which he hath no great reason to thank him for nor we to admit when the Court of Parliament have declared That the Three Kingdoms and all the Dominions thereunto belonging that the Royal State Crown and Dignity of the said Realms with all Honours Stiles Titles Regalities Prerogatives c. to the same belonging are most fully rightfully and intirely invested incorporated united and annexed in and to his Princely Person So that according to our Laws he is rightful King of England as well as de facto and by Virtue of his Possession and providential Promotion to the Crown nay they See the Act of Recognition viz. The Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament did recognize and acknowledge that their Majesties were are and of right ought to be by the Laws of this Realm our Sovereign liege Lord and Lady King and Queen of England c. Now W. S. p. 54. Case of Allegiance makes this demand viz Is it not saith he most reasonable to think that to be the Sense of the Law which learned Judges and Lawyers have agreed to be the Sense of it Is it not reasonable to take that to be the Sense of the Law which hath been the Sense of Westminsâ—â—â—-Hall Let him give me also leave to aâ—k one Quâ—stion and that is Whether that be not the Sense of the Law which the Judges and Lawyers learned in the Law have declared in Parliament nay which in that High Court of Parliament have been declared to be * The Law of Man that is not contrary to the Law of Reason nor the Law of God but that is super-added unto them for better ordering the Commonwealth shall rule the Conscience and he that despiseth this Law of Man despiseth the Law of God See Dr. and Stud. Cap. 4. Cap. 19. Cap. 26. To fill up a vacant Throne is not contrary to the Law of God or Reason that our Throne was vacated is declared to be Law by our highest Court that we have in England That a King may abdicate the Realm Grotius saith is not to be doubted and Barclay saith cited by Grotius that if a King shall aliene his Kingdom and subject it to a Foreigner or leave it or act as an Enemy to the Destruction of the Community he looseth his Kingdom di jure Bell. Lib. 1. Cap. 4. Law And that I am sure it was as we have already heard viz. That King William is King de jure and according to the Laws of this Realm whose Declaration and Decree will bind the Subject in fâ—ro Conscientiae where it is not contrary to any moral Precept though they should be mistaken in their Judgment which is not to be supposed till a Court of equal Authority for there 's none Superior repeal their Act or reverse their Decree Obj. But perhaps it may be said that the Title of the Prince is a Matter above and no way cognizable in any â—â—mane Court it being said of Kings that they judge all things but are judged of none especially as to Matters criminal for which they are only accountable to him who is the Judge of all the Earth for when Courts do sit and act by the King's Commission and Authority it can be scarce thought that any Prince should be so Trayterous to himself as to grant a Power to censure his Person or his Actions So that whatever the Parliament may have delared or enacted with respect to the late King's Actions however they may affect the Ministers of State who were the Advisers or Transactors of them yet all must be void with regard to the Person or Title of K. J. because they have interposed in that which is no way within the compass or purview of their Jurisdiction Res The House of Lords I take to be the Supreme Court of Judicature in England which though it be convened by the King 's Writ yet needs no special Commission to empower them to act that being a Right inherent in them and by the original Compact or Custom immemorial inseparable from them But suppose there be no King in our Israel the Master of the Ship fled the Waves run high must the Vessel sink all that are on board perish lest they should intrench upon the Prerogative of their Master Must they not consult their own safety for fear they should meddle with or consider the Actions of their Governour as being above their Cognizance Must the Community perish and Nation sink in Compliment to him that hath fled from them and left none to exercise his Authority over them Is not the universal Safety the Supreme Law But my last Reply to this Objection is that the Parliament of England hath not adjudged the Royal Succession or Title of the Crown a Matter above their Authority nor is it beyond the Sphere of their activity Let us hear what my Lord Cooke saith in the 4th Part of his Institutes Cap. 1. Of the Powers and Jurisdiction of Parliament for making Laws in proceeding by Bill it is so transcendant and