are occasions when he must put on the Lion's Skin that his Subjects and Enemies may see his Claws and that he may be thought so severe that Fraud may not have the boldness to attack him with Flattery which way it uses to tame the minds of Princes This it seems the Aegyptians would intimate by putting a Lion's Skin upon their Prince's head There is no Respect nor Reverence where there is no fear The People perceiving their Prince can't be angry and that nothing can alter his mild Temper always despise him but this Severity need not immediately come to Execution 'T is not necessary for a Prince to be really angry but only to appear so The Lion without discomposing himself or thinking of hurting any other Animals with his very Looks infuses dread into all such is the Majestick force of his Eyes 5 A Lion which is the strongest among Beasts and turneth not away for any Prov. 30. 30. But because 't is convenient sometimes to gild force with craft and indignation with mildness to dissemble a little and accommodate himself to the times and persons therefore in the present Devise the Lion's head is not crown'd with the little tricks of the Fox which are mean and base and below the Generosity and Magnanimity of a Prince but with Serpents the Emblem of carefull and prudent Majesty and in the sacred Writs the Hieroglyfick of Prudence for their cunning in defending their heads in stopping their Ears against all Inchantments and in other things only tending to their own preservation not the prejudice of others For the same reason and the like accidents I have made use of these words as a Motto to the present Devise that he may know how to reign taken from the Motto of Lewis the Eleventh King of France who knows not how to dissemble knows not how to reign In which the whole art of Government is briefly comprehended but there is need of great Prudence and Circumspection least this Power should turn to Tyranny and this Policy to Fraud These Mediums nearly bordering upon Vices Iustus Lipsius defining Fraud in matters of Policy says 't is shrewd Counsel deviating from Vertue and the Laws for the good of the King and Kingdom by which avoiding the Extremes of Machiavel and finding also that 't is impossible for a Prince to govern without some Fraud and cunning he advises a little tolerates Mediocrity but forbids Extremes bounds very dangerous to a Prince For who can exactly describe them there ought not to be such Rocks so near politick Navigation The malice of Power and ambition of Rule act sufficiently in many if Fraud be vicious 't is vicious in its least parts and therefore unworthy of a Prince The worth and dignity of the Royal Purple disdains the least â—spot The minutest Atom is visible and blemishes the Rays of these terrestrial Suns And how can it be suffer'd that his actions should deviate from Vertue and the Laws who is the very Soul thereof There is no Fraud without a mixture of malice and falshood both opposite to Royal Magnanimity though Plato says That Falshood is superfluous in the Gods they having no need on 't but not in Princes who have great occasion for it and that therefore it may be allow'd them sometimes That which is unlawfull ought not to be allow'd nor ought we to make use of means in their own nature wicked to obtain just and honourable ends Dissimulation and Cunning are then only lawfull when they don't drive to Knavery and prejudice the Authority and Reputation of the Prince in which case I don't esteem them as Vices but Prudence or the Daughters thereof being both advantageous and necessary to a Commander which would be if Prudence respecting its own preservation would make use of Fraud according to the different circumstances of time place and persons so as the Heart and Tongue the Mind and Words may ever agree That Dissimulation ought to be avoided which with fraudulent intentions belyes the things designed That which would make another understand that which is not not that which would make him not understand that which is For this end one may sometimes use indifferent and equivocating words not with a design to cheat but to secure ones self and prevent being cheated and for other lawfull ends Thus we see the Master of truth himself pretended to his Disciples who were going to the City Emmaus that he was going farther 6 And he made as though he would have gone farther Luke 24. 28. The counterfeit folly of David before King Acâ—is 7 And he changed his behaviour before them and feign'd himself mad in their hands and scrâ—bbled on the doors of the gate and let his Spittle fall down upon his Beaâ—â— 1 Sam 21. 13. the pretended Sacrifice of Samuel 8 And the Lord said take a Heifer with thee and say I am come to sacrifice to the Lord 1 Sam 16. 2. the Kids skins fitted to Iacob's hands 9 And he put the skins of the Kids of the Goats upon his 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 the smooth of his neck 〈◊〉 27. 16. were all lawfull Dissimulations the intent not being to cheat but only to hide another design nor are they the less allowable because one foresees that another will thereby be deceiv'd for that knowledge proceeds not from malice but a kind of caution And these arts and practices are then chiefly to be made use of when we treat with designing and crafty Princes for in such case Distrust Cunning Hypocrisie ambiguous Replies prudent Equivocation least a Prince should be insâ—ared and give occasion for others Plots and Machinations defending himself with these arts and not offending or violating his publick Faith what is this but being upon his Guard That Ingenuity is foolish which frankly discovers its secret Sentiments and the State would be in danger without some caution 'T is a dangerous sincerity to speak truth always since secrecy is the chief instrument of Government Whatever Prince intrusts a secret to another at the same time intrusts his Sceptre too It does not become a Prince to lye but it does to be silent or to conceal truth not to trust or confide in any one rashly but to be wary and circumspect that he mayn't be cheated This caution is extremely necessary for a Prince without which he would be expos'd to many and great dangers He who knows and sees most believes and trusts least because either Speculation or Practice and Experience renders him cautious Let a Prince's mind therefore be sincere and pure yet skill'd in the arts and practices of others Experience will shew in what cases it becomes a Prince to use these arts that is when he shall observe that the Malice and Stratagems of those with whom he deals requires it In all other actions a Prince ought to discover a Royal Candor sometimes even to those who would deceive him for if they interpret it favourably their designs are broken and begin
But this Doctrine of Ministers being continued in Offices but for a time must not be understood of those supream Offices of the Princes Counsel or of Justice But on the contrary they ought to be fixt and continued because of the advantage of their Experience and Knowledge of Affairs depending These kinds of Offices are in Governments like the Poles in the Heavens about which the lesser Orbs move so that if they should be chang'd or removed the whole Universe would be endanger'd by the disorder of its natural Motions Solon knew this Inconveniency in the four hundred Senatours which were yearly Elected by Lot at Athens and therefore he established a Senate of Sixty worthy Men who were called Areopagites and while this continu'd the Republick flourished 'T is moreover very dangerous to commit the Government of Kingdoms during the Minority to persons who have any Pretentioâ—s thereto though never so unjust so it fell out in Arragon by the Imprudence of those who committed the Government to Sancho Duke of Roussillon until King Iames I. came to age Those Persons who have no manner of Pretention to the Crown either by Birth or any other Cause often thirst after it how much more then those who in Pictures and Images see their Ancestours brows incircled with it This Age as well as the pass'd gives us many deplorable Examples of Relations who have treacherously usurped Kingdoms which they were entrusted with Those of the Royal Blood are more prone to Tyranny in that they never want means to accomplish their Designs Few can be perswad'd of the Justice of that Law which prefers Birth to Vertue and every one thinks he better deserves a Crown than another and if this Reason should be of force in any one he is in danger from his Favourites who hoping to participate of his Grandeur strive to procure it by violent means and to raise Jealousies amongst his Relations If King Philip had any Jealousie of Don John of Austria they flow'd from this Spring A glorious Example of this Policy we find in the Infant Ferdinand refusing the Crown which was the Right of his Nephew Don John II. by which generous Recusance of that Crown on Earth he merited many more in Heaven The generous Loyalty which the Infants of that Name have paid the Kings of their Race is of an ancient Date Nor do we find less in this present Infant towards the present King whose Respect and Obedience is more like that of a Subject than of a Brother The heavenly Spheres pay not a more ready Obedience to the first mover than his Highness does to his Majestys Will. O truly Noble Prince whose glorious Birth though the greatest in the World is yet the least of his Excellencies the Effect of Divine Providence that in a time of such troublesome and tedious Wars which strain'd the very Axle-tree and Poles of the Government to raise us up an Atlas to support it by his Valour Conduct and Prudence EMBLEM LV. ARISTOTLE the better to instruct Alexander the Great in the Qualities of Counsellours compared them to Eyes which comparison Don Alonso the Wise makes use of in his Books of Laws Nor is this thought new for the Kings of Persia and Babylon call'd 'em their Eyes their Ears and their Hands according to the Offices in which they officiated The seven Spirits God's Ministers sent all over the Earth were the Eyes of a Lamb without spot or blemish 1 Apoc. 5. 6. A Prince who ought to see and comprehend so many Affairs should be all Eyes and all Ears 2 Superior debet esse totus mens c totus oculus S. Antioc Hom. 5. and because he can't be so he must make use of the Eyes and Ears of other Whence there is no Prince though never so prudent and intelligent but haâ— occasion for Ministers and to make use of them as his Eyes Ears and Hands 3 Nam Principes ac Reges nunc quoque multos sibi oculos multas aâ—res multas item manus atque pedes faciunt Arist. Pol. 5. c. 12 This is not of small advantage to him if he knows how to make a right use on 't for by thiâ— means he sees with every Body's eyes hears with their Ears and takes advise from them all 4 Hâ—â— enim ratione omnium oculis cernet omnium auribus audiet omnium denique consiliis in unum tendentibus consultabit Sines ad Arcad The Aegyptians meanâ— this by the Eye which they placed upon their Scepter for Counsels are the Eyes by which we inspect Futurity 5 Consilium oculus futurorum Arist. lib. 6. de Regim This Ieremiah seem'd to allude to when he said Virgaâ— vigilantem ego video 6 â—erem 1 11. Vid. Version Vulgar For this Reason in this present Emblem you see a Scepter full of Eyes to give the Prince to understand that he ought to inspect all Affairs of the Government by his Ministers nor is it to be wonder'd at that we place the Ministers in the Scepter for formerly their Names were engrave on the Crowns of the Emperours and Kings of Spain nor without Reason for they shine brighter than the Diadems themselves This Emblem of Eyes sufficiently shews the Qualifications that a Minister ought to be endued with For as the Sight extends to all things far and near so should the active Spirit of the Counsellour inspect all things present past and future that he may make a right Judgment of things and give a true Opinion of all Affairs which can't be done without much Reading great Experience and a continual Commerce with foreign Countries For if the Counsellours ben't perfectly versed in the Princes Nature and the Manners and Genius of the people they 'll ruine both themselves and the Government 7 Morum animorâ—mque Provincie nisi sâ—â—gneri qui de ea consulant perdant se Râ—mpub Cicero And to know this requires use for the Eyes don't know things which they have never seen he who has had Experience and Knowledge of things will readily find Expedients and Remedies 8 Eccles 3. 4. There is such a correspondence between the Eyes and Heart that the Affections of the one immediately strikes the other when this is sad they weep when this glad they smile if the Counsellour has not a particular Esteem for his Prince he will take but little care of his Affairs and is therefore very little to be trusted so said King Alphonso the Wise * L. 5. tit 9. p. 2. That Councellours ought to be the Princes true Friends otherwise he would be in great Danger for those who hate a Person will never advise him cordially The Eye won't suffer the Finger to touch its inside but upon its approach immediately sculks within the Lids how wise and learn'd soever the Minister is in his Counsels if he is easie and free of his Secerts if he suffers his Finger to probe his Heart he
comes upon this great Theatre of the World to act the part of a Prince and that he having his discharge another shall succeed to those Robes which he shall leave and that of both of them only this will remain that they once were Lastly Let him know that these Robes wherewith he is cloathed are not his own but the States which that only lends him that he may be a while its Head and may consult for the Preservation Increase and Prosperity thereof as we have said before When therefore a Prince has once begun to run the Race of this Life furnished with the lighted Torch of his State let it not be his only business to prolong his Race for the Goal is already fixt beyond which he can't go and who knows but that he may be now very near it the Flame being exposed to every blast of Wind. One single Gale wrenched it from the Hands of King Henry the First er'e he was fourteen Years old Also a fall from a Horse prevented Prince Iohn Son of their most Catholick Majesties from taking hold on 't Let a Prince consider also the fitness of his hand the occasion and right that he mayn't rashly grasp at more of these Torches than either Succession or lawful Election shall grant him Had Frederick Count Palatine considered this he had never lost his Electoral Dignity his Places and Titles so unfortunately for being ambitious of the Kingdom of Bohemia And truly Charles King of Naples had ended his Race more successfully had he been contented with the Torch of his own Kingdom and not attempted to grasp at that of Hungary where he was therefore poisoned Let not a Prince too readily trust his Torch to another nor suffer any one to touch it with so great Authority For Empire admits of no Companion The Infant Sancho attempted to snatch this Torch from his Father King Alphonso the Wise by the same Power and Authority which he receiv'd from him Nor were there wanting Pretences for the Infant of Portugal to attempt the same against his Father Dionysius These Torches of Kingdoms lighted by ill Methods are commonly soon extinguish'd for no Power acquired by wickedness is lasting King Garcias forc'd his Father Alphonso to quit his Kingdom but could not enjoy the Crown so gotten above three Years Fruela the Third possess'd but fourteen Months the Kingdom which he had attain'd rather by Force than Election Violent Counsels h'an't always their desired Success Ramon hop'd certainly to inherit the Throne of Navarre if he could make away with his Brother Sancho but the People abhorr'd him who had conceiv'd such a horrid Villainy and so offer'd it to Sancho King of Arragon his Uncle Let not a Prince unadvisedly trust his Torch out of his own Hands in his Life-time least if he should afterwards repent it should befal him as it did King Alphonso the Fourth who having once resign'd his Kingdom to his Brother Ramiro could never afterwards retrieve it though he desir'd it Ambition while in Possession regards not Justice having always Arguments and Pretences at hand to defend it self And who will not be mov'd by the difference between commanding and obeying Though these Torches do pass from Father to Son yet let Kings remember that they receive them from God and that when he pleases they are to Surrender them to him that they may know to whose Gift they ought to ascribe them and how strict an Account they are to give of them This King Ferdinand the Great did who with his last Breath pronounc'd these Words Thine O Lord is Power Empire is thine Thou art Supream King of Kings all things are under thy Providence The Kingdom which from thy Hand I receiv'd unto thee I resign The same Words did King Ferdinand the Holy use at the point of Death 'T is a glorious though laborious Race which Heaven has design'd for your Royal Highness which must be run not with one but with several Torches of shining Diadems which like the Sun but without ever leaving us in the dark will diffuse their extended Light from East to West Furious Winds rising from each part of the Horizon will perhaps threaten them but since God has lighted them to preceed the Standard of the Cross and to give light upon the Holy Altars of the Church it may well be hop'd that these may shine like that 2 I will also give thee for a light to the Gentiles that thou maist be my Salvation to the end of the Earth Isaiah 49. 6. especially if your Highness's Faith and Holy Zeal would by holding them upright make their Flame burn more clear and bright its natural tendency being towards Heaven and he who holds them obliquely will make the Flame its self feed upon and wast them but he who turns 'em directly downwards opposite to Heaven will immediately extinguish them for the Matter which would else nourish them will then extinguish them Let your Highness therefore take care with these Lights to finish your Course with Glory and Surrender them bright and flaming to your Successor not meerly such as you receiv'd them but illustrated and augmented with new Rays For God weighs both Kingdoms and Kings when they begin to Reign that he may afterwards require a just Account from them thus he did with King Balthazar 3 Thou art weigh'd in the balance and found wanting Dan. 5. 27. And if Otho thoguht himself oblig'd to deliver up the Empire to Posterity such as he had receiv'd it from his Ancestors 4 Vrbi nostrae institutum à Regibus usque ad Principes continuum immortalem sicut à Majoribus accepimus sic posteris tradamus Tac. 1. Hist. your Highness must acknowledge no less an Obligation deriv'd to you from your glorious Predecessors So the Emperor Charles the Fifth resign'd his while he was yet living to his Son Philip the Second And though the wickedness of some can't attend the end of their Career for fear of adverse Winds already rais'd as was the Case of Alphonso King of Naples who seeing he could not resist Charles the Eighth of France surrendred the Crown to his Son Ferdinand Duke of Calabria yet certain 't is that his design was to make a timely Restitution of his Crown to God and prepare himself for another not Temporal but Eternal one which once obtain'd may be securely enjoy'd without fear of ever being lost EMBLEM XX. AMONG the Ceremonies of the Athenians at their Marriages a certain little Boy with a Basket of Bread in his Hand and a Crown of Thorns upon his Head went before the Bridegroom by which I believe they intimated that Matrimony was not instituted for Pleasure only but also for Cares and Labours By the same if Emblems will admit Human Figures might also be meant a Prince For what thorny Cares does not he feel who endeavours to maintain his State in Justice Peace and Plenty What Difficulties does he experience What Dangers is he
taken up in Law there want Men to manure the Ground for Offices and War A few good support many bad and many bad lord it over the few good The Courts of Judicature are Harbours for Pirates and Receptacles for Thieves Those very Men who should be the Assertors of the Peoples Liberty are the heaviest Fetters of their Slavery 12 Deditque jura queis pace Principe uteremur acriora ex 〈◊〉 vincula inditi custodes Tac. 3. Ann. Too many Laws are not less pernicious to a State than Vices 13 Vtque antehac ftagitiis ita nunc legibus laborabatur Tac. 3. Ann. He who makes many Laws sets many Traps in which all must be caught So Caligula when he had a design upon the Innocent established many Laws written in so small a Character that they could be hardly read And Claudius published Twenty in one day which so puzzled the People that 't was more difficult to know than to observe them Therefore Aristotle said That few Laws were sufficient for the weightest Cases and that the rest ought to be left to natural Reason Nothing is so prejudicial to State as multiplicity of Laws Hence God threatened Israel as a Punishment for their Sins that he would multiply their Laws 14 Because Ephraim hath made many Altars to Sin Altars shall be unto him to Sin Scribaâ—â—i multiplices leges meas says the Latin Version Hos. 8. 11 12. To what purpose is it to make an Addition of new Laws upon every slight occasion when there is no case which has not happ'ned before nor any inconveniency which has not been already consider'd of and by Observation and Experience provided for Those which are now introduc'd into Castile as new may be all found in the Ancient Records The Observation of these would be much more agreeable to the People and would create less Odium to the Prince than the Promulgation of other new ones In those Judgment acquiesces in these 't is dubious and unsteady those seem to be founded with care the Authority of these is questionable those may safely be renew'd these can't be introduc'd without danger To make Experiments of new Medicines is dangerous to Health and Life many Herbs before the way of preparing them were known were Poison Better is that State govern'd whose Laws though imperfect are settled than that which is continually changing them The Ancients to intimate that Laws ought to be perpetual wrote them upon Tables of Brass 15 Vsus â—ris ad perpetuitatem monumentoâ—um jampridem translatus est tabulis aereis in quibus constitutiones publicae inciduntur and God engrav'd them with his Eternal Finger upon Stone 16 And he gave unto Moses when he had made an end of communing with him upon Mount Sinai two Tables of Testimony Tables of Stone written with the Finger of God For this reason Augustus advis'd the Senate that they should preserve their Laws intire without altering them for that tho' they were bad they were more beneficial to the State than new ones 17 Positas semel leges constanter servate nec ullam earum immutate nam quae in suo statu eademque maâ—â—nt etsi deteriora sint tamen utiliâ—ra sunt Reipublicae his quae per innovationem vel meliora indacuntur Dion l. 52. There is no Kingdom but is provided with Laws sufficient but care ought to be taken least the variety of Interpretations should render them ambiguous and obscure and occasion Disputes and Controversies This ought to be prevented which might with â—ase be done in Spain if some King upon this account not less a Restorer than Pelagius would abbreviate all Processes and leaving the Civil Law would make use only of those of the Kingdom which are not less prudent and learned than just and reasonable This King Recesewind meant when in one of his Laws he said Also King Alphonsus the Wise commanded his Iudges This their Majesties Ferdinand and Ioan afterwards confirm'd as did King Alarick who laid severe Penalties upon the Judges for admitting the Pleas of the Roman Laws Nor does it a little derogate from Supream Jurisdiction to be govern'd by Foreign Laws To this I foresee two Objections first that if these Laws were written in Spanish the Latin Tongue would be lost and the Lawyers would apply themselves wholly to the Study and Explanation of them only besides that without the knowledge of the Civil Law from whence they are deriv'd they could not be well understood The other is that since the Civil Law is Common to almost all Europe according to which causes ought to be decided and that the Rights and Privileges of Princes are often to be determinâ—d in Foreign Parliaments and Courts of Judicature it will be very necessary to have Men well vers'd in the said Law Which inconveniences will be easily remedied by erecting and indowing some places for Civil Lawyers in the Universities as though upon different Motives King Ferdinand did But if this can't be effected the foremention'd inconveniences may be thus remedied first by prohibiting such a vast number of Books to be imported which serve only to clear the Pockets not the understanding nor is Printing any thing else now-a-days but Merchandize and Trade This variety confounds the Senses embarrasses and puzzles the Judgment 'T would be more adviseable where the written Laws are not full enough for the Decision of any Controversy to be guided by Reason that living Law rather than to grope for Justice in the obscurity of such diversity of Opinions equally favourable to each side and subject to Subornation and Passion Next by shortening the tedious Methods of the Law as King Philip the Second design'd to do at Milan when he consulted with the Senate about that Affair In which he not only respected the good of the Subject but also that in that State which is the Bullwark of the Kingdom there might be more Men of the Sword than the Gown The same was attempted by the Emperors Titus and Vespasian Charles the Fifth their Catholick Majesties Peter King of Portugal James the first of Arragon and Lewis the Eleventh of France none of them being 〈◊〉 to effect it nor can any one else hope to bring 〈◊〉 about since for the reforming the Practice of the â—â—nch the Judges themselves must be of Counsel whose Interest it is to prolong Suits as 't is that of Soldiers to continue War 'T was pure necessity oblig'd the most Serene Queen Isabel of her own accord to make use of this Remedy when being at Sevil harrass'd with vexatious Appeals she commanded all Suits depending to be by the assistance of able and learned Men decided in her presence without the noise of the Bar and that Accumulation of Informations and Processes and truly successfully enough as experience has shewn The Cantons of Switzerland are very prudently govern'd because there are no Lawyers among them the Witnesses are heard and without writing down any thing except the
case is condemn'd So it was enacted by Philip the Second and once when his Grandson Philip the Fourth your Highness's Father was present in Council upon a Debate of a Case relating to the Exchequer neither the Judges wanted Integrity to give it against him nor his Majesty Temper to hear it without Resentment Happy is that State in which the Prince's Cause is the worst 28 Quae gloria tua est praecipua saepe vincitur Fiscus cujus mala causa nunquam est nisi sub bono principe Plin. in Pan. EMBLEM XXII THough the Peoples Consent confers the Power of Justice upon Princes they receive it immediately from God as being his Vicars in Temporal Affairs They are the Royal Eagles the Ministers of Iove 1 For he is the Minister of God to thee for good but if thou do that which is evil â—e afraid for he beareth not the Sword in vain Rom. 13. 4. who Administer his Thunder and supply his place in punishing Vice and administring Justice in which they have need of three Qualities of the Eagle sharpness of Sight to inspect Crimes swiftness of Wing for Execution and strength of Talons that they main't fail therein The Injury done by a certain Nobleman to a poor Peasant though in the remotest Corner of Galicia could not escape the quick sight of King Alphonso the Seventh call'd Emperor who disguising himself went immediately to punish him with such speed that he apprehended him before he knew any thing of his coming O lively and ardent Soul of the Law to be himself Judge and Executioner to satisfy an Injury done to a poor Peasâ—nt and to punish the unjust Oppression of the Grandee The same did King Ferdinand the Catholick who being at Medina went privately to Salamanca and seized Roderigo Maltonado who exercis'd great-Oppressions in the Castle of Monleon 2 Mâ—r. Hist. of Spain Who would ever transgress the Laws if he always fear'd such a surprise One such as this would frighten and reform a whole Kingdom But it is not always expedient for Majesty it self to imitate such Examples When the State of the Kingdom is well settled when the Courts of Judicature are open and the fear of the Law is fresh and lively 't is sufficeint for a Prince to see Justice administer'd by his Ministers But when all is in Confusion when Obedience staggers when the King's Authority is slighted as 't was in those times then some such suddain and severe Punishment will be seasonable that the People may know the Power of their Prince and understand that as in a Humane Body so in a Kingdom the Soul of Majesty is all in all and all in every part Yet 't will be very necessary to moderate this severity when the Distemper is inveterate and the Kingdom confirm'd in Vice for if Virtue should be too severe upon Vice and endeavour to reform all at once 't would be esteem'd rather Cruelty than Justice Time must recruit that which time has weakned to precipitate a Cure is dangerous and may make the Prince experience the Rage of the incens'd Multitude Connivance and Dexterity is often more effectual than force In this King Ferdinand the Catholick was excellent and by this King Peter was deceiv'd who relying wholly upon Severity got the Name of Cruel Though Justice be one single Virtue yet has it various Effects according to the difference of time Sometimes the People wholly reject it and become more Insolent sometimes they acknowledge the damage of their excess and co-operate with the Prince to remedy it and suggest the most severe means against their own Liberty by which the Prince acquires the Name of Just without danger Let not a Prince remit the Punishment of such Offences against the Government in which few are concern'd but pardon those in which many are involv'd Agrippa being put to Death in the Isle of Planasia by the Order of Tiberius a certain Slave who was very like him stealing away his Ashes pretended that he was Agrippa the Romans believ'd it the Report spread and caus'd a Tumult with evident danger of a Civil War Tiberius caus'd the Slave to be apprehended and put to Death privately and though many Gentlemen and Senators of his own Family were said to have assisted him with Money and Advice 3 Et quanquam multi ex ejus domâ— equites ac senatores sustentasse opibus juvisse consillis dicerentur Tac. 2. Ann. yet would he suffer none to speak in his behalf Thus Prudence triumph'd over Cruelty and by Silence and Connivence he appeas'd the Disorder Let a Prince pardon small Offences and punish great ones sometimes let him be content with Repentance which Tacitus commended in Agricola 4 Parvis peccatis 〈◊〉 magnis severitatem commendare nec poena semper sed saepiùs pâ—nitentia contentus esse Tac. in Vit. Agâ—ic He is not the best Governor who punishes with most Severity but he who pardons with such Discretion and Circumspection as not to give any occasion to the Delinquents to transgress again No body commends a Chirurgeon for cutting off many Legs and Arms no body hates a Prince for punishing provided he does it with Reluctancy and Grief but him who delights in it and eagerly carps at all opportunities of doing it To punish for Example and amendment is Mercy but to do it through Passion or Avarice is Tyranny Let not a Prince suffer any one to think himself so great and free from the Laws as to dare to oppose the Ministers of Justice and those who represent its Power and Authority for so the Pillar of Justice can't stand secure 5 Hanc P. C. curam sustinet Princeps hâc omissâ sunditus Remp. trahet Tac. 3. Ann. when such boldness once takes place contempt will by degrees undermine it and bring it to the Ground The chief Foundation of the Spanish Monarchy and that which has rais'd it to such an height and keeps it so is the inviolable Observation of Justice and Rigour by which its Kings have always taken care to make it respected and esteem'd of all No Violation of it goes unpunish'd though great be the Dignity and Authority of the Delinquent A certain Judge at Corduba was by the Command of King Ferdinand the Catholick enquiring into some Misdemeanor whom when the Marquiss of Puego had arrested the King so resented it that all the Signal Services of that Family of Corduba could not hinder him from punishing him very severely afterwards he put himself wholly into his Majesty's Hands by the Advice of the Great Captain who seeing the heinousness of the Crime which would not admit of Pardon wrote to him to cast himself at the King's Feet by which he might perhaps expiate his Crime but if not he would certainly be ruined 6 Mar Hist of Spain Nor ought a Prince only to punish Crimes committed against his own Person or during his Reign but those also which were acted in the last though
them though never so small thinking that they will be perpetual Queen Mary gain'd the Hearts of her Subjects and preserv'd their Loyalty in the most difficult times by remitting the Excise which her Husband King Sancho IVth had laid upon Provisions 'T is difficult to perswade People to part with their Money to maintain a foreign War nor can they easily apprehend how much it conduces to their Interest to keep War from their own Doors and maintain it in foreign States and how much safer is the Defence of a Shield than that of a Helmet that being farther distant from the Head The Purblind Mobb can seldom see so far They weigh rather the present Burthen than the future Benefit not thinking all the Riches of the Kingdom will be afterwards too little to make good the Damage they have suffer'd by their obstinate Negligence 15 Plerumque accidit ut quae provinciae pecuniae parcendo â—mota pericula contemnunt incumbentibus demum malis desperatâ— sâ—pe remedio graviora sentiant detrimâ—nta Paul Jov. It requires therefore all the Prudence and Dexterity of a Prince to make them know their Interest In raising Taxes Care ought always to be taken not to oppress the Nobility for Exemption from Taxes being the chief Distinction between them and the Commons they can't brook to see themselves degraded and their Privileges violated which were acquir'd by the Valour and Vertue of their Ancestors This was the Reason why the Nobility of Castile took up Arms against Henry III. who tax'd 'em at fiâ—e Marvedees of Gold apiece towards the Charge of the War Neither should Taxes be laid upon such things as are absolutely necessary for Life but rather upon Toys Curiosities Pride and Vanity for so besides correcting Luxury they would fall in the greatest measure upon the Rich and would be Encouragement to Husbandmen and Tradesmen which part of the Government ought most to be cherished and supported so the Romans laid great Taxes upon the Spices Pearls and Jewels which were imported from Arabia as Alexander Severus did upon those Offices which tended more to Debauchery than Use and Necessity 't is the readiest way to Reformation to inhance the Price of Vanity There are no Taxes paid more easily than those which are laid upon Commodities imported for the greatest part of them is paid by Foreigners wherefore in England the Royal Revenue is very prudently raised from these kind of Taxes the Kingdom it self being Exempt The greatest Inconveniency in raising Taxes and Excise is in the Collectors and Receivers who are often more burthensome than the Taxes themselves for there is nothing that the Subjects take more grievously than the violence and importunity of these sort of Men in collecting their Money 'T is an Observation that only Sicily endur'd them with Patience God himself complains of them by the Prophet Isaiah that they oppress'd his People 16 Isa. 3 12. Vid. In Egypt some Prophet was always President of the Customs for they thought it not safe to trust 'em to any but God's immediate Servant but now they are committed to Pedlars and Broakers who wreck a Ship in Port which had escaped the Fury of the Wind and Sea 17 Portus nostros navis veniens non paveseat ut certum nautis possit esse naufragium si manus non incurrereâ—t exigentium quos frequenter plus affligunt damna quam solent naufragia Cassiod lib. 4. Ep. 19. like Robbers plundering Travellers of their Goods and Money What wonder therefore that Trade decays and that Riches and Merchandice are not imported if they are expos'd to such as these who plunder 'em by Authority what Wonder I say That the People complain of Taxes if for one Shilling that comes to the King ten goes to the Collectors and Receivers for this Reason when in the Parliament of Guadalâ—jara the Kingdom of Castile offer'd to raise 150000 Ducats it was upon Condition that they themselves should keep Books of the Receipts and Disbursements of it that they might know what was imployed to the publick Interest and how it was expended without trusting it to the Management of those who had the Government of the Kingdom during the Kings Minority For the same Reason the People of France propos'd to King Henry II. that if he would discharge his Collectors they would themselves pay in their Assessments where-ever he should Order which the King had agreed to had not some of his Ministers disswaded him The Kingdoms of Castile have often offer'd the same thing nay and also to pay off the Crown Debts but 't was judg'd that it would be a Diminution to the Royal Authority to be instructed and tutor'd by the Kingdom and besides that such a Power could not be without Danger But I believe the true Reason was that the Court was unwilling to lose so many beneficial Offices and such ready means of getting Money A Prince's Credit consists not in the Administration but in the Possession of Riches The Roman State was not less careful of their Authority than any other yet by Reason of the Trouble and Charge of Collecting it order'd each Province to Collect and pay in their own Taxes taking Care to keep the Officers in their Duty that they might not oppress the People through Avarice and Extortion in this Tiberius took particular Care 18 Ne Provinciae nobis oneribus turbarentur utque vetera sinâ— a varitia â—ut crudelitate Magistratuum tolerarent Tac. lib. 4. ann Modesty in the Collecting of one Tax obliges the People more readily to grant others EMBLEM LXVIII THE Ingenious Greeks included in certain pretty Fables as the Aegyptians in Hieroglyphicks not only all Natural Philosophy but also Moral and Politick either to hide them from the Vulgar or else that they might be the better imprinted in their Minds by these pleasant and delightful Fictions So to represent the Power of Navigation and the Riches thereby acquir'd they feign'd that the Ship Argo which was the first that durst venture upon the main Ocean obtained the famous Fleece which instead of Wool yielded Gold for which glorious Exploit it was consecrated to Pallas the Goddess of War and placed amongst the Constellations as a Reward of such dangerous Voyages shewing the World that by the Help of Oars and Sails they might make Way through Mountains of Waves and by the Assistance of the Wind carry Arms and Merchandise all the World over This Morality and the Preferment of that Ship to the Skies occasion'd me to draw two in this present Emblem as the Poles of the Globe Terrestrial to shew that Navigation is the Support of the World by Commerce and Arms These Poles are Movable but in their Motion consists the Stability of Empires There 's scarce any Monarchy which has not receiv'd its Rise and Preservation from thence If the Grandeur of Spain were not supported by both those Poles the Mediterranean and Ocean it would soon fall For 't is evident that Provinces
