be said of him but that he was the most couragâ—ous in his undertakings the most Pious in his Conscience the most Just towards his Subjects the most Daring in any dangers the most Prudent in his Councels and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions that ever yet reigned over us Have we not all seen how his zeal and courage for Religion hath ingaged him to expose his person the most flourishing years of his time his Nobility his Treasures and in some kind to hazard his own State and all to abate the Insolencies of the Church's enemies It might indeed have been said that some other besides him had atchieved all those glorious Actions which we dayly see before our eyes provided any enterprise had been done without him Had he not in his own person ordered Battels had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed But the one is as visibly apparent as the other and he who would beleeve their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes All Europe was so sufficiently convinc'd of his Majesties rare and divine endowments as not to suffer themselves to be surprized by the calumnies and devices of such wicked imposters and all such as have had the honour to know though but a little of the Conduct of affairs have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature and particular blessings of Heaven wherewith his Majesty was stored by means of which they who were of his Counsel have seen him take such expedients as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence Politique Observation IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders Let a Princes actions be never so glorious yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him not excepting God himself as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israelites But however it cannot be esteemed for other then a monstrous ingratitude thus basely to reward the great cares which he undergoes for the publick good neither can it be denied but that such reviling whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed ought to be severely punished and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State It is much more just to honor the actions of a Soveraign with respect then to asperse them with blame which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate unlesse accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs besides those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dangerous in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him yet do they undeniably diminiâ—h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him That Lye which is reported with asseveration does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it though it beget not an absolute beleef Reputation is a Treasure which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem this is it which makes them venerable not that it adds to their vertues but renders their vertues more conspicuous not that it gives perfection to their abilities but sets off their splendour and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures Opinion governs the whole World and gives Princes themselves Authority in their very Thrones Experience hath told us that we are not apt to credit a truth if reported by a Lyer so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government being once in dis-repute he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect he loseth with his honour all the Love which was formerly payed unto him and fear will not long stay after the losse of Love Which being so no one can doubt of the Justice nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldnesse to offend their Soveraigns by their Calumnies He who doth not chastize them doth expose himself to eminent dangers for that men having once heard him ill reported of take the lie for a truth if the Authors remain unpunished and thus consequently he will fall into scorn and run the hazard of losing both person and estate And as he who puts one injury incoâ—rageth others to do him more and greater so it may well follow that the same party having first offended him by words may take the boldnesse next time to do it by deeds The King is carefull to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince ought not to be chastized with too much severity yet when they tend to the destruction of his Authority and the troubling oâ— his State the greatest rigour is but little enough The Emperour Theodosius did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him answered as became his Clemency saying If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime he should scorn it if by ignorance or folly he should pity him if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him Which is only to understood of small injuries such as are not prejudicial to the State and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger whereas those others deserve to be punished with severity Whence it follows that no one can doubt but that these Libellers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice their absence having secured them and his Majesty satisfying himself only by setting forth the nake sincerity of his Intentions and the justice of his Proceedings in his Letters and Declarations His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves being accompanyed with so much honour and glory that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf how solicitous he was to vindicate him for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators but he rather undertook to justifie him to the life upon all occasions in his Declarations and Letters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces to the Queen-Mother and Monsieur He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty for that he knows better then any other person the solidity of his Counsels the Fidelity of his Zeal the Justice of his Intentions the Generousness of his Courage and the Moderation of his Conduct The greater reason
therefore had his Majesty to justifie and vindicate him unto Strangers in regard the major part of affairs which are transacted in his Government are only known to himself and his Ministers every one else seeing nothing but things in their effects And true it is his Majesty omitted not any occasion of publishing his Fidelity and Services but did it in expressions and demonstrations of an extraordinary esteem and affection Politique Observation KIngs are in some sort oblig'd to defend their Ministers from the assaults of slanders They owe this protection unto them in remembrance of their Fidelity and that they may be the more affectionately engaged in their services for that they seldome attract the hatred of the Grandees upon themselves but only by their resisting of attempts made against their Master's Honour and Authority It is impossible for a Minister to serve his Prince as he ought and not to discontent the chief of the State for he is often necessitated to curb their ambition of advancing their own power in detriment to that of the Soveraign and then all the envie falls on him as if the whole Government were in his hands and unto his Counsels are all the denyals which they receive attributed Which being so what Reason or Justice can a King have to abandon unto the mercy of envie a loyalty which if not cherished will soon languish Nothing does so much diminish the zeal which a Minister hath for his Masters service as the discountenancing of him The Prince that forsaketh him who hath done him faithful service is blind in his neerest Interests and besides the blot of Ingratitude wherewith he blemisheth his reputation he exposeth himself unto manifest dangers by permitting his ruine who was the greatest Supporter of his glory which once admitted he becomes like a City whose Fortifications are razed and laid level with the ground For this reason it was that Artaxerxes seeing the Athenians banish Themistocles who came and cast himself into his Arms said he wish'd his enemies no greater evil then that they might continue to be carried away by their envie to deprive themselves of the Prudence and Valour of such like men Now if Prudence and Justice doth oblige Kings not to remove able States men from their service upon the score of Report so ought they likewise to be careful in defending their Reputations seeing they are only malign'd upon their accompts and for their fidelity unto their services Who knoweth not that an ancient Common-wealth would not admit of a good Law if propos'd by a suspitious person unless in had been first of all moved by one of an approved integrity They who were the Contrivers of this Designe were not to know how greatly the credit of a minister doth advance his Masters Interest by causing him to be readily obeyed by his Subjects And experience hath evinced it in a thousand encounters that all things run into disorder where a Minister once loseth his Credit and Repute Prosecution of the Subâ—ect THere hath been so much already said in answer to those aspersions laid in the Cardinals way that to say any more were needless in relation to his glory but it is not so in relation to the end and drift of this History which is for the Instruction of succeeding Kings and States-men how they ought to govern themselves for Soveraigns may here learn how to carry themselves towards their Ministers by the King's behaviour towards the Cardinal wherein there was an appearance of objection though it was an effect of his Majesties Prudence Amongst the many accusations laid to his charge one of the chiefest was that he had obtained from his Majesty the Government of divers strong and important places of the Kingdom and that other some he had procured for his friends Now these so considerable places were reduced unto Sea-Towns Havre and Brouage and that these places were the more to be regarded they being in his keeping at such a time when as there were endeavours used to bring some Forraigners into France which could not be more commodiously effected then by Sea The Contrivers of this charge were not well vers'd in the History of late times wherein they might have learn'd how that the Government of Havre and Diepe had been united and incorporated into the Office of Admiral de France by two several Declarations of Henry the third Neither were they better acquainted with the passages of the present times How that the Government of Brouage had been conferr'd on him in exchange of Diepe it being impossible to intend the necessary affairs of Sea without having some chief Sea-Port Which being so What reason can he alledge to quarrel at his Majesties conferring those Governments upon him As for those which his Majesty entrusted with his Relations I shall only say that they were not comparable with those favours which divers other Ministers have received from their Kings and Masters though they never did the Tythe of those services which he hath Annas de Montmorency was Mareschal and Constable of France Grand Maistre and Grand Chamberlain and Governour of Languedoc whose eldest son was Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc his second Colonel of Horse Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc by Survivorship and his third son Colonel General of the Swisses One of whose Nephews was a Cardinal another Admiral of France and a third Colonel of Foot and whose four Daughters were match'd into four of the chief Houses of France viz. that of Thurenne de la Trimonille de Candale and de Vautadour and whose power was such that Francis the first commanded Henry the Dauphine afterwards King to obey him in the Armies which he governed I could likewise add that there is not any thing in the Cardinals Family that may hold comparison with that of Amboise who flourished under Louis the eleventh Charles the eighth and Louis the twelveth Charles d' Amboise was Governour of Champagne and afterwards of Burgogne under Louis the eleventh and six other Brothers which he had with many others of this Nephews were all advanced by him By his favour Meri d' Amboise was created Grand Master of Rhodes Jean was made Bishop of Langres Louis was made Bishop d' Alby and Lievtenant for the King in Languedoc and Guyenne Pierre was installed Bishop of Poictiers Jacques was made Bishop of Clermont and Abbot of Cluny Jean was preferred to be Seignieur de Bussi and Governour of Normandy the three sons of his eldest Brother Louis Bishop of Alby Arch-bishop of Rouen and Cardinal Grand Maistre Admiral and Mareschal of France Governour of Milan and Lievetenant of his Majesties Armies in Italy Guy Siegnieur de Revel Captain of two hundred Gentils-hommes d'armes which was then a high preferment Francis de Clermont his Nephew son of his Sister Catharina d' Amboise Cardinal and Râ—nede Prie son of his Aunt Magdaleina d' Amboise Bishop of Bayeâ—x Is there any thing in the Cardinal's Family which may compare with
my self they question not these truths but besides that those expences were absolutely necessary do they not know what great advantages they gave both to the King and Kingdom The glory will remain for ever but the incommodity is already forgotten What reason is there to complain I shall onely make this answer the Ministers had deprived the King of that great honour which he now enjoys had they been deficient in drawing from the people those things which were necessary for the subsistance of Armies during the Wars and that it was a certain sign of their good conduct to have made such carefull provisions If the Impositions were thus necessary the money which did rise from them was no lesse carefully expended during those times of which they speak in which it may be said much was done with little money Can any one deny that this incomparable Minister did not buy that glory and those victories for the King to the shame of his enemies at an easier rate then others have done who have onely used allaying Medicines to defer those evils which afflict us from exasperating into extremities but have still left the enemies of France great advantages upon us It must be confessed that some particular people have beene charged over and above their proportion but neither the King nor his Ministers are therefore to be blamed the Possessors and Raters were faulty and deserved to be punished because they oppressed the weak and let the able escape upon the sum of friendship Politique Observation JUstice and Prudence do equally oblige a Prince to force a contribution from his Subjects towards the urgent necessities of the publike No one can doubt whether any thing be more efficacious then a good Treasure to preserve a Kingdom in order be it in Peace or War That Prince is easily surprized whose Exchequer is exhausted for he that wants money wants wherewith to levy men and he who is defective of men is to be vanquished without difficulty Now as to matter of War every one knows that Monies are its principal Nerves whereupon Suetonius Paulinus a Captain of great repute said in the Emperour Otho's Councel where the means of carrying on a War were discussed that in publike dissentions Money was more necessary then an Army Hath not Thucydides recorded to us how the chiefest arguments which Pericles used to induce the Athenians to make War was by convincing to them that they were in a capacity of so doing because an Army would easily be supplied with all necessary provisions from that abundant Treasure of which they were Masters War is undeniably a great Gulf which devoureth incredible sums What imprudence therefore were it for a Prince who finding himself ingaged in Wars and the Revenue of his Crown unable to furnish him with necessary conveniences not to compell his Subjects to contribute towards the publike Concernments Would he not soon be reduced to the condition of Cleomenes who according to Plutarch were forced to a War without monies to support his Souldiery was compelled to flie into Egypt If there be any thing of Prudence in it there is as much of Justice too The common Axiom is that every one may make use of his own now is it not I pray most certain that Kings may rightfully impose Contributions upon their Subjects towards the defraying of publike expences It is a right so undubitable inherent to them that the most able and sincere Divines assure us that every one is in conscience bound to submit to it they grounding themselves upon that command which our Saviour gave of paying unto Caesar and the example which himself shewed Herein consisteth the Soveraign power which Kings have over their Subjects goods I shall moreover adde that a Crown doth not only impower to impose Taxes but doth oblige Kings to require them for the preservation of its lustre and to demand them as a debt due to the State as also that no Subject can reasonably complain of it it being but just that particular and private persons should suffer some incommodity for the preservation of the publike good and better it were a Nation were impoverished then a kingdom lost Prosecution of the Subject THose crimes wherewith the Cardinals honour was taxed were so frivolous that we need not any longer detain our selves upon them especially seeing all wise men knew them to be groundlesse Easie it is to speak ill of the Governours of a State as the Queen mother her self once said to some who complained of her Agents during her Regency Every one takes the liberty to discommend their Conduct because Man is naturally an enemy to Government and propense to judge the worst of his Governours whose actions indeed may appear in their true Colours but not the causes inducements and circumstances of them they remain lock'd up in secret Revilings are the rewards of their watchings and let their actions be never so advantagious to the publike good yet private particular persons shall never be satisfied or pleased with them unlesse they advance their private and particular Fortunes as well as that of the publike Never was yet Minister otherwise rewarded and for this very reason whatever was said against the Cardinal was regarded by wise men but as the effect of a furious faction who could not meet their particular advancement in his Conduct which he little esteemed after he found their ends to be guided by their interests without consideration of the Kings Honour so that it will be needlesse longer to insist on this particular discourse Shortly after the Queen mothers and Monsieur's departure the King unwilling to hinder their Officers from going after them was well inform'd that divers abusing that Liberty accorded unto them did carry Letters under the notion of Officers and packets of correspondency for the continuing many Intreagues still on foot Whereupon his Majesty to suppresse that disorder ordained that they should have fifteen days time to retire themselves either unto their persons or else to confine themselves unto their own houses inhibiting any one either to go or come the time once expired without his particular licence under penalty of being declared disturbers of the publike peace of being punished with confiscation of their Estates and the â—osse of exemption from payment of Tributes which they then enjoyed it being unreasonable that under the intent of favouring some who did not abuse their liberty of going to discharge their Offiâ—es others might without comâ—trol foment and carry on the divisions in the Kingdom which cost so dear to extinguish Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to suffer in a Kingdom divided with factions such persons who have any particular dependance upon them who are the Authors of those divisions after themselves are retired out of the Kingdom so to do were to leave fire in straw Although â—ome may be mindfull of their obligations in being more submisse to their Soveraign then to any other yet undoâ—btedly many there wil be more affectionate to their