absolute as it cannot be confined either for Causes or Persons within any bounds Of this Court it is truly said Si antiquitatem spectes est vetusatissima si dignitatem est honoratissima si jurisdictionem est capacissima Huic ego nec metas rerum nec tempora pono Virg. of which we have divers eminent Instances to induce In the 8th of Hen. 4. as my Lord Cooke hath it Instit Part. 4. Cap. 1. But I find it rather in the 7th of Hen. 4. Cap. 2. the Succession of the Crown was intailed to Hen. 4. Was not the Crown settled upon Hen. 7. by Act of Parliament and upon his Heirs before his Marriage with Elizabeth eldest Daughter and Heir of Edw. 4. of the House of York notwithstanding the Judgment formerly given in Parliament as we are about to take notice of for establishing the Title of the Crown in that Family Cook 's Institutes Part 4. Cap. 1. Many more Examples may be given to prove that the Title and Succession of the Crown is not a thing beyond the Notice and Authority of Parliament to intermeddle with But he who desires a more particular Information let him consult these Statutes 25 Hen. 8.22 28 Hen. 8.7 35 Hen. 8.1 1 Eliz. 3. 1 Jac. 1. Yet give me leave to mention one Case which happened in the Reign of Hen. 6. whose Crown whilst it was upon his Head was challenged by Richard Duke of York whose Claim was received and Plea heard in Parliament The Council alledged many and great Arguments in defence of the King's Title too many here to be inserted but that high Court upon a full Hearing on both sides gave Judgment for the Duke of York against the King though in actual Possession of the Government in these Words That Hen. 6. should reign during his Life the remainder to rest in Richard Duke of York and the lawful Heirs of his Body in general Tail King Henry 's Heirs to be excluded
is certain that there was a time when the People had no Kings but afterwards when Lands Possessions came to be divided there were Kings ordained for no other case but only to exercise Justice c. Not only the People but also the King to be subject to the Laws c. If a King contemn and despise the Laws violently rob and spoil his Subjects deflower Virgins dishonest Matrons and do all things licentiously and temerariously do not the Nobles of the Kingdom assemble together deposing him from his Kingdom set up another in his place which shall swear to govern uprightly and be obedient to the Laws Fox Acts and Monuments p. 762. Ed. 1684. The Substance of which is that he who hath Sovereign Power or Authority but limited by certain Rules or Conditions which he hath sworn to observe If such an one shall become a Tyrant it is in the Power of the States and Peers of the Realm to restrain him for saith he the Office of the Subject is twofold ordinary in respect to Time Place and Imployment they have in the Common-wealth the other extraordinary which is to be exercised according to the Circumstances of Affairs which can be bound by no certain Rule except that of the publick Safety which must ever be consulted for and which * Lib. de repub Quo fit ut leges non solum populum sed reges etiam obligare sciamus at si regem contemnere leges Raperebona subditorum violare Virgines stuprare matronas omniaque suae libidini temeritati committere vidiamus numquid Congregatis regni proceribus illo summot◠alius sublimabitur qui bene gubernare juret legibus obtemperare Aen. Sylv. de gestis Con. Basili Bodin calls Suprema lex But if Monarchy be absolute and under no Restrictions we must then patiently suffer the most unjust Exercise of Power there being no other appeal but only to the Divine Tribunal Thus Daniel paid Allegiance to Nebuchadnezzar and our Saviour to the Roman Emperor Pareus de potestate civili Propos Primâ saith Episcopi pastores magistratibus suis impiis aut injustis possunt ac debent resistere non vi ant gladio sed verbo dei That is Bishops and Pastors must not resist evil Magistrates by force or by the Sword but by the Word in which he speaks honestly for the Weapons of our Warfare are not carnal but spiritual In his second Proposition he saith Subditi non privati sed in magistratu inferiori constituti adversus Superiorem magistratum se rempub Ecclesiam seu veram Religionem etiam armis defendere jure possunt c. That is not private Subjects but such as are placed in an inferior Order of Magistracy may by force of Arms defend themselves and the Common-wealth the Church or the true Religion without the Breach of any Law Supposing the Supreme Magistrate be degenerated into a Tyrant an Idolater and is become highly oppressing of the People provided they act sincerely and for the publick good because he saith Princes are bound