prudently Enacted by the Kingdom of Arragon That all their Kings thenceforward should take an Oath not to alter any thing about the Coin This is the Duty of a Prince as Pope Innocent III. wrote to the same King Peter when his Subjects began to rebell against him Of which this seems to be the Reason That the Prince is subject to the Law of Nations and as Publick Trustee ought to take care that there be no Alteration in the Nature of the Coin which consists in Matter Form and Quantity nor can any Kingdom be constituted where that is not pure But not to be wholly silent in a Matter so Important to Government I 'll mention Two things First That Money is then Just and Convenient when the Coin or Stamp adds nothing to the Intrinsick Value of it and when the Gold and Silver have the common Alloy of other Nations for this will prevent its being Exported The other is That it should be of the same Weight and Value with that of other Nations permitting also the Currency of Foreign Coin Nor will it at all derogate from the Prince's Authority since the Coin serves only to shew the Weight and Value of it And this seems most commodious iâ— those Kingdoms which hold Correspondence and Trade with many Nations EMBLEM LXX EMPIRE admits of no Companion nor can Majesty be divided For it is impossible that each should Command and Obey at the same time especially since Power and Accidents cannot be so nicely shar'd between them both nor Ambition so equally balanced but that one will desire to be above the other or that Envy and Emulation will disturb their Agreement * Lucan Rivals in Empire still mistrustful are Nor can Authority a Part'ner bear It seems next to an Impossibility that the Orders and Commands of two Governors should not thwart one another Moses and Aaron were Brothers and yet when God made them Part'ners he thought it necessary to be in the Mouth of one and in the Mouth of the other and to teach them what to do lest any Dissention should arise between them 1 Exod. 4. 15. A Republick has but one Body and should therefore be guided but by one Soul 2 Vnum esse Reip. Corpus atque unius animo regendum Tac. 3. Annal. A King will hardly entertain even a depos'd Prince within his Kingdom This was the King of Portugal's Excuse for not admitting King Peter when depos'd by his Brother Henry Nothing but Matrimony which unites Bodies and Souls and the singular Prudence of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella could have prevented the Inconveniencies of their Joint-Reign in the Kingdom of Castile For Power and Concord are very rarely found together 3 Quanquam arduum sit eodem loci potentiâ—â—â— concordiam esse Tac. 4. Annal. And though there was some Consent and Union in the Joint-Empire of Dioclesian and Maximinian yet was not that without its Troubles and Inconveniencies for which Reason the Roman Consuls used to Command by Turns But if there be occasion for more Princes than One 't is better to have Three for the Authority of One will check the Ambition of the other Two There can be no Faction where there is no Equality which was the Reason why the Triumvirates of Caesar Crassus and Pompey and of Anthony Lepidus and Augustus continued for sometime The Kingdom was well govern'd during the Minority of King Henry III. by his Three Guardians * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 12. Upon which Consideration King Alphonso the Wise propos'd That during the Nonage of Kings the Administration of Affairs should be committed to One Three Five or Seven Which not being observ'd in the Minority of Alphonso XI the Kingdom of Castile felt great Commotions from the Government of the two Infants Iohn and Peter which at last oblig'd the Royal Council to take upon 'em the Administration Though Empires are always violent and of short continuance which are divided and depend not upon one as it happen'd to Alexander's which vast as it was ended with his Life for that after him 't was divided among many That which the Moors had founded in Spain had lasted longer had it not been divided into many Kingdoms This is represented in this present Emblem by a Crown'd Tree which signifies a Kingdom To intimate that if two Hands tho' of the same Body should pull this Tree two different ways they would rend burst and ruine the Crown For Humane Ambition sometimes forgets the Bonds of Nature When States are divided among Brothers the Crown can never remain entire and in Union for every one is for himself and grasps at the whole Sceptre as his Father held it So it befell King Sancho the Elder Divine Providence united all the Kingdoms of Spain to his Empire that by their Joint-Force they might expell the Moors and free themselves from their Tyrannick Slavery But he through Fatherly Affection rather than prudent Policy divided his Kingdoms among his Children thinking that so they would be stronger and more ready to unite against the Common Enemy * Mat. Hist. Hisp. l. 9. c. 1. But instead of that each of the Brothers set up for King himself So that the Crown being thus rent in pieces lost its Strength and Splendour And as Domestick Feuds and Grudges are more inveterate than other they soon grew to Civil Wars each endeavouring to depose his Brother to the utmost Detriment of the Publick This Example might one would have thought have been a Warning to all Princes for the future yet we find King Ferdinand the Great the Emperor Alphonso and Iames I. King of Arragon guilty of the same fault dividing the Command of their Kingdoms among their Children †Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 9. c. 8. I know not whether this be the Effect of Self-Conceit or Humane Nature ever greedy of Novelty and fond of old rejected Opinions thinking that best which was done by their Ancestors if 't is not that we seek for Examples to excuse our own Resolutions Iames II. King of Arragon was more prudent upon this score when he firmly Enacted That the Kingdoms of Arragon and Valence and the Province of Catalonia should never be separated * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 19. Nor can these Errors be excused either by the Law of the Twelve Tables or the Common Law which shares the Father's Estate equally among the Children or by Natural Reason which seems to urge that as the Children receiv'd their being in common from their Father they should also be Sharers of his Estate For a King is a Publick Person and ought to act as King and not as a Father and ought rather to attend the Good of his Subjects than his Children Besides a Kingdom is a kind of Publick Chattel and so belongs to no one in particular it not being in the King's Power to dispose of that as of his own private Goods For the Subjects in submitting themselves to
so great that some Philosophers have doubted whether it did not participate of Reason Cardan says that it surpasses all Birds in Ingenuity and Quickness of Apprehension and that it not only learns to Speak but also to Meditate with a Desire of Glory 1 Inter aves Ingenio Saâ—â—citateque praestat quod grandi sit câ—pite atque in India coelo sincero 〈◊〉 undè didicit non solum loqui sed etiam meditari meditatur ob stâ—dium Gloriae â—ardan This Bird is very Candid and Ingenuous the Quality of Great Spirits yet is not its Candour exposed to Deceit but she knows how to prevent it and as sly and crafty as the Serpent is it evades his Artifices and to secure its Nest from him it hangs it at the end of the highest and slenderest Twig of a Tree in the manner here represented that when he would pass by them to devour its young ones he falls by his own weight So Artifice must be frustrated by Artifice and Counsel by Counsel In which Case King Ferdinand the Catholick was an Exellent Master for Princes as he sufficiently shewed in all his Designs particularly in his Marriage with Germana de Foix Niece to Lewis XII of France to break the Peace clapt up at Hagenaw between the Emperor and his son-in-Son-in-Law King Philip I. without his knowledge and to his prejudice Nor did he use with less Address the Opportunity offer'd by the same King of France 's desiring a League with him to get liberty to Invade the Kingdom of Naples contriving the Matter so that he might recover the Governments of Rousillon and Sardinia And when he saw the French King had already made an Inroad into Italy with that Intent and withal how dangerous a Neighbour he would prove to the Kingdom of Sicily which his Eye was upon he put a stop to his Progress broke the Treaty and denounc'd War against him entring into an Alliance with the Republick of Venice and other Princes And these Weapons are more necessary in War than Peace for their Wit does more than Strength And certainly that Commander deserves no small Praise who despising the Vain-glory of Conquering his Enemy with the Sword steals the Victory and triumphs by Policy and Stratagem whereby the Law of Nations is not the least violated 2 Cum justè Bellum suscipitur ut aperte pugnet quis aut ex Insidiis nihil ad Iustitiam interest D. Aug. For if the War be Just the Methods thereof are so also 3 Dolus an Virtus quis in Hoste requirat Virg. 'Twixt Force and Fraud what Difference in War And indeed what Reason can be given why you may not deceive him whom it is lawful even to kill It is a piece of Magnanimity to preferr the Publick Safety before a Triumph and make sure of Victory without exposing it to the manifest Fortune of War when there 's none in Humane Judgment can appear so certain but it is subject to a thousand Chances In countermining the cunning Designs and Intrigues of an Enemy we must not always regard what a Prudent Man would do in the like case though to have also some Fore-thought of that were adviseable but a Judgment must be formed from the Condition and Capacity of the Person to be dealt with for all Men take not always the most proper and prudent Methods Ferdinand Duke of Alba 's entring Portugal with an Army upon King Sebastian 's Death was Amazing by several blamed as a very Dangerous Enterprise in a Person so eminently versed in the Art of War To whom he reply'd That he was not ignorant of the Danger but he trusted in having to do with a Nation which by a continued Enjoyment of Peace had probably forgot the Affairs of War Even when we have to do with Men eminent for Prudence the Judgment and Conjecture we pass upon their Actions even by the Rule of Reason and Prudence is not infallibly certain for sometimes they suffer themselves to be carry'd away by Passion and the wisest Men are now and then guilty of the greatest Errors Self-conceit rendring them negligent or too much Confidence in their Discretion making them presume that though they have a little lost their Way they can easily find it again Sometimes in Things they presuppose Time and other Events deceive them Wherefore it is the safest way ever to suspend one's Judgment in Things that depend upon another's Pleasure and not to go about to regulate them by our own Private Discretion for every one has his particular Reasons unknown to others and consonant to his Nature which are the Spring of his Actions What to one seems impossible another thinks easie And there be some Genius's that fear not the most hazardous Enterprises some that are guided by Reason others that are utterly averse to it The most secret Artifices of Enemies or those who under colour of Friendship aim wholly at their own Interest are such particularly whereby they make their Proposals with so much Subtilty that they seem to redound to the Prince's Advantage when they really tend to his Ruine a Thing his Integrity is easily deluded in if he want Experience or smell not their Drift It requires therefore no small Prudence and Attention to turn such Counsels to the Destruction of the Authors thereof Into what Precipes will that Government fall which is directed by Foreign Councils contrary to the Advice of the Holy Ghost 4 Receive a stranger into thine house and he will disturb thee and turn thee out of thine own Eccles. 11. 34. But although an Enemy's Designs are usually discoverable by bare Reasoning yet is it convenient to trace them also by Spies the principal Instruments of Government without which a Crown can never be secure or admit of Encrease nor a War be carry'd on with Success 5 Ignarus militiae improvidus conâ—ilii quis ordo Agminis quae cura explorandi quantus urgendo trahendove Bello modus Tac. Hist. l. 3. Vitellius was condemned for being improvident in Council in Warfare ignorant how to draw up an Army what belong'd to Scouts when to prosecute when protract a War And indeed of what ill Consequence this Negligence is Germany can abundantly testifie which has lost several advantageous Opportunities and its Soldiers been oftentimes surprized and cut off in their Quarters for want of Intelligence of the Enemies Designs and Marches 6 And Joshua sent out two men to spy secretly Ios. 2. 1. Ioshua made use of Spies though God himself took care of his Arms 7 And the Angel of God which went before the camp of Israel remov'd and went behind them and the pillar of the cloud went from before their face and stood behind them Exod. 14. 19. Moses never March'd but an Angel carry'd a Pillar of Fire before him to shew where to encamp yet by God's Command he sent out Men to search the Promis'd Land 8 Send thou men that they may search the
to Dissemble or Punish with Rigour The prudentest Counsel certainly in the World For the Common People can never keep a Medium between two Extremes but always exceed in the one or the other 5 Alâ—i fortioribus remediis agendum nihil in vulgo modicum terrere ni paveam ubi pertimuerint impunè contemni Tac. 1. Annal. If the Matter require Expedition it is certain Ruine not to venture enough or not to use sufficient Precaution as it happened to Valens who wavering between the Counsels that were given him could not come to any determinate Resolution 6 Mox utrumque consilium aspernatur quod inter ancipitia deterrimum est dum media se quitur nec ausus est satis nec providit Id. l. 3. Hist. In Affairs of War Fear would sometimes appear prudent and to that end suggests Moderate Resolutions which serve but to encourage the Enemy and give him Time to look about him As King Iohn I. found who pretending the Crown of Portugal was devolved on him by the Death of Ferdinand his father-in-Father-in-Law resolved to enter that Kingdom alone and to have his Army follow whence the Portuguese gained Time to take up Arms in the interim which had never been done had he immediately fell upon them but he to avoid War left his Right to the Decision of Justice Threats signifie little if the Hand lifted up have no Weapon in it and do not sometimes punish Disobedience in earnest The Hastiness of the French makes them regard neither the past nor present Time and through the Heat of their Minds they are too adventurous and too precipitous in their Resolutions However this very thing oftentimes gives Success to them for by this means they avoid Luke-warmness and dispatch every thing in a trice The Spaniards on the other side are Dilatory that they may by long and much Consideration proceed with more Caution and out of an Affectation of Prudence use to Hesitate nay while they take Time to Consult lose the Opportunity of Execution The Italians know better how to make their Advantage both of the one and the other using the Opportunities as they present themselves Not like the Germans who are slow in Resolving lazy in Executing and consult only the present Time without any regard to the past or future Their Minds change with Events which is the reason they have so little advanced their Fortune it being otherwise a Nation which considering its innate Courage might extend its Dominions far and near To the same Cause may be ascribed the long Continuance of the Civil Wars the Empire is harrass'd with at this day which undoubtedly by resolute Counsel and Expedition might have been laid asleep long ago whereas by slow Counsels which yet pass'd for Prudent we have seen vast Armies upon the Rhine which might have made way even into France and forced it to an Universal Peace a thing has done them more prejudice than if they had lost several Battels For there can be no greater Overthrow than for an Army insensibly to waste and perish within it self It is this has made Havock of their own Country and the Places adjacent through which War ought to be carried when now its Seat is in the very Heart of Germany In all other Affairs of Civil Government Middle-Counsels may have place because of the Danger of Extremes and because it is of great Importance ever to take away from which you may afterwards in case of Necessity come to any one of the two with the less inconvenience Between these two Extremes the Ancients placed Prudence represented by the flight of Daedalus who came neither too near the Sun nor too near the Sea lest the excessive Heat of the one should melt or the Moisture of the other wet his Wings Iâ— Countries whose Inhabitants are not of a Servile Nature but of a Polite Genius and Generous Spirit the Reins of the People ought to be govern'd with so much Caution and Address that neither too much Indulgence shall breed Arrogance nor too much Rigour Aversion It is equally dangerous to curb them with Bits and Barnacles and turn them loose without a Bridle for they can neither endure all Liberty nor all Slavery as Galba told Piso of the 7 Neque enim hic aut in caeteris gentibus quae regnantur certa Dominorum Domus caeteri servi sed imâ—eraturus es hominibus qui neâ—â—otam servitutem pati possunt nec totam libertatem Tac. l. 1. Hist. Romans Always to execute Power is to wear out the Chain of Servitude 'T is a kind of Tyranny to go about to reduce Subjects to the model of an absolute Perfect State in that the Condition of Humane Nature admits not of it It is not necessary for a Government to be such as it ought to be but as it is capable of being for all things that are expedient are not possible to Humane Infirmity It is an Absurdity to wish there may be no Defect at all in a Common-wealth There will be Vices as long as there be Men. Excess of Zeal is the Spring of many Mistakes in Governors in not knowing how to conform to Prudence The same is Ambition when Princes affect to pass for Severe and imagining their Reputation consists in Ruling their Subjects so that they shall never in the least degree swerve from Reason and the Laws 'T is a dangerous Strictness which consults not the ordinary Passions of the Vulgar Open Address prevails more than Power Example and Complacency than Inhuman Severity Let the Prince therefore rather make believe he finds his Subjects good than value himself upon making them so which Tacitus commends Agricola for in his Government of Britain 8 Maluit videri invenisse bonos quam fecisse Tacit. in Vit. Agric. Let him not suffer himself to be deceived in the past Times so as to wish he could see those Good Manners he fancies were in those Days For Malice was ever the same in all Times but 't is a fault of our corrupt Nature always to like the Past better than the Present 9 Laudamus veteres praesentes carpimus annos Besides granting that Severity and Obedience were greater formerly yet this Age will not bear it if those Ancient Manners are alter'd in it This Mistake cost Galba both his Life and Empire 10 Nocuit antiquâ—s rigor nimia severitas cui pares non sumus Tac. l. 1. Hist. EMBLEM LXXXVI MAN's Mind has not been satisfy'd with the Speculation of Terrestrial Things but impatient that the Knowledge of the Heavens should be deferred so long as till after Death has broke the Prison of the Body and soar'd above the very Elements to find out by Reasoning what it could not by Touching Sight and Hearing and to this end hath form'd in Imagination an Idea of that most Beautiful Fabrick contriving a Sphere with such various Circles Equations and Epicycles as aptly represent the several Motions of the Planets
Courage that is without Reason provoked In a word no Vice is more unbecoming a Prince than that for to be angry supposes contempt or an injury received nor is any thing so disagreable to his Place and Office in as much as nothing so obscures the Judgment which should in a Governor be serene and clear A Prince that is exasperated and passionate upon any slight occasion gives his Heart into the Hands of the Person who provokes him and is subject to his pleasure If not a wrinkle in a King's Coat can be disordered without offence what will it be if he suffer any one to disturb his Mind Anger is a kind of Moth which Purple breeds and nourishes Pomp engenders Pride Pride Passion and Impatience is as it were a Propriety of Power The Sense of Princes is something too delicate a Looking Glass which the least breath sullies a Heaven that with the least Vapour is clouded and breaks out into Thunder A Vice that generally seizes great and generous Spirits as the Sea however vast and powerful is with the least blast of Wind raised into horrid Disorders and Tempests with this only difference that they are of much longer continuance in Princes Minds than in the Sea especially if their Honour be concerned which they imagine 't is impossible to retrieve without Revenge What a trifling piece of incivility was that Sancho King of Navarre put upon Alphonsus the Third after the Battel of Arcos in returning without taking leave of him Which however this so highly resented that he could never forget it or rest till he had got him out of his Kingdom The Anger of Princes is like Gun-powder which no sooner takes Fire but has its effect the Holy Spirit calls it the Messenger of Death 3 The Wâ—ath of Kings is as Messengers of Death Prov. 16. 14. and barely on this account 't were sufficiently reasonable to curb and restrain it 'T is very indecent for one in Authority to submit to this Passion Let Princes remember that nothing is put in their Hands for a Scepter with which they can hurt And if sometimes a naked Sword is carried before Kings 't is in token of Justice not Revenge and then 't is carried in another's hand to intimate that between Anger and Execution there ought to intercede a Command The publick Safety depends on Princes which will easily be in danger if they hearken to so rash a Counsellor as Anger Who can escape its hands For 't is like a Thunder-bolt when it comes from Supreme Power And because says King Alphonso Anger is stronger in a King and more dangerous than in others in that he can more readily satisfy it he ought to be more prepar'd to curb and correct it †L. 10. tit p 2. If Princes in a Passion could look upon themselves they would find a Countenance unbecoming such Majesty whose Tranquility and agreeable Harmony both of Words and Actions ought to please rather than terrify to acquire Love rather than Fear A Prince therefore should quench the Heat and Violence of Anger if he can't do so at least to defer the Fury and Execution of it for some time For as the same King Alphonso has said A King ought to keep in his Anger till it is over this will be of great advantage to him for so he will be able to judge truly and act justly in all things * L. tit 5 p. 2. The Emperor Theodosius experienced this in himself and for this reason enacted a Law That Capital Punishments should not be executed till thirty Days after Sentence passed Which Tiberius had before him decreed though for only ten Days and without giving the Senate power to revoke the Sentence once pronounced 4 Idque vitae spatium damnatis prorogaretur sed non senatui libertas ad poenitendum erat Tac. 3. Ann. Which indeed had been commendable if his design had been to make room for Pardon or give time for a second hearing of the Cause But Tiberius was a Man of too much Cruelty and Rigor to give that Indulgence 5 Nâ—que Tiberius interjectu temporis mitigabatur Tac. 3. Ann. It was the Counsel of Athenodorus to Augustus Caesar to determine nothing in a Passion till he had repeated the Twenty four Letters of the Greek Alphabet Since then Anger is a short Madness directly opposite to mature Deliberation there is no better Antidote against it than prudent Reflection that the Prince be not too hasty in Execution before he has had Council to examine a matter throughly King Ahasuerus when his Queen Vashti refused to come at his Command though he had reason to think himself contemned and highly resented the Affront yet would not be revenged till he had first called a Council and taken the Advice of his Noblemen 6 Esth. 1. 2. To talk of an Injury received inflames Anger more hence that of Pythagoras Stir not Fire with a Sword for Motion increases the Flame nor is there any more effectual Remedy for Anger than Silence and Solitude By its self it insensibly consumes and wears off whereas the most softning Discourse is often like the Water Smiths use to make their Fire burn fiercer Farther Anger has its seat in the Ears or at least keeps watch there these therefore a Prince is to secure that they be not too ready to hear ill Reports that may enrage him 7 Let every man be swift to hear slow to â—â—ak flow to wrath Iames 1. 19. This I imagine was the reason the Statue of Iupiter Cretensis had no Ears because they do more mischief to Governors than good However I think them necessary for Princes provided they be cautious and ruled by Prudence and let not themselves be moved at the first hearing of every trifling Story Anger is to be commended when kindâ—ed by Reason and moderated by Discretion without such as that there can be no Justice 8 Nunc Irasâ—i â—onvenâ— justitiae 〈◊〉 Sâ—ob Serm. 20. Too much Indulgence gives license to offend and makes Obedience bold To endure all things with content is igâ—orance or shews a servile Temper of one who has a â—ean Opinion of himself To continue in Anger when 't is to punish Offences or make Examples of such as affront Regal Authority is no Vice but a Virtue and by no means derogates from Mildness and Clemency Was any one more meek than David 9 Lord remember David and all his Afflictions Lat. Vers. 〈◊〉 suetudinis ejus Psal. 131. 1. a Man after God'â— own Heart 10 I have found David the Soâ— Iesse a Man after mine own heart Acts 13. 22. So mild in Vengeance in Anger so moderate that when he had Saul his greatest Enemy in his power was satisfied with cutting off the Skirt of his Robe and even that afterward repented of 11 And it 〈◊〉 to pass afterwards that David's heart smote him because he had 〈◊〉 off Saul's Skirt 1 Sam. 24. 5. Nevertheless with
severity did he revenge the Injury King Hamm did to his Ambassadors David had sent them to comfort the King for the Death of his Father but he groundlesly suspecting they came rather to spy out the State of his Kingdom sent them away with the one half of their Beards shaved off and their Garments obscenely cut off in the middle David a Man otherwise very peaceable could not brook this Affront but made War against him and all the Cities of his Kingdom which he took he utterly demolished and the People that were therein to use the Scriptureâ— words he brought forth and put them under Saws and 〈◊〉 Harrows of Iron and under Axes of Iron and 〈◊〉 them pass through the Brick-kiln 12 2 Sam. 12. 31. This may seeâ— to be Cruelty and an Excess of Anger to any oneâ— that knows not that the Wounds injuries make 〈◊〉 fometimes to be so cured as not so much as 〈◊〉 should be left Artaxerxes threatned Fire and Swoâ—â— to some Cities if they obey'd not an Edict he had puâ—â—lished resolving if they refused to make so severe 〈◊〉 Example of their Contempt and Disobedience as shoulâ— extend to Brutes as well as Men 13 Esth. â— 24. The most 〈◊〉 God taught us this piece of Policy when with the 〈◊〉 most Rigour yet without prejudice to his Infinite Mâ—â—cy he punished the Syrians Army for blasphemouâ—â— calling him the God of the Hills 14 Because the Syrians have said the Lord is the God of the Hills but he is not God of the Vallies therefore will I deliver this great multitude into thine hand and ye shall know that I am the Lord 1 Kings 20. 28. The Supreme Authority and Power of Princes makes a part of a Commonwealth so that they can't put up Affronts and Injuries at all times That Anger too is praise-worthy in Princes and profitable to a State which kindled by Incentives of Glory elevates the Mind to difficult and noble Enterprizes for without it nothing extraordinary nothing great can be undertaken much less perfected and accomplished That that is it which nourishes the Heart of generous Spirits and raises it above its self to despise Difficulties The Academicks called it the Whetstone Plutarch the Companion of Virtue But particularly in the beginning of his Reign the Prince ought to lay aside Anger and forget past Injuries as Sancho Sirnamed the Brave did when the Succession of the Crown of Castile fell to him With Government a Prince changes as 't were his Nature why should he not also his Affections and Passions 'T were an Abuse of Government to take Revenge of one who already acknowledges himself your Subject Let the Person offended think he has Satisfaction in having got Authority over him who before injured him Fortune could not give him a nobler kind of Revenge So Lewis XII King of France thought and therefore when some perswaded him to revenge the Injuries he had received while Duke of Orleans he made answer That it did not become the King of France to revenge the Quarrels of the Duke of Orleans Particular Injuries done to his Person not Dignity a Prince ought not to vindicate with his utmost Power for though they seem inseparable yet 't is convenient to make some Distinction between them least Majesty become odious and too formidable To this tended that of Tiberius when he said That if Piso had committed no other Crime but the rejoycing at Germanicus's Death and his grief for it he would revenge those Injuries done him as a private Person not as a Prince and in a publick Capacity 15 Nam si legatus officii terminos obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit ejusdemque morte c. luctu meo laetatus est odero seponamque â— domo meâ privatas inimicitias non Principis ulciscar Tac. 3. Ann. On the other side those done to his Dignity or Publick Station he ought not to vindicate as a private Person so as in a transport of Passion to think his Honour and Reputation lost except he have immediate Satisfaction especially when it were fitter to be deferred for Anger should not be a Motion of the Mind but of the Publick Good and Advantage King Ferdinand the Catholick undoubtedly had this before him when the King of Granada refused to pay him Tribute as his Ancestors had done and withal insolently sent him word that they were long since dead that in his Mints they laboured not to Coin Silver or Gold but Forge Swords and Launces †Marian. Hist. Hisp. lib. 24. cap. 16. Ferdinand concealed his Resentment of this Liberty and Arrogance for a time and made a Truce with him deferring Revenge till his Affairs were more quiet and settled in which he consulted more the Publick Good than his own Particular Affections 16 A Fool 's wrath is presently known but a prudent Man covereth shame Lat. Vers. Injuriam dissimulat Prov. 12. 16. Nor is it less prudent to dissemble Anger when one has reason to presume that a time will come when it will be for our disadvantage to have shown it For that reason King Ferdinand the Catholick though highly affronted by the Grandees of his Kingdom yet when he abdicated that of Castile and retreated into Arragon very discreetly concealed that Indignation of Mind took no notice of the Injuries he had received but shewed himself friendly and affectionate to all as if he then foresaw he should be sometime restored to his Kingdom as indeed it afterwards happened A generous Mind hides its Resentments of Injuries and strives not by the impetuousness of Anger but rather by noble Actions to smother them the best certainly and a truly heroical kind of Revenge When King Ferdinand the Holy besieged Sevil a certain Nobleman reproached Garcias Perez de Vargas for wearing a waved Shield which was not allowed his Family he then pretended to take no notice of the Affront till the Siege of Triana where he fought with so much Valour that he brought his Shield back stuck with Darts then returning to his Rival who was then in a secure Post and shewing him the Shield You have reason says he to think much that I wear this Shield that expose it to so many Dangers without doubt no one deserves it beyond your self who would take so much care to preserve it Those ordinarily bear Affronts most patiently who are the least subject to give them nor is it a less Virtue to Conquer this Passion than an Enemy To kindle a Prince's Anger is no less dangerous than to set Fire to a Mine or Petard and though it be done in our own behalf 't is prudence to moderate it especially if against Persons in Power for such Anger 's generally fall on the Author's own Head This was the reason the Moors of Toledo took so much pains to pacify King Alphonso the Sixth's Wrath against the Archbishop of that place and the Queen who had taken without his Order their Mosque from them
to delude with its Artifices 'T is a Victory truly worthy a Prince to conquer Frauds and Cheats with Ingenuity Lyes with Truth To lye is a slavish Vice and consequently very unbecoming the generous Mind of Princes who above all Men should endeavour to render themselves like God who is Truth it self 2 Excellent Speech becometh not a Fool much less do lying â—ipâ— a Pâ—ince Prov. 17. 7. Whence Kings says King Alphonso who keep its place upon Earth and to whom it particularly belongs to guard it ought to take special care not to contradict it by falsity if a King should once give himself to Lying he will not be believed even when he speaks truth and will farther give incouragement to others to follow his Example This inconveniency Tiberius experimented who often pretending to restore Liberty and the Consular Government to the Commonwealth and to remit the Management of Affairs to others caused the People to mistrust him when he meant really and honestly 3 Ad vana toties irrisa revolutus de reddenda Repâ—â— utque consules seâ— quis alius regimen susciâ—eret â—â—ro quoque honesto fidem dempsit Tâ—c 4 Aâ—n The greater Monarchs are they are the more exposed to Vanity and Lyes 4 Câ—ncta mâ—gâ—is impeâ—iis objectaâ—i solitus Tâ—c 4. Ann. The Rays of a plentiful Fortune easily contract the Clouds of Detraction In great Empires all things have the worst Construction put upon them and are obnoxious to Reproaches What open Force can't do Calumny by secret Mines attempts in which thing he that hath the Rule over others has need of great Courage not to change his Course or suffer himself to be stopt by the Clamours of Cavillers This constancy and firmness of Mind has always eminently appeared in the Kings of Spain to whom it has been in a manner natural to despise Envy and Calumny by which means alone many Clouds of that Nature have been dispelled which as Majesty raises so it also by the force of Truth dissipates as the Sun's Heat does Vapours What infamous Libels what manifest Falsities what forg'd Stories what Calumnies have malicious Men often spread against the Spanish Monarchy Nor for all this could that Envy be able to cast the least Blemish upon its so just Administration of the Kingdoms 't is possessed of in Europe because that is open to the World and visible to all Among other things by new contriv'd Devices and studied Lyes to render its Government odious and so make the Rebellious Princes less desirous of a Reconciliation I know not what Author under the Name of the Bishop of Chapa has published a Book wherein he gives a large Account of the Inhumane and Barbarous Usage the Indians received from the Spaniards and that those Lyes might have a more easy Credit the Book was first spread about in Spain as Printed at Sevil afterwards Translated into other Languages An ingenious Invention indeed and accute piece of malice and of more consequence than perhaps can be believed for upon some easy Minds it had very ill Effect though most of the more prudent soâ—â— soon discovered the Cheat in as much as all those things are abundantly confuted by the extraordinary Zeal for Religion and Justice the Spanish Nation always with great Constancy exercises and maintains all over the World nor is it unlike its self in the Indies only I won't however deny but at the first Invasion of America some things happened not altogether to be approved but this was only by their fault who thinking this Known World too little for their vast Minds had the boldness by the Permission rather than Command or Choice of their King to try their Fortune in other Parts and discover New Countries hitherto unknown where they found a barbarous People Idolatrous to Superstition more Savage than Beasts who brutally lived on Man's Flesh whose Inhumanity was incorrigible but by force and utmost rigour But it was not long before their Catholick Majesties provoided a Remedy against these Disorders for they sent to those Coasts Commissaries to punish those severely they found had been guilty and to maintain entire Justice among the Indians they gave afterwards many Paternal Orders for their Preservation of which it was none of the least to exempt them from those severe Labours they daily underwent in the Mines and in other things before the Discovery of those Countries They sent besides Divines with great Zeal to teach them the Mysteries of the Christian Faith founded Bishopricks at their own Expences and those of the Crown and maintained Religious Convents for the benefit of that new planted Church without suffering them from the time those vast Countries fell into the Spaniards hands even in the absence of their new Masters to want any any thing which 't is a King's Duty to supply his Subjects withal In which the Government of this State and the Vigilance of its Ministers may in a manner seem to surpass that of the Sun it 's self of the Moon and Stars and the Influence they have over things below for but a few hours in which the Sun's presence lightens one Hemisphere the other is in Confusion while Malice cloaths and covers its self with the Darkness of Night and under the Mask as it were of that Obscurity commits Murders Robbeâ—ies Adulteries and every thing that 's ill the Sun's providence not being able to prevent them though indeed even in the Night he spreads some Twilight above the Horizon or in the interim leaves the performance of his Office to the Moon as his Vicegerent and the Stars as his Ministers and communicates to them the Authority of his Rays From this our World the Kings of Spain govern that other in Justice Peace and Religion with the same Political Happiness the Kingdoms of Castile enjoy to their satisfaction But least the Envious and Enemies of the Spanish Monarchy should triumph with these their Artifices and that all the Calumnies of that Book may be entirely overthrown let us suppose all those Evils which Malice has feigned the Indians to have suffered to be true and compare them to what have been really undergone in our own time in several Wars as well against Genoa as in Germany Burgundy and Lorrain and 't will appear clearer than light that that lye comes far short of the truth of these What cruel Torments have Tyrants ever invented against Innocence which in these our times we have not seen put in practice not against inhumane and barbarous People but civilized Nations and those not always Enemies but even their own Members without respect to Propinquity of Blood or Piety towards their Country How often have we seen Auxiliary Forces turn their Weapons upon them that sent them Defence been more bloody than open Offence Protection become immediate Destruction Friendship Hostility Not a stately Edifice not a Sacred Place has been spared by Fire and Sword In a little time we have seen an infinite number