own interest who will become spies to give intelligence and agents to draw others into their opinions It seems rigorous indeed that the innocent should suffer with the nocent but how prejudicial would it be to the Common-wealth if not so better it were to preserve the publike tranquility severity then to indaâ—ger it by lenity Never was there yet Law made for the publike good which was not attended with some inconveniences to particular persons and he who would make Laws in which no particular man should be interessed will but deceive himselâ— for want of penetrating into the consequences The best course which can be followed is ever to prefer the universal beâ—ore a particular good remembring that wise saying of Tacitus that all exemplary acts have somwhat of evil in them but the injury they do particular men will be abundantly recompenced by the publick advantage Prosecution of the History THus you have the several Intreagues and the strange attempts which they who abused the favours of the Queen-mother and Monsieur used during this year contrary to their allegiance the Kings Authority and the tranquility of the Kingdom You have likewise the courses which were taken to impede their designs which ended in the ruine of the Complotters The Cardinal used such care addresse and Prudence that all their attempts were only like so many impressions made upon the clouds which vanish with the first breath of Wind they were like Bullets shot at random like blows in the air and like pictures in the water which the waves do as soon deface as designed The Pilot seems sufficiently employed during the Tempest if he preserve his Vessel from the violence of the Winds and fury of the Waves his presence and command being necessary to guide all those who have any charge to the performance of their Offices and his prudence to incourage them to go through stitch with any thing which conduceth to his happy successe so it is hard to beleeve that a Minister of State hath not as much employment as humane wit can undergo when he is obliged to defend himself and the State too from the violence of a faction headed by the chief persons of the royal family seeing he must necessarily every day issue out a thousand several Orders and hardly will any one beleeve that he can be capable of any other thoughts whiles he is agitated in such furious Tempests True it is the highest pitch of glory that a Minister in such encounters can attain to is to avoid shipwrack Experience hath made it evident that great Souls can passe further on and that as the intelligences though taken up in their contemplation and love of the Divinity yet cease not to be solicitous of things here below or neglect the protection of Princes Kingdomes and particular persons so likewise Heaven doth sometimes produce certain sublime wits endued with courage addresse and prudence enough to undertake such encounters a thousand other noble enterprises besides the conservation of the State Hath not all Europe found it so in the Cardinal who without shewing any trouble at all the attempts this year made to embroil France and destroy it under which any other but himself would have sunk not only rendred them successelesse but re-established the Duke of Mantua and defended the Princes of Germany whom the House of Austria had almost swallowed up a thing which I cannot sufficiently admire and of which I find my self obliged to say something that it may serve for instruction in the Government of States Affairs of Germany I Will begin with the assistance of the German Princes concluded with the King of Sweden in January at which time these factious agents did their utmost to destroy this great Minister We have demonstrated in the precedent year with how much justice the King of Sweden entred Germany to defend the liberty of some Princes oppressed by the House of Austria who were allied unto him as also to this Crown and who were not only driven out of their Principalities but also reduced to such extremity that they knew not how to live We have likewise seen that he was the more readily induced to defend them in regard himself had received some injuries from the Emperour particularly when the Emperour caused his Letters sent unto the Prince of Transilvania to be opened and falsly interpreted when he sent the Duke of Holsace with a great Army under his own Colours to make War upon him in Prusse when he confiscated the Ships and Merchandises of the Swedes formerly landed in the Towns of Germany when he not only refused audience to his Embassadours and denied them answer but commanded them upon pain of their lives presently to depart the Empire and when he refused by way of scorn his proffer of Peace in confidence of destroying him not thinking him able to sustain the force of his Arms. The Cardinal knew that a Prince received no lesse glory from defending his Allies then from curbing the Ambition of his Neighbours and therefore thought himself obliged to perswade his Majesty not to forsake the King of Sweden and Princes of Germany in so important an occasion He knew no War was more lawfull then that which tends to the keeping of confederate Princes in their Dominions and to revenge any injuries offered unto them Hence it was that having taken order for the interests of the Catholick Religion in Germany he perswaded his Majesty to conclude and sign the Treaty of Alliance with the King of Sweden the conditions whereof had been concluded about three or four moneths before His Majesty engaged to assist him with Men and Money as he then did and the King of Sweden expresly engaged not to attempt any thing in prejudice of the Church in the Catholick Towns of which he might possibly become Master our invincible Monarch not thinking it enough to follow the generous sentiments of his justice which led him to secure those Princes from oppression unlesse accompanied with those of his Piety so he could not resolve to assist an Heretick King without precaution for the interest of the Church that those violences which are the usual effects of Arms might not be attributed but to the disorders which do necessarily follow the Camp Politique Observation THat War is just saith St. Ambrose which is undertaken in defence of the weak or the Allies of a State against those who oppresse them St. Augustine teacheth us that those Arms are justifiable which are taken up to revenge injuries The defence of Confederates is one of those actions which doth most of all set off a Kings glory and raise it to the highest pitch of greatnesse Nothing doth more assimilate them to the Divinity then the stretching out of their hands to support the weak the protecting of whom is an act well-beseeming their Majesties He who never ought to divide his Crown to any one ought however let his Arms be common to other Soveraigns for their defence They who do otherwise
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
one of the greatest marks of their Authority God entrusting them to dispence Justice hath not only appointed them to chastise the people but likewise to make Laws and Statutes which may serve for a Rule of their Government Hence the Lawyers say That Princes Will is Law Democracy ascribeth this power to the People but Monarchy restraineth it to Kings only and acknowledgeth no Laws but what are signed by their Majesties Now as the power of making Laws is in them so is that of changing and adding according as they shall think fit if they had not this power we should have no other Laws then those of Nature imprinted in the heart of man by the meer instinct of reason or such as were made by the first Father of Mankind All the Volumns of Theodosius and Justinian might be burnt and those of our Kings too as so many attempts against the liberty of the people because they have been but of late Creation there being none so ancient but what did once savour of Novelty Were not this to put the people into an extream licentiousnesse and to shut our eyes against reason which teacheth us that the Kings of this age have no lesse power then those of old who in their Laws have included what-ever they thought necessary and which could not tye up their Successors hands from following their examples left unto them It is a vulgar error to imagine that to alter Laws must needs be dangerous Without just consideration indeed it ought not to be done but when there happens any such to be the alteration of them cannot but be advantagious it being impossible that the first Law-makers should foresee all inconveniences which being so their Successors have power to change or abrogate them as occasion shall require Absolutely to reject Laws because they are new is but a Cynical humour seeing the antiquity of them cannot be a just denyal to the use of several others which have since been ordained neither can novelty be a sufficient reason to impower those which are at present in use Vlpian saith Kings may change any Laws into better and Cicero pleading against Verres very boldly saith That the ancient ought to be left and the new received when there is a probability of advantage by it All France hath commended Hugh Capet for changing that law which called all the male children to the succession of the Crown and stiâ—l will approâ—e of those changes which tend to preserve the Royal Authority in its luster The Cardinal is created Duke and Peer of France THe King having established all things so firmly in France that none of the factious Caballists could trouble the Peace and restored the Princes and People of Italy to their Liberties by the Treaty of Queraâ—que it was but just that the Cardinals services should be rewarded with some new Titles of Honour in regard those important affairs had been managed by his discreet counsels No one can doubt but that the Quality of Duke and Peer was his just due seeing he had so gloriously acted the part of a Duke and Peer which as the French History relates is either to govern the Affairs of State or some particular Province by his Majesty's Order or else to command his Armies Was it not in these two employments that his prudence and courage so eminently appeared that all Strangers were no lesse terrified then the true Frenchmen rejoyced His Majesty who admires more then any one the eminence of his Genius having made the greatest experiments of him was not defective to confer this honour upon him His Majesty dispatched his letters unto him which carried in them an extraordinary recommendation it being seldome conferred on persons of his worth and after so many glorious actions They were confirmed by the Court not only without any difficulty but with high eulogiums and a particular acknowledgement of the good offices he had done in France In fine he went to take his Oath at the Palace on Sept 15. accompanied with Monsieur le Prince the Dukes of Montmorancy Chevreuse Rets Crequi Vantadour and Montbazon the Marâ—schal d' Estree Vitry and d' Effiat and many other Lords who desired to follow him to testifie by their presence how great an esteem they had of his services which rendred him worthy of so eminent a quality The Chambres were all assembled and coming into the great one he took his Oath to serve his King well and faithfully in his highest greatest and most important affairs to do Justice impartially both to poor and rich and to behave himself in all things like a most vertuous most generous and most magnanimous Duke and Peer of France and then he took his place beneath all the rest of the Dukes Amongst these great honours I cannot omit one remarkable passage that as the greatest Genius are the most modest and scorn inferiour men who esteem of nothing but an extraordinary honour so he would not pass by the great Gate of the Palace where many thousands attended him but by a private door where he might not be seen because he desired not to be publikely commended as the custome alwaies was on such occasions and indeed the most eloquent of the Barreau would have found themselves gravelled to have done it his Actions and Qualities being above expression Politique Observation A King ought never to forget the rewarding of extraordinary services with marks of honour for glory is the Nurse of Vertue and reward ought to follow all Actions accompanyed with Courage and Valour so that it is unjust not to reward those advantages which a grand Minister procureth to the Crown It is likewise true that honourable Qualities cannot more justly be conferred on any then those that do honourable actions seeing the most significant names are given to Subjects only in consideration of their ordinary Actions Now the name of Duke most properly belongeth to him who leads an Army in War and manageth affairs of State in peace under the King's Authority In this sence the primitive Gauls took it and it is most conformable to the Etymologie of the word Those are the Offices which Justâ—nian ascribeth in his Institutes to a person of this Quality Ancient Authors do not observe that this was taken for any constant Honour until Diocâ—esian and Constantine in whose time the Governours of Provinces and Frontiers and Generals of Armies were called Dukes and Masters of War as may be seen in Amienus Marcellinus Tacitus indeed who lived under Trajane called Generals of Armies Dukes but it was only a temporary Quality which lasted no longer then their Commands It was under the later Emperours and our first Kings that this qualification was annexed to any particular person and made permanent as may be seen in Gregory de Tours the most ancient of our Historians where it is observed how Kingâ— â—â—ntram gave the Dukeship and Government of the whole Kingdom for five years unto Eudistus At that rime indeed this quality was not so fixed but
that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity yet commonly it was given for life As for the Dignity of Peer that is not so ancient but very eminent for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew by reason he was a Peer which his brother was not The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Charâ—emâ—gne but without other proof then this that History maketh no mention of it before his time and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasuâ—es Tâ—ere are some ancient Titles found which make appear That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte who were Peers and did astist them in great Ceremonies and the Decision of chief Affairs In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Justice but although they partake of the Name yet are they but Images and those very imperfect in regard of the greatnesse of those of France who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King to serve him and receive his Oath at his Consecration and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France for the maintaining of their Order and Belief The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton because being within his view they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc This Order was followed and the Sieur de Galland Councellor to his Majesty was sent to be President in the King's behalf his Loyalty was not to be suspected and they were obliged to accept of him in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Primitive times which they professed to honour The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline to silence them in his Majesty's name in case they should discourse of any other affairs and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty he perswaded them to enact that there should not any more National Assemblies be made but in the presence of a Commissary from the King who might by testifying their obedience be a means of continuing them in quiet besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers this being intended of all that were not natural French and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence by this means to prevent all intelligences associations and correspondencies with the enemies of the State according to the Laws of the Kingdom and his Majesty's particular prohibitions in fine he used so much prudence that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politique or Military and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect it not being the Designe of my History It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service broke their correspondency with strangers and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence Politique Observation REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe to conspire unanimously to the Publike good neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them then the diversity of Belief it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis which separateth the most moderate minds hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships Some of them adored a Crocodile others an Eagle this a Dog that some other thing as himself fancied thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie But besides that this maxime is impious and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity as the wise Pilots who in a Storm let their Sails go they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes could they have prevented it in the beginning Now what better advice can be taken then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures and there to deliberate what they think fit without informing their Prince of any thing He who depriveth them of these Liberties striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace and after despoiling them of their Arms which never ought to be allowed them he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it Besides it is necessary to repress their insolency the inseparable companion of Heresie They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse which makes them alwaies discontented and the only way to tame them is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindreth them whereas if they find him weak and â—asie to be