by their own Laws Imperator testatur incodice se contra jus nolle ut sua decreta injudiciis locum habeant sed debere Irrita fieri si fortasse cognoscantur à justitiâ discedere c. Lib. 4. Cod. de leg Prin. Adeo digna est vox Majestate regnantis legibus alligatum se Principem profiteri That all his Commands contrary to Law were void and that it was a Saying becoming the Majesty of a Governour that a Prince is bound by Law Trajan was commended by Dion who giving the Sword to the Praetor used these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is take this Sword if I rule well use it for me if ill against me But as to private Persons he saith Moriendum potius quam resistendum Yet for several Reasons I cannot take his Words in the Sence which that excellent and learned Person D. Fabritius would put upon them restraining his Meaning to the Princes of the Empire who are Sovereign Princes and invested with Royal Power It never being a question whether such had Authority for the Preservation of their Rights and redress of Injuries to levy War against another Prince though in some respects greater than themselves But if in no case the Nobility and Commonalty of a Nation may interpose to prevent the imminent Ruine of the Church and State it would be very difficult to vindicate the late Revolution as is already hinted from those severe Imputations by such as have very little good will to our Sion cast upon it I shall not in so great a case interpose mine own Judgment it being easie to prick our Fingers in such a Thorny question Yet I may say if any for the breaking of their Yoak have ascribed too much to the (b) Though the Bishop of Burgen to prove the Church above the Pope argued from an unexpected Topick endeavouring to prove the Body of the Kingdom to be above the King To which Tho. Corsellis agreed Adductoque intestem summo omnium Philosophorum Aristotele dicebat in omni regno bene instituto illud in primis desiderari ut plus regnum posset quam rex Si contra reperiretur id non regnum sed tyrannidem dici debere Aen. Sylv. degest Con. Basil People granting them too great a Liberty of contesting their Rights with their Sovereigns others in hopes to espouse Princes to their Interest in grieving and oppressing their Dissenting Brethren have beyond measure fawned upon and flattered them till they nurst up the best tempered Monarchy upon Earth into an intollerable and tyrannick Exercise of Regal Power But this is a digression which by pursuing the Extravagancies of some Mens Opinions I have been led In which if I proceed a little further being once out of the way I must beg the Readers Patience and Pardon For having perused the Case of Allegiance due to Sovereign Princes by W. S. I could not but with very much regret observe that in the whole drift of that Discourse we can find little or none other Argument to enforce our Allegiance to King William c. than what would bespeak it for the greatest Usurper and Intruder who hath had the good Fortune to gain an actual Possession of the Crown which looks to say no worse very ungratefully upon him whom the Lords Spiritual and Temporal invited over and who by the universal Consent and applause of the People declared by their Representatives in Parliament was invested with the Royal Government and to whom we owe next to the Divine Providence all that is dear to us To reflect then so unworthily upon him as if he were no better than one who usurps the Government and that hath no further Right to the Kingdom then what Power Possession and Success can convey to him seems no way reconcilable to Duty or good Manners This Author in his Preface tells us that he never did any thing to cause the World
Nation satisfied in the Belief of the Truth all future Claims and Pretences to the Crown annulled and quasht which their own Interest if no other Argument might have prevailed with the Court to have condescended to And when this be answered I 'll believe as the then Rampant Roman Faction would have me believe But things of so great concern being every where questioned and disputed one would have thought that if the P. of O. had askt a greater thing then to have a Parliament freely called to have sit upon and considered these weighty Affairs it would not have been denied by the late King as a thing unreasonable who at last condescending Writs were issued some Members chosen (a) Vbi judicia deficiunt ibi incipit bellum Grot. de jure Bell. pac Lib. 2. Cap. 1. But all of a suddain those which were not yet issued were supprest those sent abroad superseded and the Parliament in its birth annulled and stifled the Broad-Seal of England he vilely cast away into the Thames