Vital Warmth which no sooner begins but begins to die too Death is naturally equal to all but is distinguished by the Glory or Oblivion we leave to Posterity Who dying makes Renown a Substitute for Life lives still Strange force of Virtue which even against Nature makes that which is of its self fading and perishable Immortally glorious Tacitus did not think Agricola's Life short though he was snatch'd away in the prime of his Years for his Glory prolong'd his Life 6 Quanquam medio in spatiâ— integrae aetatis ereptus quantum ad gâ—riam longissimum â—evum peregit â—ac in Vir. Agriâ— Let no one despise or slight Posthumous Fame for in as much as the Mind covets it 't is an acknowledgement that one time or other 't is to be enjoyed but they are in the wrong who think it sufficient if they leave it behind them in Statues or in Posterity for in one 't is fading in t'other 't is none of theirs That only is their own which springs from Actions which if not extraordinary Merit no Praise for Fame is the Daughter of Admiration To be Born only to make One in the World is for the Vulgar Rout 't is for Princes to appear perspicuously eminent among others Others study what they think their own Interest but the utmost and only aim of Princes should be Glory 7 Caeteris mortalibus in eo stare consilia quid sibi conducere puteâ—â— Principum diversam esse sortem quibus praecipua rerum ad famam diâ—â—genda Tac. 4. Ann. Avarice and desire of Riches fill their Breasts but a Prince should be inflamed by an Ambition of Fame 8 Argentum quidem pecunia est commoâ—â— omnium possessio at honestum ex eo laus gloria Deorum est 〈◊〉 eorum qui à aiis proximi censentur Polybius A heavenly Heat inspires our Prince's Veins Virg. A generous Spirit knows no mean 't will be either Caesar or no body either a shining Star or a dark Cinder nor will this if honourably extinguished shine less gloriously on Obelisks than t'other Nor indeed is that Soul truly great which like the best Gunpowder fired does not immediately burst the Body that includes it The Breast is too narrow to contain a brisk and active Soul Garci Sancho King of Navarre going to ingage the Enemy trembled all over yet in the Fight behaved himself bravely and couragiously His Body dreaded that great Multitude of Enemies into which his Courage prepared to carry it Let it therefore be the whole Aim of a Prince to live gloriously that he may be a Light in this World 9 Let your Light so shine before Men that they may see your good Works Matth. 5. 12. All other things will come with ease but Fame not without Assiduity and Application 10 Caeteâ—a Principibus statim aâ—â—esse unum insatiabiliter parandum prosperam sui memoâ—â—am Tac. 4. Ann. But if in the beginning of his Reign he loses his Reputation he will very difficultly recover it for what the People once conceive of him they will never afterwards forget He who sets too great a value upon Life avoids Toils and Dangers without which two Honour can never be attained This Tacitus observed in King Marabodo who quitting his Kingdom lazily and shamefully spent his Days in Italy losing much of his Reputation through a too fond desire of Life 11 Consenuitque multum immatatâ 〈…〉 Tac. 2. Ann. Let a Prince so stere his Course be the Sea Calm or Tempestuous as still to keep his Eye upon that shining Beacon of Glory ever and anon calling to mind that he may admit or think of nothing unworthy himself that History will publish his Fame his Exploits and Glorious Atchievements to all Ages and to all Nations Princes have no other Superior than God and Fame they alone by the fear of Punishment and Infamy oblige them to Act honourably for which reason they often fear Historians more than their Enemies and are more aw'd by the Pen than the Sword King Balthasar though he saw only the Hand and Pen as yet not knowing what they would write was so disorder'd That he quaked all over and the Ioints of his Back were loosened 12 Dan. 5. 6. But if they neither regard God nor Glory nothing Glorious or Honourable can be expected For who e're slights Honour despises Virtue A generous desire of Glory avoids the blemish of Vice or Injustice Nor is there a more Savage Brute than that Prince who is neither moved by remorse of Conscience or desire of Glory Nor is there nevertheless no danger in Glory for its brightness often dazles Princes and leads them headlong into Rashness and Temerity That which seems Honourable and Glorious to them is Vanity or Folly sometimes Pride or Envy and oftentimes Ambition and mere Tyranny They propose great matters egg'd on by the Flatteries of their Ministers who set before them many things under the appearance of Glory concealing in the mean time the unjust and inconvenient Means by which they are to be attained by which being seduced they oftentimes find themselves deluded and ruined That Glory is safe which springs from a generous Spirit and keeps within the Bounds of Reason and Possibility Since therefore Honour and Infamy are the strongest Excitements to good Actions and that both are by History delivered down to Posterity 't would be convenient by Rewards proposed to excite Historians to write and to countenance Typography the true Treasury of Glory where the Rewards of greaâ— Actions are deposited to future Ages EMBLEM XVI 'T IS an old saying Purple is to be judged by Purple by which the Ancients signified that things were then best distinguished when one was compared with the other especially if they were such as could not easily be distinguish'd by themselves Thus Merchants do who compare Colour to Colour that they may shew each other and that a surer Judgment may be given of both In the Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus there was a Cloak a Present of some King from Persia of such an excellent Grain that the Robes of the Roman Ladies nay even of the Emperor Aurelian himself compared with it look'd as faint as Ashes If your Royal Highness when raised to the Crown would exmine and know the true worth of the Royal Purple expose it not to the false Light of Flatterers and fawning Knaves for that will never shew you its true Colour Nor rely too much upon self-love for that is like an Eye that sees all things but its self 'T will be therefore necessary that as Eyes are known by their own Species like Forms represented in a Glass so your Highness would compare the Lustre of your Diadem to that of your Glorious Predecessors seriously reflecting if any Virtues shine more bright in theirs than yours by viewing your self in them as in a Glass 1 Tanquam in speculo ornare comparare vitam tuam ad alienas virtutes
Pluâ—arch Let your Highness I say compare your own Actions to those of your Ancestors and you will easily see the difference between yours and theirs that you may either give a true Colour to their Actions or rejoyce in the Worth of your own if in any thing you happen to have out-done your Predecessors Let your Royal Highness therefore please to consider whether you Equal your Father in Courage your Grandfather in Piety Philip the Second in Prudence Charles the Fifth in Greatness of Spirit Philip the First in Affability Ferdinand the Catholick in Policy in Liberality that Alphonso who was Nick-named from his broken Hands in Justice King Alphonso the Eleventh and lastly King Ferdinand the Holy in Religion And that moreover your Highness would be stir'd up by a generous Emulation to a glorious Desire of imitating these Great Men. Quintus Maximus and Publius Scipio were used to say that when e're they beheld the Images of their Ancestors their Souls were fired and excited on to Virtue Not that they were moved by the meer Wax or Stone but that comparing their own Actions to those of others they could not rest till they equall'd them in Glory and Renown Elogies inscribed on Tombs speak not to the Dead but to the Living They are certain Summaries which for Memory's sake the Virtue of the Predecessor leaves to the Successor Mattathias said That by calling to mind the Actions of their Ancestors his Sons should acquire present Glory and eternal Renown 2 Call to remembrance what Acts our Fathers did in their time so shall ye receive great Honour and an everlasting Name 1 Macc. 2. 52. For which Cause also the High Priests who were Princes of the People wore upon their Breasts the Virtues of the Twelve Patriarchs their Predecessors engraven upon as many Stones 3 And in the four Rows of Stones was the Glory of the Fathers graven Wisd. 8. 24. In effect it becomes a Prince to vie with his Ancestors in Glory not with his Inferiors for 't is no praise to excel them and to be out-done by them the greatest Scandal The Emperor Tiberius observed as Law all the Sayings and Exploits of Augustus 4 Qui omnia facta dictaquâ— ejus vice legis observem Tac. 4. Ann. Moreover let your Highness compare the Purple you wear at present to that you wore formerly for we are oftentimes desirous to forget what we have been for fear of upbraiding our selves with what we are Let your Highness consider whether you are grown better or worse for we find it often happens that at the beginning of their Reigns Princes minds are gloriously bent upon the Execution of their Office in which afterwards they grow more remiss Almost all begin their Reigns with Great and Glorious Spirits but at last by degrees either they sink under the Weight of Affairs or grow Effeminate by Luxury and Ease with which they easily suffer themselves to be taken forgetting they are obliged to keep and preserve their once gotten Glory This very thing Tacitus remarks in the Emperor Tiberius that at last after a long Experience in Affairs he was altered and ruined by the mere force of Government 5 An cum Tiberius pâ—st tantam â—erum experientâ—am vi dominationis convulsus 〈◊〉 sit Tac. 6. Ann. A long Reign creates Pride and Pride the hatred of the People as the same Author observes in King Vannius 6 Prima Imperii aetate clarus acceptusque popularibus mox diuturniâ—atem in superbiam mutans odio accolarum sâ—â—al 〈…〉 circumventis Tac. 12. Ann. Many begin their Reigns with extraordinary Modesty and Justice but few continue so because their Ministers are Flatterers by whom they are taught to Act boldly and unjustly As it happened to Vespasian who in the beginning of his Reign was not so much bent upon Injustice until by the Indulgence of Fortune and Advice of Evil Counsellors he learnt it 7 Ipso Vespasiano inter initia Imperii ad obtinendas iniquitates hanâ— perinde obstinato donec indulgentia fortunae praâ—is Magistris didicit ansusque est Tac. 2. Hist. Let your Highness compare not only your own Virtues and Actions but those of your Ancestors with one another by confronting the Purple of some stain'd with Vices to that of others glossy and shining with great and noble Actions For Examples never move us more than when they are confronted one with another Let your Highness compare the Royal Robe of King †Marian. Hist. Hisp. Hermenigildus with that of Peter the Second King of Arragon one glittering with Stars and died with Blood which he had gloriously spilt in the War against Leuvigildus his Father who was infected with the Arrian Heresy the other trampled under the Feet of Horses in a Battle at Girone when he brought Succours to the Albigensians in France Let your Highness cast your Eyes back upon past Ages and you will find Spain ruined by the licentious Lives of the Kings Witiza and Roderick but recovered again by the Piety and Courage of Pelagius You 'll see Peter deposed and killed for his Cruelty and his Brother Henry the Second advanced to the Crown for his singular Mildness You 'll see the Glorious Infant Ferdinand blessed by Heaven with many Kingdoms for that he would not accept of that of his Grandson King Iohn the Second although there were those who freely offered it him On t'other side the Infant Sancho accused by his own Father of Disobedience and Ingratude before Pope Martin the Fourth for that he would have usurped the Throne in his life-time This Comparison your Highness may follow as a sure Guide in the Management of your Affairs for though by Discourse and Conversation you may know the Lustre and Brightness of Heroick Exploits as also the Baseness and Infamy of Ill Actions yet all these move us not so much considered in themselves as in those Persons whom they have made Glorious in the World or Despicable EMBLEM XVII A Tree bedeck'd with Trophies is still a Trunk as afore those which were an Honour to others are but a burthen to it So truly the glorious Exploits of Ancestors are but a Shame and Disgrace to the Successor unless he imitates the same Nor does he inherit their Glory but their Actions only by an Imitation of which he will obtain the other Just as light is reflected from a Diamond because it finds substance but quickly pierces Glass which is thin and transparent so if the Successor be Stout and Brave the Glory of his Predecessors adds yet a greater Lustre and Brightness to him but if like thin and paultry Glass he can't withstand the Lustre it serves only to discover his vile and abject Soul The Actions of Ancestors which are only Examples to others are Laws to the Successor for the whole Esteem and Prerogative of Nobility is grounded upon this Supposition that the Descendants will imitate the Actions of their Forefathers He who
firm and lasting Empire if they were good if wicked but of short continuance King Ferdinand who from his great Virtues was sirnamed the Great did by these wonderfully increase the Glory of his Kingdom and establisht it to Posterity His Piety was so great that when the Body of St. Isidore was carried by Sevil he and his Sons barefoot carried these Holy Relicks from the River Durio quite to St. Iohn's Church in the City For 't is God by whom Kings Reign and upon whom all their Power and Felicity depends they could never err if they would make him their only Object The Rays of the Sun never forsake the Moon she as if she knew she received all her Light from the Sun looks on him continually that she may be enlightned by him which Princes must so imitate that they may always have their Eyes fixt upon that Eternal Light which affords Light and Motion to the World and from which Empires take their encrease and decrease as is intimated in the present Emblem by the Scepter on the top of which is the Moon looking towards the Sun the true Emblem of God as well because no other thing comes nearer his Omnipotency as also because that alone gives Light and Being to all Which 'cause it solely all Surveys Is properly call'd Sol. Boet. For there is no Power but from God 10 Rom. 13. 1. Kings are crowned in his Eternal Mind before they are here on Earth He who gave the Orbs Coelestial first motion gives it also to Empires and Republicks He who has appointed a King over Bees has not left meerly to Chance or Humane Choice these Second Causes of Princes who are his Vice-Roys upon Earth and as like him as may be 11 Principes quidem instar deorum esse Tac. 3. Ann. being represented in the Revelations by those Seven Planets which God held in his Hand 12 And he had in his right hand seven Stars Revel 1. 16. upon them he darts his Divine Rays the Reflection of which gives them the utmost Power and Authority over their Subjects Without that Splendor all Power how great soever is in a manner dark the Prince who slighting this Light shall follow another an appearance may be of some good which his own convenience not right reason offers will soon see the Orb of his Power eclips'd and darken'd What e'er avoids the Sun must necessarily be in darkness The Moon although it finds its self oft'times quite dark does not therefore turn away from the Sun but looks on 't with so much the more eagerness till at last 't is again enlightned by it Let a Prince hold his Scepter fixt and steady having always a regard to Virtue as well in Prosperity as Adversity For the same Divine Sun which either for Punishment or Exercise of his Virtues permitted his decrease as a recompence of his Constancy will again promote and encrease his greatness Thus 't was with the Emperor Ferdinand the II. who was often reduced to that extremity of Fortune that his Empire and Life too seem'd desperate Yet he was resolved never wholly to despair nor to turn his Eyes from that Eternal Sun the Maker and Governor of all things whose Divine Providence freed him from all Perils and advanced him far above all his Enemies Moses's Rod which was the Emblem of a Scepter did Wonders whilst he held itâ— in his Hand upright t'wards Heaven but as soon as he cast it upon the Ground 't was turn'd into a venomous Serpent dreadful even to Moses himself 13 And he cast it on the ground and it became a Serpent and Moses â—led from before it Exod. 4. 3. Whilst the Scepter like Iacob's Ladder touches Heaven God himself supports it and Angels descend to its assistance 14 And he dreamed and behold a Ladder set upon the Earth and the top of it reached to Heaven and behold the Angelâ— of God ascending and descending on it Gen. 18. 13. This the Egyptians knew who on the top of their Scepters were used to engrave the Head of a Stork a Religious Bird and Pious t'wards its Parents but on the bottom the Foot of a Sea-Horse an impious and ungrateful Animal which Plots to kill his Father that he may the more freely enjoy his Mother By which Hieroglyphick they meant nothing but that Princes ought always to prefer Piety to Impiety Machiavel would have his Prince to learn this Hieroglyphick but in quite another Sence for he would have Piety and Impiety placed at each end that he might turn it as he pleased and hold that upwards which tended most to his Preservation and Advantage For which reason he thinks 't is not necessary for a Prince to be Virtuous 't is enough if he pretends to be so for to be really so and to act according to the Dictates of Virtue would he says be pernicious but that 't is most advantageous to be thought so for by this means he will be so disposed as to know how to shift upon occasion and so to act in all things as advantage or opportunity shall require And this he says is principally necessary for Princes newâ—â— come to the Crown who ought to be quick and ready to spread their Sails to every breath of Fortune and as necessity requires Impious and foolish Counsel that would insinuate that Virtues need not be real and genuine but only counterfeit and imaginary for how can the Shadow be as effective as the Substance What Art or Pains can bring Chrystal to that perfection as it shall equal the Diamond in lustre and brightness Won't any one at first sight discover and laugh at the Cheat. A true Glory takes root and flourishes thaâ— which is not falls like Blossoms nor can any thing be lasting that is counterfeit 15 Vera gloria radices agit atque etiam propagatur ficta 〈◊〉 celeriter tanquam flosculi decidunt neque fimulatum quidquam potest 〈◊〉 diuturnum Cic. lib. 2. de Off. cap. 32. There 's no Art or Cunning so great as to make a vicious Inclination appear truly good and virtuous For if we so easily fail in real Virtues so agreeable to our Nature and Inclination what shall we do in false and imaginary ones How will the Subjects when they discover the Cheat be able to endure the Stench of this Sepulchrâ— of abominable Vices without any ornament of Goodness How can they turn their Eyes from that inward Wound when the Patch under which it lurk'd being drawn off 't is openly exposed to the sight of all 16 And all our righteâ—â—â—nesses are as filthy rags Isaiah 64. 6. Whence a Prince will be contemptible and ridiculous to his own People at home and suspected by Foreigneâ— abroad He will be surely odious to both for neither can live securely under him Nothing renders Tyraâ—ny more grievous than when the Prince dissembles Virtue For from thence oft-times greater Vices spring for this Reason many were afraid of Otho
liable to who commands other 1 Quam arduum quam subjectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus Tac. 1. Ann. His Fatigues should be the Peoples Rest his Dangers their Security his Vigilance their Sleep But we have here represented the same thing by a Crown fine indeed and charming to â—ight but within full of Thorns and Briars with this Motto of Seneca the Tragedian False good What Cares dost hide Under the appearance of a gay outside Who viewing those Pearls and Diamonds and those Flowers which adorn a Crown would not fancy that the inside was much more fair and beautiful yet is there nothing but sharp Thorns which continually prick and scratch the Head and Breast There is not a Pearl in a Crown but which is Sweat nor a Ruby but which is Blood nor a Diamond without some asperity or roughness 't is a Circumference without a Center of rest a perpetual Motion of Cares * Sâ—rabo for this reason Kings anciently wore a Crown made like a Ship to represent its Inconstancy Trouble and Dangers †Valer. Max. This he well knew who when a Crown was offered him laid it down with these Words Let him take thee up who does not know thee Instead of Crowns they at first us'd Fillets not as a Badge of Majesty but only to bind and preserve the Head 2 Let them set a fair Miâ—re upon his Head Zach. 3. 5. So heavy are the Cares of a Crown'd Head that it had need to be fore-arm'd for to Reign is nothing but three continual Sighs and Toils in preserving acquiring and losing Therefore did the Emperor Mark Anthony say That Empire was the greatest of Troubles Princes are born to labours let them therefore inure themselves thereto The Kings of Persia had a Chamberlain who wak'd them betimes in the Morning with these Words Arise O King to look after the Affairs of your Kingdom Some Princes now-a-days would not endure such disturbance for they perswade themselves that Ease Voluptuousness and Vices are the Rewards of Princes but that the Shame and Disgrace thereof belong to others Whereas some Princes shamefully neglect their Duty it is because as we shall mention elsewhere they take the Kingdom for their Inheritance and Propriety which they may use as they please and think that their Authority and Sovereign Power is subject to no Laws but altogether free to act as it list in which Flattery encourages them insinuating that without that freedom and liberty of living a Kingdom would be the worst of Slavery more intolerable than the meanest Condition of Subjects Whence resigning themselves to Luxury and Pleasure their Strength and Spirits flag and themselves become wholly unfit for Government Hence I believe it is that among so many Princes there are so very few good Governors not that they want Natural Parts for in those they usually exceed others as being born of better Blood but because that through Ease and Luxury they don't make use of them nor do their Courtiers suffer it for they make their Fortunes with more ease under a negligent than careful Prince The Remedy against these Inconveniencies consists chiefly in two Things The first is That a Prince should from his Youth as soon as he has the use of Reason be accustomed to the Management of Affairs even before the Death of his Predecessor thus God did with Ioshua And if in Matters of Concern and Trust it be not convenient for Reasons which I shall shew in the last Emblem but one yet in other things it is that his Mind may be diverted from Debauchery This made the Roman Senate introduce their Youth to their Consultations By the benefit of this many Popes Nephews though they have been admitted very young to the Administration of Affairs have in a few years made experienc'd Statesmen The other is That those that are near the Prince should dexterously endeavour to root out of his Mind certain vain Opinions of his Greatness and let him know that 't is the common Consent of all that gives Power and Authority to the Scepter for Nature made no Kings That his Purple is an Emblem of Blood which he should be ready upon occasion to shed for the People 4 Consulaâ—es fasces praetâ—â—tum curulemque sellam nihil aliud quam pompam funeris putent claris insignibus velut inâ—â—sis velatos ad moâ—t 〈◊〉 destinari Liv. 2. Hist. that it was not given to breed and nourish the Moâ—hâ— of Vices That he is born a Prince by chance that Virtue only is the proper good of Man that his Dominion is Government not absolute Power and that his Vassals are Subjects not Slaves This Document the Emperor Claudius gave to Meherdatus King of Persia 5 Vt non dominationem servos sed rectorem cives cogitaret Tac. 12. Ann. Let them advise the Prince so to do by those whom he Governs as he would be done to were he a Subject so Gaiba instructed Piso when he adopted him his Son 6 Cogitare quid â—ut 〈◊〉 sub alio Principe aut volueris Tac. 1. Hist. No Prince was ever elected only to be so but that being so he might be serviceable to the rest King Antigonus considering this advis'd his Son not to abuse his Power not to be proud or use his Subjects ill Knowest thou not my Son said he that our Kingdom is but a noble Slavery 7 An Ignoras 〈◊〉 mi nostrum Regnum essâ—â— nâ—bilem servitutem Upon this the Woman grounded her Answer to the Emperor Rodolphus who telling her he was not at leasure to hear her Then says she you are no more Emperor Subjects are not born for the King but the King for the Subjects 'T would be too hard a Bargain for them to sell all their Liberty to the King if in return they could not promise themselves Justice and Protection from him to which end they voluntarily submitted themselves to his Command The Romans in their Triumphs were crownâ—d with their own Shields 8 With fâ—vour wilt thou compass him as with a Shield Psalm 5. 〈◊〉 made into the circular Form of a Crown whence were introduc'd the Diadems of the Saints who were Victorious against the Common Enemy A Prince deserves not a Crown unless also he use it as a Shield to ward the Stroaks of adverse Fortune from his Subjects To Reign is rather an Office than a Dignity an Authority of a Father over his Children 9 Vt enim gubernatio patrisfamilias est Regia quaedam potestas domi ita Regia potestas est civitatis gentis unius aut plurium quasi domestica quaedam gubernatio Arist. Polit. 3. cap. 11. and if the Subjects find not that Fatherly Care and Affection in the Prince they owe him no Respect or filial Obedience King Ferdinand the Holy look'd upon his Government as an Office which consisted in protecting his Subjects in administring Justice in chastising Vice and procuring the Enlargement
of his Territories not sparing any pains for its Advantage and according to this he always acted Princes are as we shall observe elsewhere like Mountains as well because they are nearer the Favours of Heaven as because they should receive all Injuries of the Weather upon themselves being Depositaries of Ice and Snow which melting should flow thence and water and refresh the droughty Fields and Valleys beneath and by the Shade of their Bodies defend them from the scorching Heat of the Sun 10 For thou hast been a strength to the poor a strength to the needy in his distress a refuge from the Storm a shadow from the hear Isa. 25. 4. For this reason the Scriptures call Princes Giants 11 There were Giants in the Earth in those days the same became mighty Men Gen. 6. 4. for they that are born to sustain the weight of Government had need be of a more than ordinary Stature They are Giants which must undergo Fatigues and Groans as Iob says under the Waters 12 Vid. Iob 26. 5. by which are meant People and Nations 13 And the Waters which thou sawest where the Whore sitteth are Peoples and Multitudes and Nations and Tongues Revel 17. 15. They are the Corners which sustain the whole Fabrick of the State 14 Vid. 1 Sam. 14. 38. A Prince who believes he is not born to do this for his Subjects and does not prepare himself to shelter them from the Injuries of the Weather dwindles from a Mountain to a Valley nay 't is unlawful for him whom Heaven has design'd to Govern others to regard his own ease and quiet Wamba being elected King of the Goths and refusing the Crown a certain Captain with his drawn Sword threatned to stab him unless he accepted it Shall you alone says he to him oppose the Will of the whole Nation and prefer your own Private Ease to the Publick Good For this reason the States of Guadalajara would not suffer King Iohn to resign his Kingdom to his Son Henry he being too young and himself having a Constitution fit for Government Hence 't is evident That Princes are a part of the Commonwealth and that they are in some measure subject to it as Instruments of its Preservation so that their success or misfortunes respect it as Tiberius told his Sons 15 It a nati estis ut bona malaque vesâ—ra ad Remp. pertineant Tac. 4. Ann. Those who desired David for their King told him We are thy Bone and thy Flesh 16 2 Sam. 5. 1. intimating to him that he must with his own strength support them and take upon himself all their Toils and Grievances A Prince ought also to be taught while he is young to tame and govern the skittish Horse of Government for should he let him have his Head he would fall headlong with him He should use therefore the Bridle of Reason the Reigns of Policy the Whip of Justice and the Spurs of Valour keeping always fast in the Stirrups of Prudence He must not execute every thing that comes into his Mind but only what is honourable and just least he should transgress Piety Reputation Modesty or good Manners 17 Facta quae laedunt pietatem existimationâ—m verecundiam nostram ut generaliter dixeâ—im contra bonos more 's fiâ—â—t â—ec facere eâ—s credendum est L. 15. F. de Condit Iâ—stir Let not a Prince imagine that his Power is wholly absolute but subject by the publick Good and Interest of his State Not immense but limitted and expos'd to many Casualties one blast of Wind dissipated all Philip the Second's Naval Preparations against England Let the Prince also know that his Authority is not so Sovereign but that part of it remains in the Subject which they either reserv'd to themselves from the beginning or which Common Sence has since granted them for their defence against any Prince notoriously unjust and tyrannical Good Princes are pleas'd at the Liberty of their Subjects Tyrants only would be absolute 18 Quomodo pessimis Imperatoribus sine fine dominationem ita quamvis egregiis libertatis modum placere Tac. 4. Ann. The Safety and Preservation of the Kingdom depends upon the well-temper'd freedom of the People 'T is not that Prince who is most powerful that is most secure but he who is so with reason nor is he less Sovereign who defends the just Rights and Privileges of his Subjects 'T is rather prudence to let them enjoy 'em freely for they never derogate from the Authority of the Prince but when he thinks his Honour affronted and endeavours wholly to take 'em away Let him be content to maintain his Crown by the same means his Ancestors did It seems to be this which God would admonish Princes of though in another Sence by Ezekiel the Prophet 19 Bind the tiâ—e of thine Head upon thee Ezek. 24. 17. when he said bind the tire of thine Head to thee if any one shall wear it too loose 't will be very apt to fall off EMBLEM XXI JUstice is the Center from which the Circumference of a Crown is drawn If we could live without one there would be no need of t'other In former times all Princes Iudges were And to see Iustice done was all their Care In the first Age there was no need of Punishment for there were no Crimes nor of Rewards for Virtue and Glory were belov'd for their own sakes But as the World grew older Wickedness encreased with it and made Virtue more reserv'd which before liv'd freely and carelessly in the Fields When Equality was laid aside and Ambition and Force suppli'd the place of Modesty and Shame then Government was also introduc'd For Prudence urg'd by necessity and Common Prudence oblig'd Men to Civil Society that they might exercise Virtues which Reason prompted them to and make use of Speech which Nature gave them that by revealing to one another the Sense of their Minds they might inform assist and defend each other 1 Sermo vero datus est homini ad utile inutile ac proinde justum ac injustum declarandum Arist. Pol. 1. cap. 2. Society being thus by common Consent establish'd there arose at the same time a certain Supream Power necessary to the Preservation of its Parts which by punishing Vice and rewarding Virtue might defend them in Peace and Justice And because this Authority could not be diffused through the whole Body by reason of the Confusion which would arise in the Execution thereof and because 't was also necessary that some should Command and the rest Obey they quitted their Pretensions to it conferring it either upon one few or many which are the three sorts of Government Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy The first of which was Monachy for originally Men were govern'd by one in each Family afterwards they chose from among the People one who excell'd others in Goodness and Virtue whose Hand as his Authority encreas'd they
the State were then under the Power of an Enemy For Presidents of Disobedience and Contempt of Authority being conniv'd at or rewarded are dangerous even to Successors Dignity is ever the same being always espoused to him who possesses her Wherefore he defends his own Cause who takes care of his Predecessor's Honour though 't was not wounded in his time A Prince ought not to leave behind him the Memory of one who has been so impudent as to affront Authority unpunish'd for iâ— once Subjects are perswaded that they may raise their Fortunes or satisfy their Passions by the Death or Abuse of the Prince none will be able to live secure The Punishment of Impudence to the Predecessor is the security of the Successor and a warning to all from daring to attempt the like For which reason Vitellius put all those to Death who petition'd him for Rewards for the Murther of Galba 7 Non honore Galbae sed tradito principiâ—â—â— more munimentum ad praesens in posterum ultionem Tac. Hist. lib. 1. Every one is treated as he treats others Iulius Caesar commanding the Statues of Pompey to be erected confirm'd his own If Princes should not unite against Contempt and Treason Authority and Loyalty would be in danger In Cases where the same circumstances concur a Prince ought not to connive at some and punish others for nothing renders them more odious than partiality 8 Cavendum est ne iisdem de caussis alii plectantur alii ne appellantur quidem 〈◊〉 de Off. Whence the Egyptians signified the Equality which should be observ'd in Justice by the Feathers of an Ostrich which are equal on both sides 'T is great Prudence in a Prince to find such sorts of Punishments as will expiate the Offence with the least damage to the Delinquent Certain Noblemen fomented Disturbances in Galicia and though they deserv'd Death King Ferdinand the Fourth callâ—d them to him and gave them employs in the Army where some of them were punish'd by the Enemy others by the Hardships and Toils of War and so that Province was reduc'd to its former Tranquility As in time of Peace Justice and Mercy are very advantageous so in War are Rewards and Punishments because there the Dangers are so great as would not be attempted without great hopes and nothing but fear could restrain the Licentiousness of the Soldiers In so much as without these two things says King Alphonso The Faults which are committedâ—in War are much more dangerous for if Men have so much to do to defend themselves from the Mischief of their Enemies how much more have they from that which accrues from their own Faults For which reason the Romans inflicted divers sorts of Infamy and Punishment upon the Soldiers who fail'd in their Duty or in any dangerous Attempt or Military Affair whence they were less afraid of the Enemy than the Punishment and chose-rather to die bravely in Action than to lose their Honour or Lives afterwards with perpetual Ignominy and Disgrace In those times none durst Desert because he could not shelter himself in any part of the Empire Now-a-days Deserters are not only not punished when they return to their own Country but sculking from Battel they March from Milan to Naples where as if they had serv'd under some other Prince they are again listed into his Majesty's Service to the great detriment thereof In which the Vice-Roys should follow the Example of the Roman Senate who after the Battel of Cannae though they were in extream want of Soldiers could not be induc'd to redeem six thousand Prisoners which Hannibal offered them thinking them not worth Redemption who suffer'd themselves ignominiously to be taken Prisoners when they might have died gloriously The Errors of Generals committed through ignorance ought rather to be conniv'd at than punish'd least the fear of being punished or reprimanded should make them too timorous Besides the greatest Prudence may be confounded in Accidents of War whence they deserve Compassion rather than Punishment Varro lost the Battel of Cannae and at his return the whole Senate went out to receive him thanking him for that in such a total Defeat he had not wholly despair'd of Affairs When connivence is not convenient but the Execution of Justice is required let it be done with readiness and resolution He who does it privately and by stealth is more like an Assassine than a Prince He who checks the Authority which the Crown gives him either doubts his Power or Merit from the Prince's distrust of himself proceeds the Peoples disrespect Whose Opinion of him is answerable to what he has of himself King Alphonso the Wise lost the esteem of his People by doing Justice in private This can be convenient only in troublesome times when greater Dangers may be fear'd if the People don't see the Authors of Seditions punish'd e'er they know they are taken Thus Tiberius acted for fear of this Inconveniency 9 Nec Tiberius poenam ejus palam ausus in secreta palatii parte interfici jussit corpusque clam auferri Tac. 2. Ann. In other Cases let a Prince execute that Office boldly and vigorously which he holds in the Name of God and the People for 't was Justice that at first gave him his Scepter and 't is that which must preserve it 'T is the Will of God the Harmony of Government and the Protection of Majesty If the Laws be once suffer'd to be broken unpunish'd there will be neither Fear nor Modesty and without them no Peace nor Quiet 10 Si prohibita impunè transcenderis neque metus ultrà neque pudor est Tac. 3. Ann. Yet let Princes consider that they are like Masters of Families nay that they really are such in respect to their Subjects and therefore let them temper Justice with Clemency They ought to drink the Sins of the People as God intimated to St. Peter by that Vessel of unclean Animals out of which he commanded him to eat 11 Wherein were all manner of fourfooted Beasts of the Earth and wild Beasts and creeping Things and Fowls of the Air and there came a Voice unto him Rise Peter kill and eat Actâ— 10. 12 13. A Prince should have the Stomach of an Ostrich so hot with Mercy as to digest Iron and should be also an Eagle with the Thunder of Justice which by striking one terrifies all For if all were to be punish'd who transgress'd there would be none left for the Prince to Command for there is scarce any Man so just as not to have one time or other deserved Death 12 Vix enim quisquam adeò mali expers ut non aliquam mortem meyeatur Tac. 2. Ann. The Rigour of Justice is not less dangerous to the Crown Life and Empires than Injustice Of this King Iohn the Second is an Example who for his great Severity became odious to his People And King Peter the Cruel lost thereby his Kingdom and Life too