wrought upon in condescending to their commands they are never at quiet but do alwaies take the liberty of making new requestâ— in hopes of a like success This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience to support their quiet without which they will easily revolt it is the true beginning of the peoples happiness and cutteth up the root of their rebellions Affairs of Lorrain ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorrain should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom They had chosen him for their Brave and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men which he had raised about Spring were the chief of their hopes when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom they were so inconsiderate as to believe that these Forces entring into France would be like Rivers falling from great mountains increase as they go as if the King assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal were not able to ruine all their Souldiers upon their first taking the Field It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble the cause was either Fortune or peradventure the Cardinals prudence which so wrought that the Emperour finding himself oppressed by the King of Swede commanded the Duke of Lorrain with his Army to assist him in his occasions so that leaving Monsieur's affairs for some moneths he addressed himself to attend the Emperour and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies but like the Grey-hound who running after two Hares takes neither he forsook Monsieur's assistance as he had promised and instead of comming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperour 7000 of his men disbanded and were scattered whether by a Panick fear or by some accident which so disordered them that it was impossible to rally them again It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur and to make a recruit which the Emperour pressed him to do The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King as he had done for three or four years last past by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes not only of raising a potent Army in his Country but withall of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the Kings Family by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroilers that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour after her disgrace as his chief correspondent that there was not any forraign Prince whom he did not indeavour to make an enemy to France and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented that he would with him hold a particular friendship and all this without considering that building without a foundation his superstructure would soon fall to the ground and that his Majesty would effect as many generous enterprizes in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary signâ— which were ever successelesse It was resolved that the Duke of Lorrain should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intreagues and devices His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him which was not conformable to justice the rule of all his actions and in this he took the sweetest course he might with justice have seized on Barr because he had neglected to pay his fealty and homage and have invaded his Countries in revenge of the injuries he had received But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopprick of Metâ— in particular whiles the Kings Arms were in Italy he only seeking occasions to incense France that he might render himself the more considerable to the House of Austria induced the Emperour to make himself Master of Moyenvic and to give it him in keeping the chiefest place of the Bishopprick of Mets and the Emperour animated by the Spaniards was glad to have it and fortifie it though against reason by a meer attempt against the rights of the Crown and his Majesties reputation who was Protector thereof The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs seeing the Peace of Italy concluded and the Emperour sufficiently diverted in Germany perswaded the King to retake it with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in question did easily resolve upon it and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lorrain under the Marshal de la Force defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Collonel Mars who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic Vic presently yeelded but Moyenvic did not For the Governour was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out he advised Collonel Offa the Emperours Commissary with the condition of the place and the little hopes of long holding it if not relieved but he was answered that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorrain who had promised the Emperour to relieve this place should be so carelesse of it that himself was now upon return and that to him he ought to redresse himself for relief In conclusion the Duke of Lorrain was charged by the Emperour to defend it after it had been fortifi'd at his charges and that with such passion that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach He addressed himself to the Duke but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself durst not openly assist them but gave order to the Governour of Marsal to assist him with Men Ammunitions and Victuals yet these succours were too weak is likewise the place to resist the Kings power whereupon a parley followed and conditions were agreed on for the surrendring of the place if within six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear No Army appeared the Duke of Lorrain wanting forces but not ill will The garrison marched out making it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction Politique Observation NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice but for a mean Prince to attempt it relisheth of meer imprudence It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another if he can
where they best liked The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of Sâ—ede The Baron de â—â—eâ—de came to him from the Infanta to give him the like assurance and to beseech him to believe that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns Nay the Queen-Mother too though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests resolved by perswasion of Chaâ—teloupe to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris to engage them if possible in a Revolt which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self with divers other Cities of the Kingdom and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain that he might extinguish the fire nearer home That Enemy of the publike Peace took occasion from the Parliaments discontents for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his then the bare reading of it Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination though signed with her hand but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator who in peace being inconsiderable would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him Hereupon he made her believe that this propitious Genius of France was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries and that in fine the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country pillage the Towns rob the people pull down the Churches That Religion would be laid aside the Nobility ruined The Royal Houses errazed and the French Nation exposed unto death or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts This was the purport of the letter and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt which hath ever been the main support of this State It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory as was apparent in the relief of Casal and Treaty of Pignerol They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany though it was sufficiently apparent how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperour to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate and upon divers other Princes I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman or loyal Subject But the blame of this defect as likewise of the whole Letter was laid upon him as the true Author thereof who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it whose goodness like that of the Sun cannot do any hurt unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany and began to look about them when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers although he would never be induced so to do having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours Politique Observation ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States is their being easily circumvented either by their own passions or the ill advices of others If the person enterprising any thing be but in discredit with them that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy Their passions are extream and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure and on the contrary they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect They are born with such inclinations that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree and on the contrary when they pass from one passion to another they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved whereupon the wisest of Kings and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost said There is no malice like that of a Woman Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted which clasheth with their inclinations as all War doth work upon their Fears which are natural unto them there cannot then be any War how just or necessary soever but shall assuredly be condemned by them In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war or to carry that war into a Forraign Country which is designed to be brought into our own it were bootless to represent unto them how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses as knowing their own to be the next in danger It were but time and labour lost to offer unto their thoughts that it is
of Lorrain was not a little happy in having obtained his Peace from the King's Bounty neither was the Cardinal a little extolled for having setled Peace between the Churchmen of the Kingdom But the sky cannot long continue without clouds neither can a Peace be so established as that no troubles should at any time arise which now fell out accordingly For Monsieur having resolv'd to go unto Bruxels began to prepare himself for his journey that he might make sure of those Forces which the Spaniards had promised unto the Sieur de Puy-Lauzens towards the invading of France and there to conclude with them that course it were best to steer Monsieur at his departure from Nancy made a small days journey unto Remiremont where the Princess Marguerite then was that he might satisfie the passion which is incident upon new Marriages From thence he went unto Besançon whence after a short repose he went towards Bruxels by Luxembourg Passing by Thionville he left Coigneux and Monsigot behind him having taken his Seals from the former and delivered his Pen unto Guillemi◠in place of the second I may not omit to observe that the discredit of these two persons was but the effect of Puy-Laurens displeasure conceiv'd against them for their boldess in informing Monsieur with reasons to divert him from the marriage whereunto he had alwaies inclined him for from that time he put an hundred several tricks upon them and such was his Love and Ambition that he could not endure the sight of any one in the House who durst contradict his Will and Pleasure The Infanta hearing that Monsieur was drawing near unto Bruxelles gave order for his reception according to his Quality At his coming he was entertained not only with great honour by her Highness but from the Spaniards too who finding him inclined to interest himself in their designs endeavoured to give all imaginable content Monsieur made his entrance on the 28. of January attended with two hundred Horse The Marabel received him in the King of Spain's name The Marquis de Sainte Croix with all the Officers and Nobility of Flanders met him a league from Bruxels with a Troop of Gentlemen before them armed from head to foot All the Companies of the City came to salute him Briefly they did him all the same Honours as had been shewed to the Queen his Mother He dismounted at the Infantas Palace before he visited the Queen She received him with those Civilities and Favours which are inherent in her and those so obligingly that they were extraordinary great in persons of her age She came to meet him at the first Hall where she intended him his audience and presently told him she was very sorry there should be any quarrel between them at their first interview because he had come to visit her before the Queen his Mother Whereunto Monsieur replyed very handsomly that he should more easily give her satisfaction as to that Quarrel then for the great obligations which he owed unto her After some other Civilities she lead him into a Hall where were the Grandees of Spain together with the Knights of the Golden Fleece who saluted him being all bare himself being likewise uncovered some little time After which Monsieur and her Highness seated themselves in chairs provided for that purpose th' Infanta in that on the left hand and Monsieur on the right where after half an hours entertainment Monsieur desired leave to kiss the Ladies who were all placed as if it had been at a Ball This complement pass'd over he went to visit the Queen his Mother who considering him as the person who should vindicate her quarrel force his Majesty to banish the Cardinal from the Court and establish her in her former power in France received him with all the testimonies of joy and gladness though she forbore to discover all her thoughts the better to hide the intelligence and agreement between them The Infanta defrayed all his expences until the 17. of May when he departed from Bruxels and took great care that he might pass away his time with all sorts of diversions both within door and abroad which recreations were somtimes interrupted by the jealousies and quarrels hapning between those of her Court and the Queen-Mothers The danger of Drawing Strangers into a Kingdom IT is very dangerous to call strangers into a State in hopes to support a revolt by their means No doubt they will be ready to foment any discontent and to incourage any attempt but it is wisdom to mistrust them Is it not a madness to hope for men and miracles from a Prince who hath enough to do to defend himself If there be any Libertines uncapable of civil society any disorderly irreligious persons any Plunderers such as take all they meet these are the men with whom they shall be furnished Now were it not I pray a folly to build hopes and designs upon men so qualified To say the truth such men as they cannot affectionately ingage themselves so will they not readily endanger themselves but behave themselves most couragiously in rifling and robbing naked and poor people until they come to fight and then nothing is so pittiful and backward Now if it be weakness to trust in strange Souldiers it is more folly to confide in their Commanders who if persons of no courage what reasonable expectations can be hoped from them And if they be persons well qualified and fit to command there is then more cause to fear then trust them for doubtless they will hardly forsake any Hold they once take in a Country but will do their utmost to surprize some place of Importance which if it be not suddenly to be effected yet certainly they will designe it and bring it to pass when opportunity inviteth them The Carthaginians according as Polybius relateth saw their affairs run from bad to worse when their Army became full of Strangers Gauls Spaniards Greeks and Fugitives and Tacitus tells us the true cause why Armies compos'd of Strangers subsist no longer then Fortune smileth upon them but disband upon the least blow or loss because they want affection Th' Emperour of Constantinople having called ten thousand Turks unto his assistance soon perceived his own folly because they finding themselves the strongest party would not return back again but laid the foundation of those miseries under which they now hold that Empire But that we go no further then France it self which hath more indangered it then the calling in of the English and Spaniards and doth not every one know that when Civil Wars have opened the Gates of a Kingdom unto Strangers they soon fortifie themselves so strongly that they are hardly to be removed but after long and sad Wars It is great prudence in a Prince not to engage in any revolt but if he be so ill advised as to take up Arms against his Soveraign let him beware of calling in strangers to his assistance Monsieur resolveth to joyn himself with