and at last betaking himself to (b) Si rex aut alius quis imperium abdicavit ant ma ifeste habet pro derelicto in â—um post id tempus omnia licent que in privatum Idâ—m Lib. 1. Cap. 4. flight turned his Back upon the Nation leaving it without any Provision for its Government to shift as well as it could for it self Obj. But is it not very unjust to drive him away by force and then charge his flight as a Crime upon him when he durst stay no longer Res This is the common Objection which those who are back Friends to their Country Men who are satisfied neither full nor fasting frequently make use of to banter and if it could be bafle those who assert the Legality of our present Setlement But ' â—will be no hard matter to evade the dint of it for as to his Fear it was but rational there being none that was not more stupid than a Stoick but in so great a Convulsion of State must exceedingly fear and tremble as to the Force pretended to be up on him we utterly deny it for when the Posture of Affairs had made it necessary for the P. of O. to come to London and the King himself had invited him to St. James's it could not be thought safe for the King to continue at Whitehall lest any justle betwixt the Guards might occasion Bloodshed and hazard his Person wherefore he was desired to withdraw to Ham-house or any other place he should choose But finding the Fire he had kindled had made the Nation too hot for him he deserted and fled into France But he that hath raised a Storm cut off the chief * The Parliament Anchor which should secure the Vessel hath as little reason to alledge his hazard in defence of his sliting the Vessel and abdicating his trust to the Mercy of the Sea as to blame the Ship 's Crue for electing a new Pilot in the absence of the former to manage it in it's danger and steer it into the Harbour In this great and eminent Conjuncture and Emergency the States of the Realm assemble to consult Methods and concert Measures for the publick Safety which High-Court beyond which we have no appeal did upon mature deliberation great Debate and weighty Arguments declare resolve and decree (a) For this reason the Crown was setled upon the Prince and Princess of Orange The Words mentioned in the Instrument of Setlement are these viz. And whereas the late King James II. having abdicated the Government and the Throne being thereby vacant c. Act. 1st William and Mary That the King 's leaving of the Realm in such a manner was an Abdication of the Kingdom whereby the Throne was vacated and consequently the Government was dissolved Which Resolution and Judgment was by this present Parliament confirm'd ratified and recognized in these Words viz. We do recognize and acknowledge your Majesties were are and of right ought to be by the Laws of this Realm our Sovereign liege Lord and Lady King and Queen of England c. By Virtue of which repeated Judgment and Decree he is King not only de facto but de jure according to the Laws of our own Country which Judgment is either according to Truth or mistaken if the first by all Mens Opinions it ought to be obey'd but if mistaken yet we are bound to observe it and I think may do it with a good Conscience because we are no Judges of Law especially in so intricate and difficult a Case Suppose an Estate be decreed in Chancery to A. when perhaps according to right it belongs to B. as afterwards may appear by a Reverse of that Judgment given in Parliament upon an Appeal made thither yet A. may lawfully hold the Possession of the Estate against B. till the Decree be reversed for though the Decree was not made according to Law yet according to Law it binds till it be corrected by another Judge or annulled by a Superior Court Now this Judgment of Parliament concerning the Abdication of the Realm and Vacancy of the Throne though we should suppose it mistaken yet that Court being Judge of the Law we are bound by the Judgment they give because they and not we are Judges of such Matters Now the Author of the Case of Allegiance doth grant Pag. 54. That what Prince we must obey and to what particular Person we must pay our Allegiance the Law of God doth not tell us but this we learn from the Laws of the Land Now the Law of our Land saith we must pay our Allegiance to King William So that according to this Rule he is King of right as well as of fact Now his Question is whether if a King de jure be dispossessed of his Throne and a King de facto be possessed of it without a legal Right to which of these two the Subjects are bound to pay their Allegiance But I take this not to be our present case for according to the Judgment and Decree of the highest Court of Judicature the