it And if this Dissimulation be a politick Artifice to unite Peoples Minds and to maintain the State true Religion would better do it than false for this is fading that Eternal Many Empires founded upon false Religions proceeding from Ignorance God has preserv'd a long time rewarding by that means their Morality and blind Worship and barbarous Sacrifices with which they fought him not that they were acceptable to him but for the religious Simplicity wherewith they were sometimes offer'd But has never preserved those Empires which counterfeited Religion more through Malice and Artifice than Ignorance St. Isidore at his Death foretold the Spaniards that if they stray'd from the True Religion they should be subdu'd by their Enemies but if they persisted in it their Grandeur should be rais'd above all Nations Which was verified by the Yoak of the Africans which began from the time that Witiza deny'd Obedience to the Pope after which liberty of Worship and licenciousness of Vice disturbed the Publick Peace and ruined Military Discipline which brought heavy Misfortunes upon the King himself and his Sons as well as upon the Kingdom till being subdu'd and chastis'd Spain acknowledg'd its Errors and again found Heaven propitious in that little handful of Christians with which Pelagius retir'd into a Cave in the Mountain Ausena call'd Cavâ—longa where the Arrows and Stones of the Moors were miraculouâ—ly retorted upon themselves †Mar. Hist. of Spain From that the Monarchy began to revive and rose though after a long time to that greatness which it at present enjoys as a Reward of its constancy in the Catholick Religion Since then Religion is the Soul of Governments a Prince ought to use all possible care to preserve it The first Spirit which Romulus Numa Lycurgus Solon Plato and other Founders infus'd into them was Religion 1 Omnium primam rem ad multitudinem imperitam efficacissimam Deorum metum injiciendum ratus Liv. for that unites Mens minds more than necessity The Emperors Tiberius and Adrian prohibited all Foreign Religion and were wholly intent upon the Preservation of their own As also Theodosius and Constantine who established Laws and Punishments against those who revolted from the Catholick Faith Their Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella never tolerated the Exercise of any other Religion In which commendable was the Constancy of King Philip the Second and his Successors who could never be induc'd to compose the Seditions of the Netherlands by Toleration of Liberty of Conscience though they might thereby have retainâ—d those Provinces and sav'd those Immense Treasures which were expended in the War They preferr'd the Honour and Glory of God to their own Ease and Tranquility imitating Flavius Jovianus who being proclaim'd Emperor by the Army excus'd himself saying That he was a Christian and that 't was not fit he should Command them who were not so and would not Consent till all the Soldiers had promis'd to turn Christians Though he might inherit this pious Constancy from his Ancestors since the Eighth Council of Toledo mentions the same thing of King Recefuinthus 2 Ob hoc sui Regni apicem à Deo solidari praeoptaret si Catholicae fidâ—i per euntium turmas acquireret indignum reputans Catholicae fidei Principeâ— sacrileges imperare Conciâ— Tol. 8. cap. 11. Of which Piety your Royal Highness's Father Philip the Fourth of glorious Memory is a signal Example to your Royal Highness In the beginning of whose Reign it being argu'd in Council whether the Truce should be continued with the Dutch and some of his Counsellors urging that it was not Policy to begin War or any change of Affairs in the beginning of a Reign he oppos'd them saying That he would not have his Name branded with the Infamy of having maintain'd one hours Peace with the Enemies of God and his Crown and so immediately broke the Truce For this ardent Zeal and Constancy in the Catholick Religion King Recaredus merited the Name of Catholick as long before the Kings of France that of most Christian In the Third Council of Toledo and in that of Barcelona which Title the Kings Sisebutus and Ervigius kept which their Successors afterwards lost till re-assum'd by King Alphonso the First to distinguish him from Hereticks and Schismaticks Though 't is a King's Duty to maintain Religion in his Realms and to promote the Worship of God as his Vicars in Temporal Affairs that they may Govern to his Glory and their Subjects Safety yet they ought to know that 't is not in them to decide Controversies in Religion and Divine Worship for the care of this belongs directly to the Spiritual Head of the Church to whom alone Christ has given this Authority the Execution Preservation and Defence thereof only is committed to Kings as that Head shall order and direct The Priests sharply check'd King Uzziah and God severely punish'd him because he offer'd Incense 3 And they withstood Vzziah the King and said unto him it appertaineth not unto thee Vzziah to burn Incense unto the Lord but to the Priests 2 Chroâ— 26. 18. 'T is necessary for the Preservation of the Purity of Religion that it be the same in all the Parts of the Christian World True Worship would soon be lost if each Prince might accommodate it to his own Ends and Designs In those Provinces and Kingdoms where this has been attempted there searce remain any Tracts thereof so that the poor distracted People are wholly ignorant of the True Religion The Spiritualty and Temporalty are two distinct Jurisdictions this is adorn'd by the Authority of the other and that is maintain'd by the others Power 'T is an Heroick Obedience which submits to the Vicar of him who disposes of Crowns and Scepters As arbitrary and free from the Laws as Princes pretend to be they must still pay Obedience to the Apostolick Decrees and are oblig'd to give force to them and see them strictly observ'd in their Dominions especially when 't is not only expedient for the Spiritual but also the Temporal Good that those Holy Decrees be put in Execution nor should they suffer any one to violate them to the dammage and prejudice of their Subjects and their Religion EMBLEM XXV THE Stork builds its Nest upon the Church Steeple and by the Sanctity of the Place makes its Succession secure The Prince who founds his Kingdom upon the Triangular stone of the Church renders it strong and lasting The Athenians once consulting the Oracle of Delphi how they might defend themselves against Xerxes who with a vast Fleet of twelve Hundâ—ed Sail was coming to fall on them were answer'd That if they could fence their City with a wooden Wall they should get the better Themistocles interpreted Apollo's meaning to be that all the Citizens should go on Ship board which done they obtain'd a Victory over that prodigious Fleet. The same Success will attend a Prince who shall embark his Grandeur in the Ship of the Church for
if this by the Testimony of another Oracle not fabulous and uncertain but infallible and divine cannot be sunk neither can that which is embark'd in it For this reason your Highness's glorious Ancestors were us'd to consecrate part of the Spoils they took in War from their Enemies to God as the Lord of Victories who fought for them offering for his Worship very considerable Revenues and Possessions whence innumerable Foundations and Endowments of Churches Cathedrals and Convents took their rise having built in Spain above Seventy thousand Churches Of which Samy the first King of Arragon alone built a Thousand consecrated to the Blessed Virgin which his Munificence was amply rewarded by the many Conquests he made and Victories he won having fought Thirty three Battels in all which he came off victorious These pious Works were like Religious Colonies render'd by their Spiritual Arms not less powerful than Military ones for Artillery make not so great Breaches as Prayer The Prayers of the Israelites for seven Days beat down the Walls of Iericho 1 And the People shouted with a great shout that the Wall fell down flat so that the People went up into the City every Man strait before him and they took the Ciâ—y Ios. 6. 20. Riches are therefore better reposited in Temples than Treasuries not only against extream necessity but that as by them Religion flourishes the State may with it The Athenians kept theirs in that of Delphi as did many other Nations What better Guardian than the Sovereign Arbitrator of Kingdoms Our Hearts at least will be in the Churches if our Treasures are there 2 For where your Treasure is there will your Heart he also Mat. 6. 21. Wherefore their Council 〈◊〉 no less impious than imprudent who under the â—lightest pretence of publick Necessity are for pillaging them He is not worthy the Protection of Divine Providence who diffident of God's Power upon every accident has his Eye upon the Furniture of his House When King Ferdinand the Holy wanted Money to carry on the Siege of Sevil and some advis'd him to supply the Deficiency of his Exchequer out of the Church-Treasures He made answer I promise my self more from the Prayers and Sacrifices of the Priests than from their Riches which Piety and Confidence God abundantly recompenc'd the very next day by the Surrender of the City Those Kings who have done otherwise have left severe Examples of their Sacrilegious Presumption Gunderick King of the Vandals going to Plunder St. Vincent's fell down dead as he was entring it The great Misfortunes of Alphonso King of Arragon were thought to be God's Judgmentâ— upon him for having robbâ—d his Sacred Houses Queen Uraca died at the very Door of St. Isidore's at Leoâ— the Treasures of which she had embeziled Saneâ—â— King of Arragon was shot through the Arm with 〈◊〉 Arrow for that he had defilâ—d his Hands with thâ— Plunder of Churches And though in St. Victorio's aâ— Rota he publickly confess'd his Crime and with Tears and all imaginable Signs of Contrition offering Râ—stitution and Amendment yet it pleas'd God to publish his Offence in his Punishment as a warâ—ing to others King Iohn the First was routed and kill'd aâ— the Battel of Aliubanota for having made use of the Treasures of the Church of Guadaloupâ— Upon the Surrender of Cajeta to Frederick King of Naples the Frenâ—h loaded two Ships with the Plunder of the Churches both which were lost But in all these Cases extream necessity had not place for then right Reason allows Princes for their Preservation to make use of such Riches as out of â— pious Liberality themselves have laid up in these Holy Places provided it be with a Resolution to restore them when the Prosperity of their Affairs shall put them in a Capacity As their Catholick Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella did having obtainâ—d a Grant from the Parliament of Medina del Campo of the Church-Plate to defray Expences of War And the Sacred Canons and Councils have prescrib'd certain Cases and Circumstances of Necessity or Danger wherein Ecclesiasticks are bound to assist the Publick with their Contributâ—ons and certainly 't would be inexcâ—â—able Avaâ—â—câ— in them not to regard Common Necessities They are the most noble and principal Part of a State and if for them or for Religion others are oblig'd to expose their Lives why not they their Riches If the State maintains and keeps them it may very justly expect a reciprocal Relief from them for its Conservation and Defence The People would be diâ—courag'd from paying Tyths and other Church Duties if in Common Calamities there were none to ease them of extraordinary Burthens they will blame their own Piety and their Zeal and Devotion for any new Offerings Donatives and Legacies to the Chuâ—ch will slacken 'T is therefore highly reasonable that the Clergy in Cases of this Nature aid the Publick with their Revenues not only for that the danger or benefit equally respects all but withal least the Goods and Estates of the Laity be so oppress'd that Tillage and with it Tythes and other pious Works must fail In such cases Church-Plate shews better in Bars in the Mint than in Chalices and Cups in the Vestry This Obligation upon the State Ecclesiastical is more strict in the more urgent necessities of the Sâ—â—nish Kings for almost all the Foundations and Endowments of Churches being the Effects of their pious Liberality â—hey are in Justice bound mutually to relieve their Patrons in necessity and oblige them to continue their Munificence in better times These and many other Reasons have prevail'd with the Apostolick See to be so liberal to the Kings of Spain in granting them the use of the Church goods to maintain their Wars against the Infidels Gregory the Seventh granted Sancho Ramiâ—ez King of Arragon the Tythes and Revenues of all the Churches either newly built or gain'd from the Moors to dispose of as he pleasâ—d The same Grant also Pope Urban made to Peter the First King of Arragon his Successors and Grandees of his Kingdom excepting the Churches of Residence Innocent the Third granted the Bull of the Croisade for the War of Spain which was call'd the Holy War which favour Pope Calixtâ—s afterwards in Henry the Fourth's time extended both to the living and the dead Gregory the Tenth gave King Alphonsus the Wise the third Part of the Tythes which were design'd for Building This began afterwards to be perpetuated in Iohn the Second's Reign and Alexâ—nder the Sixth extended it also to the Kingdom of Granada John the Twenty Second granted the Tythes of the Church Revenues and the Croisade to King Alphonsus the Eleventh Urban the Fifth a third Part of the Benefices of Castile to Peter the Cruel Sixtus the Fourth consented to have the Clergy contribute at one time an hundred thousand Ducates for the War of Granada which favour several other Popes continued Iulius the Second granted Emanuel King of Portugal the third Part of the Revenue which
Husbandry succeed as well and if your Highness find it to have fail'd in any of these particulars dissect the whole Body search into its Arteries and Parts the sound and entire as well as the distemper'd as also into the Causes of those Infirmities Consider with your self whether they do not proceed from some of those so ordinary ones from planting Colonies want of Propagation multiplicity of Religious Orders too many Festivals Universities and Studies the Discovery of the Indieâ— Peace ill manag'd War slightly undertaken or negligently carried on from the Cashiering of Officers the Rarity of Recompences the Oppression of Usury the Transportation of Money the Disproportion of the Coin or whatever Causes of the like Nature If your Highness shall discover the Fountain from whence the Evil proceeds it will be no difficult matter to provide a Remedy against it and from a competent knowledge of the past and present Times your Highness will be enabled to make an estimate of that to come for there is no new thing under the Sun the thing that hath been it is that which shall be and that which is done is that which shall be done 7 Eccles. 1. 9. The Persons are chang'd not the Scenes Manners and Customs are always the same After the Conversation of Books it will be very much for a Prince's Improvement to have that 〈◊〉 learned Men who are daily conversant with them and will entertain his Ear with well digested Discourse and Reasonings the result of long Premeditation This gave occasion to that usual saying of Iohn the Second King of Portugal That a Kingdom either found a Prince prudent or made him so That is the greâ—â— School of Government wherein Ministers of the greatest Learning and most eminent Experience whâ—ther Domestick or Foreign converse with the Princâ— about Affairs Here one is in constant Exercise and has a particular knowledge almost of whatever is transacted in the World This School being more especially necessary for a Prince teaches him if not out 〈◊〉 Duty at least for Learning's sake to apply himself 〈◊〉 Affairs and study fully to understand and go 〈◊〉 the bottom of them and not leave them to the Decision of his Councellors For by an entire neglect anâ— disuse of Business the Mind become Savage anâ— conceives an Aversion for it as an intolerable weight and so chuses to leave all to the Care and Industry of others And if their Opinion upon any Subject be afterwards told him he is in the dark not being able to discern whether they have determined well or ill in which Confusion he must necessarily be ashamed of himself seeing how like a dumb Idol he is to whom Adoration is paid while another renders the Oracles For this reason the Prophet Zachary calls that Prince an Idol who like a Shepherd that leaveth his Flock forgets his Duty 8 Wo to the idle Shepherd that leaveth his Flock Zach. 11. 17. He is Statue which represents but does not exert Majesty He has a Mouth and speaks not Eyes and Ears but neither sees nor hears 9 They have Mouths but they speak not Eyes have they but they see not Ears have they but they hear not Noses have they but they smell not Psalm 115. 5. And being generally look'd upon to be an Idol of Adoration only not Miracles is universally despis'd as an unprofitable Burthen to the Earth 10 We know that an Idol is nothing iâ— the World 1 Cor. 8. 4. Nor will it be easy for him to retrieve his Credit for Affairs out of which he might draw some Experience will glide away like Waters that never return and not knowing where the Web of Affairs begins 't is impossible he should finish it with success To avoid these and the like Inconveniences it is absolutely requisite for the Prince at the beginning of his Reign to apply himself to the Administration of Publick Affairs that by use he may gradually learn the Art of Government For though they at first seem terrible and difficult Ambition and the Glory which may be expected thence will afterwards make them pleasant and delightful Let not fear of doing amiss be any obstacle to him for there 's no Prudence so inâ—â—llible but it may sometimes err From Errors proceeds Experience and from thence the best Maxims of Government And if at any time he happens to be in one let this thought comfort him that 't is sometimes less dangerous to miscarry himself than succeed by another for this the People carp and cavil at the former they easily bear with A Prince's Obligation consists only in being desirous and using his utmost endeavours to succeed admitting Instruction and Counsel without Pride and Presumption that Mother of Error and Ignorance Power is born with Princes Wisdom not If they will but hear they will know how to Govern Solomon owning what a Child he was to judge God's People prayed for a docile and understanding Heart 11 Give therefore thy Servant an understanding heart to judgâ— thy People that I may discern between good and bad I Kings 3. 9. thinking that sufficient to make him capable of successfully discharging his Duty A zealous and well-meaning Prince God leads as 't were by the Hand least he should at any time make a false Step in the Government of his States EMBLEM XXIX SOME Fishermen once in the Island Chios casting their Nets into the Sea for Fish drew out a Tripos which was a kind of Vessel made for the Service of thâ— Altar or as others will have it a round three legg'd Table an admirable Work and of an inestimable Value not so much for the matter though it was of Gold 〈◊〉 because of the Artist Vulcan This kindled Avarice in them and all the other Fishers of that Island who in vain often threw theirs with the same hopes How often have the happy Successes of one Prince deceiv'd himself and others while they all endeavour to attain â—he same Fortune by the same Means 't is not so easy to follow another's Steps or to go ones own over again so as to tread always exactly in the same Tracks â— small space of time joyn'd with so great â— Variety of Accidents effaces the first and whatsoever impressions are made afresh are quite different and consequently lead not to the same end Alexander the Great has had many Followers and Imitators who although nothing inferior to him in all Accomplishments both of Body and Mind yet could never arrive to â—o high a pitch of Glory and Success at least have not meâ— with that Applause To be good is in our Power but to appear so to others is not Fortune sports with us even in Matters of Fame nor does the same Success always correspond to the same Action What befel Saguntum did also happen to Estepa yet of this there scarce remains any Memory This little City forsooth deserv'd not so much Glory for what is scarce taken notice of in small in great
not want Trophies to Honour and Recompence Conquerors excite Emulation in Posterity and give Example to her other Citizens invented the Columnae Rostratae Pillars whereon were hung the Heads of such Ships as returned Victorious after long Voyages thus eternizing the Memory of Sea-fights one of which Monuments was raised to the Consul Duillius for the signal Victory he obtained over the Carthaginians as also to Marcus Aemilius for another This Trophy gave occasion to the present Emblem wherein the strength and firmness of the Pillar represents Wisdom and the Heads of the Ships that had run through so many Perils upon the Ocean Experience the Mother of Prudence and Support of that Wisdom This has things universal and perpetual for its Object that particulaâ— Actions The one is acquired by Speculation and Study the other which is an Habit of the Mind by the Knowledge of Good and Evil and by Use and Exercise both jointly make a perfect Prince one alone is not sufficient Whence it easily appears how dangerous the Government of those is who are addicted only to the Contemplation of Sciences and a Solitary Life for such want generally Use and Practice and so can profit little by their Actions they being either rash or mean and abject especially if they be transâ—orted with Excess of Fear or Zeal Their Discourses indeed and Writings wherein more of a speculative than practical Genius reigns may be serviceable to the Prince to awaken his Mind and furnish him with Matter for Conversation provided they be seasonably used and with Experience Physick prescribes Remedies for Diseases which however the Physician never applies without first examining the Qualities of the Distemper the Nature and Constitution of his Patient Had Hannibal by this Consideration moderated his barbarous Arrogance he had not took Phorâ—io for a Fool for teaching the Art of War when himself was no Soldier for although Speculation alone does by no means acquire Practice it being extreamly difficult for the Hand to Copy accurately all that the Mind has drawn or for whatever the Imagination has proposed to be accomplished to the Eyes Satisfaction especially when War depends upon such a Variety of Accidents that Experience her self sometimes knowâ— not what is to be done Yet for all this Phormio might have given Hannibal as great and experienced a General as he was such Precepts as would have taught him to correct his treacherous and subtle Nature to leave off his Cruelty to conquered Nations and proud Carriage to such as had recourse to him for Protection He undoubtedly had learnt to make a better Use of the Victory at Cannae to shun the Debaucheries of Capua and gain the Favour of Antiocâ—us King Ferdinand the Catholick used on some Occasions the Ministery of the Religious but whether to manage or only prepare Affairs I can't say or if it was not perhaps to spare the Expence of Ambassies or prevent the Inconveniences usually arising from Disputes between the Nobility about Precedency However Secrets are not securely intrusted to them they depending more upon the Obedience of their immediate Superiors than that of Princes and if they accidentally die into their Hands will fall all private Letters and Papers Besides for Neglect of Duty they are not punishable and their Example is a Disturbance to Religious Tranquility and the Practices of Policy infect their Candor and Simplicity They are better Physicians for Spiritual than Temporal Distempers Every Sphere has its peculiar Activity I don 't in the mean time deny that sometimes there are to be found among them Persons who have had their Education in Courts without that Narrowness of Soul which usually accompanies a monastick and retired Life Wits so cultivated by Learning and Observation that Affairs even of the greatest Consequence may be safely committed to them especially such as respect the Publick Quiet and the Good of Christendom for Modesty in Conversation well ordered Virtues the Gravity of and Deference paid to a Religious Habit are no small Recommendations in Prince's Courts to gain Audience and prepare Minds to receive Impressions Experiences drawn from others Misfortunes and Dangers are indeed happy but not so effectually persuasive as our own the former we see or hear only these we sensibly feel too They are too deeply engraved as I may say on our Breasts to be soon effaced Shipwrecks descried from Shoar are something more affecting than anothers Relation of them but he who has had the Fortune to escape them hangs up his Rudder in the Temple of Experience for â— perpetual Memorial of it So that though a Prince will improve by both yet his own private ones he ought most to regard particularly observing this that if they proceed from any fault Self-love is too apt to excuse them and that Truth late or never comes to his Ears to undeceive him being either stopped in the Palace-Gates by Malice or concealed by Flattery which makes Virtue not dare to unmask it for fear of bringing it self into Danger because it belongs not to it or at least it sees all would be to no purpose And thus Princes ignorant of what neglect they have been guilty how and where they have done amiss in their Councils or Actions cannot correct their Errors nor by their Experience prove more cautious and prudent for the future There ought to be no Fault committed no Miscarriage happen in the State whereof there should not be present faithful and sincere Information given the Prince There 's no Sensation or Pain in any part of the Body but immediately is carried to the Heart as the Prince of Life where the Soul has its chief Residence and as that whose principal Interest it is to preserve the other Members intire How happy were it if Kings well knew what Evils their Kingdoms laboured under we should not see them so inveterate Whereas the only thing now aimed at in Courts is to divert the Prince's Ears with Musick and such like Entertainments that he may not hear his Subjects Complaints nor say with Saul What ailâ—th the People that they weep 1 1 Sam. 11. 5. And so he is ignorant of their Necessities and Calamities at least knows them too late Though the Adventure of Iâ—nas whom a great Fish had vomited up alive was very fresh though his Publick Cries made a Noise over the whole City of Nineveh whose Destruction he threatned within forty Days yet was the King the last that heard of it every Citizen from the greatest to the least having already mourned and put on sackcloath 2 Jon. 3. 5. Who is there has the Courage to tell a Prince the whole Truth or discover the Evils that menace him The whole Army of Bethulia came to Holofernes's Tent with great Câ—ies because the Sun was already risen yet did not the Officeâ—s of the Bed-Chamber dare to awake him nor call him by his Name 3 Judith 14. 10 but made only â— Noise with their Feet till when the Evidence of the
reconciling Enemies fitter to be Informers than Mediators Affairs require Persons of very different Qualities to Administer them That Man is above all the most proper who in his Air and Words discovers a Soul of Candor and Veracity whose private Person procures him Love and Esteem in whom Jealousy and Cunning are from Art not Nature who can keep them in the most secret Place of his Breast when they require Concealment who proposes with Sweetness hears with Patience replies with Force dissembles with Discretion urges with Attention who obliges by Liberality persuades by Reason and convinces by Experience who in a word designs prudently and executes effectually It was with these Ministers King Ferdinand the Catholick was able to succeed in all his Enterprizes The good Choice of these is of no leâ—s Consequence than the Conservation and Enlargement of any State for as much as all depends upon their Administration more Kingdoms having been destroyed by their Ignorance than by that of Princes Let this therefore be your Highness's chiefest Care to examine diligently all the Qualities of your Subjects and after having given them any Place look now and then into their Actions and not be presently taken with and deluded by the Draught of their Memoirs There being very few Ministers who in them draw themselves to the Life In Effect who will be so candid so much a Stranger to self-love as to confess what good he has neglected to do what Evil to prevent It will be much if he with Sincerity relate what he has actually done some using to write to the Prince not what they have done or said but what they ought to do or say They have thought of and designed every thing â—â—fore-hand they foresaw nay and executed all-Affairs enter their Closets like mishapen Logs but immediately come out again as from some Statuaries Shop exquisite Figures 't is there they are varnished giâ—â—ed and painted to beautify them and enhance their Value There Judgments are form'd and abundance of Preventions devis'd ever after the Success there they are more powerful than God himself make the past Time present and the present past by changing the Date of their Actions as they see convenient They are Ministers who transact Affairs in Imagination only Men that court Applause and steal Rewards by their false Letters Whence proceed the greatest Inconveniences in the World in that the Prince's Privy Counsellors being directed by those Intelligences and Advices if they are false the Orders and Resolutions founded upon them will necessarily be so too The Holy Scripture teaches us how Ministers and particularly Ambassadors are oblig'd punctually to execute their Commissions for we see in that Hazael had from Benhadad King of Syria to consult the Prophet Elisha about his Disease he chang'd not one word nor dared so much as to speak in the Third Person 8 2 Kings 8. 9. Ministers of extraordinary Experience are sometimes dangerous either for that the Prince puts too much Confidence in them or because biassed by Self-love or presuming upon their own Abilities they seldom think thoroughly of Affairs and born as 't were to overcome the most violent Tempests despise the small Storms of Inconveniences and Difficulties whereby they evidently expose themselves to Danger Those are in some Cases much safer who 〈◊〉 yet Novices in Navigation keep close to the Shore Though both together compose the best Counsels in that the Experience of those is qualified by the Timorousness and Caution of these in Debates between the Flegmatick and Cholerick the Bold and Circumspect the Quick and Slow there results a wholsome Composition of Opinions as there does in Bodies from the contrariety of Humours EMBLEM XXXI A Pillar supports it self balanced by its own weight If it once leans on either side it presently falls and that the sooner the heavier it is Thus Empires stand and are preserv'd by their own Authority and Repute when they begin to lose that they begin to fall nor is any Earthly Power sufficient to strengthen and prop them 1 Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac flâ—xum est quam famae potentiae non sua vi niâ—a Tac. 13. Ann. Let no one trust too much to a streight Pillar when it inclines never so little the weakest Hand promotes its Ruin that very leaning I know not how inviting to push it but when falling the strongest is unable to uphold it One single Action sometimes overthrows the best establish'd Reputation which a great many can't erect again For scarce any Stain can so thoroughly be washed out but some sign of it will remain nor any Opinion in Mens Minds that can be entirely effaced Dress the Infamy as carefully as possible it will still leave some Scars Wherefore if the Crown stand not fixed and firm upon this perpendicular Pillar of Reputation it will soon fall to the Ground Alphonso the Fifth King of Arragon by his Credit not only preserved his own Kingdom but conquered that of Naples At the same time Iohn the Second King of Castile for his mean Spirit was so far the Contempt of his Subjects that he admitted what Laws they thought fit to impose The Provinces which under Iulius Caesar and Augustus Princes of great Esteem were Firm and Loyal rebell'd in the Reign of Galba a Man slothful and universally despised 2 Melius Divo Iulio Divoque Augusto notos eorum animos Galbam infracta tributa hostiles Spiritus induisse Tac. 4. Hist. Royal Blood and Large Dominions are insufficient to maintain Reputation where private Virtue and Magnanimity are wanting as it is not the Frame of a Glass but its Intrinsick Excellency makes it valuable Regal Majesty has not more Force than Respect which usually arises from Admiration and Fear and from these Obedience and Subjection without which the Princes Dignity cannot long maintain it self being founded upon the Opinion of others and the Royal Purple will be rather a Mark of Derision than Eminence and Majesty as was visible in Henry the Fourth It is the Spirits and Native Heat that keep the Body upright the Legs alone would not be a sufficient Basis. And what is Reputation but a kind of fine Spirit kindled in all Mens Opinions which raises and supports the Scepter Let the Prince therefore take all possible care that his Actions may be such as will nourish and foment these Spirits The Parthians grounded their Petition upon Reputation when they asked Tiberius to send as of his own accord one of Phraates's Sons to Rome 3 Nomine tantum auctore opus ut sponte Caesaris ut genus Arsacis ripam apud Euphratis cerneretur Tac. 6. Ann. This Repute and Authority has yet greater Influence in War where Fear is of more Efficacy than the Sword and Opinion than Strength whether of Mind or Body and therefore to be taken no less Notice of than Force of Arms. This made Suetonius Paulinus very prudently advise Otho to endeavour always to keep the
the giddy Rabble Contempt of such is Courage and Steddiness in a Prince whose Sovereign Law is the Peoples Safety Tiberius heretoâ—ore gloried in having shewn himself fearless of Affronts and Scandal for the Publick Benefit 1 Offensionem pro utilitate publica non pavidum Tac. 4. Ann. A great and lively Soul is nothing affraid of the uncertain Ruâ—ours of the Multitude and Common Fame He who â—â—spises this imaginary will thereby obtain real and â—â—lid Glory This Fabius Maximus well knew when â—e preferr'd the Publick Safety before the Clamours and Complaints of the People accusing his Delays 〈◊〉 did also the Great Captain in the Captivity of Duke Valentin who though he had surrendered and intrustâ—d himself to his safe Conduct yet for some fresh 〈◊〉 he was inform'd he had laid against his Catholick Majesty kept him Prisoner thinking the Dangers his liberty might cause more to be respected than the Aspersions were thrown upon him for the Breach of 〈◊〉 Parole from which at that time it seem'd by no means proper for him publickly to clear himself King Sâ—â—cho the Brave was a Prince renown'd and warlike 〈◊〉 Deaf to the Calumnies of his Subjects he declin'd the Battel of Xeres †Mar. Hist. Hisp. 'T is better for a Prince to be â—â—red by his Enemies as Prudent than as Rash and Precipitous My Design by this Discourse is not to make the Prince a very Slave to the Commonwealth so that for â—â—y Reason or upon the least appearance of its Inteâ—â—st he should break his Word or run Counter to all Treaties and Agreements For such a Violation can neither be of any advantage to him nor his State but will be rather the Ruin of both what is dishonest being never long secure A remarkable Instance of which we have in the Kingdom of Arragon which has been so often embroiled toss'd with so many Storms of Calamities and eminent Miseries because Peter the Fourth as well in times of Peace as War had more regard to Interest than Credit and Renown Interest and Honour should walk hand in hand and the same pace nor câ—â— I be reconciled to this Opinion That nothing is glorioâ—s but what is safe and that whatever is done to maintain Dominion is honourable 2 Nihil gloriosum nisi tutum omnia retinendae dominationis 〈◊〉 Sallust For what is base can never be a good means to preserve it nor if it were will it be therefore the more honourable or excusable My Design is only to raise the Prince's Mind above the Vulgar Opinion and arm him with Constancy to withstand the vain Murmurs of the Multitude that he may know how to temporize to dissemble Injuries to lay aside Kingly Gravity to despise empty Fame having his Eyes fix'd upon that which is true and well-grounded In a word to take Counsel from the time and necessity if the Conservation of his State require it and not suffer himself to be deluded with vain Shadows of Honour esteeming that more than the Publick Good A Fault blam'd in King Henry the Fourth who refus'd to take their Advice who perswaded him to apprehend Iohn Pachico Marquiss of Villena the Author of the Troubles and Commotions among the Grandees of the Kingdom Saying he had made him a promise of a safe Passage to Madrid which he ought not to violate A frivolous Excuse to prefer an idle Proof of Faith and Clemency to his own Life and the Publick Safety especially towards one who would abuse this his Favour to Plot against his Royal Person which was the source of great Calamities to the King and his whole Kingdom Tiberius was not at all moved that some blamed him for making so long a stay at the 〈◊〉 of Caprea and neither went to aid the Gauls of whom a great part were already lost nor to appease the legions in Germany 3 Tanto impensius in sccuritatem compositus neque loco neque 〈…〉 sed ut sâ—litum per illos dâ—es egit Tac. 3. Ann. Prudent Constancy hears but does not much regard the Sentiments of the ignorant Multitude knowing if things succeed well Murmur will afterwards turn to greater Glory and sensibly vaâ—ish of it self The Army distrusted Saul's Election and in Derision said How shall this Man save us 4 1 Sam. 10. 27. Saul however took no notice of those Words but made as if he did not hear them nor indeed should Princes hear every thing and the Soldiers condemning afterwards their Crime recanted nay and made diligent search for the Author of that Abuse to put him to Death 5 1 Sam. 11. 12. It had not been prudent in Saul to expose 〈◊〉 Election by discovering his knowledge of the Peoâ—â—es Dissatisfaction What Levity were it in a Traâ—eller to be stopp'd by the importunate Noise of every Grasshopper To be guided in ones Resolutions by the â—â—â—ting Mob were folly 6 Non ex rumore statuendum Tac. 3. Ann to fear them and reâ—oke what has been once resolved base and infamous Scarce any Council would be secure did it depend â—pon the Multitude who are incapable of penetrating â—ll the Motives upon which the Prince Acts nor is it 〈◊〉 to make them publick for that were to give them the Authority of the Scepter All the Peoples Power 〈◊〉 included in the Person of the Prince It is his part to Act theirs to Obey with a firm Perswasion of the Equity and Reasonableness of his Commands If every 〈◊〉 bad liberty to ask Reasons of what is injoyned there â—â—uld be an end of Obedience and Empire 7 Si ubi jubeantur quaerere singulis 〈◊〉 pereunte obsequio eâ—â—am 〈◊〉 interciâ—it Tac. 1. Hist. 'T is as necessary for a Subject to be ignorant of these things 〈◊〉 to know others The Sovereign Iurisdiction of things God has given to Princes to Subjects is left the Glory of Obedience The only thing required of a Prince is to acquit himself of his Duty in his Resolutions and Decrees if the Success prove not answerable to his desire he ought not to be discouraged for it is sufficient that he has done nothing imprudently the very best Counsel is weak and liable to abundance of Accidents The greater a Monarchy is the more exposed it is to the unhappy Casualties which Chance brings with it or Humane Understanding is unable to foresee and prevent Gross Bodies usually labour under great Distempers Did not the Prince prosecute Affairs notwithstanding all Obloquy and Detraction with Courage and Constancy he would lead but an unhappy Life If he at any time chance to err Courage is necessary least he be dash'd and become for the future slow and irresolute That Prince who upon no grounds suspects all he does will be disapproved of contracts too much the Limits of his Power and subjects himself to a thousand Terrors of Imagination which generally arise from some private superstitious Perswasion or Excess of Melancholy These Inconveniences David seems to have