Goncales de Cordoue MOnsieur perceiving the Spring to come on and the time for leading Armies into the Field draw neer resolved to leave Bruxelles and joyn with Dom Gonçcales de Cordoue who expected him at Treves Before his departure he took leave of the Infanta at a publick Audience who after he had been re-conducted by all the great Lords of the Court unto his Lodgings sent him a Present to three Coffers which bespoke her no lesse magnificence then noblenesse of mind The first was of perfumed Leather imbroidred the Lock Key and Arms of Gold enamelled within were two suits very rich the second was of crimson Velvet embroidered fill'd with very fine linnen and the third was full of all sorts of sweet meats She likewise presented him with a Suit of Arms and two handsom Horses fitter for shew then use neither was she unmindful of gratifying the chief Gentlemen of his Retinue some with Rings some with Diamonds and others with Chains of Gold having Meddals of the King of Spain hanging at the ends of them Monsieur being once departed from Bruxels made his usual speed towards Treves whither Dom Gonçales de Cordoue was advanced with design to fall upon the Palatinate as he pretended and there to establish his Masters affairs which the Swedes had much disordered but in truth to invade France with Monsieur which was most probable The King of Spain had dispatched him from Court about the beginning of January with Commission to command the Army in the Palatinate and Order to go into France as an extraordinary Embassadour to indeavour some way of accommodation for the affairs of Germany and from thence to go unto the Arch Dutchess who should give him instructions for his further procedure Accordingly he came to Paris and thence went to Saint Germain en Lare about mid March the King being then there His Majesty treated him with a great deal of splendour and caused his Musquetiers to exercise before him that he might see how dextrous he was to imbattle an Army and to lead them on to fight with more judgement then the ablest Commander in his Kingdom The next thing he did was to visit the Cardinal by whom he was very civilly receiv'd but having never seen him before he thought to surprize him and in his discourses upon the affairs of Germany to make him swallow shadows for real substances But his Eminency let him perceive that the Emperors and his Masters designs were but too well known and that it was but a trick â—o perswade the World that the War of Germany was a War of Religion and not of State so that in conclusion he saw his devices were eluded and that there is not any Fetch able to circumvent the prudence oâ— that grand Minister Hereupon he made no long stay at Court his design thither being for other ends then to receive bare complements and civilities yet in going off he committed one Act absolutely contrary to the custom of all Embassadours viz. his refusing of a Sword beset with Diamonds which with the Scabbard was worth ten thousand Crowns sent unto him from the King for a Present shewing by this Action that having left Spain to trouble France he would not receive any Present which might oblige him to lessen his ill will Not but that he was soon payed in his own coin and that by the Sieur de Guron who was the presenter of the Sword for Dom Gonçales his Secretary coming to him and offering him some Present from his Master was told that he would not receive any thing from a Minister of Spain who had refused the Liberalities of his Master and that it was hard to surprize him at Paris as at Cazal After he had continued some few days in this Court he departed towards Bruxels and from thence having received Orders from the Infanta went towards Treves in expectation of Monsieur who came to him about the end of May. Dom Gonçales received him with all imaginable honour went to meet him with the Spanish Nobility entertain'd him and his retinue at Supper with a great deal of splendour and in fine left his own lodgings unto him Treves was the Randezvouz for the forces of Dom Gonçales of the Comte de Mâ—rode of the Comte de Embden had he not been diverted Monsieur was in consultation with them hoping he might carry most of their Forces into France but they let him see how the Spaniards have not yet lost their old custom of promising much and performing little to such as expect relief from them The King indeed had by the Cardinals perswasion taken a good course to divert their designs viz. by giving them work enough in Germany and the Low-countries so to keep them off from invading their neighbours For just at that nick of time it was that the Hollanders by his advice went and besieged Maestry with so potent an Army that the whole force of Spain and the Empire could not possibly relieve it Dom Gonçales found himself necessitated to draw thither that one affair being work enough to imploy his utmost force so that Monsieur was necessitated to be satisfied with such few men as could be spared and to dispatch the Sieur de Fargis unto Spain there to negotiate a greater assistance in the interim he advanced towards Nancy hoping to supply this defect by the forces which he expected from the Duke of Lorrain Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Minister of State having once discovered that the designs of a Forraign Prince are to foment and support Revolts in his State to cause an enemy to encounter him that being a most infallible way to break his resolutions for most certain it is every one will sooner bestir himself to quench the fire which burneth his own house then to kindle a fire in his neighbours Prevention and Diversion are too great advantages in War saith Alphonsus de Arragon thus did the Syracusians procure the Lacedemonians to invade the Athenlans whereby they might prevent their sending of succors to Nice in Sicily Thus Hannibal advised Anâ—iochus to go and Forrage the country of Philip to the end that finding new work for his Forces he might be disabled from sending them to the Romans to fight against him and thus Avitus a Roman Captain invaded the Country of Tentari to hinder them from assisting the Ansibarians with their Forces To provide great Armies for the defence of a State and for the suppressing of an insurrection is not all no there ought to be prudence and discretion in the management of affairs and to make a strong diversion is as necessary as to fight well Besides Prudence is of so much the more advantage in regard by such diversions it weakneth those who revolt reduceth them to exigencies and inability of doing any thing considerable and in fine maketh them easie to be overcome wheras without it it would be a hard matter to secure any thing from their violence The Indictment of the
Lacaoniâ— as is to be seen in his Institutions A sentence indeed it is deserving to be set up where-ever Kings make their usual residence whereby they may be out in mind of the advantages which happen to a State by the due observation of the Law All things saith he which pertain to the well government of a State we ordered by the Constitutions of Kings whereupon who so would walk wisely shall never fail if he propose them for the Rule of his Actions A King is called the living Law of his Country implying the lise he infuseth into the Laws and that his commands do chiefly rend to inforce the observation of them Whatever severity he useth in this particular is commendable because it is a means to secure his State from those disorders which are repugnant to the publike good and though he should be severe he cannot possibly be though violent because it is only in conformity to the Laws unto which violence is absolutely contrary It were to be wished that a Prince would be careful to reward the services done either to his Person or State but on the other side he never ought to let the Laws fall into dis-esteem especially those which keep the people in obedience and which serve to secure them from oppression Indeed to what purpose do the Laws command and injoyn punishments to be inflicted on such who infringe them unless Justice putteth them in execution Were not this to put Arrows into a Quiver from whence they can never be drawn It were to make the Magistrate an immoveable Statue a Chimera which only serveth to fright people in Ballads or to still little children but vanish at a time of need without effecting that for which they were established in the world The Duke of Lorrain recommenceth the War THe Duke of Lorrain having only made his peace with the King at Vic with a resolution to recommence the War upon the first fair opportunity did verily believe he had now fallen upon a fit conjuncture of time considering how affairs then stood and how Monsieus was inclined whereupon he began to raise men and to fortifie some of his Towns The King was fully inform'd of his Designs by divers intercepted letter the undubitable witnesses of his ill-will and which convinc'd his Majesty beyond all his fair words which be sent unto the King to keep him off from securing the Frontiers of the Kingdom Some there were written by his Father others by the Princess of Falsbourg which did not only assure Monsieur of Forces in Lorrain but withal did seriously invite him to stick close to his Interests and to put himself into a posture to gather the Crown of France which they positively said would shortly fall of it self into his hands Othersome from the Sieur de Puy-Lourens unto the Princess of Falsbourg in which he assured her that certain designs of great importance then contrived were infallible Besides that the Cardinal's penetrating sight which pierceth into the secrets of Princes Cabinets had discovered all those devices from the correspondence they held in the Kingdom his Majesty had just reason to transport his Forces into Lorrain to toâ—â— out that Duke and to over-run his Countries But the Cardinal who never adviseth the making of a War unless when it is impossible longer to continue peace was opinion That his Majesty should do well first to send the Sieur de Guroâ— unto him to complain of his unjust proceedings to endeavour to disswade him and to make a more full discovery of his intentions and the order he designed to prosecute This advice pleased his Majesty wondrous well and the Sieur de Guroâ— was dispatched towards the Duke who salute him from the King hiâ— Master and theâ— represented to him that he could not sufficiently admire that having made a league with his Majesty but four or five moneths since wherein he positively engaged to break off all correspondence and intelligence between himself and Monsieur the Kings Brother as also the enemies of France he should so quickly contrary to the Agreement sollicite Monsieur to come unto Nancy and invade the Kingdom of France and not only so but likewise negociate both the Emperor and the King of Spain to assist him with Forces for that end and purpose knowing that his own would only serve to augment the glory of France This Discourse grounded upon undeniable Truths touch'd the Duke so to the quick that he was at a non-plus neither could he alledge any thing in justification of himself but by adding new impostures which did the more evidently declare his wicked intentions and peradventure more to the life then a confession of his disloyalty But that was not the only time they discoursed together nor were those the only reasons wherewith the Sieur de Guron endeavoured to divert him no he laid before him his Majesties clemency particularly know unto him in the Treaty of Vic where his Majesty found him at a loss in great distress without hopes of relief from the House of Austria and in a condition unable to defend himself or his State yet would not his Majesty prosecute the advantages he then had Then that he might somwhat terrifie him he represented to him sundry reasons to perswade him to believe that the King would easily destroy any Forces which should invade the Kingdom which once effected he for his part would be exposed to an ineâ—â—â—able mine for that his Majesty was then bound by all reasons what ever to revenge the injuries offered unto his Crown and State That the might well believe his Majesty having done his business both with the Spaniards in Italy and the English at Râ—… his few Forces would easily be scattered upon the first view of his Majesty's â—â—dry These reasons were so just and weighty that a wiser Prince and less pâ—ssio◠〈◊〉 against France would easily have been perswaded to relinquish the War But such was his blindness and so great his vain hopes that he could not be drawn to any thing Not that he did then openly declare himself but putting off his answer from day to day delayed the time so long until Monsieur came to enter into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand and not so only but continued to make warlike preparations from whence it was easie to be seen that he was little inclined to peace and quietness The next thing hereupon which his Majesty did was to command the Mareschal d' Effiat to advance with his Army into Lorrain where be intended to be in his own person well knowing that the presence of a Prince doth not a little encourage the Souldiery of France His Majesty likewise ordained that the new raised Forces should march towards the Frontiers and there expect until he had dispatched an Affair of great concernment which then called him away The securing of Calais was a thing extreamly necessary the Governour of which place had been gained by Monsieur's Cabal and engaged to serve him and his
every little Town to stand upon their guard Some of his Forces attempted to seize upon about thirty or forty Mules neer Corcone but the Inhabitants falling upon them beat them back and saved their Mules but with the losse of twelve men left dead in the place which so incens'd his Highnesse that he resolv'd to besiege the Town and make them pay dearly for it But the Bishop de Mande whose Loyalty and Courage was well known hearing thereof raised a hundred Gentlemen and four hundred foot and with them got into the Town and resolved to defend it Whereupon Monsieur who had no leisure to stay in any place marched off traversing the whole Kingdom without any considerable thing done untill he came to Languedoc such good order had the Cardinal taken under his Majesties Authority Politique Observation IT is great Prudence not to neglect or slight the smallest Revolts but to cut them off in the first growth Some are so fatally blind as to perswade themselves that having great Forces a small Army can hardly get any advantage upon them But the wisest men have learnt from Reason and Experience that mean beginnings have sometimes had dangerous ends and that insurrections are like Rivers which the further they run the more they increase their Channels and inlarge their Banks They are not ignorant of the instability of humane affairs and that of all others the chances of War are most incertain They know that to disregard an enemy giveth him a great advantage for that he is thereby permitted to raise Forces and to fortifie himself so that in conclusion it will be as hard a task to subdue him as at first it would have been easie to have prevented him from making the least progress in his design One of the Pharaohs of Egypt was so inconsiderate as to slight the Caldeans being thereunto perswaded by some eminent men of Tunis who told him that for a Prince of his birth descended from a stem of ancient Kings Lord of a large Country and esteemed by every one as the Arbitrator of War and Peace to fear so inconsiderable an enemy would be injurious and dishonourable to him but he was not long unpayed for the Caldeans invaded his Country assaulted his Cities and ruin'd his Kingdom they meeting with no opposition at all The small esteem which those of Ninive made of their Besiegers and the great confidence they put in their own Walls and Power were the causes of their being taken in the middest of their mirth There need no more but one small sparkle to kindle a great Fire and but a small Revolt to over-run a whole Kingdom if there be not some preventive Force used Do we not see how the greatest Storms begin with a little Gale of Wind and that the greatest darknesses are Ushered in by small Clouds so do we likewise often see the greatest Wars to grow from little beginnings A State is seldome without I think I may safely say never some discontented persons who would be very glad to joyn their forces with those of any Revolted Prince if they could have but a small opportunity And some indeed too too many Ransâ—ckers who would be extraordinary glad to be under any protection where they might be permitted to forrage Pillage and Plunder The surest remedy in such cases is to prevent them betimes and to wait upon the first appearers in the field with such power and force that they may not have time to know where they are and that others may not dare to stir a foot to joyn with them Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontents THe Duke of Montmorency was the man who had ingaged Monsieur to come into Languedoc giving him to hope for great assistance in those parts and that himself had credit and power enough to arm all that Province in his behalf He had been much discontented from the year 1629. when the Esleus were established of such concern was the Creation of those new Officers unto him for they were then impowered to impose the Contributions upon the people which formerly belonged unto the States and especially the Governour Who sometimes would exact a hundred thousand Livres for his own share which losse he could ill brook by reason he was used to make great expences It is true indeed the Sieur de Emery Intendent of the Treasuries being sent into Languedoc to execute the Edict about the year 1631 found a means to content him which was to levy the said Contributions by certain Commissioners from whom the King should receive as great advantage as from the Esleus and yet who should act nothing but by direction from the States and thus had the Governour of the Province still liberty to make his usual profits But the Marshal d'Effiat Super-intendent of the Treasuries could not approve hereof either by reason of the disgusts which happened between them whilest they commanded the Army together in Piedmont or else because it was not just that the Governours of Provinces should raise such sums upon the people already too much oppressed and that without any benefit to the King So that Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontent rendred Monsieur de Emery's Proposal of accommodation of no use Besides he was resolved to prosecute the Office of Marshal General of his Majesties Camps and Armies which would have conferred upon him almost all the Functions of Constable which he could not obtain upon just considerations he having ever shewed more of Courage then Prudence in his Conduct The Refusal hereof was the more sensibly resented by him in regard his birth and the honour his Ancestors had in being Constables perswaded him that he deserved it These were the chief causes of his discontents which ingaged him to revolt whereunto may be added his Wifes perswasions who being an Italian born for which and her particular merits rice Queen-Mother much honoured her she so dealt with him that he imbraced her interests and consequently Monsieur who was then strictly leagued with the Queen-Mother for to ruine the Cardinal For most certain it is she did very much contribute to ingage him in those designs unto which he was of himself sufficiently inclined having naturally more fire then earth in his temper Besides he verily believed that the great acquaintances which his fore-fathers Governours of that Province for a long tract of tisâ—e had left unto him together with what himself had acquired would enable him to dispose the Cities the Nobility the States and people as himself pleased whereby he might raile the whole Province as one man and being then countenanced by Monsieur that he might force the Cardinal and suppresse the Edict of Esleus and to obtain for him what honours he should desire In order to this design he used his utmost indeavours with the Bishops and Nobility of Languedoc to oblige them to him well knowing that the people are like the small stars in the Firmament which having no particular motions of themselves are guided by the higher Orbs.