late King (a) Obj. But King James was King de jure Res So was Charles II. but both their Rights are extinct one being naturally the other dead in Law as is decreed by the highest Court in England And he that sits upon the Throne declared by the same to have as good right to the Crown he wears as his Predecessor before he gave up the Ghost I mean his Kingdom to provide for it self is not the King de jure for this Act of Abdication is declared by our Law not to be a bare Dispossession of the Throne but a total Extinguishment of his Right And that if he should be ever restored to these Kingdoms again he must receive a new Investiture or else he cannot be King And whereas he seems to suppose our King William only to be King de facto and without legal right possessed of the Throne
latter it being propounded to consider how the Partition-wall might be broken down the Bones of Contention which have made us so often snarle at one and other thrown out of the way every thing became so Sacred and Apostolical that they can part with nothing The Forks and the Shovels the Snuffers and the Snuffing-Dishes were all of pure Gold 'T is true in the height of the Storm they promised a Candle as tall as their Main-mast but that being allay'd one burnt into the Socket is too costly a Sacrifice to offer up for the Peace and Unity of the Church Oh! If they would not joyn issue with their Enemies against them how deliciously should they fare every day But now they can't spare a Crum for those scabby Lazarus's under the Table When they were in trouble and the Hand of god was upon them when they were spoken roughly to and no Apology or Plea they could alledge in their defence would be heard or admitted then like Joseph 's Brethren methinks we hard them complain to each other and say verily we are guilty concerning our Brethren In that we saw the Anguish of their Souls when they besought us but we would not bear them therefore is this distress come upon us Did we not speak unto you saying Sin ot against them for they are our Brethren but ye would not bear therefore is their Blood required as our Hands But no sooner did our Moses deliver them from their Task-Masters and brought them again into their Kingdom but like Pharaoh's chief-Butler they did not remember them but (a) Gen. 40.23 Obj. forgot them But to this it will be replied Are not those Promises fulfilled Hath not the last and this present Parliament setled that Liberty by a Law which the two last Princes straining their Prerogative gave by Proclamation Res 'T is very great Truth and for which Act the present yea the Generations to come will rise up and bless God the King and Parliament for that Justice Prudence and Pity which they have shown to a poor harassed and ravaged People who else would have been as certainly though not so sudden ruined as our poor distressed Brethren in France Tho' the departure of the greatest part of Dissenting Protestants here was far less from the Church of England than theirs from the Church of Rome But why might not things be so tempered that this Partition-wall might become less needful And the Church of England by hearkning to some Terms of Accommodation and making a Rebatement of disputable Things and all along offensive Rites and Ceremonies become more enlarged and setled upon a firmer Basis and more tried Foundation For though the late Indulgence hath prevented Ephraim from vexing Judah yet 't is scarce provided for that Judah should not envy Ephraim Although I have some good reason to know and believe and therefore do I speak that many of our Dissenting Brethren be of Mephibosheth's Mind that if the Protestant Religion may be secured against our restless and implacable Enemies of Rome the King and Kingdom setled in Peace poor Ireland saved out of the Hands of those whose tender Mercies are Cruelty they are contented the Ziba's should take all they grudge not at their Preferments and Dignities being satisfied with a slender Fare and Provision And of the Mind with that contented Man described by the Poet Vivitur parvo bene cui paternum Splendet in mensâ tenui Salinum Nec leves Somnos timor aut Cupido Sordidus aufert Esteeming the Liberty of Conscience and mean Diet a continual Feast But why should we envy our Brethrens sitting at the same Table when we have all the same Faith the same Father the same Baptism the same Hope of our Calling Obj. But suppose we should propound a Temper it will not satisfie nor will they comply unless all the Rules of Decency and Order be rescinded and totally destroyed Res 1st We hope better things of them and such as accompany the Peace and Union of the Church 2dly Suppose it should gain