afterwards his great Soul to be broken by the contrary Success though he saw his States ruined and the King of Sweden and Frederick Count Palatine in his Palace of Monaca a Fabrick worthy so great a Prince and tho' he found the Duke of Frizeland as much his Enemy as the other two Let Envy and the fickleness of Times divide and dash into never so many pieces the Glass of tates yet in every of them however small Majesty will remain entire Whoever is born to a Scepter ought not to be chang'd at any Event or Accident whatever nor think any so grievous and insupportable as for it to abâ—â—don himself and dissemble the Person he bears King Peter even when he fell into the Hands of his Brother and deadly Enemy conceal'd not who he was may when it was question'd if it were he or not he cried out aloud It is I it is I. This very Constancy in preserving a Grandeur and Majesty in misfortunes 〈◊〉 sometimes the best and only Remedy against them as it was with Porus King of the Indies who being taken Prisoner by Alexander the Great and demanded how he would be treated Made answer Like a King And when Alexander ask'd him whether he desired nothing more He replied That Word comprehends all Which Heroick Answer so affected Alexander that he not only restored his Kingdom but gave him other Countries besides To yield to Adversity is as it were to side with it Valour in the Conquered pleases the Victor either because it renders his Triumph more glorious or because such is the intrinsick Energy of Virtue The Mind is not subject to Violence nor has Fortune any Power over it The Emperor Charles the Fifth used severe Threats to Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony to oblige him to Surrender the Dutchy of Wirtemburg To which his Answer was His Imperial Majesty may indeed do what he pleases with my Body 〈◊〉 shall never be able to strike fear into this Breast Which he really shew'd on another occasion of much greater Danger for it happened as he was playing at Chess with Ernest Duke of Brunswick he heard Senâ—â—nce of Death was pass'd upon him which he receiv'd with no more Trouble than if the News had not concern'd him but chearfully bid the Duke play on which generous Carriage wiped off in some measure the Infamy of Rebellion and procured him Glory One great Action even upon a forced Death leaves a Luster and Repute to Life As has in our own time â—appned Rodrigo Calderon Marquiss de Sieviglâ—sias or â—â—ven Churches whose truly Christian Valour and Heâ—â—ick Constancy were the whole World's Admiration in so much as to turn Envy and Hatred things comâ—â—on to one of his Fortune into Pity and Commendaâ—â—â— None are delivered from violent Casualties by Timorousness nor does Confusion any way lessen Danger whereas Resolution either overcomes or at least renders it illustrious The People gather what Peril they are in from the Princes Countenance as Mariners do the danger of the Tempest from that of their Pilot. For that Reason ought he to appear equally serene in Prosperity and Adversity least Fear dash or Pride exalt him and others be able to judge of the State of Affairs This made Tiberius take so much care to hide every unsuccessful Accident 5 Haec audita quanquam abstrusum tristissima quoque maxiâ—â— occultantem Tiberium pertuleâ—unt Tac. 1. Ann. All is in Disorder and Confusion when in the Princes Face as that of Heaven the Tempests which threaten the Commons are discernible To change Colour at every Breath of Fortune betrays a light Judgment and mean Spirit Constancy and an even Look inspire Subjects with Courage strike Enemies with Admiration All Men fix their Eyes upon the Prince and if they see Fear there they fear Thus 't was with those who were at Otho's Table 6 Simul Othâ—â— vultum intnâ—eri atque eveâ—t inclinatis ad suspicionem mentibus cum tiâ—â— ret Otho timebatur Tac. 1. Hist. Besides there can be no Fidelity where Fear and Distrust find Entertainment 7 Fides metu infracta Tac. 3. 〈◊〉 Which however I would have understood of those Cases wherein it is convenient to dissemble Dangers and conceal Calamities for in others to join in publick Expressions of Sadness don't ill become the Prince as that which manifests his Love to his Subjects and engages their Hearts The Emperor Charles the Fifth put himself in Mourning and express'd his Sorrow for the Sacking of Rome David upon the news of the Death of Saul and Ionathan took hold of his Cloaths and rent them 8 2 Sam. 1. 11. The same did Ioshua for the loss received by the Men of Ai And he fell to the Earth before the Ark of the Lord 9 Jos. 7. 6. And indeed what can be more just than in a common Calamity thus to submit to God 't is a kind of Rebellion willingly to receive Good only at God's Hands and not Evil also 10 Job 2. 10. He that is humble under Correction moves to Pardon Here it may be disputed whether this Steddiness of Mind be commendable in an Inferior when he needs the Aid of the more Potent the Solution of which Doubt requires a peculiar Distinction He who is under Oppression and craves anothers Assistance should not do it with too much Cringing and Solicitude least he make his Fortune desperate there being no Prince who out of pure Compassion will reach his Hand to a Man fallen or undertake the Defence of one that has already abandon'd all hopes of himself and his Affairs Pompey's Cause lost not a little in the Opinion of Ptolomy when he saw so much Submission in his Ambassadors The King of the Cherusci shewed much more Courage when upon the loss of his Kingdom thinking it his Interest to procure the Favour of Tiberius He wrote to him not like a Fugitive or Beggar but as one who remembred his former Fortune 11 Non ut profugus aut supplex sed ex memoria prioris fortunae Tac. 2. Ann. Nor is the Example of Mithridates les Illustrious who being overthrown by Eunon is said with a Resolution truly Royal to have thus bespoke him Mithriâ—ates so many Years sought by the Romans by Sea and Land here voluntarily Surrenders himself do what you please with the Off-spring of the great Achemenes the only thing my Enemies cannot deprive me of 12 Mithridates terra marique per tot annos Romanis quaesitis sponte adsum utere ut voles prole magni Achemeis quod mihi solum hostes non abstulerunt Tac. 12. Ann. Which Words prevailed with Eunon to intercede with the Emperor Claudius in his behalf 13 Mâ—taâ—â—â—e rerum prece haud degenerare permotus Tac. 12. Ann. Let him who hath faithfully served his Prince speak boldly if he find himself injured as Herman Cortez did to Charles the Fifth and Segestes to Germanicus 14 Simul Segestes ipse ingens
Minister is to be furnished with his Prince's Maxims so also should he be with his Majesty Valour and Magnanimity EMBLEM XXXIV WHoever looks on the Thorns and Prickles of the Roseâ— Tree will hardly be perswaded a Daughter so beautiful as the Rose could proceed from so deform'd a Mother One had need be indued with a great Measure of Faith to water it and wait till it be cloathed with Verdure and blossom into that wonderful pomp of Flowers of so delicate a Smell Yet by Patience and long Expectation we at length find the labour not lost nor that Care ill imployed which has produced such Beauty and Fragrancy The first Branches of Virtue are harsh and thorny to our depraved Nature but after some time its Flower of all other the most beautiful begins to Bloom Let not the first sight of things discourage a Prince for the outside of very few in Government are pleasant they all seem full of Thorns and Difficulties but Experience has found many easy which appeared much otherwise to Sloth The Prince therefore should not be disheartned for in lightly yielding to them he will be overcome by his own Apprehension rather than any thing real Let him endure with Courage and Hope with Patience and Perseverance still keeping the means in his Hand He that hopes has a good and faithful Companion on his side I mean Time Whence Philip the Second used to say I and Time against any two Precipitation is the effect of Madness and generally the occasion of great Perils Theobald Earl of Champagne put his Succession to the Crown of Navarre very much in Question by not having patience to wait for his Uncle King Sancho's Death but underhand conspiring with the Nobles to possess himself of the Kingdom in his Life-time for this put Sancho upon adopting Iames the First of Arragâ—n his Heir Patience obtains many Trophies This was Scipio's Excellency who though he had infinite occasions of Displeasure was yet so patient as never to let â— passionate Word fall from him 1 Vt nullum ferox verbum excideret Tit. liv which thing gave sucess to all his Designs He that suffers with Expectation vanquishes the slights of Fortune and obliges her to take his Part that Confidence among all her Vicissiâ—â—des like Flattery winning upon her Columbus not without great hazard exposes himself to the Ocean 's incertain Waves in quest of new Countries Neither Hâ—rcule's Ne plus ultra at Caspe and Abyla nor the Mountains of Waters that seem to oppose his Enterprize deter him from it he by Sailing tells the Sun's Steps and steals from the Year its Days from the Days their Hours his Needle wants the Pole his Charts the lines his Companions patience all things conspire against him but his Hope and Patience rub through all Difficulties till at length a new World recompences his invincible Constancy Ferendum Sperandum was a saying of Empedocles and afterwards the Emperor Macrinus's Motto whence that of this Emblem is borrowed Some Dangers are more easy to surmount than avoid As Agathocles well knew when being beaten and besieged in Syracuse he did not basely Surrender to the Enemy but leaving a sufficient Body of Men for the Defence of the City marched with the rest of his Army against Carthage and he who could not be victorious in one War by this means obtain'd a double Triumph Rashness frequently overcomes a Danger and despising it often confounds an Enemy When Hannibal saw the Romans after the Battel of Cannae send Succours into Spain he began to fear their Power and Strength No one ought to trust Prosperity too much or despair in Adversity Fortune lies between both as ready to advance as depress Let the Prince therefore keep in the one and the other a Constancy and Strength of Mind prepared to encounter any Accident and not suffer the Threats of the greatest Tempest to disturb him For sometimes the Waves have cast a Man out of one Ship that is to be wreck'd into another that is to be saved A great and generous Soul Heaven it self favours Let not the Prince rashly despair for anothers Dangers or those which Chance brings with it He that observeth the Wind shall not sow and he that regardeth the Clouds shall not reap 2 Eccl. 11. 4. Let him not imagine he obliges any one by his Afflictions Tears are Womanish nor is Fortune appeased with such Sacrifices A great Soul endeavours to give it self Satisfaction or Comfort by some heroick and generous Action Thus Agricola when he heard of his Son's Death took not the Accident as generally Men do ambitiously nor in Tears like Women but by War diverted his Grief 3 Quem casum neque ut plerique fortium virorum ambitiosè neque per lamenta rursus ac terrorem multebrem tuliâ— in lustu bellum inter remedia erat Tac. in Vit. Agr. To be wholly insensible is either Vain-glory or Excess of Consternation In suing for Offices and Honours the Design of this Emblem is very useful He that can bear and hope knows how to get the better of his Fortune Whereas one that impatient of delay thinks it base to be beholding and submit shall be despised and abandon'd by the whole World To look on it as a point of Honour not to obey any is the way to command none The means are to be measured by the end if in obtaining this there be more Honour got than is lost by them certainly they ought to be used Impatience of Sufferings we take for Generosity of Mind when it is imprudent Haughtiness Honour once attain'd the Tracks made in ascending them presently wear out To endure much in order to Advancement is not base Degeneracy but extraordinary Strength of a Mind elevated and aspiring Some Tempers there are which can't abide to wait that would have all things ended in a Moment desiring now to exceed their Equals by and by their Superiors and in a little while even their own Hopes These hurried by this Violence of Ambition despise the most secure means as slow and choose to employ the shortest though most hazardous But it usually fares with them as with Buildings raised in haste before the Materials have had time to dry and settle which immediately fall down again The Master-piece of Government consists in hoping and enduring in that these are the only means to do things in time without which nothing can possibly come to maturity Trees that at the Springs first warmth bear Flowers soon lose them for not waiting till the Winters cold was quite gone He who would ripen Affairs with the Hand cannot have the Satisfaction of tasting the Fruit of them Impatience is the cause of Miscarriages and Dangers 4 Prov. 14. 17. it creates Periâ—s which by being uneasy under and too hasty to escape we augment Therefore for those Evils as well Internal as External which have by our negligence been increas'd in the Commonwealth 't is better to let them
take their Course and be sensibly cured by Time than precipitate a Remedy wherein there is more Danger If before we could not foresee and prevent at least let us learn to bear them after They are increas'd by Opposition A Danger conceal'd or not taken notice of thereby becomes publick and lays greater Impediments in his way who thought to stop it Fear imprudently arm'd against a Superior Power does but find it Exercise and render it more powerful by the Addition of its own Spoils This Method Cerealis took to compose the Minds of those of Treves least they should take up Arms against the Romans saying A Fabrick as that was which had been the Product of Eight hundred years Success and Industry could not be pull'd down but its Ruin must of necessity bury the Authors of it 5 Octogentorum annorum fortuna disciplinaque compages haec coalâ—â— quae convelli sine excidio convellentium non potest Tac. 4. Hist. Many things would not succeed so ill did not our Fear and Imagination act with too much Precipitation Apprehension and Jealousy of Tyranny when once discovered make it begin to be really though it were not before Whence in such like Cases 't is a piece of no less Courage to know how to dissemble than to be too rash in remedying The former is the genuine Effect of Prudence this generally the Result of Fear EMBLEM XXXV THE closer the Breath is pressed in a Trumpet with the greater Harmony and Variety it goes out of it thus 't is with Virtue which is never more clear and harmonious than when suppressed by Malice 1 Multorum improbitate depressa veritas emergit innocentiae desensâ— interclusa respirat Cicero The Flame of Valour is apt to die if the Wind of Adversity don't revive it that awakens the Mind and makes it look about for means to amend it Happiness like the Rose grows out of Thorns and Miseries Alphonso the Fifth King of Arragon was vanquishâ—d and taken in a Sea-fight with the Genoeze and that which in all probability was like to retard his Expedition against the Kingdom of Naples was the very thing that furthered it with greater Happiness and Power for by making a League with Philip Duke of Milan who retain'd him Prisoner he obtain'd both his Liberty and Forces for the Conquest of that Kingdom Necessity compell'd him to get his Host of his side for in Prosperity indeed every one lives to himself alone but in Adversity for himself and others Those disclose the Passions of the Mind otherwise forgetful of it self Whereas by this it learns Caution and arms it self with Virtues as means to attain real and lasting Happiness 2 Secundae res acrioribus flimulis animum exploravit quia miseriâ— toler antur felicitate corrumpimur Tac. 1. Hist. Whence it is not a little easier to escape bad than be continued in good Fortune In Prison first appeared Alphonso's extraordinary Endowments and Ornaments of Mind which till then had lain hid and the Duke of Milan charm'd with them was ambitious of his Friendship and laid these Obligations upon him He obtain'd more by losing the Victory than he could have expected had he been Victor Fortune sports between Extreams and takes delight in shewing her Power in skipping from one to another There is no Virtue but will shine in Adversity as no Star but sparkles with greatest Lustre in the darkest Night Then the weight shews the Palm's Strength when this is raised higher under it The Rose preserves its Leaves longer fresh among Nettles than Flowers Did not Virtue exert it self in Adversity too it would not deserve Victories or Truimphs 'T is its Property to Conquer by suffering Whence it evidently appears how impious the Error confuted by us in another place of those is who advise the Prince not to be bigotted to Virtue but to comply with Vice when necessity shall require a time in which he ought more particularly to approve himself constant in it with greater hopes of Success As it usually happned to the Emperor Ferdinand the Second of Blessed Memory who in his greatest Dangers would resolutely affirm He 'd rather lose the Empire and all he had and with his whole Family beg from Door to Door than to commit an unjust thing to maintain his Grandeur Words truly worthy so Pious a Prince whose exemplary Piety and Faith were so acceptable to God Almighty that he vouchsafed to take the Imperial Scepter and perform his Office here on Earth giving him several signal and miraculous Victories In the greatest Dangers and Distresses when all hope fail'd and humane Prudence and Valour were destitute of means he always came off with most Success and greatest Triumph The Roman Emperors of old lived in Affluence of Peace and all manner of Delights yet were tyrannized over by their own Passions and rack'd by a thousand Fears But this Pious Hero found Repose and Tranquility of Mind amidst the raging Tempests which the Fury of Rebels raised against his Empire and most August House The just sings amidst Misfortunes and the wicked Man weeps in his Impiety Thus the fiery Furnace was as a Choire to the three Children 3 Dan. 3. 50. Miseries and Hardships are attended with great Advantages they correct the Prince's Pride and reduce him to Reason with what fury does the Wind sometimes storm How arrogantly does the Sea swell and rage its foaming Billows like Mountains threatning Heaven and Earth And yet a small Shower composes and calms it Thus Misfortunes raining from Heaven allay the Prince's Pride and Presumption They make a just Governor of a Tyrant of a Prince careless and negligent of his Affairs one careful and circumspect For then even Necessity obliges him to take Care of his People to esteem Nobility honour Valour do Justice and respect Religion Power is never in greater Danger than when all things flow prosperously For Cares being then laid aside too much Security is apt to stifle Counsel and Prudence Ease and Idleness has been the Ruin of more Princes than Labour 'T is with them as with Bodies which are kept in Vigor by Motion without which they languish and decay Whence it appears farther how erroneous we are in our Judgments of Good and Evil scarce ever knowing what is most for our Advantage Adversity we look on as Rigour and Chaâ—fisement when it is really Warning and Instruction The Present of Ear-rings and a Sheep which Iob's Friends and Relations made him seems to intimate that he should endure all things with a patient even Temper 4 Job 42. 12. and that those Afflictions were precious Admonitions of God whisper'd in his Ear. God's afflicting us sometimes is wonderful Mercy and on the contrary his Recompences are Punishments for by these he clears as it were the Bill of our Debts and by paying for some of our Merits remains Creditor to our Offences whereas by afflicting us he at once pays himself and excites us to Amendment EMBLEM
XXXVI THE expert and prudent Seaman is not always carried at the Pleasure of the Wind but rather by 〈◊〉 Benefit of it so disposes the Sails of his Ship that 〈◊〉 arrives at the desired Port and with the same Wind 〈◊〉 at which he pleases of two opposite Shores withâ—â— endangering his Voyage But when the Heaven 's calm by the help of Sails and 〈◊〉 he out strips even the Wind it self With no less 〈◊〉 and Diligence the Prince ought to Steer the Vessel of 〈◊〉 State in the tempestuous Sea of his Reign so attenâ—â—vely observing all Storms that he may with Prudence and Valour make use of the same in their time and place He is a Pilot to whose Conduct the Life and Safety of all is committed nor is any Ship more hazardous than a Crown exposed to so many Winds of Ambition so many Rocks of Enemies and Storms of People King Sancho the Brave needed all his Industry to arm himself against Fortune and secure the Right of his Crown Almost the whole Science of Politicks consists in knowing how to discern Times and make use of them A Storm sometimes bringing a Ship sooner into Harbour than a Calm He who can break the force of ill Fortune renders it favourable and one that knowing a Danger yields to it and gives it time at length surmounts it When the Sailor finds there is no contending with the Billows he strikes Sail and abandons himself to them and because his Resistance would rather add force to the Wind uses some narrow Creek to rest his Ship in and shelter it from the Waves Something must be granted Dangers if one would escape them Iames the First King of Arragon was sensible of the Aversion his Noblâ—s and People had to him and that it was by no means convenient to increase their Fury by an untimely Opposition but rather to give it time to sink of it self as Rivers do whose Waters in a Tempest swell and overflow their Banks voluntarily suffer'd himself to be play'd upon and as it were imprisoned till he restored all things to their former Calmness and Tranquility and reinstated himself in the Throne The same discreet Moderation Queen Mary used when by siding with the Grandees and satisfying their Ambition she preserved the Crown of Castile during the Minority of her Son Ferdinand the Fourth †Mar. Hist. Hisp. Did the Sailor think it a dishonour to yield to a Storm and were resolved with Sails and Oars to withstand it his Ruin would be inevitable Constancy consists not in unseasonable struggling bâ—â— in hoping and so enduring Danger without letting Fortune get the upper hand of one In such Cases the Glory is to escape safe What seems Baseness of Mind in them is afterwards Magnanimity crown'd with Success When King Alphonso the Wise saw himself deprived of his Kingdom putting his whole Confidence in the King of Morocco's Assistance made no difficulty to beg of Alphonso de Guzman Governor of St. Lucar de Barameda who upon some Disgust had retired to that Prince's Court that forgetting all former Injuries and remembring their ancient Amity and his Nobility he would stand his Friend and endeavour to be an Instrument of that King 's supplying him with Men and Money Which Letters are to this Day kept in that most Illustrious and Ancient House Nevertheless Kings ought not to yield to their Subjects violence unless in Cases of Extremity for he very little consults his Authority who debases himself by too much Condescention The dishonourable Terms King Ferdinand the Holy constrain'd by his Non-age made the House of Zara no way appeased them Nor could Isabella reclaim Alphonso Carillo Bishop of Toledo though she honour'd him with a Visit at Alcala I confess in desperate Cases prudence is wont to try all ways that Chance can render possible It is great Courage and Strength of Reason on Occasions of that Nature to restrain the Spirits and weigh the present Necessity and greatness of the Danger against such means as may contribute more to the State 's Preservation No one was ever more Jealous of his Grandeuâ— than Tiberius yet he dissembled the Boldnâ—sâ— of Lentulus Germanicus who having the Command of the German Legions was so audacious as to write to him with Threats not to send him a Successor covenanting as 't were to let his Prince enjoy the Empire provided he were continued in his Province 1 Reputante Tiberio publicum sibi â—dium extremam aetatem magisque fama quam vi stare res suaâ— Tac. 6. Ann. and he who could not put up the Emulation of his Sons took this slight patiently Not but he knew the ill Consequence of letting such Disobedience go unpunished but if he opposed it he consider'd he should incurr the publick Odium that he was now in Years and in a State where his Affairs depended more upon Reputation than Strength Subjects would be little beholding to the Valour of the Prince who governs them if he should presently in ill Fortune submit to Necessity and on the other side as little to his Prudence if when that Fortune can't be overcome he will however withstand it Courage should be moderated by Prudence and Address and what cannot be effected by Strength should be the Work of Art and Industry 'T is no less glorious to avoid than to surmount a Danger To fly it always is Sloth to expect Ignorance or Surprize to despair Cowardice Men of Courage make Head against Fortune her self The Princeâ—s Duty and End is not lightly to contest with his State upon the Billows but to conduct it to the Haven of Preservation and Safety That is esteemed valiant Wisdom which draws Benefit out of Adversity as also that which by struggling compasses its Ends sooner Kings the Masters of Times and Things are always followed never led by them There 's no Building but whose Ruins with what Addition Industry is wont to make may Erect a more stately Fabrick Nor any State so intirely abandon'd by Fortune that Valour cannot preserve and even advance provided it consult Prudence upon Events and know how to make right use of them or at least to turn them to its Advantage Ferdinand the Catholick and Lewis the Twelfth of France had divided between them the Kingdom of Naples and the great Captain knowing the Circle of a Crown to have but one Center and that Empire admits of no Companion endeavoured immediately to get his Master's Share into his Hands that in Cafe of after Disputes which he foresaw would arise between those two Kings he might be the more at leasure and use them afterwards to disposses the King of France of his Part as in Effect it happned Accidents it is true have some force but we increase or diminish them according to our Carriage under them Our Ignorance gives Divinity and Power to Fortune in that we lightly resign our selves to her Vicissitudes Did we change our Customs and Measures as oft as she does the Times she
in them he chose rather to die gloriously in the Arms of his Fidelity than those of his â—nemies and what in all appearance was like to cost him his Life in a wonderful manner charm'd his Enemies who admiring his Bravery and Resolution by a Hook drew him out of the Citadel alive using him with great Civility and carefully dressing the Wounds he had receiv'd during the Siege †Mar. Hist. Hisp. Such is the force of Valour that it captivates even Enemies Courage has given life to more than Fear I know not what Divinity attends and rescues it from Dangers When Ferdinand the Holy besieg'd Sevil Garcias Perez de Vargas a Citizen of Toledo with another being separated from their Company were passing along the River Guadalquivir when on a sudden they spy seven Moorish Horse making towards them His Comerade advises him to retire but Garcias not to incurr the â—gnomity of Cowardice by a dishonourable Flight pulls down the Vizer of his Helmet brandishes his Sword and advances by himself The Moors knowing his ' Person and admiring his Resolution let him pass without attacking him Thus his Heroick Valour sav'd him for had he fled with his Companion the Enemy had in all probability pursued and took him Prisoner It requires a Mind free and disingag'd to examine Dangers first in the Report and afterwards in the Quality of them In the Rumour because those are generally esteem'd greatest which are farthest off The People hear and tremble at them and seditiously spread and increase them rejoycing at their own Misfortunes because unusual or out of Disaffection to the present Government It is therefore the Prince's part to appear firm and to disperse such idle Apprehensions As upon those Reports which were spread in the time of Tiberius of the Revolt of the Provinces of France Spain and Germany he never betrayed the least discomposure nor chang'd his Residence nor way of living as well knowing the levity of such Reports 2 Tanto impensius in securitatem compositus neque loco neque vultu mutato sed ut solitum per illos dies egit altiâ—â—dine animi an competerat modica esse vâ—lgatis leviora Tac. 3. Hist. If once a Prince surrender to Fear he will be ever after uncapable of resolving For then prudent Counsels and popular Rumours will be receiv'd with equal credit As they were by Vitellius in the Civil War with Vespasian 3 Quia in metu consilia prudentium vulgi rumor juxta audiunâ—â— Ibid. Dangers imminent appear greatest being cloath'd by Fear with horror and by Presence magnified and we by endeavouring to escape them fall into others abundantly greater which though they seem at a distance we afterwards find too near 'T is idle to imagine we can avert them by interposing a little time Many have vanished by being resisted on the contrary Opposition has encreasâ—d others and they have prov'd real which were only imaginary As it happened to the Syrians Army before Samaria 4 2 Kings 6. 7. Fear of danger has destroy'd more than Danger it self What vain Apprehension can do We have within these few Years seen at a publick Bull-fight at Madrid when a suddain Bruit being raisâ—d of some danger in the place where they fought struck Confusion and Terror into all though not one knew the Reason The confus'd Flight of some increased the Consternation and because none would stay to know the certainty many ran into the Jaws of Death by the same way they took to escape it and the Consequence had been much worse had not the Constancy of Philip the Fourth whom every ones Eyes were upon unmov'd at the Commotion and Rumour rais'd the trembling Spirits of his Subjects except the Prince in Dangers and Misfortunes of this Nature can repress the Peoples fears Counsels are confounded all Command and none Obey To be too cautious in avoiding Dangers is sometimes the utter Ruin of States Frederick Count Palatiâ—e had not lost his and his Electorate had not fear after his Defeat given Wings to him to abandon all For he might easily have retired to Prague or some other place with the Remnant of his Forces and compounded with the Emperor so by making choice of the lesser Evil have escap'd the greater We are oftentimes deluded by fear so disguised that we take it for Prudence and Constancy for Raâ—â—ness We sometimes boggle and are at a stand what to resolve and in the interim the Danger steals on us All things are not to be fear'd nor is Deliberation always required for between Prudence and Precipitation Valour often designs noble Actions The Great Captain having entered the River Garillan with his Army was reduc'd to such Streights that his Soldiers mutined and deserted and when his Officeâ— advised him to Retreat he answered This I have resolv'd with my self rather to gain Ground though 〈◊〉 enough for a Grave than give back a step might I live an hundred Years An Heroick Sentence worthy the Courage and Prudence of so Great a Man Hâ— well knew that without Rashness there was no hopeâ— in the Case he then was but weighing the Dangâ—â— against the Credit of his Arms the only support of 〈◊〉 Faction in the Kingdom which entirely depended upon the Success of that Expedition he chose rather to put all to the risque of one Battel and maintain his Repute than to lose by degrees with dishonouâ—â— How often for want of a timely Incision have we 〈◊〉 Wounds fester and spread Some Dangers vanish of themselves others are increased by negligence and wast Kingdoms insensiblyâ— and make them perish as it were by a Consumptionâ— Some are unknown of these one can't be too Caâ—tious for that they surprise before a Remedy can be provided Others are known but slighted by these negligence and too much confidence are usually suâ—ferers No Danger though never so inconsiderable should be despised for Time and other Accidents often augment them and Valour consists not so much in â—â—nquishing as in diverting Dangers To live in sight â—â—ereof is as bad as to suffer them 5 Nemo mortalium juxta viperam secures somnos sapit quae etsi non percutiat certe solicitat tutius est perire non posse quam juxta periculâ—m 〈◊〉 periisse Sanct. Hier. Nor is the Confidence we put in another's Clemency less treacherous when to decline one Danger we fall into a greater as when we surrender our selves at Discretion to an Enemy we consider in him only the generosity of Pardon not the force of Revenge or Ambition we measure his Compassion by our Grief and Affliction and are apt to persuade our selves that we can move him to relieve us When Iames the Third King of Majorca was too weak for his brother-in-Brother-in-Law Peter the Fourth of Arragon who upon I know not what pretence would dispossess him of his Dominions he put himself into his Hands thinking this Submission would obtain what his Arms could not but that King was
more influenc'd by Ambition than Clemency so that he deprived him of his Kingdom and Title Thus Dangers deceive us and we find that to be the greater which we chose as the lesser There can be no assurance in Counsel grounded on Principles that depend on anothers pleasure We deceive our selves in supposing others will act nothing but what is agreeable to Religion Justice Relation or Friendship or but what is consistent with their Honour and Interest Not considering that Men are not always guided by their Advantage or Duty but rather by their private Passions and Sentiments and consequently their Actions are not only to be examined by the Rule of Reason but also by that of Malice and the Experience of the ordinary Injustices and Tyrannies of the World Dangers are a Prince's best Masters The past teach 〈◊〉 to remedy the present and prevent the future Those of others are 't is true instructing but they are easily forgot Our own leave in the Soul some Marks and Scars of the losses sustain'd as that which has once wounded the Imagination does fear Let not then contempt or forgetfulness ever erase them especially when having escapâ—d a Danger we fancy the same will never return or if it does will not annoy us for though some one Circumstance which is very unlikely to happen a second time may remove Dangers yet other succeeding new ones make them unavoidable EMBLEM XXXVIII FROM Nature this universal Commonwealth of things and Empire of mixt Bodies derive their Original the supreme Government of which she lays claim to and for the more firm establishment and more secure maintaining of it has made her self so loved by them that the Elements even in the midst of their contrariety with an admirable consent conspire to preserve it All things would be soon dissolv'd did they hate Nature their Princess and Sovereign who with mutual ties of Love and Benevolence as with the fastest knot unites them It is this Love which holds the Earth in Aequilibrio and makes the Orbs of Heaven whirl round it Let this Monarchy of things created founded in their first Being be a Lesson to defend their Persons and Subjects by affection the most faithfull guard they can have about them 1 Corporis custodiam tutissimam esse putatam in virtute amicorum tum in benevolentia civium esse collocatam Isocr ad Nic. Claud. Not Guards nor Groves of Pikes defend like Love This is the only impregnable Fort 2 Salvum Principem in aperto clementia praestabit vivum erit inexpugnabile monument â—n amor civium Sen. de Clem. lib. 1 ca. 19. For which reason the Bees elect a King without a Sting for he has no need of Arms who is beloved by his Subjects Nature would by no means have it in his power to hurt whose duty 't is to govern least he become odious and promote his own ruin The greatest and most absolute power a Prince can have says K. Alphonso is when he loves his People and they reciprocally love him The body defends the Head upon account of the Love it bears it in consideration that this directs and preserves it else would it not hold up its arm toward the threatning blow Who would expose himself to Hazards except he had a Love for his Prince Who protect and defend his Crown The whole Kingdom of Castile sided with the Infant Henry against K. Peter the Cruel because the one was beloved by all the other as universally hated The first Principle of the ruin of Kingdoms and all the Revolutions in States is Hatred The Kings Ordonno and Fruela the Second were so abominated by their Subjects that the very name of King became odious Castile was reduc'd into a Commonwealth and the Government divided between two Judges one of which administred affairs of Peace the other those of War †Mar. hist. Hisp. Portugal never took up Arms against its Kings nor revolted from its obedience the reason is it bears a sincere affection towards them and if at any time it has excluded one and admitted another 't was because one was belov'd the other for Male-administration hated It was the advice of Iames the First of Arragon to Alphonso the Wise to seek rather the Love than Fear of his Subjects and to ingratiate himself with the Clergy and Commons that he might be the better able to grapple with the Nobility which Counsel if he had follow'd he had never lost the Crown Nero no sooner ceas'd to be lov'd than Conspiracies were form'd against him a thing which Subrius Flavius upbraided him with to his face 3 Nec quisquam tibi fidelior militum â—uit dum amari meruisti odisse â—aepi postquam parricida Matris Uxoâ—is auriga histrio incendiarâ—us extitisti Tac. 15. ann A King's Power and Majesty consist not in his own Person but in the Affection and good Will of his Subjects If they be disaffected who will oppose his Enemies 'T is Preservation makes the people want a King but that can never be expected from one who makes himself hated The Arragonians prudently foresaw this when having call'd to the Crown Peter Altharez Lord of Borgia from whom the most ancient and illustrious Family of the Dukes of Gandia is descended they afterwards repented and would not have him for their King because they saw he us'd them with Austerity and Rigour even before his Election Contrary to what Ferdinand the First King of Arragon did who by Love and Benevolence engag'd the hearts of all in that Kingdom as also in Castile during his Reign there We have seen many Princes ruin'd by Fear none ever by Love If therefore a Prince would be formidable let it be to his Enemies but let him endeavour to be belov'd by his Subjects without which though he come victorious over them he will at last fall by the hands of these As it befell Bardanus King of Persia 4 Claritâ—â—ine paucos inter senatum Regum siperinde amorem inter populares quam metum apud hostes quaesivisset Tac. 11. ann Love and Respect may be joyned but not Love and servile Fear He who is fear'd is hated and he who is hated is by no means secure Quem metuunt oderunt Quem quisque odit periisse expedit Enn. He who is fear'd by many also fears many And what greater misfortune is there than to command those who obey through Fear and govern Bodies rather than Minds The difference between the just Prince and the Tyrant is That one uses Arms to maintain his Subjects in Peace the other to protect himself against them If the strength and power of a Prince hated be small he is much exposed to danger from his Subjects if great yet much more For the greater their fear is the more sollicitous are they to provide for their Security as apprehending his cruelty will encrease with his Grandeur as in Bardanus King of Persia whose Glory made him more severe and insupportable