in obedience and defend them from oppressions Kingdomes saith Plato are then well governed when the guilty are punished The Lawyer saith that the chiefest care which a Governour of a Province ought to have is to dreseree Peace to which end he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles by punishing them according to their demerits in a word private men propose the well-ordering of their families for the end of heir businesse and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes It is the property of private men to be solicitous of private concernments and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good Mosieur de Montmorency's Death THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose after processe made against him withall legal proceedings to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October But before I proceed to the execution I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death The Cardinal de la Valette fore-seeing no probability of saving him beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul by making his body an example of Rebellion which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted before their sentence be passed yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze to conduct Father Arnoux Superior of the Jesuits particularly desired by the Duke of Montmorency and to charge him to assist him day and night for so long time as he should thing fit and requiâ—te for his consoation The Father went to him and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him in order to his well-dying to which end he desired to make a general Confession One thing did somewhat trouble him which was this he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty there would be longer time required then was probably left for him he supposing as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning whereupon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him that he might the more deliberately and without molestation look back into his Conscience that he might make such a Confession as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind and that he should take this for one of the greatest favours he had ever received from him The King condescended thereunto and his Piety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice he readily granted him that liberty commanding that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day and also permitting him to communicate although contrary to the use for persons in his condition He ended those holy duties which once passed over he employed the afternoon in making his Will according as his Majesty had permitted him wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal one esteemed for the rarest peece of France being a Picture representing Saint Sebastian dying and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant The morning following he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations such submission and generousnesse that he discovered no other fear of death but with what is natural to the greatest courages and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber the whole Court the Lord Keeper being President condemned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin as guilty of High Treason in the highest degree The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Justice which when he heard he told the Commissaries how he thanked them and the whole Company beseeching them to tell them in his behalf that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice as a sentence of Mercy from God After this his thoughts were altogether taken up in disposing of himself to die like a Christian And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him Politique Observation TO pardon every one is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one this only injureth the nocent but that the innocent seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes This only destroyeth particular families whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom by their second eruptions Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd the chief heads of a Revolt ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet which were but accessaries thereunto It is the order prescribed by Justice and in effect it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainousnesse of their Crimes although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates On the contrary if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions it likewise rendreth them much more culpable and consequently more deserving of punishment then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects but they are the more notorious by how much their quality is more conspicuous because their exorbitances are of a more dangerous consequence Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun then those of other Stars because such are commonly attended by sad events so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation are more to be regarded because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men The revolt of a mean Gentleman is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in a Kingdom but that of a Governour of a Province or some chief person in the State cannot happen without carrying great misfortunes along with it It is great Prudence in such occasions to follow the councel give by Thrasibulus to Periander who sent his Ambassadours to him desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State He carried them out into a large field and discoursing to them of things indifferent he cut of the highest ears of Corn and then told them they should acquaint their Master with what they had seen him do and how that was the best advice he could give him Periander understood the meaning and well concluded that the only means to rule in quiet was to cut off
you will do me the honor to believe me This Rhetorique had been powerfull enough to have retain'd them in their devoirs had not their souls been pre-possessed by Passion that alone prevented it insomuch that most of them persevered to run on in their Rebellion Hereupon the King finding them who should have preserv'd the people in obedience both by exhortation and example to excite them to Rebellion could not put up such disorders but appointed Collectors in their several Bishopricks to receive their Revenues and to employ them in reparation of Religious Houses and Episcopal Seas and thinking it improper to intrust the care of Souls with such disloyal persoâ—s he procured a breviat from the Pope address'd to the Arch-Bishop of Arles the Bâ—shops of St. Flâ—ur and St. Malo to draw up their process against them His Majesty might have made use of his own power and have punished them by his ordinary Justice inasmuch as it was Treason from which there is no exemption neither could it have been thought strange by themselves seeing Jesus Christ himself and the two Apostles whom we acknowledge for the chief of Ministers of the Gospel refused not to be judged by the Laiety Yet his Majesty ever a great respecter of Ecclesiastical men would not commit their judgment but unto persons of their own Coat who deposed the Bishops of Alby and Nismes only death preventing the Bishop of Vssez from receiving the like punishment the rest they restored to their Bishopricks having not evidences enough to condemn them although they might peradventure be sufficiently guilty Politique Observation ALthough Bishops by their places are raised to an high degree of honour yet they wrong themselves if they think they are exempted from their Kings Authority seeing the Popes have in their writings as Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius Pelagius to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Manritius acknowledged themselves depending upon their authority It is moreover true that Bishops are more especially obliged beyond any other Subjects to live in an exemplary Loyalty and by their indeavours to preserve the people in peace Upon their promotion to that spiritual dignity the take a new Oath of Allegiance which as it were a second Chain tieth them to the yoke of obedience but admitting that were not so yet the Ministers of the Church conforming themselves to the temper of their Mother which is a spirit of peace are bound to appease and pacifie the people when they are tumultuously given and much more not to blow the Coals of their dissention Savanarola was exceedingly condemned for exasperating an insurrection in Florence against the Medicis when he publiquely preached that it was Gods Will and Pleasure to have a popular Government established to the intent the chief of the City might have no longer power to dispose of the safety of some and the Libertie of others They who are so inconsiderate as to follow such sedicious tracts do render themselves the more unworthy of their callings by how much the Church doth abhor War and Blood We should think it very strange if Heaven which was created by the eternal Providence of God to inlighten the World with its stars to produce nourishments by its influences for the preservation of all creatures to enamel the earth with all sorts of Flowers and to overspread it with a thousand kinds of Fruits should in a sudden alter its nature and only fill us with darknesse terrifie us with Thunders and load the Earth with Briars and Thorns And would it not be more wonderfull to behold the Son of God having not more strictly charged his Disciples with any one thing then to be obedient and to preserve that Peace which he had brought unto Man-kind Bishops their Successors indeavouring to their utmost to destroy and die the land with blood to divert people from their duties to arm them against their lawfull Prince and by their power of Souls to ruine that Authority which Christ their Master hath given to their Soveraigns This were absolutely repugnant to the Orders by him established and directly opposite to the Laws to them prescribed If any of them should be so forgetfull of their duties the Ministers of State are the more obliged to punish them in regard the reverence wherewith they are esteemed and the opinion which men have of their sanctity and Doctrine rendreth their example of a more dangerous consequence and their discourses more powerfull to perswade whatever they are disposed to inculcate For this very reason was it that Giles Arch-Bishop of Rheimes was deposed by Childebert that Pretextatus was deprived of the Arch-Bishoprick of Rouen In the time of Childery that Theodor lost that of Arles by the command of Clovis upon this score it was that Lewis the Debonair forced the Arch-Bishop of Milan to give an account of his disloyalties Abon Arch-Bishop of Rheims Volsphod Bishop of Cremone and Theodolph Bishop of Orleans accomplices in the Conspiracy of Bernard King of Italy Did not Hugh Capet cause Arnoul convicted of Falshood and Treason to be drawn from the Sea of Rheims It is the ancient politique custom of France a Right belonging to our Kings and which Pope Zachary himself advised Pepin to put in execution without any scruple when and so often as occasion should require And what probability I pray is there that the Bishops and Church-men of a Kingdom should have a priviledge to ingage men in Rebellion and not be punished for so doing to instill sedicious Tenents in the minds of men and that Magistrates should not call them to accompt for it or depose them from their functions after they had rendred themselves unworthy of them by their evil deportment Divers Cabals made by the Duke de Guise THe King having secured the Peace in Languedoc Monsieur le Cardinal invited him to have an eye after the establishment of it in Provence where the Duke of Guise held divers practices tending to Rebellion and which were depending upon the same design with Monsieur de Montmorency The King having been inform'd of his evill deportment for at least a year before had often moved him to surrender the Government of that Province in consideration of other recompences offered unto him and upon his refusal had commanded him to come to Court that he might fairly and handsomly dis-ingage him without taking notice of those contrivances in which he was then imbarking It having ever been the Cardinal's advice unto his Majesty not to proceed unto the extremities of rigor but when he should be as it were inforced it by the extremities of dis-obedience But the Duke of Guise kept himself in Provence being fearfull lest his actions might be a means of stopping him at Court and laying him up in a place where he could not be capable of imbroiling whereupon instead of waiting upon his Majesty he caused his Mother the Dutchesse of Guise to beg leave of his Majesty that he might passe away two
an enemy to his own interest The Marquess de St. Chaumont sent by the King into the Country of the Elector of Treves to force his Enemies from the rest of his Towns and to establish him IF his Majesty shewed any thing of Prudence in preventing the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and the Hollanders he discovered no lesse courage in his indeavour to re-establish the Elector of Treves in the rest of those places which his enemies had usurped from him Fumay and Reveign scituated on two Pennisula's upon the River Meuse had ever acknowledged him for their Soveraign Lord but the Spaniard whom conveniency seemeth to intitle unto any places which they may master had clapp'd a garrison into them designing to fortifie them to secure the Commerce of that River and withall to make some enterprise upon the Frontier of Champagne The King could not put up such an injury offered unto the Elector since he had taken him into his protection but ordered the Marquess de St. Chaumont to march toward Meziers with those forces which he commanded in Champagne to dislodge them The Sieur de Chastelliers Barlort and the Comte de la Suze were made Marshals de Camp who comming to the Army marched directly away toward those two places His courage made him wish that he might find some opposition whereby he might obtain the more glory to his Masters Arms but making his approaches he understood that the Spanish Garison notwithstanding all their Rodomontades had marched out the night before without sound of Trumpet so that instead of fighting all he had to do was to receive testimonies of the inhabitants joy who acknowledging his Majesty for their Protector did willingly receive the Regiment of Champagne into Fumay and that of Normandy into Reveign The Marquess de St. Chaumont finding himself obliged to remunerate their good will by all the favours which he could do them in quartering of the Army setled so good an Order amongst the Souldiers that they never took any thing without paying for it but behaved themselves with great moderation and courtesie The Enemy did not then oblige him to be more active at that time and indeed the season of the year was such in regard of the Snows and Frost that he could not march without difficulty so that his Majesty sent him Order to return and to leave his Forces in Garrison upon the Frontier He returned to spend some time at the Fort whereupon the 10th of February he and the Comte Brissac were created Ministers of State to serve his Majesty in his Counsel the Spaniards who never sleep but when they have nothing to do took the occasion of his absence to return into the Country of the Elector of Treves and to do what they pleased but the King and the invitation of the Spring permitting his return he carried the Army back again and without much ado forced them to quit the Field The next thing he resolved was to assault Freidembourg upon which they had seized whose Garrison offered a thousand violences to Travellers and the adjacent places The Comte de la Suze commanded it to be invested and comming in person before it in the moneth of June he summoned Machinister who commanded it for the Comte d'Embden and upon refusal of a surrender they provided to assault it The Town was won with little resistance and the Castle forced within two daies after there being not above three or four men slain on both parts Thus the Country of Treves was totally reduced unto his Majesty's Possession neverthelesse his Majesty having only secured it for the Arch-Bishop the true Lord thereof caused him to be restored in his Metropolitan City about the beginning of October by the Sieur de Bussilamet The Arch-Bishop indeed finding himself unable to make it good against the Spaniards he desired him to stay with him and command his forces and the Sieur de Bussy having presented the Keys unto him he presently returned them saying I beseech you keep them for his Majesty his Eminence likewise published a Declaration about the end of this year commanding his Subjects to acknowledge the King for their Lord to assist him in his interest to receive his Souldiers into their Cities jointly to defend them and to give unto them the best entertainment the places could afford The principal Obligations of him who taketh a Prince into Protection DOubtlesse it is honourable for a great Prince to undertake the Protection of another unable to subsist by his own force but though it is honourable yet it is not without care if this protection be to his advantage yet is he obliged to recover whatever is taken from him and in fine fairly to restore it To leave him a prey to his enemies were a sign of weaknesse or want of courage or an absolute breach of promise in the first assumption He that for fear of the charge the successe of the War or any other consideration shall neglect it doth not only deprive himself of that honour which the quality of a Protector ascribes unto him but doth likewise cloath himself with shame Moreover what expences soever he is at on such occasions yet he is obliged by Justice to restore all places into the hands of their natural Prince he being only as it were a Depositary and as the Laws of Deposition do not permit the appropriating of any thing to ones self the restoring of them will be as honourable as the detaining of them will be unjust Ptolomy King of Egypt dying committed his son heir to his Crowns then a child unto the protection of the Common-Wealth of Rome who professing a particular observation of their promises were not deficient in resigning the Kingdom into his power upon his first being capable of Government Thus Archadius seeing his son Theodosius very young and unable to secure himself from the power of the Persians so played his Game with Indigertes their King that he undertook his protection and by this means he tied up his Arms by delivering his son into his hands Indigertes receiv'd the Tutillage as an honour and discharg'd it with such fidelity that he preserved Theodosius life and Empire That I may let you see these latter ages want not the like examples Philip of Austria King of Castile leaving his son Charles but of twelve years age requested Lewis the Twelfth by his Will to be his Guardian and to take the Kingdom into his protection The King accepted thereof and in prosecution of his charge was so punctually correspondent to the Trust Philip had reposed in it that he preserved his States against France it self nor would usurp the least whatever provocations Maximilian gave him In fine notwithstanding all restitutions or expences which a King is obliged unto yet ought he never to refuse the protection of a Prince bordering upon his Countries because besides the glory whereof he deprives himself he inforceth the other to throw himself into the protection of some