but a few yet that 's Ground enough for our Argument an Enforcement of our Plea Would our Governours please to imitate St. Paul they would become all things to all Men that they might gain some though not all Dissenters 1 Cor. 9.19 For though I be free from all Men yet have I made my self a Servant c. 20. To the Jews I became a Jew that I might the gain the Jews c. 22. To the weak became I as weak that I might gain the weak I am made all things to all Men that I might gain some That St. Paul might not offend the Jews he condescended and circumcised Timothy The Pharisees were very strict for Circumcision 16 Acts 3. and though it needful to observe the Law 15 Acts 5. But the Apostles assembled at Jerusalem thought not fit to trouble the Conversed Gentiles which were turned to God with those Rites which the Converted Jews were zealous for Why might not the same Rule be observed among us He that is ambitious to have his Child signed with the Sign of the Cross in Baptism let him have the Liberty to procure his Child to be so baptized He that desires to be excused the Ceremony of the Surplice in his publick Ministration may he be left to his own freedom and so on the contrary being obliged oâ—ly to those things which are necessary especially where such Indulgence may gain some Pious and Conscientious Ministers into the Communion of our church and give ease to such who are actually engaged in its Ministry and pressed down with such Burthens Which is the second Reply to the Objection and Plea for Abatement 3dly Suppose our Concessions should not call many over into our Tents at present yet it might prevent those who are not yet admitted into our Communion from fleeing to separate Congregations for ease and refuge as to their Consciences who if some rough places were made plain would never think of departing from our Assemblies Would we Cedere à jure and rebate those things which are Goads in the Sides and Thorns in the Eyes of many good and Tender-conscienced Men whose Necks have been gauled with the Ceremonial Yoak It would happen to the Church from so benevolent an Aspect as it doth to the Earth from the happy Conjunctions and Configurations of the Stars whose effects though they be not immediately felt yet cast a future kind and benign influence upon it And is it not more than probable that Persons who hereafter shall be at liberty of their choice of two several Communions will choose that which they judge safest and in which their Consciences may be most at ease If in one of these the Word is soundly preacht as it is in the Assemblies of many of the Dissenters for they have owned and subscribed the Articles of our Religion so far as they respect the Doctrine of the Church where also the Sacraments according to Divine
to take him for dishonest or a Fool As to the first I am very loath to call a Man a Knave without great Grounds for it especially a Minister upon whose Personal Reputation much of the Success of his Ministry depends Conscience I know is a tender thing and more especially ought so to be in the case of an Oath I will suppose that he acted sincerely in his Refusal and out of tenderness to the Faith he had plighted to his former Sovereign and I hope he hath not acted upon any worse Principle in swearing Allegiance to the present Powers and that he hath not the Person of his Prince in admiration because of advantage For many considering the nature of his Argument do think it may justly defeat his expectation of a Bishoprick if he had any such 〈…〉 As for the latter I mean his Wisdom something is to be said for that too for he who upon the Matter challenges an whole Party of Men to try their Skill with him had need have his Wits about him I find his Wit was once commended for refusing to give an Answer to Antisozzo and the Reason which himself gave for it was because he would not make the Dispute a trial of Wit But he hath given a fresher Argument still than this viz. That he wrote his Case of Allegiance under a just and moderate Prince who notwithstanding the smartest Reflections upon him being satisfied with the Testimony of a good Conscience and sincerity of his Designs did as Saul when they said this Man shall not reign over us and brought him no presents yet he held his peace Had he lived in a Reign when Men suffered by Innuendo's he might have found it much harder to have defended himself against an Impeachment for his Crime against the State than his too late Submission to the present Government The Crowns of Princes are heavy enough of themselves without the exceeding weight and guilt of Usurpation or Intrusion into another's Right being added to them King William would