bountifull as that it may be term'd Extravagance for this vertue of Liberality ought to be used with order and measure without Detriment to the Crown and Royal Dignity †L. 3. tit 10. lib. 5. Recop To lay up the better to employ is not Avarice but premeditated Liberality To give inconsiderately is either Vanity or Folly By this Parsimony King Alphonso the Wise rais'd the Monarchy and lost the Crown by his profuse Extravagance one of the principal Complaints the Kingdom made against him was That he had given the Empress Marthâ— thirty thousand Marks of Silver to redeem her Husband Baldwin whom the Sultan of Aegypt retain'd Prisoner in which he was more vain than prudent King Henry the Second found the damage of having weakned the power of his Crown by his too great Bounty and therefore revok'd it by his last Will. Time and Opportunity ought to guide Princes in their Liberality sometimes it ought to be moderated when the Expences of War and the publick Necessities are great and to be apply'd to avert Dangers and to facilitate Designs in which he saves most who spends most for he who gives by little and little spends his Money without attaining his end War is avoided and Victory and Peace purchased by Liberality 9 Prov. 22. 9. The Prodigality of a Prince may be corrected by committing the management of his Treasures to thrifty frugal Ministers as may his Avarice by generous ones 'T is necessary sometimes to let a Prince see the summ of his Liberality for Grants are made sometimes without consideration and if the Prince kept an account of his Expences he would doubtless moderate them and 't is not always Liberality to grant Gratuities for Avarice is often vanquish'd by Importunity or sometimes weary with contending grants them through Despair 'T is natural to all Princes to give to those who have most I know not whether through Fear or Esteem of Power This that great Courtier Ioseph well understood when calling his Father and Brothers into Aegypt and offering them in Pharaoh's name all the Good of that Kingdom 10 Gen. 45. 18. he bid them bring with them all the Riches and Goods that they had 11 Ibid. ver 20. knowing that if they came rich the King would be more liberal to them so that he who expects Bounty from a Prince must not represent to him his Poverty and Misery There are no more ready means to have than to have 12 Luke 19. 26. EMBLEM XLI THE Motto of this Emblem has been famous to all Antiquity Some attribute it to Bias to Pythagoras Thales and Homer but I think 't is more reasonably ascrib'd to the Delphick Oracles for it seems rather a Divine than Humane Sentence fit to be engraven on all the Crowns Sceptres and Rings of Princes To this is reduc'd the whole Science of Government which consists in avoiding Extreams and loves the middle where Vertue keeps its Sphere 'T was ask'd Socrates Which was the properest Vertue for a young Man and he answer'd Nothing to Excess by which he comprehended all To this Motto the body of the present Emblem seems well suited Corn lay'd by the violence of unseasonable Rain when gentle Dews were sufficient 1 Magni animi est magna contemnere prudentis est mediocria malle quam nimia ista enim utilia sunt illa quòd superfluunt nocent Sic sâ—â— getem nimia sternit ubertas sic Rami onere franguntur sic ad maturitaâ—em non pervenit nimiâ— foecunditas Sen. Epist. 39. Honours by being too great suit ill with Subjects and rather disgrace than adorn them There are some favours so out of season that they pass for Injuries What avails it for the Prince to do a benefit if by his austere Looks and rugged Words he seems as 't were to throw it at one or does it so unseasonably that it does no kindness The Benefit and Favour is lost and the hand abhorr'd that gave it Which made King Alphonso the Wise say That Rewards should be given so â— propos that they may be beneficial to the Receiver †L. 1. tit 21. p. 2. As there are errors in Excess of Rewards and Favours so there is also in Punishments Such an exact Rigour better becomes a Minister of Justice than a Prince he is not at his Liberty but the Prince has the Keys of the Law in his own hand 'T is not Justice which is too severe nor Mercy which is not moderate and so of other Vertues The same Moderation a Prince out to observe in the arts of Peace and War so guiding the Chariot of the Government as they did in the Games of old that the Wheels may not touch the Goals for so they would be broken the art of the ancient Racers consisted in measuring the distance so exactly as to pass as near as possible without touching eitheâ— end What a Prince ought to take most care of is the Moderation of his Passions governing them with such Prudence that he may neither desire hope love or fear with too much Ardour and Violence rais'd by the Will not by Reason The desires of private persons may be easily accomplish'd but those of Princes not for those are proportion'd to their conditions and these are usually greater than the force of their Grandure tending always to Extreams Almost all Princes either ruin themselves or run into great inconveniences through Excess of Ambition mans desire being unlimited and the possibility of things very narrow it rarely happens that the first are measured by the latter or that there is any Justice between them Hence Princes seek pretences to rob their Neighbours nay their greatest Friends aspiring ever at the enlargement of their State without measuring their bodies with their Strength and their Government with Humane Capacity which cannot maintain all that may be acquired The Grandure of Empires lies upon their own Shoulders and are always ready to fall oppress'd with their own weight Let Princes therefore endeavour to maintain their States which either Succession or Election has given them and if any just occasion shall offer of enlarging them let them make use of it a God's name but with such caution as the Event shall shew to Prudence Ambition is not less dangerous in the Excess of its Fears than of its Desires especially in that which is acquired by Violence Fear suggests no means which are not immediately made use of for its preservation There is none of the line of the party wrong'd or any one who has the least pretension to the State though never so remote but is fear'd Tyranny usually proposes nothing less than a general ruin Thus Mucianus practis'd killing the Son of Vitellius 2 Mansuram discordiam â—btendens â—i semina belli restrinxisset Tac. â— ann The same also is taughâ— in the School of Machiavell whose Scholars forgetting the Example of David who sought out Saul's Relations that they might partake of his Mercy
sets he leaves not many but only one Vicegerent the Moon with a Lustre much greater than that of the other Stars who seem but as so many inferiour Ministers to assist her Yet neither this nor those shine with their own but borrow'd Light which the Earth acknowledges receiv'd from the Sun Nor does this favour misbecome Majesty when a Prince devolves part of the burden of Affairs upon his Favourite so as to preserve the sovereign power and authority to himself for this is not favour but imployment not so much an obligation as a communication of trouble nor is this so much to be envied if Princes would be so prudent as to give it another name as President of the Council or Chancellour as the Magistrates call'd Praefecti at Rome incurr'd no Envy though they were second Caesars The felicity of Subjects consists not in the Prince's being like a loadstone attractive of Iron and not of Gold but in his knowledge in chusing such a Minister as will attribute whatever is great and commendable to him and take all the Reflections and Odium of the people upon himself one whose mind is wholly bent upon the publick good who manages affairs without Ambition hears without Disdain and debates without Passion whose Resolves and Determinations have no respect to self-interest In a word whose whole aim is the service and advantage of his Country not himself or the preservation of his Master's favour By this rule one may know whether this Familiarity proceed from pure Zeal or Tyranny Princes ought to take great care in the choice of such a Minister endeavouring not to be byass'd by Affection or fansifull Inclination but by rare and excellent Qualifications and Merits for sometimes such Friendship is not the result of deliberation but accident it is not favour but diligence Courts usually erect and adore some Idol which they deify and treat with Royal Splendor and Magnificence they worship it upon their Knees burn Tapers and offer Incense to it imploring its assistance with Prayers and Vows 11 And so the multitude allured by the grace of the work took him now for a God which a little before was but honoured as a man Wisd 14. 20. As industry can change the course of Rivers and turn them another way so it often happens that those who have business at Court not regarding the Prince the true channel of affâ—irs apply themselves to the Favourite whose arts do by this so secure the Prince's favour that he can never disengage himself from it No Prince was more cautious none more free than Tiberius yet was he subject to his Favourite Sejanus 12 Tiberium variis artibus devinxit adeo ut obscurum adversus alios sibi uni incautuin intectumque efficereâ— In which case 't is difficult to say whether such favour be human choice or some superiour power for the greater good or ill of the Commonwealth The Holy Spirit says 't is a particular judgment of God 13 Prov. 29. â—6 Tacitus attributes the favour and fall of Sejanus to the anger of the Gods for the ruin of the Empire 14 Nâ—â— tam solâ—rtia quippe iisdem artibus victus est 〈…〉 pari exâ—tio viguâ—t â—â—â—iditque Tac. 4. ann A misfortune scarce avoidable when this favour falls upon a person of great quality as it usually does in Courts where the chief of the Nobility are Ministers For he who is once possess'd of it will by the preheminence of his Birth and Grandure of his Family endeavour what he can to preserve it nor will he easily suffer himself to be supplanted by any one As was seen in Iohn Alphonso Robles in the time of King Iohn the Second †Mâ—r. 〈…〉 lib. 20. l. 25. The heart of a Prince is never safe in the power of a Subject whose Nobility and Authority make him too much respected by others Though this inconveniency is lessen'd when this favour falls upon some great man who is truly zealous and intent upon his Prince's Service and the honour and welfare of his Country for then the people's Envy and Odium will not be so great and the orders which are dispatch'd through the hands of such a one will be the more readily observ'd yet 't is always highly necessary if a Prince could balance his favour between his own Authority and the Merits of his Favourite to commit only that part of the administration to him which he cannot manage himself for should he commit it wholly to him he would experience the same misfortunes with King Ahasuerus when he entrusted Hamon with the Government of his people 15 Esth. 3. 11. Let him not give by another's hand what he can dispose of with his own nor borrow others Eyes when he can see with his own As to what is done in Courts of Justice and Councâ—ls let him afterwards consult the Presidents and Secretaries from whose relations he may receive a just account of the affairs therein transacted and his Resolutions will be more concise and ready when he confers with those by whom the affâ—irs â—ave been managed This method the Popes and Emperâ—â—â—se as did also the Kings of Spain â—ill Philip the Second who being an excellent Pen-man introduc'd the custom of taking debates and consultations in writing which afterwards prevailing gave rise to private favour for the Kings being embrass'd with such a vast number of writings were oblig'd to communicate them to some one and this must of necessity be a Favourite On such a one let a Prince bestow more peculiar marks of favour and benevolence For he who merits his favour and shares his trouble ought to have Pre-eminence above others The shadow of St. Peter worked Miracles 16 Acts 5. 15. What wonder then if a Prince's Favourite who is but his shadow acts with more Authority than others Nevertheless some favours should be reserv'd for others nor should those other be so great as to exceed the condition of a Subject and make him equal to the Prince so as to have Court made to him as Co-partner in the Empire and to draw the whole body of affairs after him which derogates much from the Authority and Esteem of the Prince A Favourite should act as the shadow not the Substance In this the Kings of Castile who in times past had Favourites runâ— great Risques for as the power of the Kings being then not so large how little soever they granted it endanger'd the whole Kingdom as it befell King Sancho the Strong for his favour to Lopez de Hara King Alphonso the Eleventh for his to Count Alvaro Osorio King Iohn the Second and King Henry the Fourth for theirs to Alvaro de Luna and Iohn Pacheco The whole point of Favouritism consists in the Prince's knowing how much he ought to allow his Favourite and he how much he ought to receive from his Prince Whatever exceeds this rule creates as we shall mention anon Jealousie Envy and Danger 17 Sed uterque
God as the Prince So that though many of your Royal Highness's Ancestors have had Favourites who with much care and zeal as we see at present have endeavour'd to Act with the greatest Integrity yet have their attempts met with answerable Success Let not your Royal Highness be deceiv'd by the example of France whose Territories we see indeed much enlarg'd by the Counsels of a Favourite but not without detriment to the Kingdom and prejudice to the Royal Prerogative Whoever shall duely consider the Persecution of the Queen Mother and Duke of Orleans the Blood of Monmorency spilt that of the Prior of Vendosme of Paul Reny and of Monsieur de Macraints the Imprisonment of the Duke of Bulloign the Exactions and Oppressions of the Subjects the Usurpation of the Duâ—chy of Lorrain the Leagues made with the Dutch Protestants and Swedes the Design upon Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy the Peace made at Mouzon without the knowledge of the Allies the Curb impos'd upon the Valtoline and Grisons the Succours sent to Scotland and the English Parliament the Sieges of Fontarabie St. Omer Thionville Fornavent and Catelet the loss of so many Soldiers at Lovain Tarragone Perpignan Saâ—e Valence upon the Po Imbree and la Râ—que the retaking Aire and the Bass. He I say who shall consider these things will find that all his measures were grounded upon Violence and that his Favour was founded upon force that the Sword so daring against the Persons of Kings has been timoâ—ous and cowardly against this Minister that Fortune has favoured his Temerity that he has succeeded by the same means he should have fail'd whereas we have lost by the same methods we should have gain'd a sure Sign that God prospered this Favourite for the Exercise of Christianity and for our Chastisement forestalling our Prudence and confounding our Valour Kingdoms destin'd to Ruin fall by the same means they should be supported thus the entrance into the Adriatick created Distrust the Protection of Mantua Jealousie the opposition at Nivers Wars the Diversion Expence the Army in Alsace Rivals the War for Spain Rebellions At the Siege of Casal we lost an opportunity of putting an end to the War the Counsel of Secretary Passiers to Prince Thomas hindred the relief of Turin and triumph over France The same thing happed at Aire for a foolish piece of Formality the News that was brought of the Siege of Arras made them omit the Care of relieving it For a vain Scruple D' Amvilliers was not succoured through Cowardize or Treachery Chapelle surrendred O Providence Divine Whither tend such variety of Accidents so different from their Causes 'T is not by chance that the Government of Europe is put into the hands of Favourites God grant Success may answer the publick Prayers The End of the First Volume His Royal Highness William Duke of Glocester Printed foâ— M. Gilliflower and L. Meredith THE Royal Politician REPRESENTED IN One Hundred Emblems Written in Spanish by Don Diego Saavedra Faxardo Knight of the Order of St. Iago Plenipotentiary Ambassador To the Cantons of SWITZERLAND At the Imperial Diet at RATISBON At the Famous Treaty of MVNSTER And of the Supreme Council of State for both of INDIES With a large Preface containing an Account of the Author his Works and the Usefulness thereof Done into English from the Original By Sir IA. ASTRY VOL. II. LONDON Printed for Matâ— Gylliflower at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-Hall And Luke Meredith at the Star in St. Paul's Church-Yard MDCC OF THE EDUCATION OF A PRINCE EMBLEM LI. THERE is nothing better or more advantageous to Mankind than prudent Diffidence 't is the Guard and Preservation of our Lives and Fortunes our own Security obliges us to it without it there would be no Caution without which no Safety that Prince governs best who trusts fewest there is but one Confidence safe which is not to depend upon the Will of another For who can secure himself of Man's heart hid in the privatest corner of the Breast whose Secrets the Tongue dissembles the Eyes and all the Motions of the Body contradict 1 Eccles. 13. 31. 'T is a Gulf rowling with the Tempests of different Affections a Sea full of hidden Rocks which no Chart can discover What Prudence must the Needle be touched with for a Prince to sail by through such dangerous and difficult Seas 2 The heart is deceitful above all things anâ— desperately wicked Who can know it Ierem. 17. 9. How well should he know the Winds when to furl and loose the Sails of Confidence In this consists the chiefest Art of Government 't is in this that a Princes danger chiefly consists either through want of Experience in Affairs or Knowledge of his Subjects none of them appearing ill to him For in his Presence all compose their Actions and adjust their Looks Their set Speeches sound nothing but Love Zeal and Fidelity and their Attendance nothing but Respect and Obedience Discontent Hatred and Ambition being hid in the heart which made one say a Prince should trust no Body but both extreams are equally to be avoided 3 Utrumqâ— in vitiâ— est omnibâ—is credere nulli Seneca To trust none is the Suspicion of a Tyrant to trust all the easiness of an imprudent Prince Confidence is not less important to a Prince than Distrust The one is worthy a sincere and Royal Breast the other is very necessary in the Art of Government as an Instrument by which Policy works its Ends. The Difficulty consists in knowing how rightly to use one and t' other so that neither a too credulous Confidence expose you to Infidelity and Dangers or a too suspicious Distrust provoke Hatred or make the Prince by reason of this Diffidence incapble oâ— treating with any one He should not measure all thingâ— by Confidence nor all by Distrust If a Prince will trusâ— none who can serve him without evident Dangers 'T is aâ— great a misfortune to lose a faithful Minister upon vain and groundless Suspicions as by a too easie Credulity to trusâ— those who are not so Let a Prince confide but at the same time suspect that he may be cheated this Suspicion ought not to retard the Course of his Actions but only to be a Caution to him if he was without Suspicion he would be too careless Suspicion is a cautionary Security a due weighing of Matters he who doubts nothing can never know the Truth Let him give Credit as if he believ'd and distrust as if he believ'd not Confidence and Diffidence being thus governed by Prudence and Reason work Miracles Let the Prince therefore be well advised in the Affairs which he treats of in the Alliances which he ratifies in the Peaces which he concludes and in all other Treaties in general which concern the Government and when he Signs them let his hand be full of Eyes as in the prefent Emblem that he may see what he does The Bawd in Plautus valued
Alexandria without his leave 8 Acerrimè increpuit quod contra institutum Augusti non sponte Principis Alexandriam introisset Tac. 2. ann but for the greater Security and the better to keep the Minister in obedience 't would be convenient to allow a little more Authority to the Magistracy of the Province for there are no Curbs stronger than that nor more ready to oppose the Faults of the Governor Mean and abject Spirits such as have no Ambition of Glory or thirst for Preferments are fit for no Employ The chief Quality which God found in Ioshuah to introduce him into the management of Affairs was that he had a great Spirit 9 Numb 27. 18. But yet the Courage should not be so great as to repine at his being born a Subject and not be contented with his Condition for the Loyalty of such is in great Danger because they aspire always to the highest step which if they attain not 't is either for want of Power or Wit besides they soon flag in their Zeal for the Publick and Obedience to their Prince Great Spirits are not less dangerous at least if they are not docile and modest for being very positive and conceited of their own Opinions they are apt to slight Commands and believe that all should be governed at their Pleasure A person is as troublesome for his good Qualifications as for his having none at all for there is no satisfying him who presumes too much upon his Merit Tiberius never desired great Vertues in Offices of Trust and hated Vices too for from one he feared Danger to himself from t' other Scandal to the Government 10 Neque enim imminentes virtutes sectabatur rursus vitia oderat ex optimis periculum sibi à pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat Tac. 1. ann Nor are those fit for Ministers who are rich and of great Families for having no need of the Prince and flowing in plenty of all things they won't expose themselves to Perils and Toils nor can nor will they be under Command 11 Qui in affluentia fortunae virium opum amicorum aÌ„lioruamque talium constituti sunt Reginaeque obâ—dire norunt Arist. 4. Pol. c. 11. Whence Sosibius Britannicus us'd to say Princes can't endure Riches in the Commons 12 Auri vim atque opes Principibus infensas Tac. 11. ann When a Prince shall have made Choice of a Minister with all due Circumspection let him seemingly put an entire Confidence in him but always keep an Eye upon his Actions and Intelligences and if they are any ways suspicious let him be removed to another Post where he will want opportunity to make a party to execute his ill Designs for there is more prudence and kindness in preventing a Crime than in forgiving it when committed if Germanicus's Victory and the Soldiers Applause pleas'd Tiberius on one hand on t' other they made him jealous and uneasie 13 Nuntiata ea Tiberium laetitia curaque affecere Tac. 1. ann And understanding the Commotions in the East he was glad of a Pretence ea expose him to Dangers by making him Governour of those Provinces 14 Ut to specie Germanicum suetis Legionibus abstraheret novâ—sque Provineiis impositum dolo simul casibus objectaret Tac. 2. ann Now if any Minister is to be removed it should be done under the pretence of Honour and before the Reasons are known with such prudence as mayn't give him Reason to mistrust the Princes disgust for as fear of being cheated is the way to be cheated so Suspicion of Loyalty makes Traytors for which Reason Tiberius having a mind to recall Germanicus to Rome did it under a pretence of a Triumph which he design'd him 15 Acriùs modestiam ejus aggreditur alterum Consulatum offerendâ— Tac. 2. ann offering him other Preferments of which Princes are very liberal when they would free themselves from their Jealousies If a Subject once loses the Respect he owes his Prince after Confidence will never secure him Sancbo the first King of Leon pardoned Count Gonzalo for having taken up Arms against him endeavouring to reconcile him by his Favours but those by which he thought to have oblig'd him only gave him opportunity to poyson him When Princes are concerned with one another there is no Obligation of Friendship or Affinity a sufficient Reason for their trusting each other Don Ferdinand the great King of Castile and his Brother Garcias of Navarre were at difference he as he lay sick at Nacar had a design to seize his Brother who came to pay him a Visit but his Design not succeeding he had a mind to dissemble his Intent by visiting his Brother who caused him to be apprehended * Mar. Hist. Hisp. Revenge and State-Policy is of greater Force than Friendship or Consanguinity The same befel Don Garcias King of Galicia for having trusted his Brother Alonso King of Castile the most irreconcileable falling out is that between Relations and dearest Friends 16 Difficiles fratrum dissentiones qui valdè amâ—nt valdè edio habent Arist. 7. Pol. c. 6. and perfect Hatred is the result of perfect Love from all which we may infer how difficult a thing 't is for a Prince to trust himself in the hands of his Enemies it cost the King of Granada his Life for going though with a Pass port to ask assistance from King Peter the Cruel Lewis Forza Duke of Milan was more cautious refusing an Interview with the King of France unless in the midst of a River or upon a broken Bridge A true piece of Italian Policy not to trust where they have once shew'd a Jealousie for which Reason the Italians were much admir'd at the Interview between the great Captain and King Ferdinand the Catholick as also at that between the same King and the King of France his Enemy In some Cases Confidence is more safe and necessary to gain peoples Affections than Distrust Don Alonso VI. having lost his Kingdom of Leon liv'd retir'd at the Court of the King of Toledo who was a Moor when upon the Death of Don Sancho his Sates recalled him to his Throne with the greatest privacy imaginable fearing lest if it should come to be known by the Moors they might retain him by force he like a prudent and grateful Prince discovered the whole Affair this Confidence so oblig'd the Barbarian King who before understood the Intrigue and design'd to seize him that he not only let him go free but also furnished him with Money for his Voyage See the power of Gratitude which disarms even the most savage Spirits * Mar. Hist. Hisp. Distrusts between Princes can't be cur'd by Satisfactions or Excuses but by their contrary if time won't heal them diligence never will these are a kind of wounds which the Probe and the Hand does but more exulcerate and a sort of apparent Jealousies which are an Introduction to Infidelity EMBLEM LII
be granted to none else for he exposes Loyalty to evident Danger who grants any one a Power too absolute The Royal Crown put upon a Subjects Head tho' but in jest will make him proud and think himself above what he is The mind of a Subject should not experience this Royal Grandeur and Glory of reigning for afterwards abusing it he usurps it and that it mayn't return to him from whom he had it he Plots and contrives his Ruine the Divine Writ in one Chapter gives us Examples of Kings put to Death by the hands of their Subjects for having raised them too high Solomon for all his Wisdom fell into this misfortune and ran the same Risque for having made Ieroboam President of all the Customs of the House of Ioseph 2 1 Kin. 11. 28. and we read that he had the Impudence to lift up his hand against his King 3 1 Kin. 11. 26. Let Princes then take it for a Maxim of State not to promote one too much above others or if they are oblig'd to it let it not be one but several that they may Balance one another and mutually keep each other in their Devoir by a reciprocal Examination of one anothers Actions and Designs 4 Est autem omnis Monarchiae cautio communis neminem facere nimis magnum aut certè plusquam unum facere ipsi enim inter se quid quisque agat observant Arist. 5. Pol. c. 11. The Emperour Ferdinand II. did not sufficiently observe this piece of Policy when he gave the absolute Command of his Armies and Provinces to the Duke of Fridland whence sprang so many misfortunes and amongst the rest the loss of that great Man which was meerly the effect of too much Power Let not Princes be deceived by the Example of Pharaoh who committed all his Power into the hands of Ioseph who preserv'd his Kingdom 5 Gen. 41. 40. for Ioseph was the Emblem of Christ and there are very few Ioseph's to be found now adays Each would depend upon himself and not upon the Body which this present Emblem represents by a Branch encircled with a wicker Basket filled with Earth such as Gardiners use where it by degrees takes root and so being cut off insensibly becomes a Tree independant of the Stock without the least respect to its Greatness This Example shews the Danger in making Governments of Provinces perpetual for Ambition having once taken root claims 'em as its Property he who is so accustom'd to command will afterwards scarce be brought to obey France shews us many Examples of this written in its own Blood Even God's Ministers in the Kingdom of Heaven are liable to slip 6 Job 4. 18. the Perpetuity of great Offices is an Alienation from the Crown the Scepter will be useless and of no force and will stand in awe of that very Power it has been so prodigal of Liberality will want a Dowry and Vertue a Reward The Minister becomes a Tyrant in the Government which he is sure of for Life that Prince whom he sees preserves his Authority he respects as his Master but him who does not he despises and at last rebells against him Therefore Iulius Caesar limited the Pretorship to one Year and the Consulship to two And the Emperour Charles V. advised his Son Philip II. not to continue Ministers in Office too long especially in places Military to give the greatest to persons of mean Fortune and Embassy's to the rich thereby to weaken ' em The Bravery of the great Captain in Italy made King Ferdinand the Catholick suspect him so that he recall'd him and if he did not then wholly mistrust him at least he would no longer hazard his Loyalty by the Continuation of the Vice-Royship of Naples And though that great Politician Tiberius continued Ministers in Posts all their Life-time but this was upon such Tyrannick Considerations as ought not to enter into the Thoughts of a prudent and just Prince 7 Id morum Tiberii suit continuare Imperia ac plerosque ad fine◠vitae in eisdem exercitibus aut Iurisdictionibus habere Tac. 5. ann Princes ought therefore to take advice from Nature the Mistress of true Politicks who does not allow its Celestial Ministers of light a perpetual Authority and Government of the World but certain fixt Seasons as we may see in the Motion and Reigns of the Planets that they mayn't lose the right of disposing of 'em and to prevent the usurping her Authority and Power besides she considers that the Earth would be ruined if it should always be governed by the Melancholy of Saturn or the heat and fury of Mars or the severity of Iupiter or the subtilty of Mercury or the levity of Venus or the inconstancy of the Moon In removals of this Nature great Care ought to be taken that Ministers should not take it to be a slur upon their Reputation to be removed from greater to lesser Places for since there are not many that Minister would be of no use who when he has been employ'd in the highest would refuse to Officiate in lower Places and though Reason requires that Rewards should be equal to Deserts yet in this Point the Subjects reason should be guided by the Princes interest when his Service or the publick Advantage is in the Case not that he ought to be put into any inferior Post out of Contempt or Disgrace for so the importance of the Negotiation makes amends for the meannes◠of the Office If any Offices may be continued long they are Embassies◠for their Business is only to intercede not Command not to give Orders but to negotiate at their Departure all Acquaintance with their native Countrey dies and all Intimacy with the Prince with whom they negotiate and his Ministers cease Forts and Garrisons which are as it were the Keys of the Kingdom should be at the immediate Power and Disposal of the Prince King Sancho was ill advised when by reason of the Minority of his Son Don Alonso III. he order'd those of the Nobility who were Governours of Cities to remain till his Son was fifteen years old which occasioned many grievous Calamities to that Kingdom As for other Offices let 'em be but for a time for their too long continuance makes the Ministers proud and endangers their Loyalty This Tiberius knew though he did not practise 8 Superbire homines etiam annua designatione quid si honorem per quinquennium agitent Tac. 2. ann Vertue is tired by Industry and Expectation yet should not Offices be of too short continuance so as the Minister can reap no benefit or experience in 'em or so as to make him too ravenous like Hawks in Norway because of the shortness of the day but in troublesome and dangerous times publick Offices and places of Trust ought to be continu'd longer least they should upon removal be conferr'd upon raw unexperienced Persons So Augustus did upon the defeat of Quintilius Varus