one as powerfull as himself who may raise advantages by it and peradventure to his prejudice The Embassie and Negotiation of the Sieur de Feuquieres to the Queen of Swede and the renewing the treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns THe Cardinal representing unto the King how the affairs of Germany were no lesse considerable the those of Holland his Majesty resolved to provide accordingly and made choice of the Sieur de Feuquieres to negotiate those concerns with the Allies of this Crown The experience this Gentleman had acquired in other considerable imployments rendred him no lesse deserving of this then the addresse and dispatch which he shewed in proving those Orders which were delivered unto him and it was the more needfull to make use of such a man as he was in this German affair in regard it concerned the curbing in of the House of Austria's Ambition who were become very powerfull by usurping the Protestant Princes States who were feared by their neighbours and would have been a terrour to France it self could the have prosecuted their advantages His Orders were chiefly three the first was to testifie to Christina Queen of Swede daughter and heir to the late King in the person of the Chancellor Oxenstern and all the Princes of the League of Leipsic what care his Majesty took in their interest the Passion he had to see them restored who had been despoiled of their Estates and how ready he was by assisting them to afford them the means of securing their late victories The second was to re-unite them and confirm them in the resolution of prosecuting the designs of the League by a new Treaty of Alliance And the third was to take such course for the management of the Wars that their Armies might want nothing but might be alwaies ready for action The Princes had resolv'd about the end of the last year to hold a Diet a Hailbron upon Nekar to conclude upon the affairs of the War by a common consent and there it was where the foundation of all was to be layed The Sieur de Feuquieres took Post the fifth of February that he might the sooner get thither but the Cardinal knowing such like Assemblies are commonly full of confusion unlesse each of them in particular be predisposed to reason perswaded his Majesty to send him to the Courts of divers the chief among them the better to insinuate unto them how much it concern'd them to continue in Union He receiv'd Orders accordingly nor was it of small consideration because he could easilier dispose them one by one then in a multitude nor was he defective of comming with the first unto Hailbron to prevent those whom he had not yet seen and to confirm the others in their resolutions and being arrived the first care he took was to testifie the singular and constant affection which his Majesty had for the common good and to assure them that they should receive indubitable proofs of it upon any fair occasion The next thing he did was to illustrate what great assistances his Majesty had contributed to their part what monies he had sent to the Crown of Swede and the Hollanders the strong diversions he had made in Italy in Lorrain and other places the great Armies he maintained in his Frontiers to assist them if occasion should require the great expences he had been at in sundry Embassies tending only to their advantage Having thus recollected things past to their memories he clearly represented unto them the present State of affairs how needfull it was that they should preserve their union and take good Order for the subsistance of their Armies This he did with such vigour and Prudence both to them in general and particular that he confirmed divers among them in the first designs of the League who were then wavering upon the King of Swede's death and inclining to make a Peace with the Emperour He was not ignorant that private interest is the most sensible part to touch a Prince on and therefore clearly evinced unto them that Peace being the only remedy which could cure the distempers of Germany and that his Peace being neither advantagious nor honourable if it did not restore liberty unto the Empire and the ejected Princes to their Estates there would be no means to obtain it but by their strict union which the Emperour not finding any means to break would in time despair of being able to support him against their power the far greater of the two whilest their confederacy lasted He had not much ado to confirm them in beleeving the House of Austria had long designed to render it self Mistris of all Germany they having too many pregnant proofs to be ignorant of that truth neither found he much difficulty to insinuate unto them that their union failing would weaken their party and give the Emperour a fair opportunity to seiz upon the Estates at his pleasure In fine the found themselves forc'd to confesse they had no other way left but to be firm and to strengthen their confederacy by a new Treaty This advice conduced much to the end of his design which having happily obtained he lost no more time but entred upon the new Alliance between the King and Kingdom of France on the one part and Christian Queen of Sweden and the Kingdom of Sweden on the other part which was concluded and signed by the Chancellour Oxenstern The first Article conteined the grounds of their Alliance which was for the defence of their common friends for the securing of the Ocean and Baltick Sea for the obtaining a lasting Peace in the Empire by which every one might be restored to his rights The rest imported that the Queen of Swede and her confederates should entertain 30000 foot and 6000 horse that the King should contribute every year a million of Livers towards the charge of the War that the confederates might raise Souldiers in one anothers Countries that Delinquents and Fugitives should be delivered to their Soveraign Lords to be by them punished that the Queen of Swede should permit the free exercise of the Catholick Religion in all places which she should take in the same manner as she found it that the Duxe of Baviers and the Princes of the Catholick League might be admitted into the Treaty of Neutrality if they pleased that all other States and Princes should be invited to be of their confederacy that there should not be any Treaties but by and with the consent of all the confederates that their confederacy should hold untill there were a Peace concluded which if broken by the enemies the confederates should again take up Arms to assist one another The first Treaty was the foundation of the Union of the German Princes who otherwise had soon accommodated themselves with the Emperour yet this was not all it was necessary to conclude another with all the Princes and Protestant States of high Germany to obtain which the Sieur de Feuquieres used his utmost
that one of the greatest points of policy is to proportionate ment to business His Majesty according to the usual Piety of the Kings his Predecessors gave him order to perform that obedience to the Pope and making use of his usual Prudence commanded him to indeavour an accommodation between his Holiness and the Venetians and withall to take occasion from the troubles of Italy to unite his Holiness to the interest of France The Duke de Crecquy accepted this Embassie with joy having ever been of the humour to spend his mony upon his honour and pleasure The Magnificence wherewith it was proper he should appear at Rome obliged him to stay at Court till the beginning of May the better to set forth his equipage which ended he went by water that he might regain his lost time by the help of the Winds Being come to Rome he was receiv'd with all honours due to the Extraordinary Embassadour of the Christian King and eldest son of the Church but the garb in which he appeared was such that since the stately Triumphs of the Emperours nothing hath been seen like unto it I will not trouble my self to make a particular description thereof seeing other Histories relate it intending only to observe that which passed of most consideration in the management of affairs All I shall say is he had above five hundred persons to attend him Gold and Silver did so abound upon his Liveries his Officers and among his whole equipage as if he had been Master of the Indies His first reception and audience was very stately but that I may come to the effect of his Embassie he first kissed his Holiness's feet in his Majesty's name and pass'd some Complements of Civility next them the Sieur de Bâ—issieu Lievtenant General of Grenoble who accompanied him in quality of his Majesty's Orator made the accustomed Oration of obedience in which the most critical could discern no lesse discretion then eloquence He represented unto the Pope that his Majesty had not so long deferr'd to testifie his joy for his promotion to the Papacy but that he might likewise send with it the Spoils his Arms had obtained upon the enemies of the Church together with the proofs of his obedience Next of all he observed to him the great benefits protection and assistance which the Holy See had from time to received from the Kings of France in consideration whereof the had obtained the honour of Most Christian and eldest Son of the Church Thence he descended to a more particular description of the signal advantages his Holinesse had receiv'd from his Majesties Victories and assured his Holinesse that the defence of his interest would ever be the most acceptable imployment for his Forces and in conclusion that he might satisfie the chief end of his Embassie he told him that his Majesty had no lesse joy at his Holinesse's promotion then his Holiness had heretofore had at his birth that imitating the Piety of the Kings his Predecessors he prostrated himself at his feet and most humbly kissed them with Protestations of honour and obedience due unto him and that he acknowledged him for Christs only Vicar the Successor of St. Peter and the Arbitrator of the Kingdom of Heaven in all things which concern Salvation with caution however that this submission was done out of Christian civility not duty to prevent any mistakes which might induced a belief that this Crown had some temporal dependance upon the Holy See One of his Holinesse's Secretaries answered him with Complements and terms of honour that his Holiness did receive with great joy those testimonies of respect and obedience which his Majesty rendred unto him nor did the Pope himself omit any thing which might expresse his content but the Duke who chiefly designed to induce the Pope to befriend his Masters interests as occasion should require did no longer dwell upon Complements in his succeeding Audiences He offered unto his Holinesse the Arms of France to serve him on any occasions particularly his own indeavours to compose the difference he had with the Venetians well knowing that nothing doth more effectually oblige a Prince to the interest of another then to let him see that he will meet with advantages by uniting himself with him The difference between them was concerning the Confines of Gorre and certain Islands of the Country besides some ran-contre there had been between the Romans and Venetians in Ferara which was suspected would be get an absolute breach The Pope whose power is never more conspicuous then in Peace was fearfull of it so that he willingly accepted of his interposition and that with much acknowledgement of his Majesties affection for his interest in prosecution whereof the Duke parting from Rome went to Venice to treat with such as the Senate should appoint concerning this affair The Sieur de la Thuylerie his Majesty's Ambassadour Resident with that Common-Wealth so ordered affairs that both parties did forbear their Arms by which there was hopes of an accommodation But before he departed from Rome and after he had obliged his Holiness by assuring him of his Majesties readinesse to assist him by mediating in this affair he was not defective in obtaining all possible advantages for the interest of France He gave his Holinesse a great insight into the affairs of Germany and discovered to him that their War was not for Religion but meer State the only dispute being for the preserving of the German Princes in the enjoyment of their estates and those indubitable rights which belong unto them that his Majesty was extreamly displeased to hear of some violences which were offered to certain Ecclesiastical persons though they were not so bad as were represented to him which however was absolutely contrary to the express words of the Treaty which is Majesty had made and by the fault of the Catholick Princes themselves who would not become Neuters and that in fine those damages which the Church had received would easily be repaired by such means as he represented unto his Holinesse with which he remained very well satisfied He further confirmed him in the knowledge which he had a long time had of the House of Austria's designs upon Italy which tend to the direct ruine of the Holy See and assured his Holinesse that his Majesties Arms would protect him and never forsake him In fine designing to ingage him in a defensive League with France for protection of the Ecclesiastical estate against the Venetians or for security of the Princes of Italy His Holiness who hath ever more feared then loved the Spaniards could not be induced thereunto alledging for his excuse that he resolv'd to contine a common Father between the two Crowns He was not backward to represent unto him that a father doth not at all act against his relation if he support himself by one of his children against the violence of another but the Popes humour which is naturally fearfull would afford nothing but assurances that his
Holinesse's forces should not lie idle if any enterprize were made against the Churches greatness or the liberties of Italy The Embassies of Obedience from our Kings unto his Holinesse THe Piety of our Kings and their zeal to the Pope have made it a custom to send Extraordinary Embassadours to congratulate them shortly after their promotions to acknowledge them for Fathers truly spiritual to assure them of their obedience in that quality and to recommend unto them the French Church their persons and Kingdomes which God hath given them There are ancient examples thereof and withall instructions yet extant given to Embassadours sent by our Kings which declare this obedience to tend only to congratulation and Complement The truth of this is evident in the Letters which Philip le Bel sent to Pope Benedict the Eleventh by the Sieur de Mercueil Messieur Guillaume du Plessis Chevalâ—er Maistre Pierre de Belle Perche Canon of the Church of Chartres his Embassadors to offer this obedience to his Holiness Lewis the Eleventh indeed for some particular consideration would needs render a little more unto Pope Pius the Second by the Cardinal d' Alby but he was discommended for it by the whole Kingdom The Court of Parliament made great Remonstrances against it both by word of mouth and writing besides the three States of the Kingdom assembled at Tours complained to him of it as may be seen in the papers presented to him by Maâ—stre Jean Durety Doctor of Divinity and Canon of the Church of Paris their Deputy Some Italians I know there are who will needs have this Protestation of obedience to be an homage and a mark of temporal dependance but the truth is they only flatter the Pope upon no grounds For to what end should our Kings have in temporal things any dependance upon the Pope seeing divers of them have acknowledged themselves their Subjects and confessed it in their writings As Pope Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius Pelagius the First in his profession of Faith sent unto Childebert one of our first Kings and St. Gregory the Great to the Emperour Mauritius The like is to be seen in that of Pope Innocent the Third in one of his Decrees where he saith the Kings of France in temporal things depend upon no one whatever But how could the Popes themselves pretend that any such remporal dependance should be without contradicting the belief of the first Fathers of the Church the Luminaries of our Faith especially of â—erâ—ullian who in his Apology subjecteth Kings unto God alone and of St. Hierom who expounding that of the Royal Prophet Against thee only have I sinned saith this great King useth these terms purposely to shew that there is none but God above Kings I could easily adde the testimonies of many others but I think I shall say enough if I conclude that this Protestation of obedience is offered more out of Christian humility that for any civil obligation or duty as divers Popes have upon their promotions sent unto our Kings the Professions of our Faith in authentick form together with testimonies of their affections Boniface the Eighth sent his seal'd up in Lead like unto that of Pelagius Adon observeth in his Chronicle that Pope Adrian dying in the year 786. Pope Leo who succeeded him sent two Legats to Charlemain to present him with the Keys of St. Peter's confession and the Standard of the City of Rome Stephen the Fifth upon his promotion sent Legats to Lewis the Debonnair with great Presents as Pledges of his friendship There