pay dear for his Kingdom to purchase it at the price of a good Conscience and loss of a far better Inheritance and the Providence of God placing him upon the Throne will prove no very good Plea for holding the Possession of it against the just Claim and civil Right of another For though the Providence of God may make use of the unjust Actions of one to punish justly the Sin of another yet the Injustice and Violence of such dealings can no way be excused by the disposal of an over-ruling Providence directing bad Actions to work a good End If a Person stronger than I by virtue of his Power or Interest take away my Goods God by such means may punish me perhaps for my Sins yet it will be a very insufficient Plea on his part before God or hi◠own Conscience For those whom the Lord hath made use of as the Rods of his Anger he hath afterward cast into the Fire notwithstanding they have effected his Will upon others who have sinned against him and whom he hath justly punished by such means for their offences And therefore it will be worth the inquiry whether our King be so only de facto or de jure for if he wants a civil Right his Possession will not make his Chair of State easie be it never so august or great nor quiet his Conscience and Kings have Consciences as well as other Men For though he accounted not his Life dear to him nor too much to hazard for the rescuing our Lifes and Properties yet to purchase them with the loss of that which is of more worth than the whole World and all the Kingdoms of it and to live and die in mortal Sin for our sakes would be too costly a Ransome That one Sovereign Prince may levy War against another Quot actionum forensium sunt fontes totidem sunt belli where Matters in Controversie can be no other ways determined is I am sure though I be no Lawyer agreeable to the Law of * Jure gentium inquit Livius ita comparatum est ut arma armis propulsentur Et Florentinus jus esse gentium ait ut vim atque injuriam propulsemus Vim vi repellere licere Cassius scribit Apud Vlpianum idque naturâ comparatum esse viserit See Grotius de jure Bell. pac Lib. 1. Cap. 2. Nations and Nature too That being the last Appeal to him who is the Judge of all the Earth imploring him to determine the Question and to give Victory and Success according to the Merits of the Cause That the Prince of Orange was a Sovereign Prince is no question who by the pretended Birth of a Prince of Wales was barred of his right of Succession an Heir apparent being set up in room of the Presumptive This 't is well known was the subject Matter of various Discourses and the common Entertainment wherever we came the usual Question that was started being De foetu formato Which in every corner of the Nation was lampooned and ridiculed as a Court-stratagem for ever to extirpate Heresie and to settle the Romish Faith in these Kingdoms to all Generations As this made many Infidels at home so it created Unbelievers abroad The Queen when the days were accomplished that she should bring forth was delivered or pretended to be delivered of a Son by which all the Expectations of the P. of O. to succeed in the Government must consequentially miscarry as also the Peoples hopes of securing their Religion in the next Reign became wholly abortive The Prince judging the Crown of England worth a Trial who being encouraged by the Equity of his Cause and Invitation of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal made a Descent upon England not with any design of Conquest witness the small Numbers he had levied to attend him but that a Parliament might be called and the Matters in question without any Blood shed not only relating to himself but the People too who at one Heat were by the Dispensing Power despoiled of their ancient Liberties and reduced to the greatest Slavery yea the best and most equitable Constitution under Heaven sunk into an Arbitrary and meer Despotick Rule and Government But to forestal the Prince and foreclose him as to any Examination in Parliament Witnesses were called Affidavits were made to prove the Birth of the P. of Wales But what were the Witnesses But either Court-Officers and Dependants profest Papists feigned Protestants whose Evidences filled a Paper with such stuff as would sooner turn a Man's Stomach that his Faith For many think that if fair dealing had been designed Proxies would have been allowed at the choice of the two next Princesses of the Blood and Heirs to the Crown to have been present at the Labour who might if what is pretended were true have averred upon Oath that they saw the Queen delivered of this Son by which that long and fulsom Affidavit might have been spared the