reflected upon EMBLEM LVI THE Office of a Secretary depends upon the understanding not the Pen if it all lay in neatly cutting a Letter Printers would be the best Secretaries His Duty is to consult propose and bring matters to Perfection he is the right hand of the Princes Will his Instrument of Government the Finger by which he points out his Resolutions and as King Alphonsus says The second Officer of the Houshold at least of those who are of the Cabinet for as the Confessor is Mediator between God and the King so is the Secretary between the King his Subjects †L. 4. tit 9. p. 2. Discreet and prudent Consultations in Councils will be of small Effect if he who should methodize them should fail in his part the Ministers give their Opinions and the Prince declares his Sentiments by his Secretary and a word now and then aptly apply'd changes the Face of Affairs as in a Picture a small shade or a stroke of the Pencil either spoils it or gives more Life to it the Council forms the Idea of the Building the Secretary draws the Plan thereof which if it be irregular the Super-structure must of necessity be so too The better to represent this you see in the present Emblem his Pen is a pair of Compasses because his Business is not only to write but also to measure the Resolves and to set out fit times and opportunities for the Execution of 'em that they may neither be too soon nor too late this Office is so united to that of the Prince that if the trouble of Affairs would permit it should by no means be committed to another for if it is not a part of Majesty 't is at least a certain Reflection of it this I believe Cicero meant when he advised the then Pro-consul of Asia thus Let your Ring which you must construe Secretary be not as any other piece of Goods but as your own self not a Minister of another's Will but a Witness of your own each other Minister is the Kings Representative but in one Office but the Secretary in all 1 Sit annullus tuus non ut vas aliquod sed tanquam ipse tu noâ— Minister alienâ— voluntatis sed tâ—stis tuae Cicer. Epist. 1. ad Quint. fratrem It suffices others to know what belongs to their particular Places but he must have a perfect Knowledge a general and particular Intelligence of Practices and Arts as well of Peace as War If they erre 't is but in some one particular but this reaches all in general yet so privately that the mis-carriage is imputed to the Council as the ignorance of the Physician is to the Malignity of the Distemper some Affairs may be negotiated with bad Ministers but not with an ignorant Secretary He is the Stomach in which Affairs are digested and if they come thence crude and ill concocted the Life of the Government will be sickly and short cast your Eyes back upon Pastimes and you will find that never any Government has been well manag'd without good Secretaries What signifies the Princes careful Resolves if the Secretary knows not how to apply them by judiciously considering and prudently observing certain Circumstances on which Affairs always depend If he wants Discretion and Judgment his written Rules and Instructions are of small use for there is scarce any Affair for which you can find an exact Precedent For time and other accidents alter the very Nature and Form of all things Apothecaries have different Medicines prescribed by several Physicians for several Diseases but they 'd be notoriously mistaken if they should ignorantly apply them without a due Knowledge of the Causes whence they proceed as also of the Constitution of the sick Person the time and other Circumstances which Experience Reason and Speculation shall dictate The same Affair should be differently prescrib'd to a Phlegmatick and Cholerick Minister differently to a timorous and bold one The Secretary ought to instruct each how he should behave himself What are Secretaries Offices but certain Schools for the Education of able Statesmen From what Practice and Experience teaches them they learn the true Art of Government There they observe what Counsels have succeeded what mis-carried From all which appears the necessity of choosing such for Secretaries as are endu'd with good natural parts Those great Ministers or Secretaries of God which we call Evangelists were represented in the Apocalypse by four wing'd Animals full of Eyes both within and without signifying by their Wings their Expedition and Execution their Knowledge of all things by their external Eyes and their Contemplation by their internal ones 2 Revel 4. 8. Being so busie that they never rested night or day 3 Ibid. so intent upon their Duty that their wings were always stretch'd upwards 4 Ezek. 1. 11. so conformed and united to the Holy Spirit in all things that they never parted from it 5 Ezek. 1. 12. To make a good Choice of a Secretary 't would be convenient for Princes to train up such persons as by their natural Qualifications and perfect Knowledge of the Latine Tongue seem fit for it under their Ambassadours or chief Ministers making Tryal of them in several Posts beyond Sea and afterwards let them call 'em to the Secretaries Office at Court where they may serve and capacitate themselves for Secretaries of State High Treasurer and the like upon whose Knowledge and Experience the Success and good management of Affairs very much depend By this means the ill Choice which Ministers of State usually make of their Secretaries would be avoided for they employ only them who have served 'em formerly and who are usually most unfit for that Office being chosen commonly more from the neatness of their Hand-writing than their Understanding Whence it falls out that a good Minister who has a careless ignorant Secretary is more prejudicial to the Princes Affairs than a bad Minister whose Secretary is discreet and careful besides the Secretary being chosen by the Prince himself on whom he solely depends will make the Minister more vigilant and attentive in the performance of his Office King Alphonso well knowing of what importance it was to have a good Secretary said That a King ought to make Choice of for that Charge a person well born and well bred of good Sence good Temper and good Manners who can read and write Latine as well as his vulgar Tongue †L. 4. tiâ— 9. p. 2. King Alphonso seems to thing it not sufficient that he can read it but that he must readily speak it too for this is absolutely necessary for him who is to treat with all Nations Especially at present now the Spanish Monarchy is extended over so many foreign Kingdoms and Provinces because oâ— the frequent Correspondence in Latine The most essential thing in a Secretary is Secrecy whence his Name is derived that he may upon hearing it be put in mind of his Duty The
ill Consequence is it less inconvenient not to declare his mind at all for so that Counsel which seems best may with more Secrecy be executed Henry King of Portugal proposed matters with so much Discretion in his Council that it could not be discover'd either by his Words or Looks which way he inclined whence came the Custom of Presidents and Vice-Roys not giving their Votes in Council which is an anciâ—nt Practice and was used by the Etolians But in a matter in which the Prince desires rather their Approbation than Advice he may open his mind and declare his Opinion for he will find they will generally â—ide with him either through a desire to please or because we naturally incline to follow our Superior In Affairs of War especially when the Prince is involv'â— therein his Presence in Council is of more importance 〈◊〉 well for the above-mentioned Reasons as that he thereby animates them and that their prudent Resolves may be puâ— in speedy Execution and least while they are brought to him the opportunity be slipt He must know that some Minisâ—ers desire to be thought vigorous and active ratheâ— than discreet and so in the Princes Presence oâ—tâ—n are the Authors of rash Counsel not that they would be thâ— persons that should execute them nay they have a particular aversion to all Danger as it was with those who advis'd Vitellius to take up Arms 18 Sed quod in cjusmodi rebus accidit consiliâ—m ab omnibus datâ—â— est periculum pauci sensere 'T is a common Question among Politicians whether 〈◊〉 no a Prince himself should not assist in the Courts of Justice 't is a too weighty Employ and would take up 〈◊〉 much of that time which is necessary for Affairs of State and the Administration of the Government Though Tibâ—rius after he had assisted in the Senate went to the Courtâ— of Judicature 19 Nec patrum cognitionibus satiatus Iudiciis adsidebat in coâ—nu tribunalis Tac. 1. ann King Ferdinand the Holy was ofteâ— present in those Courts where he heard and defended the Poor and protected the weak from the strong K. Alphonâ—â— the Wise ordain'd that the King himself should undertake the Causes of Widows and Orphans For tho' says he he is oblig'd in general to defend his Subjects yet ought he particularly to assist them because they are more helpless than others * L. 20. tit 23. p. 3. Solomon's great Judgment in the Decision of Causes got him the general Esteem of all 20 And all Israel hâ—ard of the Judgment which the King had judged and they feared the King for they saw that the Wisdom of God was in him to do â—udgment 1 Kin. 3. 28 the Israelites desired a King who as in other Nations might be Judge over them 21 Now make us a King to judge us like all the Nations 1 Sam. 8. 5. the Presence of the King makes Judges just and his Power only can defend the poor 22 A King that sitteth in the Throne of Judgment scaâ—â—ereth away all evil with his Eyes Prov. 20. 8. the chief Reason why God chose David King was because he who had freed his Flocks from the jaws of the Lion 23 Psalm 9. 14. best knew how to protect the Impotent from the powerful 24 1 Sam. 17. 31. so grateful and acceptable is this Care to God that for that only he promises to blot out all the rest of his Sins and make them as white as Snow 25 Isa. 1. 17. Wherefore I can't deny that this is the main part of a Prince's Duty yet I think he fulfils it if he chooses Persons of Integrity for his Ministers of Justice and takes Care that they justly and uprightly perform their Offices 'T will suffice sometimes in the most important Cases I mean such as may be oppress'd by Power to be present at their giving their Opinions so as to make the Judges always in fear least he should be in some corner of the Court and hear all that is said and done For which Reason all the Judges live in the Royal Palace at Madrid and in the Courts where they sit there are windows from whence his Majesty uses to hear all that passes The same is usual in the Turks Divan where when the Bassa's meet to treat about Affairs he hears them when he pleases from a window cover'd with Sarcenet And this Harmony of the Clock and the mutual Agreement between the Wheels and the Hand which points the hours is evidentlâ— visible in the Government of the Kingdom of Spain which is so well constituted that those Kingdoms and Provinces which Nature has dis-joyn'd she unites by the prudence of her Government Each has its particular Court at Madrid Câ—stile Arragon Pâ—rtugal Italy the Netherlands and the Indies to which there is but one President they take Cognizance of all Affairs whether of Justice or Rewards belonging to any of these Kingdoms or Provinces And their Debates are brought to the King who orders what he thinks fit so that the Councils are as 't were the Wheels and his Majesty the Index or they the Optick Nerves by which visible Species are transmitted to the Prince and the King the common Sense which discerns and Judges them The Affairs of the Kingdom being so dispos'd and presented to his Majesty all 's manag'd with that ease and prudence that for above a hundred years since it began to flourish there has happened no considerable mis-carriage which is almost incredible in such a dis-united Body The Roman Empire was more succinct and yet it almost continually felt Convulsions and Disorders an undeniable Proof that ours is better founded than their's and govern'd by Men of greater Judgment Prudence and Integrity Since then the Summ of all Affairs should be reduc'd to the Prince he should not only be a Father to the Republick in Love but Economy too nor should he think it sufficient to have Counsellours and Ministers to manage his Affairs but he should also keep by him a certain private Memoir of them by which he should be guided in all things as Merchants keep their Accounts in a particular Book for that purpose such a Book as this the Emperour Augustâ—s kept In which he took an account of the Revenue of the number of the Citizens and Auxiliaries in his Service also oâ— the Fleets Kingdoms Provinces Tributes Taxes and Gratuities all which he wrote with his own hand 26 Opes publicae continebantur quantum civium sociorumque in â—â—mis quot Classes Regna Provinciae Tributa Necessitates ac Largitiâ—nes quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus Tac. 1. ann the Memory is the Treasury of Experience but is very short and weak without the assistance of the Pen to strengthen and perpetuate it upon Paper He 'll find a great advantage who for Memory's sake takes an account of all Actions good or ill in his Book which Diligence if your Royal Highness when
to obtain the Honour of Assertor of his Countrey 's Liberty 2 Itaque Monarchas non ut sibi vendicent Monarchiam invadunt sâ—d ut famam gloriam adipiscantur Arist. Pol. 5. cap. 10. It should therefore be the Princes Care to abolish this Superstition of false Honour and to promote the Worship of the true Let not a Prince disdain to honour Merit either in Subjects or Strangers for this does not derogate from the Prince's Honour no more than the light of a Torch is diminished by the lighting of another by it for which Reason Ennius compares the Charity of a person who instructs a wandring Traveller in his way to a Flame He who t' a wandring Man his way has shewn Lights t'others Torch and never hurts his own * Ennius From whence proceeds Cicero's Advice that whatever kindness can be done another without Detriment to ones self let it be done even to a Stranger 3 Ut quicquid sine detrimento accommodari possit id tribuatur velignoto Cicero From both these Sentences the present Emblem is taken a lighted Candle in a Candlestick the Emblem of Divinity and supream Authority at which two others are lighted to signifie that a Prince may bestow Honour upon those who deserve it without Detriment to his own His Honour is borrowed not his own who is afraid of wanting it when he confers it on others Springs continually flow and are never empty The Fund of Honour in Princes is inexhaustible be they never so profuse All respect them as the only Magazines of Honours from whence every one expects his share so the Earth with its Vapours refreshes the Air which returns them in Dew upon the Earth again And this mutual Correspondence between the Prince and his Subjects King Alphonso the Wise knew when he said that these in Honouring him honour'd themselves because from him they expect Honour and Preferment where this mutual Honour is there Affairs flourish in Peace and War and the Government is established Nor does a Prince shew his Majesty more in any thing than in the Honours he confers All natural Bodies the more noble they are are the more generous and free of their Vertues and Gifts To give Riches is humane but the distribution of Honour belongs to God or his Vicegerents In these Maxims I would perfectly instruct your Highness especially in that of honouring the Nobility who are the main support of Monarchy Let your Highness hearken to your glorious Predecessor King Alphonso the Wise who in laying down Maxims for his Successors speaks to this Effect Furthermore he ought to respect and honour the Nobility for their Riches and for that they are an Honour to his State and he should respect and honour the Gentry as being his Guard and the Bulwark of his Kingdom Without Rewards Services flag but rewarded they flourish and make the Kingdom glorious Under an ungrateful King never any great Action was aâ—chieved nor any glorious Example transmitted to Posterity Those three brave Souldiers who broke through the Enemies Squadrons and fetch'd water from the Cistern scarce did any thing else remarkable because David did not gratifie them A Prince by once rewarding the Merits of a Family binds them to his Service for ever The Nobility is as much urg'd to Glory by the noble Exploits of their Ancestors and by Honours with which they were rewarded as by those which they themselves expect 't was upon this Account that your Royal Highnesses Predecessors bestowed eternal marks of Honour upon the Services of some great Families of Spain So King Iohn II. rewarded those of the Counts Ribadeo by permitting them to eat at the King's Table upon Twâ—lfth-day and to have the same Coat which his Majesty wore that day his Catholick Majesty granted the same Honour to the Marquess of Cadiz And order'd that they should have the Coat which he wore upon the Feast of the Blessed Virgin to the Marquesses of Moya he gave the Cup which the Kings should drink out of upon St. Lucia's Day to the Earls of Roca of the Family of Vera and to all of that House a Grant for each to exempt thirty persons from all Taxes the same King Ferdinand when he met the King of France at Savona invited the great Captain Gonsalvo to Table with him at whose house also he staid at his Entry into Naples and what wonder since he ow'd him his Kingdom and all Spain its Glory and Success †Mar. Hist. Hisp. Of him might well be said what Tacitus says of another brave and valiant General In his Body was all the beauty of the Cherusâ—i and whatever was done with Success was the result of his Counsel 4 Illo in corpore decus owne Cheruscorum illius consilia gesta quae prosperâ— ceâ—idâ—rint testaâ—atur Tac. 2. ann The Valour and Conduct of one Minister is often the Foundation and Rise of a Kingdom That which is founded in America is owing to Herman Cortez and the Pizarrs The single Valour and Industry of the Marquess of Aytona kept the Netherlands from revolting upon the Death of the Infanta Isabella and some of our present Ministers have been the chief Instruments in preserving the Empire in the House of Austria and of the Tranquility which Italy has so long enjoyed whose great Rewards have been a spark to kindle a glorious Emulation in others By recompencing one Service you purchase many more 't is a noble Usury which enriches Princes and enlarges and secures their Estates the Ottoman Empire flourishes because it encourages and prefers Valour in whomsoever it is conspicuous The Fabrick of the Spanish Monarchy arrived at this Perfection because King Ferdinand the Catholick and after him Charles V. and Philip II. knew how to hew out and proportion the Stones to its bigness Princes complain of this Age of being barren and not productive of such great Spirits not considering that the Reason is that they don't look for them or if they do find them that they don't give them sufficient Encouragement but only promote those who are about them which depends more upon Chance than Choice Nature always produces some great Genius's but Princes don't always make use of them How many excellent Genius's and great Spirits are born and die in Obscurity who if they had been imployed and exercis'd in Business had been the Admiration of Mankind Ossat had died Chaplain of St. Lewis in Rome without the Glory of having done so many signal Services to France had not Henry IV. of France observing his great Abilities procur'd him a Cardinals Hat If a Prince suffers a great Soul to herd with the common Rout he will live and die like one of them without performing any thing remarkable or glorious Christ went up to the Mountain Tabur with three of his Disciples only leaving the rest with the multitude upon which their Faith immediately cool'd 5 Nam quod Domino in monte demorante ipsis cum turba
residâ— tibus quidâ—m tepor eorum fidem retardaverat Hilar. cap. 7. Sup. Matth so that they could not cure a possesâ— person 6 And I brought him to thy Disciples and they could not cuâ— him Matth. 17. 15. Great Spirits do not flourish nor Blossom unless they are water'd by the Dew of Favour That Prince therefore who shall sow Honours shall reap able Statesmen But he ought to sow them in Season and to have them always ready upon all Occasions for then they are rarely tâ— be found In this Princes are usually careless while they liâ—â— in Peace and Quiet thinking they shall never have need oâ— them Nor should a Prince honour and prefer only his Nobility and Ministers but also all others of his Subjects whose Actions shall be meritorious As King Alphonso prudently advises in his Laws where he says that a Prince ought to honour Vertue wheresoever he finds it though it be in the very meanest of his Subjects A Prince ought to be very cautious in the Distribution of Honours considering the time and weighing the Qualifications of the persons that they may be exactly adapted to their Merit For that distinguishes Dignities as the intrinsick worth of a Diamond makes it more valuable if Honours were all equal they would be less valued 't is a kind of Tyranny not to reward Desert and nothing more incenses the People than it a whole Government is disordered by the unequal Distribution of Preferments Rewards above Desert are a Scandal to the receiver and an Affront to those who deserve better One is gratified many offended To gratifie all alike is â—o reward none Vertue thrives not by equality nor will Valour ever attempt any considerable Action without the hopes of some particular Reward A Statue erected for one affects many with a glorious Desire of obtaining the same Honour In a word Honour suited to a persons Merit is a Spur to him an Encouragement to others and a means to preserve Obedience in the people But though nothing more firmly settles or more gloriously adorns a Prince's Throne than Distribution of Honours yet ought he diligently to take Care not to Grant away those which are proper to his own Dignity and distinguish him from others For they are not like Flames which passing to another Subject still remains entire in its own but all such which he shall confer on others will no more shine in him so that Majesty will be obscur'd nor will any make their Applications to him but to them to whom he has granted such Honours Tiberius would not permit even his Mother Livia to receive those particular Honours which the Senate design'd because he thought 't would diminish his Authority 7 Caeterum anxius invidia muliebâ—e fastigium in diminutionem sui â—ccipiens ne lictorem quiâ—â—em ei decern◠〈◊〉 Tac. 1. ann Even Ceremonies which were introduced either by Chance or Flattery and are now peculiar to the Prince he ought not to make common to others For though they are vain and empty they mark out the Borders of Majesty to Respect and Veneration Tiberius was disgusted that the same publick Prayers were made for Nero and Drusus which were made for him tho' they were his Sons and Successours in the Empire 8 Tum verò aequari adolescentes senectae suae uis hoentèr indoluit Tac. 4. ann the Honour of Princes vanishes when made common by promiscuous Flattery 9 Vanescit Augusti honor si promisâ— noribus vulgâ—tur Tac. 4. ann sometimes though as when Ministers do personate the Prince in his absence the same Honours and Ceremonies are to be paid them as are due to the Prince if present as we fee in Vice-Roys and Courts of Supream Authority which like Stars shine in the Suns absence but not in his Presence for then those marks of Honour are paid to the Royal Dignity represented in the Ministers who are as it were the Pictures of Majesty and the reflection of Supream Authority EMBLEM LIX NATURE the provident Disposer of all things has divided Countries from one another and hedg'd 'em in sometimes with Mountains like â—ast Walls sometimes entrenched 'em about with deep Rivers and sometimes with the Ocean it self that she â—ight put a stop to the Designs of humane Ambition for â—he same Reason she has constituted different Climates Naâ—ures Languages and Customs that in this great Diversity of Nations each might live amicably and in Unity among themselves not easily giving way to the Power and Tyranâ—y of Invaders Yet are not all these bars and fences of Nature able to check this insatiable Desire of Rule for Ambition is so great and so deeply rooted in Man's heart â—hat it thinks the five Zones too narrow for it Alexander â—hey say wept that he had no more Worlds to Conquer All the Blessings of Life nay Life it self for all our natural Inclinations to preserve it are all slighted for a moments Reign Humaya going to invade the Kingdom oâ— Cordova some of his Friends diâ—swaded him from it urging the danger of the Attempt Call me King to day sayâ— he and to morrow kill me there is no Passion in Maâ— more blind and dangerous than this This has cost many their Lives as well as Estates which they would have there by enlarged A certain Prince of Tartary usually drank ouâ— of a Cup on which was engraven the Head of a Prince oâ— Muscovy who in invading his Kingdom lost his own witâ— his Life about the edge of which was this Inscription This Prince by coveting mine lost his own Almost the same thing befell King Sancho who woulâ— have rob'd his Brothers of the Kingdoms which their Father King Ferdinand had divided between ' em Ambitioâ— is in danger when it but puts its Arm out of its Territories like the Snail which runs a Risque whenever it peeps out oâ— its shell 1 Testâ—dinem ubi collecta in suum tegmen est tutam ad omnes 〈◊〉 esse ubi exerit partes aliquas quodcunque nudavit obnoxium at que iâ— mum habere Cic And though Tyridates said That 't is for private Men to maintain their own but for Kings to invadâ— others 2 Et sua retinere privatae domus alienis ceâ—â—â— Regiam laudem esse Tac. 15. ann yet this is only then when reason and prudenâ—â— advise it and when Power has no other Tribunal than that oâ— Arms for whoever unjustly robs another of his Kingdom gives others opportunity and right to do the same to him first let a Prince consider the Danger of his own before 〈◊〉 thinks of invading another's Kingdom 3 Suam quisque fortunam in 〈◊〉 â—â—lio habeat cum de â—lieno deliberat Curtius for which Reâ—son the Emperour Rodolphus I. us'd to say 'T was bettâ—â— to govern well than to enlarge a Kingdom if King â—phonso the Wise had took this Advice he had never pursuâ— his Pretentions to the Empire to the so evident peril his own Kingdom
for a Prince at the begiâ—ning of his Reign to observe the methods of the last 〈◊〉 king Care to reform it by Degrees with that easiness aâ— moderation that the People shall find themselves on t'otheâ— side without knowing how they got over Tiberius duâ— not at the beginning of his Reign abolish the publick Sportâ— introduc'd by Augustus 13 Sed populum per tot annos mollitèr habiâ— nondum audebat ad duriora vertere Tac. 1. ann Galba reigned but a fâ—â— Months because immediately upon coming to the Thronâ— he began to punish past Crimes to moderate extravagaâ— Donatives and to curb the Licentiousness and Insoleâ— which the People had been so us'd to in Nero's time 14 〈◊〉 veterem disciplinam atque ita quatuordecim annis à Nerone 〈◊〉 ut haud minus vitia Principis amarent quam olim virtutes 〈◊〉 rabantur Tac. Hist. 1. that they as much loved their Princes Vices as former they esteem'd their Vertues The same befel the Emperoâ— Pertinâ—x for designing to reform the Militia enervaâ—â— under the Luxurious Reign of Commodus Lewis XI Kiâ—â— of France fell into the same Errour for that he began 〈◊〉 Reign with the severe Punishment of some of his principâ— Nobility The Excellence of a new Government ought 〈◊〉 be Benignity since too much Rigour and Severity is 〈◊〉 Vice of an old one What dare not old Kings do The softest Chaiâ— Of Kingdoms is in a new Princes Reign To settle a Government is a work of time for 't is troublesome to reform as to new model one 15 Non minus negotii est Remp. 〈◊〉 quam ab initiâ—â—onstituere Arist. 4. Pol. cap. 1. for 〈◊〉 reason David excus'd himself from punishing Ioab for the Murther of Abner as being weak and newly anointed King 16 2 Sâ—m 3. 39. that is he fear'd by too much Severity he should make his new gotten Government odious Rehoboam had never ruined himself had he considered this when by the Counsel of the young Men he answer'd the People of Israel who desir'd he would treat 'em with less Severity than his Father had done My Father made your Yoke heavy and I will add to your Yoke my Father also chastised you with Whips but I will chastise you with Scorpions 17 1 Kings 12. 14. There is nothing more serviceable to a Prince at his entrance upon the Government than to signalize himself by some glorious Exploits for Reputation once got is not immediately lost for which Reason Domitius Corbulo when he was sent into Armenia took particular Care to raise his Reputation 18 Ubi famae inserviret 〈◊〉 in novis câ—ptis validissima est Tac. 13. ann The same Agricola did in his Government of Britain knowing that the Reputation of his first Actions would byass all the rest 19 Non ignarus instandum faâ—â—ae prout prima â—essissent fore universa Tac. in vit Agr. The comparison which the People make between the past and present Administration is always of ill consequence when they don't find in this the same Felicity they did in t'other or don 't perceive the same Parts and Qualifications in the present Prince as in his Predecessor let him therfore take Care as much can be that there be no difference but that the same hand may seem to hold the Reins But if the Prince either cannot or knows not how to adjust his Actions to the Peoples humour as his Predecessour did let him more particularly avoid occasion which may breed Comparisons Which was the reason that Tiberius was never present at publick Shews fearing that his rough melancholy Temper compar'd to the complaisant Gaiety of Augustus would be offensive to the People 20 Cur abstinuerit Spectaculo ipse variè trahebant aliâ— taedio caetus â—â—idâ—m tristitia ingenii metâ— comparationis quia Augustuâ— comiâ—er â—â—â—fuisset Tac. 1. ann Wherefore as soon as a Prince comes to the Helm of Affairs he should diligently enquire what things were distasteful in the past Reign that he may avoid them this was Nero's Maxim at his Accession to the Throne prescribing it as a Plan of his future Government sedulously declining those things which had lately bred Disgust 21 Tum formam futuri Principatus prâ—scripsit ca maximè declinâ—â— querum recens flagrabat invidia Tac. 13. ann Let a Prince also adjust his Actions to the Customs of the Countrey and methods of his Predecessor for even the Vertues of the Successour which are new and such aâ— the Predecessour and the Nation in general were unacquainted with the People look upon as Vices and loath ' em The Parthians demanded Vono for their King a Person endu'd with the Gentile Accomplishments of Rome where he had been as Hostage but those Vertues lost him the Affections of his People who regarded them as nothing but new Vices 22 Sed prompti adius obvia comitas ignotae Parthis Vertutes nova vitia Tac. 2. ann they were disgusted that he did not give his mind to Horses and Hunting as his Predecessors did and on the contrary they all loved Nero because he accommodated himself to their Customs 23 Quod hic prima ab infantia instituta cultum Armeniorum 〈◊〉 latus venatu epulis quae alia barbari celebrant proceres plebemâ—â— juxta devinxerat Tac. 2. ann And if this difference of Manners in the Princes Person produces these Effects how much greater will the Alteration of the Customs and Ways of the People create But if Correction be necessary it must be apply'd with such Moderation as may neither make the Prince seem severe nor remiss but when the negligence of the Predecessour was very great and the People require a Remedy then the Activity and Diligence of the Successour is very opportune as was visible in the first Years of your Royal Highnesses renown'd Father 'T is a generous piece of Justice for a Prince to begin his Reign with pardoning all offences against himself and punishing those committed against others nothing gaiâ—â— People's esteem and respect more than this 24 Novum Imperium inchoantiâ—â— utilis clementia Tac. 4. Hist. As the Emperours Vespâ—siâ— and Titus found as also Charles VII King of France Upon this Consideration Witiza remitted the Banishment of those whom his Father had condemned and caused their Tryals to be burnt by this great means the better to secure the Crown upon his Head Though these Acts are highly requisite yet the main Point is the gaining the Love and Obedience of the Subjects which two Kings of Arragon were absolute Masters of †Mar. Hist. Hisp. One was King Alphonso I who going to take Possession of the Kingdom of Castile for his Wife Terraca behaved himself with great Complaisance and Affability to all he heard Causes and administer'd Justiâ—e himself he protected Widows and Orphans reliev'd the Poor honour'd and reward'd the Nobility according to their Desert prefer'd Vertue and made the Kingdom plentiful
and populous which acquir'd him the Affections of all The other was Alphonso V. King of Naples who made himself extreamly beloved by the People by his care and prudence in Affairs by a due Disposal of Rewards and Punishments by Liberality Complaisance and Easiness of Access by his Love for the publick Well-fare and by so exact a Conformation to the Manners and Customs of the Kingdom that he seem'd a natural not a foreign Prince Those Kings who have their Residence among their Subjects may gain their hearts more easily than those who reside in distant Provinces for if their Loyalty does not grow quite cold 't is at most but Luke-warm and nothing but the Excellence of the Constitution can preserve its heat that is by providing able Ministers and by severely punishing their Faults especially those which they commit against Justice and the Reputation and Estates of others all the Comfort absent Subjects have is that if the Prince be good they shall feel the Effect of it as well as if present but if otherwise they should be least under the Lash of his Tyranny 25 Laudatorum Principum usuâ— ex aequo quamvis prout agentibus sâ—vi proximis ingrâ—nt Tac. 4. Hist. But because such Kingdoms love Novelty and Change and require the Presence of the Prince himself to govern them the Confidence which he puts in them should be arm'd and senced from all Accidents using the same means which we prescrib'd for the preservation of a Conquer'd Kingdom Elective Kingdoms which are obtain'd by Favour are also maintain'd by the same though this very rarely continues long And though all new Empires begin with Applause yet in this 't is but short and soon over amidst the very Acclamations when Saul was anointed King the People began to distrust and slight him though he was chosen by God himself 26 1 Sam. 10. 27. But there are Ways by which the person Elected may preserve the Peoples good Opinion of him that is to say by maintaining those Vertues and Qualifications which made him at first thought worthy of the Crown for Men usually change their Manners with their Fortunes Tiberius had a very good Character and Reputation while he was a private Person and liv'd under Augustus 27 Egregium vita famaque quoad privatus vel in imperiis sub Augusto fuit Tac. 6. ann as also had Galba let him be Courteous and obliging to all 28 Major privato visus dum privatus fuit Tac. 1. Hist. Grateful and Liberal to those who Elected him civil to those who gave their Votes against him let him be a zealous Lover of his Countrey And a vigorous Assertor of its Laws and Privileges let his Council be compos'd of the Natives of the Countrey imploying them alone in Offices and places of Trust not admitting Foreigners and Relations let him maintain his Family with modesty let him temper Majesty with Consideration and Justice with Clemency let him so govern as if his Kingdom came by Descent which he should transmit to his Posterity not as if it were Elective fleecing it of what he can during his Reign according to the Poet. A short Reign never spares the People 29 Non parcit populis Regnum breve Statius For 't is very difficult to be moderate in Grandeur which must die with us 30 Difficilius est temperare felicitati qua te non putes diâ— usâ—rum Tac. 2. ann The Prince ought moreover to be peaceable not an Invader of others for Elective Kingdoms fear such a Master whose mind is bent upon Conquering others but they love him who is only careful in preserving his own as we see in Poland for 't is evident that all Kingdoms were at first Elective and that 't was only Ambition of enlarging them by invading their Neighbours by which so many have lost that Liberty which they would have taken from others Nor is it possible that among so many Casualties and Dangers of Election this Enlargement of States should be lasting for those very Arms which make those additional Conquests will reduce them to Hereditary Kingdoms which was 31 Si immensum Imperii corpus starè ac librari sine rectore posset dignus eram à quo Respub inciperet Tac. 1. Hist. Galba's excuse for not converting the Empire into a Commonwealth Elective Monarchies love Liberty and so ought not to be governed without it and since Election is the Scale in which they weight it the Prince should always stand on that side for if he gives the least Suspicion that he intends to make the Crown Hereditary he will certainly lose it In States acquir'd by Conquest there is more difficulty in attaining than preserving them for they are like wild Colts in which the main Trouble is backing them for afterwards they willingly take the Bitt and submit to the burthen Fear and Flattery open the way to Dominion the first Ascâ—nt of which is steep and difficult 32 Prima dominandi spes in arduo ubi sis ingressus adsunt studia Ministri Tac. 4. ann but once setled you want neither Partizans nor Ministers yet since these Services are generally forced and counterfeit they easily revolt when they have opportunity and are therefore to be entertain'd and cherish'd with great Care especially at first since from the first Actions we easily Judge of the future Government as Vitellius experienced who grew hateful and odious to all for the Death of Dolabella 33 Magna cum invidia novi Principatus cujuâ—â—oc primum specimen nosceâ—atur Tac. 2. Hist. And though Piso said that a Kingdom acquir'd by ill Practices could never be maintain'd by good ones 34 Nemo enim unquam imperium flagitio quaesitum bonis artibus exercuit Tac. 1. Hist. yet King Sancho did this way establish his doubtful Title to the Kingdom which he got by Conquest Princes are soon ruin'd by striving to preserve that by Force which they got so This pernicious piece of Policy has been the ruin of all Tyrants and if any one has preserved himself 't is because he chang'd his Tyranny into Benevolence and his Cruelty into Clemency Vice cannot subsist long unless Vertue be its substitute Ambition unjust in acquiring at first must change into Zeal for the publick Good to maintain it self Subjects love their Prince for the publick and their private Interests and when they succeed in both their Fear soon changes into Reverence and their Hatred into Respect but Care must be taken that this Reformation of Vices which are now publickly known be not so sudden nor affected as to proceed from Design not Nature whose Operations are slow and methodical so Otho thought that a sudden Modesty or affected Gravity could not preserve the Empire which he had attain'd by Villany 35 Simul reputans non posse Principatum scelere quaesitum subita modestia prisca gravitate retineri Tac. 1. Hist. The People are more apprehensive of such