are to be seen in his Majesties Treasury of Records several Bulls which divers Princes have sent unto our King to acquaint them with their Consecration and to assure them of their good Will whereupon Charles de Lorrain Cardinal de Guise performing the obedience to the Pope in the behalf of Henry the Second Anno â—547 amongst other things said unto them that the Popes were ordained by the Laws of the Church presently after their assumption to dispatch Legats unto the Kingdom of France for confirmation of the ancient friendship between them Monsieur Seguyer made Chancellor of France AFter the disgrace which befell the Marquess de Chasteauneuf of which we spake about the end of the last year experience having taught his Majesty to know of what great concern it was not to bestow the Office of Lord Keeper but upon persons very eminently able both for integrity and all other vertues he cast his eys upon Messieur Pierre Seguyer one of the Presidents of the Parliament of Paris to bestow it upon him as a person fitted by Heaven for great imployments His Majesty was not only pleased to send him a bare Commission of Garde Seaux as is commonly done but expedited Letters Patents to assure him of the Office of Chancellor of France after Monsieur de Halygres death well knowing that men of his merit ought to be treated beside the common Road though such was the modesty of that great Minister that he never ascribed that favour to any thing but his Majesties own goodnesse This choice added much to his Majesties glory it was a sufficient testimony of his judgement intrusting the Sword of Justice in his hand who had ever maintained it by his integrity nor wanted any of those qualities requisite in an able man His Prudence had taught his Majesty that chief places ought not to be filled but with persons of an illustrious birth because men of mean descent are more envied the respected neither was he ignorant that this man was born amidst the characters of honour from a Family whose dignities have gone had in hand with their vertues for many ages that he was the Fourth of his name who had the honour to sit upon the Flowers de luce in the quality of President of Mortier in the Parliament of Paris and that there had not been any man in his family for a long time known who had not either obtained or deserved the greatest imployment of the long Robe It was said of the Emperour Coâ—stantine that the moderation of Augustus Caesar the vertue of Traâ—ane the Piety of Antonius were all united in his person to render him worthy of the Empire and true it is the integrity sufficiency knowledge elocution zeal and fidelity for his Majesties service which were eminently conspicuous in Monsieur le Lievtenant Civil his father and in the Messieurs the three Presidents of his name were all united in his Soul to make him appear worthy of the chief place of Justice Besides if he were honourably descended his Majesty was well informed that he was not satisfied with those bare Titles wherewith his Fathers had adorned him but that like the Cedars who though they grow on the tops of Mountains cease not however to raise up their heads his merit and industry had advanced him to the highest degree of virtuous men He was in the common opinion of men reputed for one of the truest maintainers of Justice
and indeed he had discharged himself with such courage and integrity that neither the noise of greatnesse nor the sight of riches could ever so blind or affright him as to surpize him His Majesty most certainly could not intrust his Seals in any honester hand then his The great Revenues he possessed rendred him incapable of that corruption which is annexed unto a necessitous fortune yet this happy incapacity conjoined with such virtue made him so much the more proper for that office in regard no one would dare to tempt him with money who abounded both in riches and vertue If his integrity made him immoveable in point of Justice the solidity and penetrating vivacity of his spirit secured him from all possibility of a surprise these two qualities permitting him to incline to no part but that of truth Disguisements and Artifices could never form any Clouds thick enough to hide any thing from his judgement Oftentimes hath he been seen to disguise darknesses and obscurities in the discoveries of great offences Withall the Sciences which he hath acquired in an high degree had added no smal perfection to the natural endowments of his mind for that his family were both learned and honest When age had first given him the use of Reason his kindred had taught him that Sciences give much lustre to a man of Eminence that they not only draw him from a stupid and savage life but refine him furbish him and make him capable of all things more sweet more civil more courteous more venerable and more worthy of honour and in fine when he came to a riper age whereas common spirits satisfie themselves with learning some one Science conformable to their inclinations he dived into the secrets of all and became very accomplished in them there being nothing so high which passed his capacity He had penetrated into the difficultest questions of Philosophy and Divinity the Law was his usual employment the Mathematicks his diversions with History he was familiar eloquence was natural to him for before he had learned the rules of it his discourses were so replenished with the strength of reason with the purity of words the sweetnesse and elegance of expression that his language was bewitching These things were not a little considerable in the election of a Garde de Seaux who being his Majesties mouth to express his intentions in all great Assemblies is bound to speak royally that is in terms becomming the Majesty of his Master I will not say any thing of his Piety though that be so much the more considerable in a Statesman as it is the foundation of a Kingdomes happinesse because it is a subject too large for me to ingage in my discourse of his merit being by accident nor will I trouble my self to give you a description of the experience he had gotten in the Offices of a Councellour a Master of Requests Judge in divers Provinces and President au Mortier his conduct and reputation have sufficiently made it known only this these things concentring in him seemed as it were to conspire to force his Majesty to chuse him Minister of his Justice I shall adde that if his Soul was replenished with all these qualities necessary in a great man the King well saw the graces had indued his body with all that could render him lovely or acquire him respect and authority He was alwaies gravely modest his discourse serious his conversation agreeable and profitable his patience in all affairs and all pleadings invincible the complaisance wherewith he answered was truly admirable yet such that he could never be won to abate from Justice or his Majesties service There need no more to love him but only to see him the charms of his words rendred that severity which Justice obliged him sometimes to use so taking that none could be offended at it I would adde more if the Laws of his Majesties History would permit me though in some sort it were not to desist from his Majesty's commendation seeing there is not any thing which doth more apparently denote his Majesties wisedom then the virtues and eminent qualities of his Ministers his noblest creatures Qualities necessary for a Chancellor and Lord Keeper SEeing the Chancellor and the Lord Keeper who holdeth the place of Chancellor executeth that change and ought to succeed him as the chief Officer of the Crown the eyes of his Majesties Justice the Depositories of his Seals the Ministers of his Councels the Organs by which his Majesty useth to declare his intentions and pronounce his judgements doubtless he ought to be eminently qualified with all those parts which may render a man signally remarkable It matters not much whether the Potters who work altogether in clay be dextrous because whatever he spoils is of small value but otherwise it is with men who are in the chief Offices of a State none of their faults are little and their actions are of consequence and for this reason ought they to bee replenished with all sort of perfections France hath ever had as other States certain families supporters of its glory who have served like Pillars to uphold its greatness and seem to have been destined by Heaven to preserve the beauty of its Flower de luces the puissance of its Kings and the glory of its Crown against the injuries of time A chief Minister of the Kingdom when descended from such an house hath a notable advantage by it seeing his very name carries and Hereditary credit with it which Plaineth out the way to all great actions at least I think it fit that his vertue should be authorised by the Nobility of his blood seeing his illustrious birth will acquire him such an opinion as an upstart how prudent or vertuous soever will hardly acquire but after the shewing of many proofs of his deserts If Nobility without Virtue be but a subject of reproach in regard a man deviateth from the example of his Ancestors it cannot be gain-sayed but that Virtue without Nobility carrieth little credit with it but where Nobility and Vertue meet in one subject they advance that man to an high degree and render him worthy of all eminent dignities Among the rest of those virtuous qualities or indeed in the Front of them which ought to set off a person of quality this I account the chiefest that he be indued with an high natural ability and that clearnesse of judgement which dissipateth the Clouds of falsities discovereth truth and going before Justice ushereth it in as some Stars do the Sun Learning ought to go hand in hand with this ability seeing natural parts without improvement are so much the more dangerous in regard they are subject to failings and like the fruitfulnesse of a field which if not cultivated serves only to produce the more Thorns Amongst the Sciences those of Justice and Policy are most needfull for that they are the true Objects of Chancellours and Lord Keepers those are the Fountains from whence they man derive the
maximes of Government the Fundamental Laws of Monarchy the Statutes and Customes and generally whatever concerns the duty of Magistrates the Office of Judges and art of Lawyers To this Doctrine I may adde Experience a thing so necessary in a Lord-Keeper and Chancellor that without it the very greatest lights wherewith their natural parts or study can furnish them are as little usefull as the instrument in the hand of a workman skill'd in the Theory but not the Practick Integrity ought to accompany him being the Mother of Loyalty and the Father of that zeal which all publick persons are obliged to evidence in the Administration of their Charges The Integrity of a person of small ability will indeed so far carry him that the publick good will be the end at which he aims but he cannot contribute so much unto it as willingly he would whereas he who is destitute thereof doth most frequently look after his own interest It was not the want of capacity but fidelity which so often exposed the Athenians and those other Common-Wealths of Greece to the fury of Forraign and Civil Wars Never was that illustrious corner of the World so replenished with Phylosophers Orators and great Statesmen as when it first began to decay but that unbridled Passion which leadeth great men to prefer their own interests before that of the States which they govern hurrieth them into that misfortune which betides the body of man where the Stomach which ought to concoct nutriment for the individual parts digesteth it onely for it self Eloquence will be of no small use to them in many occasions where they are obliged to pronounce judgements and declare their Masters Wills it elevateth a man so much above others saith the Roman Orator as speech raiseth him above his fellow creatures If it be befitting and usefull to any it is particularly to Statesmen for there is not any thing which acquires more authority to a man appearing in publick then good elocution For my part I think Eloquence so much the more proper for them in regard it perswades the people to approve what Wisedom directeth what Prudence resolveth and what Justice requireth without it the wisest Counsels have oftentimes been ineffectual I will not dis-approve the advancing of rich persons to such dignities because riches if lawfully acquired do give much credit to vertue serve to excite it and execute their just and generous designs I think them very necessary for a man who is to serve the publick experience teaching us that without them vertue is often weak and languishing Though vertue alone merit before God it is unactive unfruitfull and inglorious among men To be short where the Goods of the body co-habit with those of the mind and fortune in eminent persons it adds no small authority unto them seeing the beauty and Majesty of the body hath certain attractions to captivate the courage to inforce respect and reverence and to perswade men to what ever they please infomuch that the ancients have thought them worthy of Crowns and Empires His Majesties choice of Learned and Religious Prelates at the Cardinal's request THe Church ought necessarily to be governed by Bishops whose Doctrine and Piety may serve for a guide to the people to instruct them in the ways of Heaven The State receiveth no small advantage by them Hereupon the Cardinal did very wel resolve to perswade his Majesty not to bestow any Bishoprick but upon persons well-deserving who might be capable of serving God and the State especially not to grant them unto children or persons of a licentious life or such as lay under any ignominy as had formerly been practiced so that in a few yeas the face of the Clergy of France was much altered being replenished with persons of ability and virtue This was put in execution in all vacant places after the Cardinal's promotion to the Ministery I shall forbear to speak of it till the History of this year because it furnisheth us with many examples The Cardinal propos'd unto his Majesty to be admitted into the Bishopricks of Languedoc whose Pastors had been deposed Le Sieur Cohon for Nismes the Sieur Grillet for Vssez the Sieur Vilazel for St. Brieu His Majesty whose Piety is no lesse illustrious then his Ju-Justice which rendreth him venerable to all his people being well satisfied of their merit concluded them fit for that honour The were persons who for above ten years past had appeared in the most eminent Pulpits of Paris to the great admiration of their auditory and whereas the Doctrine of Preachers ought to be animated by a good life their conduct had testified for them that they had no lesse vertue and eloquence then zeal for his Majesties service to preserve the people in the obedience they ow him as Gods Lievtenant on earth That the right of presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most ancient Priviledges of the Crown and what Bishops ought to be chosen for the good of the State AMong the Rights of this Crown that of the presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most signal as most ancient The Primitive Bishops of the French Church who have been the most shining lights of our Faith have acknowledged it from the beginning of this Monarchy in the fifth Councel of Orleans where they ordained that none should consecrate any Bishop without his Majesty's consent the practice whereof is so frequent in History that nothing but ignorance can question it Gregory of Tours reporteth that Bishop Quintianus being dead Gallus was substituted in his place and created Bishop of Overgne by his Majesty's means and that after Gallus his decease there was some design to elect one Cato but that the Arch-Deacon Cantinus having prevented the King and first acquainted him with the news of Gallus his death was constituted Bishop in his place He likewise reporteth that Nonnichius was established in the Bishoprick of Nantes in the room of Felix by the Kings Order as also Vitus in that of Vieâ—na that Childebert made St. German Bishop of Paris Clodomir Omatius Bishop of Tours Clotair St. Medard Bishop of Vermandoiâ— and Euphronius Bishop of Tours History is pregnant with the like examples so that to cite them were but vain those already alledged being sufficient to confirm it which who can question seeing our Kings have with their Crown received power to dispose of all things which concern the good of their Kingdom and tranquility of their people and that the election of Bishops is not an act meerly Ecclesiastical but as much reflecting on the good of the State as the Salvation of Souls Bishops have a great influence over the peoples sprits to draw them by the links of Piety and Religion unto what they please as experience hath evidenced in the time of Lewis the Debonnair who was almost Deposed by a Faction they raise against him and as was afterward seen in Languedoc where five or six of them fomented a Civil War The Empire of Souls iâ—
ought to beware that their disobedience do not cause the Flower de luces to fade and that they do not instead of cultivating them with care to render them more beautifull to the French and more respected by strangers indanger them by their ill examples and render themselves unworthy to sit upon them Know they not that their obedience and the integrity of their judgements is the foundation of the peoples submissions The Rebellion of such men ought not to be connived at in regard it may not be tolerated without putting all things into disorder The People are like clay without form in themselves but easily wrought by the Potters In fine they behold most affairs with the eyes of their Magistrates and suffer themselves easily to be directed by their motions they dislike what the other reject and if they should rise against their Soveraign they would make no difficulty to follow them In affairs of this nature Kings are obliged to conform themselves to the example of the Sun who finding the Moon to oppose her light to his and indeavouring to eclipse his light presently depriveth her of all her light and turneth her Christaline into a dark body King ought to re-assume to themselves their Justice which formerly they had intrusted with them and to punish their Rebellions with severity They who are the most mild are forc'd by such crimes to draw their Swords of Justice to prevent the eclipsing of their power to take the Thunder-bolts of severity into their hands and dart them against them to reduce them to nothing Divers Changes of Governours in sundry Provinces made this year THose were not the only Changes which happened this year there were divers others in the governments of Provinces some that they might be intrusted with persons incapable of ingaging in any divisions which were suspected by reason of Monsieur's absence and others for a recompence of several persons of quality which have deserved them and which I cannot passe by unobserved The Marshal de Thoyras Governour of Cazal had given some cause of jealousie though indeed his fidelity was invincible as hath since been seen however that place is of such importance that nothing ought to be hazarded for the preservation of it The King sent the Marquesse de Tavannes in his place and gave the Marshal permission to slay in Italy upon some difficulties which he made upon comming to Court Le Sieur de Malissi Captain of the Regiment des Gardes was at the same time made Governour of Pignerol the Duke de Vantadour was gratified with the Government of Limosin and having surrendred into the Kings hands the Lieutenancy of Languedoc his Majesty divided it amongst four and bestowed it upon the Comte de Tournon the Vice Comte d' Arpajon the Marquesse d' Ambres and the Vice Comte de Polignac Le Comte de Joncac was made Governour and Lievtenant General of Xaintong Angoulmois Aunis and the City of Rochel the Baron de Pont Chasteau Lievtenant General of Low Brittain Le Comte de Palisse Sieur do St. Geran was made Governour of Bourbonnois le Comte de Cheravet of Stenay le Sieur de la Serre first Captain of the Regiment of Picardy of Jamets le Duc de la Valette of the Bishoprick of Mets the Duc de Chaune of Picardy le Duc d'Alvin of Languedoc and the Cittadel of Montpellier le Marquesse de Seneçay of Bourgogne au Bailliage de Masconnois insomuch that there are few years which produce so great changes of government That it is necessary to commit the Government of Provinces and Places into the hands of trusty Persons in times of danger IT is very important when there is any suspicion of civil dissentions to intrust the Government of Provinces and places with persons of fidelity I do much approve of the King of Spain's rule who often changeth his Governours A man must be altogether ignorant of History if he knoweth not the great services which Gonzalvus did the King of Aragon his Master in the Kingdom of Naples However that wise prudent King would not alwaies intrust the Government of that place with him for fear lest in processe of time he might keep it to himself The continuation of the Government of France granted unto Julius Caesar incouraged him to attempt upon the Roman liberty whereupon remembring that nothing had made him so ambitious of commanding as that continuation upon his return to Rome after the Affrick War he ordained that to Praetor should injoy his Office above one year nor no Consul above two The Governour who hath long resided in a Province may make creatures contract frienships an so play his game that he may act the little King and will be apt to ingage himself to some Revolt if Ambition which great men seldom want should once inflame him This made the Dictator Mamercus say the short continuation of Governours is the surest preservative of the publick besides the liberty of changing of Govenours after some few years and substituting others in their places is of great advantage for that a Soveraign may thereby render more persons capable of great affairs then if he should alwaies continue them in the same places The memory of new benefits disposeth men to be gratefull and doubtlesse maketh Kings to be served with more affection Great men long accustomed do so habituate themselves that they look upon their Governments as their Demesne without any sense of obligation to him who permitteth him whereas he who is but lately possessed of them having the favour fresh in his memory indeavoureth to deserve it with more industry and affection This maxime I know wil not very much agree with the sense of most great men but surely their dislike relisheth more of Ambition then reason I may likewise adde that it is little considerable to their Fortunes seeing if they acquit themselves as they ought of a place their merit will be a sufficient recommendation to attain them others It were to be wished that such men in their own concerns were of Quintus Fabius Maximus his humour who having been five times Consul and considering with himself that his grand-father and great grand-father had often been charged with the same Office and how it was very dangerous to continue great Offices in a family was very earnest with the people of Rome to divert them from conferring that honour on his son The Creation of Knights of the Holy Ghost THe King had for many years receiv'd so many proofs of the valour of his Nobility that he could not refuse them the honour of being Knights of his Orders and his Majesty who hath a particular inclination to recompence valour resolved to grant them this honourable reward He was confirm'd in this resolution by Monsieur the Cardinal who represented to him that the French Nobility could not be tied to his service by any stricter Banes then those of honour and that this would not a little augment that courage and fidelity which they had
partial in their advices do alwaies adhere unto that which is most honourable whereas they who have other Interests or are prepossessed either with Fear or Ambition do ever and anon infallibly fall on that side by which they hoped to secure themselves from the storm or raise their own Families Princes in their necessities have the more reason to complain they then having most need of good advice Faithful Councellors being hard to be met with in Courts there is the place where Interest holds the chief Seat of its Empire where it is more regarded then Kings themselves for the most part of their Attendants do serve them only for the love of it Love and Loyalty are seldome admitted into those places it being usual to sue for a Princes favour not so much to love him the more as for the better effecting of ones own designs Hence it is that the major part of their Followers give them such advices as they think to be most conformable to their inclinations not such as are according to the Rules of Prudence or Justice and by this means they hope to acquire more favour then if they had told the truth Not that they are ignorant of what is good Counsel but they think it unprofitably bestowed unless it contribute to increase their Fortunes Now the best resolution on which they can fix in this misfortune which inevitably will fall upon them is not to adhere unto Cleobulus his opinion who as Plutarch observeth said That a wise Prince never ought to believe all which his most intimate familiars advise him for that were to ceprive them of a very great advantage when they are faithful and able but that they should well examine the qualities and sufficiencies of them whom they advise withal and then likewise to follow their counsels not because they proceed from them but because after a due deliberation they are esteemed good and reasonable Prosecution of the Subject FOr this reason it was that the King press'd Monsiâ—ur by the Cardinal de la Valette to discharge himself of those evil Counsellors which were then neer him being very well assured that this once done his inclinations would be no longer so violent and that he would with ease be disposed to seek the good of France Coignâ—ux seemed to agree to it and the Sieur de Chaudebonne who came from Monsieur unto his Majesty then at Estampes assured him that he was totally disposed to it But his Majesty having replyed to him that this was his only way to raise his Masters affairs unto a height of good fortune he made it apparent that his overtures were only words and that he was yet blinded with those fond hopes which he had grounded on the last yeers State Almanacks made by his means during the King's late sickness He was very vigilant and industrious that Monsieur might make sure of Monsieur de Bellegard Governour of Burgogne that he might might have the disposal of the strong places in that Province as himself inform'd the King by the Sieur de Bouoarre about the end of February The King likewise understood from other parts that he had lifted divers of the Nobility under Monsieur's name in Normandy Languedoc and Limosin and that Fueillade and others of the Sieur de Puy-laureus his kinred did raise forces as freely as if they had had the King's Commissions There was brought a letter unto his Majesty written by his direction from la Ferte Lievtenant of Monsieur's Gens d'Armes unto his Companions that they should come to Melun neer Orleans though it ought not to be done without his order Every one knows that he had perswaded Monsieur to write unto the Sieur de Thoiras to intice him from the Court and to draw him to himself The Letter having been brought by himself unto the King the designe in which this rash indiscreet Minister had ingaged Monsieur of seizing on the passages upon the River Loyr and of victualling Orleans was every where known His correspondencies with Spain and Lorrain were publike His confederates in Provence and Dauphine were discovered so that it was easie to judge he had not the least thought of withdrawing himself but designed to frame the Body of an Army and so raise a war And most true it is That in case the Nobility who were expected above fifteen days before his Majesty departed from Paris had come or if those who were imployed in levying of Forces had brought them according to the time appointed he would not have made use of them to march out of the Kingdom but much rather to have setled himself in such a condition within that he might not be subject to that Law which the King of Right ought to impose on all his Subjects He little considered how easily his Majesty had reduced the whole party of the Hugonots how he had set bounds unto the Spanish Ambition how that he had put the English to a shameful flight in that very place which they had designed for a Theater of their own glory and that he would but laugh at their attempts which were so repleat with rashness Politique Observation IT is not sufficient in a Prince who would attain glory that he be not apprehensive of any dangers in war or that he shew himself to be more desirous of honour then fearing any misfortune unless he consider before he take the field what strength he hath from what friends he can presume to have assistance of what force his enemies are and whether he have Provisions enough for his own subsistence He ought to measure his Courage by his Forces and not to attempt any thing above his Power or against Reason It is couragious to stop the eyes at all hazards in the execution of a Designe but it is discretion first to discuss all the inconveniences which may arrive lest he ingage himself in his own ruine Who so doth otherwise cannot escape falling into one of these two extremities either he must fall with his attempt or be compell'd to a shameful composition after a discovery of his own weakness and discredit Beside that rashness is full of inconsideration it is ordinary attended with misfortunes They who give up themselves to it are for the most part reduced to a necessity of quitting their designs with as little advantage as they used consideration in their attempts The vain hopes wherewith it feeds them makes them at first all fire but their flame evaporateth into Ice by their want of subsistence It is blind and fore-sees not neither dangers nor any accident which may happen whence it followeth that it is very unsafe nay pernicious to be guided by its Counsels and that experience telleth us it seldome keeps any of its promises The History of Cambyses King of Persia related by Herodotus may serve to exemplifie it he designed to make a war upon the Macrobeans in Aethiopia to which end he sent Ambassadours to their King who might under pretence of carrying him presents espie
the force and strength of the Kingdom but the King smelling their designe commanded them to return and tell their Master he could not be just who would invade a Country not belonging to him Cambyses receiving this answer became so enflamed with anger that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedition insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way his Army was forced to eat Horses and not long after his Souldiers eat one another himself being forced to return into his own Country after a great loss of his Souldiers and to his perpetual dishonour by reason of his rashness The King goeth to Orleans With the true Motives of his journey THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances thought fit to go in his own person that he might dissipate the storm he well knew that the presence of a King is like that of the Sun which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes and thence to Orlean as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe that coming to discourse with him it wouâ—d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans whilest he was there and that peradventure he might ingage him in the match which had been proposed by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise These were the true motives of his Majesties journey which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct by sending the Sieur de Chaudâ—bonne unto him with a Letter which they had perswaded Monsieur to write in which he made protestations of obedience and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit unto such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage But however the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt did not forbear to prosecute his journey He was no sooner come unto Estampes but he received intelligence that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne His attendants had perswaded him to ground his departure upon pretence of his Majesties comming and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Monsieurs person A report without foundation for his Majestly had been acquainted at the least fifteen dayes before that time by the Sieur de Bellegarâ—e how that Monsieur had told him he would shortly go into Bourgogne and that before his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans It cannot be expressed how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure But it had been effeminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes and take no care for the future the King advanc'd with all diligence unto the same Province that he might keep the Towns in obedience and pursued him so closely that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place which doubtlesse he would have done had he not been followed at hand by some or other who might prevent his designs Before the end of March the King came to Dijon and having secured the Town and Castle gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde which place Monsieur had left behind him he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre and St. Jean de Lone he left three hundred horse in garrison on the Frontiers in such places as were most requisite to secure Bourgogne from any incursions and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them as Marshal de Camp Monsieur's Ministers did every where give out that he had not forsaken the Kingdom but only to secure himself from them who pursued him but it was without truth His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortifie themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom his Majesty was obliged to follow them at hand to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence not to lose any time in such occasions his longer delay could but have given them leave to second their own with forraign forces which as was well known they had negotiated But if he would not have left the Kingdom why did he not condiscend to those fair proposals made to him both at Orleans and Auxerre The King was ready to imbrace him and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had alwaies born to him but his not assenting to them forced his Majesty to pursue him that he might divert the storm which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France it self Politique Observation IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom when a Faction is once fomented within its bosome but that once being so it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators to draw their forces together wherewith they might carry on a War against him He ought to be before hand with them and not to stay until revolted Princes are in a condition to put their designs in execution He must not indeed be too credulous in beleeving all reports nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt but being once well informed and assured he ought no longer to delay Thus Alexander the Great made not the least stop that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army that himself brought the first news of his comming It was his usual saying that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy is the thing which obtains great advantages against him for this reason it was that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be yet it reduceth every thing to ashes Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces They have for the most part persons of knowledge and valour neer them who are capable of setling their affairs in a good equipage if they have but leisure to effect it For this cause is a King obliged to go in person and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again the Kings presence is a terrour to Rebels and takes away their courages who are not yet come up that they have but little will to ingage themselves and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means he is then in a capacity to compel them by force seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves Henry the third committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris at the mutiny of the Barricadoes for a Kings obedience diminisheth the respect due to him imboldneth the Ring-leaders of a faction and animateth the fury of the people Bajazet the second did not thus in the rebellion of