of Subjects and the greater Ties of Friendship and Relation are loos'd and broken upon account of Religion King Witeric was put to Death by his own Subjects for endeavouring to introduce Arianism the same befel Witiza for altering the Rites and Ceremonies of Divine Worship Galicia rebelled against King Froilus for the abuse of the Marriage of the Clergy As soon as Dive sity of Religions was introduced among the Dutch they rebell'd against their lawful King and Master So Honour as it is the Defence and Preservation of States and the chief Spur to Loyalty so it also disturbs them to clear it self from Affronts Contempt and Injuries the People preferring Honour before Life and Fortune 8 Honor quoque quantâ—â— valeat quomodo sit causa seditionis 〈◊〉 est Arist. 5. Pol. c. 3. Count Iulian invited the Moors into Spain because he suspected that King Roderick had violated the Honour of his Daughter Cava the Nobles of Castile took up Arms against Alphonsus III. for that he would infringe their Privileges and oblige 'em to pay Taxes as did the Subjects of Ramires III. King of Leon for his severe and servile usage of them For Affronts received by the People always provoke to Revenge upon the Prince 9 Et multae conspirationes invasioâ—s in Monarchas propter pudendas contumelias in corpus illatas factâ— sunt Arist. 5. Pol. l. 10. and Contempt creates Seditions 10 Propâ—er contempâ—um etiam seditiones conspiratâ—â—â—quâ— fâ—â—nâ— Aâ—â—st 5. Pol. c. 3. And this either when the Prince contemns the People or the People the Prince which is when they don't find him fitly qualified thinking it base to obey one who knows not to Command and make himself respected and takes no Care of the Government So the People of Arragon served their King Iohn I. the same thing befel Iohn II. of â—astile for his insufficiency Henry IV. for his Vices and Alphonso V. of Portugal for suffering himself to be govern'd by others Nor do Subjects take it as â— less Injury and Contempt for the Prince to make Foreigners his chief Ministers and to dispose of all Dignities and Preferment among them for as King Henry said That is declaring plainly that his own native Subjects are insufficient and unworthy * L. 14. tit 3. lib. 2. recop This was the cause of the Commotions of Castile in the time of the Emperour Charles V. The same thing happens upon an unequal Distribution of Honours for that Men of great Spirits can't brook 11 Non multitudo quâ—dem gravitâ— fert inaequalitatem patrimoniorum praestantes autem honorum inaequalitatem Arist. lib. 2. Poâ— c. 5. and take it as an Affront that Men of leâ—â— Desert are preferr'd before them 12 Nam homines tum quod ipsi inhonorati fiunt inovent seditiones tum quod alios videant in honore Arist. 5. Pol. 3. The greatest Disease of a Government is Incontinence and Lust in the Governours hence proceed Seditions and Revolutions of States for that violates the Honour of many and is severely punished by God One such Action buried Spain in ashes for many Ages the same call'd down great Plagues upon Egypt 13 Gen. 12. 17. And David suffered great Troubles both in his own Person and in his Posterity 14 2 Sam. 12. 10. who were continually persecuted and destroy'd by the Sword There is danger in those States where many are excluded from Offices for they are all so many Enemies 15 Cum enim multitudo inâ—pum est in civitate eademque ab honoribus exclusa necesse est eam civitatem plenam hostium Reipub Arist. lib. 3. Pol. c. 7. no Man is so stupid as not to desire Honour and take it ill to be deprived of it 16 Honori incumbit tam ignarus quam bonus Arist. 2. Pol. 5. Those States also are subject to the same Inconveniency in which the Magistracy is divided among a set number of the Nobility all the rest being excluded The third Cause of the Revolutions and Troubles of States is the desire of preserving Life that is when the Subjects think the Prince so Lazy and Cowardly as that he can't preserve and defend them or else when they hate him for his Severity as they did King Alphonso III. or for his Cruelty as they did King Peter or for his Injustice and Tyranny which endangers all their Lives as they did King Ordonius for the ill usage and Murther of the Counts of Castile whence proceeded the Change of his State * Mar. Hist. Hisp. The last is Estates that is when a Prince idlely squanders away his Subjects Fortunes which occasion'd Garcias King of Galicia to lose both Kingdom and Life too or when he extravagantly spends his Revenues which was Ramon's Pretence for killing â— his Brother-in-Law Sancho King of Navarre or when he is very covetous as was King Alphonso or when through his ill management the State suffers by Scarcity or when the Price of things rises or Trade fails which render'd the same Alphonso so odious or when the Coin is bad as 't was in the time of Peter II. King oâ— Arragon and in many other Kings Reigns or when Places of Profit or Riches are unequally despos'd of For Envy and Necessity take up Arms against the Rich and so raise Commotions 17 Insuper seditiones oriuntur non solum ob patrimoniorum verum etiam ob honorum inaequalitatem Arist. lib. 2. Pol. 5. This also happens from the Male-administration of Justice from the quartering of Souldiers and from other Burthens which oppress the Subjects Estates and Goods Besides these general Causes there are others particular to the three Distinctions which I made of Kingdoms in the last Emblem which may be inferr'd from what I propos'd for their Preservation for the Knowledge of preserving a State implys the Knowledge of what will ruin it and so on the contrary 18 Sed illud primum omnium dubitarâ— non potest quin cognitis iis quae Reipub interitum important ea quoque quae salutem afferunt intelligantur Arist. lib. 5. pol. cap. 8. for all this I cannot but enlarge a little though I run a Risque of repeating what has been already said Hereditary States are usually ruined for want of Care and Diligence in the Successour especially when they are considerable for then their Greatness makes him secure and negligent careless of all Danger and dubious in his Councels In Execution timorous least he should disturb the Quiet he injoys he takes no Care to prevent misfortunes but thinks it sufficient if he can remedy them not considering that this latter is more chargeable and less effectual 19 〈…〉 diora sunt remedia quam mala Tac. in vit Agr. He thinks Bravery too dangerous and in procuring Peace by certain idle and uncertain means he brings a War upon himself and so ruins himself by the very means he us'd for his Preservation This is the misfortune
the Inconveniencies and Remedies of which I have set down elsewhere The Court is also a great Cause of the want of People for as a hot Liver draws all the natural Heat to it self leaving other parts of the Body spiritless and faint so the Pomp Ease Delight Profit and hopes of Reward at Court allure the Minds of most especially of the Artificers and Tradesmen who think it a more pleasant and easie Life to serve some Person of Quality than to toil at their own Trade the Nobility also invited by the Prince's Presence or the Charms of the Court leave their Estates in the Countrey for a Court Life whence not being able to look after them but spending their Revenuâ—s upon extravagant and unnecessary Expences their Estates become pooâ— and uninhabited whereas they would have been rich and populous had their Lord resided there The Emperor Iustiâ—â—n prudently reflected upon these Inconveniencies and appointed an Officer on purpose to prevent them 16 Invenimâ—â— enim quia populatim Provinciâ— suis habitatoribus spolrâ—â—â—â— Magno vero haec nostra civitas populosâ— est turbis diversorâ—â—â— hâ—minum maxima Agricolarum suas civitates culturas relinquentiam Auth de Quaest. King Iohn II. also order'd that all the Nobility at his Court should at certain times visit their own Estates as also the Emperor Trojan did before him Birth-right also especially in Spain is very prejudicial to Propagation for the eldest Brother Claims the whole Estate which King Theodorick thought very unjust 17 Iniquum est enim ut de una substantia quâ—bus competit aequa successio alii abundantèr affuant alii paupert atiâ— râ—commâ—dâ—â—â—gemiscunt Cass. lib. 1. Epist 7. so that the youngest not having wherewithal to maintain a Family instead of marrying either shut themselves into Convents or turn Soldiers For this Reason Plato call'd Riches and Poverty the ancient Plagues of Commonwealths knowing that almost all their misfortunes proceeded from an unequal Distribution of Riches If the Citizens had all an equal Dividend State would undoubtedly flourish more But though the advantage redounding from hence wouâ—d be great the Preservation of the Nobility by means of Fieâ—â— would not be less for by that means they would be in a Capacity to serve the Prince and State so that those may be allowed to the ancient Nobility not to the modern by making a Law that all Relations to the fourth Degree should be joynt Heirs if not of the whole yet of the greatest part of the Estate 18 Commodum est etiam 〈…〉 donatiâ—â—e sed jure cognitionis tradantur Arist l. 5. pol. 8 thus the Inconveniencies of Legacies and Gifts would be prevented which are more the Effects of Vanity than a design to serve the Publick as also of that religious Prodigality which observing neither Bounds nor Proximity of Blood gives all to the Church not leaving so much as Subsistence to Brethren or any other Relations whence Families become Extinct the Royal Revenues are exhausted the People impoverish'd and unable to pay Taxes the Power of those who are exempted is increased and the Authority of the Prince diminished This Moses considering 19 Exod. 36. 5â— forbid by Edict any one from offering any more towards the Work of the Sanctuary 20 Exod. 36. 6. though God himself was the Author of those Offerings and thâ—y were offer'd through pure Devotion 21 Exod. 35. 29. the Republick of â—eâ—ice have made very prudent Provisions against this 'T is necessary also that a fit time should be observed in Marriages for if too late the Succession is endanger'd and the Government would be too much expos'd to the Incontinency of Youth And if soon the Children being almost of the same Age with their Fathers would soon forget their Duty and grudge 'em the time they live EMBLEM LXVII THE Policy of our Times presupposes Malice and Fraud in all things and therefore arms it self with greater without any regard to Religion Justice or Honour It thinks nothing disallowable that is advantageous but as these Practices are now common they must need justle and confound one another to the Detriment of the publick Tranquility and without obtaining their propos'd Ends. But let a Prince cautiously avoid such Doctrine and learn rather of Nature the Mistress of true Policy without Malice Fraud or any ill Practice there being none so certain firm and solid as that which she observes in the Government of Vegetables and Animals more especially that which she dictates to every Man by his Reason Particularly to Shepherds and Husbandmen for the Preservation of their Flocks and improvement of their Ground Hence may be 't is that those Kings who have been chosen from the Crook or the Plow have made the best Governours Though the Shepherd whose Office is almost the same of a Prince's 1 Jerem. 23. enjoys the Benefit of the Wool and the Milk of his Flock yet 't is with such moderation that he neither draws Blood from their Duggs nor shears their Skin so close as to leave 'em wholly expos'd to the Inconveniences of cold and heat So a Prince says King Alphonso ought more to value the common Good of his People than his own particular Interest for the common Good and Riches of his Subjects are as it were his own * L. 19. tiâ— 2. p. 3. The Husbandman cuts not down the Body of the Tree for his Domestick occasions but only Lops the Branches and not all of them neither but leaves enough to sprout out and serve his Occasions the next Year but the Farmer is not so careful who is for making the best of his Farm while his Lease continues not caring how much he impoverishes his Ground for his Landlord 2 Alitèr utimur propriis alitèr commodatis Quint. de Orat. This is the difference between a lawful Prince and a Tyrant in respect of Taxes and Impositions This having an unjust Title and fearing soon to be dethron'd makes the best use of his time stocking up all by the Roots fleaing instead of shearing his Flock instead of feeding them he gluts himself 3 Ezek. 34. 2. and instead of defending them leaves them a naked Prey to every Wolf 4 John 10. 12. But a just and lawful Prince in imposing Taxes considers the Justice of the Cause the Quantity Quality and Occasion and also Proportions them to his Subjects Estates and Persons treating his Kingdom not as a Body which is to die with him but to remain to his Posterity knowing that though Princes are Mortal States are Eternal 5 Principes mortales Rempub. aeternam esse Tac. 3. ann and since he expects a new Crop from his Kingdom every Year he preserves it carefully as his best Treasury which he may make use of upon urgent Occasions for as King Alphonso said in one of his Laws borrowing his Thought from a Precept of Aristotle to Alexander the Great The best and most lasting Treasure of a
King is his People when they are well defended according to a saying of the Emperor Iustinian that the Kingdom was always rich and the Exchequer full when the Subjects were wealthy and the Land plentiful * Lib. 15. tit 5. p. 2. When therefore a Prince raises Taxes with this Moderation the Subjects ought chearfully to pay them nor can they without a sort of Rebellion refuse them for Sovereignty has no other Portion nor publick necessity any other Assistance there is no Peace without Soldiers no Soldier without Pay no Pay without Taxes 6 Neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt Tac. 4. Hist. For this Reason when Nero would have remitted the Taxes the Roman Senate oppos'd him saying that without them the Empire would be ruin'd 7 Dissâ—lutionâ—m Imperii docendo si fructus quibus Resp. sustinetur 〈◊〉 Tac. 13. ann Taxes are the Prince of Peace but if they are too heavy and the People not well satisfied of their necessity they soon rebel against their Prince 'T was for no other Reason that King Alphonso Sirnamed the Great grew so odious to the People that after many Troubles and Vexations he was oblig'd to quit his Crown for the same also Garcios King of Galicia lost both his Kingdom and Life too †Mar. Hist. Hisp. lib. 9. cap. 8. K. Henry III. consider'd this Danger when being advised by some to raise new Taxes to defray the Expence of War he answer'd I fear the Discontent of my People more than my Enemies Money collected from unjust Taxes is mingled with the Subjects Blood as was seen to drop from that piece which St. Francis of Padua broke in the Presence of Ferdinand King of Naples and this ever crys for Vengeance against the Prince Great Taxes therefore ought not to be rais'd till the People be well convinced of the Necessity oâ— them for when they are satisfied of that and of the Justice of the Cause they patiently bear the heaviest Impositions as we see in those which were rais'd by K. Ferdinand IVth and in the Grant which the Parliament of Toledo made of a Million in the times of Henry III. permitting him also to raise more of his own accord to carry on the Wars against the Moors For though 't is not for private Persons to examine into the Justice of Taxes though they cannot often apprehend the Causes of Expences nor can they be communicated to them without evident Danger 8 Tibi summum rerum judicium dii dedere nobis obsâ—quii glâ—â—ia relictâ— est Tac. 6. ann yet are there some general Reasons which they may without Damage be inform'd of and though Natural and Divine Reason do allow the Power of levying Impositions to the Prince without the Subjects Consent when they are just and necessary as King Alphonso us'd to say yet will a prudent Prince so manage the matter and dispose the Minds of his Subjects that it may seem to be done with their Approbation Taxes are according to the Scripture the Bridle of the People 9 2 Sam. 8. 1. Vide. they keep them in Obedience and uphold the Prince's Authority Those who are free from all Taxes are ungovernable yet this Bridle should be so easie as not to gall them too much as King Flavius Herwegiâ—s prudently consider'd in the Thirteenth Council of Toledo saying That that Government was best which neither oppress'd the People with too great Taxes nor made them remiss and negligent by too little * Ut nec incauta exactio populos gravet nec indiscreta râ—missio statum gentis fociat deperire Concil Tol xiii The Command which Princes have over the Lives of their Subjects is executed without Danger it being done by Law which punishes some as Examples to the rest but not so that Command which they have over their Goods and Estates for that comprehendâ— all in general and People are more sensible in what concerns their Estates than their Bodies especially when they are got by Sweat and Blood and are to be imployed to supply the Prince's Luxury In which that remarkable Action of K. David ought to be consider'd when he refus'd to drink the water which his three Soldiers brought him from amidst the Enemies Camp least he should seem to drink the Blood of those Men 10 2 Sam. 23. 17. 'T is no good Policy to impoverish the People by Taxes the better to keep them in Obedience for though Poverty whether Original or Accidental debases our Spirits which always rise and fall with our Condition yet does Oppression provoke our Minds and urge us to Rebellion 11 Ferocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob egestatem ac metum ex Flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo Tac. 3. ann All the Israelites that were in Distress and every one that was in Debt and every one that was discontented joyn'd David against Saul 12 1 Sam. 22. 2. The People are always most obedient when they are richest The plenty of Egypt made the People of God though very severely us'd forget their Liberty but afterwards when they came to want in the Wilderness they complain'd heavily of their Slavery and Bondage When a Kingdom is given upon Condition that no Taxes shall be levy'd without its Consent or if this be afterwards provided by some general Decree as was in the Parliament of Madrid in the time of King Alphonso XIth or when it has acquired this Privilege by long Prescription as in Spain and France in such Cases the Prince must wait the Consent of the Parliament least he should expose himself to the same Danger as Charles VIIth of France did formerly when he went to raise a certain Tax without communicating it to his Council 'T is also of great advantage to a Prince to be so well esâ—eem'd of his People that from their Opinion of his Zeal for their Good they may think whatever Taxes he imposes upon them are just and reasonable and blindly agree to whatever he proposes committing themselves wholly to his Prudence and Management as the Egyptians did to Ioseph's when he exacted the fifth part of their Estates 13 Gen. 47. 25. When the People have once this Confidence in the Prince he ought diligently to take Care not to burthen them without sufficient Cause and mature Deliberation But if necessity does require it let him at least take Care that the Taxes be well expended for the People take nothing more hainously than to see no advantage from their Oppressions and to see their Estates squander'd away to no purpose They are also very uneasie to see Taxes continued when the Occasion for which they were rais'd is over As 't was in Vespasian's time when the Taxes rais'd for the necessity of War were continued in time of Peace 14 Necissitate armâ—rum excusorta etiam in pace mauâ—erâ— Tac. 2. ann For afterwards Subjects dread them and grudge to pay
these seeing I have lost my Children and am desolate a Captive and removing to and fro and who hath brought 〈◊〉 these Behold I was left alone these where had they â—een 12 Isai. 49. 21. 'T would be also conducive that if as the Romans formerly establish'd Garrisons at Constantinople Rhodes â—pon the Rhine and at Cadiz as in the four principal Angles of the Empire so now the Spaniards should erect Military Orders in several Places in the Mediterranean and Ocean who might Cruise about the Seas and clear them of Pyrates and secure our Trade with other Nations These Badges of Honour and Nobility are sufficient Rewards for Vertue and Valour and the Presidency of these Orders are rich enough to give a Beginning to so Glorious and Royal an Undertaking But if their Revenues should not suffice nor the Crown be willing to be depriv'd of so many Noble Posts the Administration of which is invested in it by the Apostolick See some Ecclesiastical Rents might be apply'd to that use This was the Advice of King Ferdinand the Catholick who would have Constituted the Knights of St. Iames at Oran and the Orders of Alcantara and Calatrava at Bugia and Tripoli having obtained leave of the Pope to convert the Revenues of the Convenâ—â— del Villar de Venas St. Martin in the Diocese of Saint Iames and that of Oviedo to that use But by reason of the War which soon after broke out in Italy this Design was not accomplish'd or perhaps because God reserv'd the Glory of this Institution for some other King Nor is the State-Objection against Intrusting such Potent Offices to the Nobility of force Military Orders were 't is true the Occasion of so many Rebellions in Castile yet now when the Power of our King is enlarg'd by the addition of so many Crowns thaâ— Inconveniency is not to be fear'd especially if these Orders were setled out of Spain and the Presidency of them Ingrafted as it were in the Crown EMBLEM LXIX DIvine Providence would not suffer this Monarchy of the World to be one moment without Gold and Iron one to preserve and the other to defend it For if it did not create them at the same time with the World yet did the Sun the Second Governor of all things immediately after its Creation operate in Purifying and Refining the Mineral Matter and locking it up in Mountains as in publick Treasuries where also Mars after the Matter was harden'd and reâ—in'd into Iron and Steel erected his Armory Arms are the Hands of Governments and Riches their Blood and Spirit And if these don't supply the Hands with Strength and they again preserve and defend them the whole Body will soon fall and be expos'd to Ruine and Violence Pliny tells of a sort of Ants in India which instead of Grains of Corn heap up Grains of Gold Nature has not granted those laborious Animals the Use of this Metal yet it would have them like Masters inform every Government of the Importance of laying up Treasure And though it be the Opinion of some Statesmen That hoarding up Riches serves for nothing but to invite Enemies as Hezekiah found when he had shewn his Treasure to the Embassadors of Assyria 1 2 King 20. 13. and as the Egyptians knew who for this Reason employ'd all their Royal Revenues in Building yet are their Reasons invalid and these two Examples of no force For 't was not Hezekiah's shewing his Riches that brought the War upon him but his Vanity and Pride in putting his Trust in them more than in God 'T was this that made Isaiah prophesie That he should lose all that he had 2 Ibid. ver 17. Nor did the Egyptians employ their Treasure in Building through fear of losing it but through Vain-glory and a design to amuse the Peoples Minds as we shall observe in its proper place If a Prince amasses Treasure through Avarice not making use of it when Occasion requires to defend his Country and offend his Enemy and to save Charges leaves his State unprovided of Arms and Men he will soon invite his Enemies to forge Keys to open his Chests and plunder him of his Riches But if he applies those Treasures to the Use and Service of his State he will at once strike an Awe and Respect into his Enemies For Riches are the Nerves of War 3 Sed nihil aquâ— fatigabat quam pecuniarum conquisitio eos esse belli civilis nervos dictitans Tac. 2. Hist. 'T is they procure Friends and Allies In a word A Full Exchequer does more Execution than Artillery Fleets or Armies When thus apply'd hoarding Riches and Moderation of Expences are not Avarice but Prudence as was that of King Ferdinand the Catholick who while living was call'd Miserable and Covetous but after his Death was clear'd of that Aspersion he leaving behind him but a very inconsiderable Summ whatever he hoarded he used to expend upon the Fabrick of the Kingdom placing his Glory not in spending but in having what to spend It must be observ'd That Treasures are sometimes collected with a true and Heroick Design to execute some Great and Glorious Action yet does this by degrees dwindle into Avarice and the Ruine of States happens before the Treasury is open'd for their Relief Man's Mind is easily taken with the Love of Riches and is wholly possess'd with a desire of obtaining them Nor is it sufficient that these Treasures be divided among the whole Body of the State as Chlorus in Eutropius desired 4 Melius publicas opes à privatis haberi quam intra unum claustrum asservari Eutrop. For Riches secure the Prince but endanger the People Cerealis told the People of Treves That their Riches were the chief Cause of their Wars 5 Penes quos Aurum opes praecipuae bellorum causae Tacit. 6. Hist. When the Publick is Poor and private Persons Rich Misfortunes arrive before they can be prevented Counsels are prejudiced for the People avoid those Resolutions which seek to redress the Publick Grievances at the Expence of particular Persons so that they can very difficultly be induced to make War Aristole for this Reason blam'd the Constitution of the Common-wealth of Sparta it having no Publick Treasury 6 Male eâ—iam circa pecunias publicas constitutum est apud illâ—s quia neque in publiâ—o habent quicquam magna bella gerere coacti pecunias agre conâ—erunt Arist. l. 2. c. 6. Pol. And if the People are more intent upon their own private than the Publick Interest with how much Regret will they be induced to remedy the Grievances of the Publick at their own particular Expence 7 Privato usui bonum publicum postponitur Tac. 6. Annal. The Republick of Genoa feels this Inconveniency And Plato ascribes the Ruine of that of Rome to no other Cause in an Oration which Sallust says he made in the Senate against the Accomplices of Cataline's Conspiracy having
King Alphonso the Emperor was surpriz'd at the Splendour and Magnificence of that Court affirming That he had not seen the like in all that Part of Asia or Europe which he had travell'd through in his Voyage to the Holy Land Such was then â—he Grandeur of one King of Castile though distracted with Civil Wars and the greatest part of his Kingdom possess'd by the Moors There are some Authors affirm That there was in this Kingdom in the time of the Holy War against the Heathens a Rendezvouz of a Hundred Thousand Foot Ten Thousand Horse and Sixty Thousand Waggons and that King Alphonso III. daily paid both the Soldiers Captains and Generals according to their Office and Quality These vast Expences and Provisions which at present seem incredible the single Kingdom of Castile could afford nay and at the same time maintain'd a greater Number of Enemies without the Assistance of Foreign Riches until a certain Biscayner roving upon the Sea by fortune got a sight of this New World either unknown to or forgotten by the Ancients and preserv'd for the Honour of Columbus who after the Death of this Spaniard diligently considering the Observations that he the first Discoverer had made undertook to demonstrate the Discovery of the Provinces which Nature seem'd designedly to separate from us by Mountainous Waves He communicated this his Project to several Princes hoping by their Assistance to facilitate his great and difficult Enterprize But all slighted it as vain and notionary Which if they had done through Prudence and Caution and not Distrust and Misbelief they had merited the same Praise which Carthage gain'd of old which when some Sailors were boasting in the Senate of the Discovery of a wonderful Rich and Delicious Island supposed to be Hispaniola caus'd 'em immediately to be put to Death thinking the Discovery of such an Island would be of more Detriment than Advantage to the Commonwealth Columbus at last applies himself to Their Catholick Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella whose Generous Spirits capable of many Worlds could not be content with one alone So that having received necessary Assistance he put to Sea and after a tedious and hazardous Voyage in which he encounter'd as great Danger from the Diffidence of his Companions as from the Sea it self he at last return'd to Spain laden with Gold and Silver The People flock'd to the Shore of Guadalquivir to admire these precious Products of the Earth brought to light by the Indians and thither by the Valour and Industry of their Countrymen But this great Plenty of them soon perverted all Things the Husbandman soon leaves Plough gets into his Embroider'd Silks and begins to be more curious of his Tawny Sun-burnt Hands the Merchant steps from his Counter into his Sedan and lolls it lazily about the Streets Workmen disdain their Tools and all forsooth must now turn Gentlemen No Money is current now but Silver and Gold and our Coin being wholly unmix'd and pure is coveted and desired by all Nations Gold and Silver now growing common all Things raise their Price In fine It befel our Kings as it did the Emperor Nero whom a certain African put a Trick upon telling him in his Grounds he had found a vast Treasure which he believ'd Queen Dido had buried there either lest too much Riches should enervate the Minds of her Subjects or lest they should invite others to Invade her Kingdom Which the Emperor giving credit to and thinking himself already sure of the Treasure squander'd away the Old Stock upon the Hope of these New-found Riches The Expectation of Riches being the cause of the Publick Want 10 Et divitiarum expectatio inter causas paupertatis publicae erat Tac. 16. Annal. Cheated by the same Hopes we were persuaded that we had no more need of fix'd and standing Treasuries but think our Ships sufficient not considering that all our Power depends upon the Uncertainty of the Winds and Seas as Tiberius said the Lives of the Romans did because their Provisions were all brought them from Foreign Provinces 11 At hercule nemo refert quod Italia externâ—e opis indiget quòd vita populi Romani per incerta maris tempestatum quotidie vivitur Tac. 3. Annal. Which Hazard Aleto consider'd when dissuading Godfredo from going to the Holy Wars he said * Tasso Shall then your Life upon the Winds depend And as Mens Hopes are generally above their Estates 12 Sâ—epe enim de facultatibus suis amplius quam in his est sperant homines Justin. Instit. quibus ex causis man § in fraudem State and Pomp encreases the Salaries Wages and other Charges of the Crown are enlarged out of Confidence and Expectations of these Foreign Riches which being afterwards ill and negligently managed were not sufficient to defray such Expences and this made way for Debts and those for Usury and Interest Necessity daily encreas'd and occasion'd new Expences But nothing was so prejudicial to the Publick as the Alteration of the Coin which though not consider'd should be preserv'd in as much Purity as Religion it self the Kings Alphonso the Wise Alphonso XI and Henry II. who did offer to alter it endanger'd both themselves and Kingdoms and their Misfortunes ought to have been a Warning to us But when Ills are fatal neither Experience nor Example can move us King Philip II. deaf to all these Cautions doubled the Value of Copper Coin which was before convenient for common Use and answerable to bigger Money Foreigners coming to understand the Value that the Royal Stamp gave to this paultry Metal began to Traffick with nothing else bringing us in vast quantities of Copper ready Coin'd in Exchange for our Gold Silver and other Merchandise Which did us more Damage than if all the Monsters and venomous Serpents of Africa had been brought among us And the Spaniards who us'd to ridicule the Rhodians for their Copper Money became themselves the Jest and Laughing-stock of the whole World Trade was ruin'd by this troublesome scoundrel Metal all things grew dearer and by degrees scarcer as in the time of Alphonso the Wise. Buying and Selling ceas'd and at the same time the Revenues of the Crown were diminish'd so that new Impositions and Taxes were unavoidable whence for want of Commerce the Wealth of Castile was spent and the same Inconveniencies renew'd proceeding one from another in a pernicious Circle which will at last prove our Ruine unless a Remedy be timely apply'd by reducing that king of Money to its former and intrinsick Value Who would not think that this World must be subdu'd by the Riches and Wealth of the other And yet we see there were greater Exploits perform'd formerly by pure Valour than since by all these Riches as Tacitus observ'd in the time of Vitellius 13 Vires luxu corrumpebantur contra veterem disciplinam instituta majorum apud quos virtute quam pecunia res Rom. melius stetit Tac. 2. Hist.
all turbulent and seditious Men to their Colonies or Armies Publius Aemilius transported the chief Authors of Seditions to Italy as also Charles V. did the Nobles of Saxony Rutilius and Germanicus instead of Punishing some Mutineers made 'em Freemen Drusus appeas'd the Mutinous Legions by separating them from one another 7 Tyronem à veâ—erano Legionem à Legione dissociant Taâ— 1. Annal. Loyalty and Military Vertue are maintain'd by Division because it hinders Forces and Vices from joyning For this Reason the Armies were separated in the time of Galba 8 Longis spatiis discreti exercitus quod saluberrimum est ad â—ontinendam â—ilitarem fidem ne vitiis nec viribus misâ—ebantur Tac. 1. Hist. 'T is for this Reason that many think it requisite to prohibit all Cabals and Meetings of the People For the same Cause Grand Cairo was divided into several Districts or Parishes by very high Walls that the People might not so easily associate Nor is it any thing else that has so long preserv'd Venice in quiet than that all its Streets are divided by the Sea Separation makes People dubious and unresolv'd not knowing which Part is safest but without that they would all unanimously side with the Strongest 9 Quod in seditionibus accidit unde plures â—rant omnes fuere Tac. 1. Hist. This made Pisander sow Discord among the Athenians that he might divide and separate them In Military Seditions 't will be sometimes conducive to set them together by the Ears 10 Dux ad solvendam militum conspirationem alterum in alterum concitat S. Chrysost. for one Mutiny is generally remedied by another The Roman Senate was advis'd upon a certain Popular Insurrection to appease the Mobb by the Mobb 11 Remedium tumultus fuit alius tumultus Tac. 2. Hist. weakning their Force by Division And doubtless this is the meaning of that Law of Solon which Condemn'd a Citizen who in a Sedition did not adhere to some one Party But this is rather to enflame than quench and divide it since at this rate there would remain none who might be Mediators to compose it There is also another effectual Remedy which is the Presence of the Prince bravely and resolutely confronting the Fury of the People For as the Sea which foams and dashes against Rocks and Hills runs smooth upon the even Sand so is the Mobb hush'd and quieted by the serene Presence of its Prince Augustus with his Looks frighted the Actian Legions into Obedience 12 Divus Augustus vultu aspectu Actiacas Legioneâ— exterruit Tac. 1. Annal. In the Disorders of the German Legions when the Soldiers look'd upon the Multitude they shouted but when again they cast their Eyes upon Caesar they seemed to tremble 13 Illi quoties oculos ad multitudinem retulerant vocibus truculâ—â—â—â—â—repere rursum viso caesare trepidare Tac. 1. Annal. Sedition is soon quash'd by Authority and Presence As the Blood hasts to the Assistance of the Part wounded so ought the Prince to assist with his Presence at the Disorders of his State Majesty easily reduces Subjects to their Obedience for in that Nature has plac'd a certain Occult Force which often produces wonderful Effects Certain Conspirators had enter'd the very Palace of Peter IV. King of Arragon with a Design upon his Life and he readily going to meet them quite dash'd their Resolutions The Rebellion in the Belgick Provinces had never gone so far had Philip II. been himself upon the Spot But this Remedy ought well to be weigh'd and consider'd of whether or no absolute Necessity requires it for 't is the last and if that fails there is no other For this Reason Tiberius sent Drusus and Germanicus to compose the Mutinous Legions in Hungary 14 Resâ—stâ—â—â—â—esque Germanico Druso posse à se mitigari vel infringi quod aliud sâ—â—sidium si Imperatorem sprevissent Tac. 1. Annal. The Prince's Presence is also dangerous if he be hated or a Tyrant for then the Subjects are willing and eager to shake off the Yoke of Obedience But if any Kingdom be divided into Factions by the private Grudges of Families one to another 't is Prudence to prohibit their Names from being mention'd Thus did King Francis of Navarr forbidding any one upon severe Penalties to be call'd Agramont or Biamont which were two Families in that Kingdom at continual Enmity But if the Peoples Dissatisfaction and Sedition proceed from the Male-Administration of some Minister there is no Dust more effectual to appease them than the Punishment of that Person If they impute to the Minister that which is really the Prince's fault and so rise against him their Errour must have its free course since neither Force nor Reason can stop it without greater Detriment to the Publick Innocence 't is true will thereby suffer but not through the Prince's fault In all such great Accidents there is no Remedy without Injustice which is compensated by the Publick Good 15 Habet aliquid ex iniquo omne magnum exemplum quod contra 〈◊〉 utilitate publica rependitur Tac. 14. Annal. Sedition is a Poison which strikes at the Heart and 't is therefore necessary sometimes to lop off a Limb to save the Body and to give way to the Torrent of Fury though disagreeable to Reason and Justice Thus did Queen Isabella in a Rising of the People of Sevill For when they insisted upon her turning Andrew Cabrera Governor of the Palace out of his Office and were running on to further Demands she cut 'em off short Gentlemen says she what you demand I had before resolv'd on Go remove not only the Governor but also all my other Domesticks By which Answer she seem'd to command that which she was forc'd to and the Mutineers took it as her Favour and Kindness and having satisfy'd their Rage by tumbling down those headlong whom they found upon the Towers they were quiet and afterwards she upon Examining the Accusations which they laid to the Governor's Charge finding them unjust and groundless restor'd him to his Office When the Mutineers think that the Punishment of the Heads of the Sedition will be sufficient they spare none hoping by that means to expiate their Crime as the German Legions did 16 Gaudebat caeâ—â—â—â—s miles tanquam semet absolvereâ— Tac. 1. Annal. though Patience and Connivance did encrease their Insolence 17 Nihil â—â—â—ci Patientia nisi ut graviora tanquam ex facil tolerantibus imperenâ—â—â— Tac. in Vit. Agr. and the more you grant them the more they crave as did the Soldiers which Flaccus sent to Rome 18 Et Flaccus multa concedendo nihil aliud 〈◊〉 quâ—m ut acrius exposcâ—rent quae sciâ—bant negaturum Tac. 4. Annal. Yet this chiefly happens when the Person so Granting is but of small Authority among them as was Flaccus whom the whole Army despised 19 Superior exercitus Legatum Hordenium Flaccum spernebat Tac. 1.
discordias habeant Tac. 11. Annal. and sometimes sets up another King by whose Protection he may enjoy them As did those who Conspired against King Henry IV. for they would never be obliged by his Favours though never so great and numerous When a Prince resolves to quench the Fire of Sedition 't will be conducive that those Resolutions should be thought to proceed from his own Vertue not from the Persuasions of others for the People are generally more Incens'd when they find the Prince does nothing but by the Instigation of his Ministers But when a General Pardon is once granted the Prince ought punctually to observe it wholly forgetting all former Offences and Injuries for otherwise he would give occasion for fresh Commotions As Ferdinand King of Naples did when he offer'd to punish some Noblemen whom he had already pardon'd and who had put themselves under the Protection of King Ferdinand the Catholick But if they are afterwards found Delinquent they should be punish'd with the utmost Rigour of the Law to curb them and prevent others from abusing the Prince's Authority In these and all other Remedies there is nothing more useful than Expedition 33 Nihil in discordiis civilibus festinatione tutiâ—s â—â—i facto magìs quam conâ—ulto opus est Tac. 1. Hist. For the People grow Arrogant and Saucy when their Insolence meets wiâ—h no Check nor Opposition Time confirms them in their Revolt and makes those who were Dubious declare for them and so endangers the most Loyal Therefore Artabanus endeavoured with utmost Speed and Diligence to compose the Commotions of his Kingdom 34 Pergit properus praâ—veniens inimicoâ—um actus amicorum â—â—â—â—iteâ—tiam Tac. 6. Annal. As Seditions are suddenly raised they ought suddenly to be remedied There is more need of Action than of Consultation before the Venom takes Root and spreads When the People are once us'd to Murther Rapine and all other Ills that Sedition brings with it 't is very difficult to recall and pacifie them This King Henry well knew when upon the Death of his Brother King Peter he immediately seized upon the chief Cities and Garrisons of the Kingdom and by this Diligence soon establish'd its Tranquility Seditions therefore and Civil Wars being Distempers which consume the Life of the State 35 Paul ad Gal. 5. 15. and enervate the Prince by the Losses which he receives and the Gratuities which he is oblig'd to give 't is the best way to compose them upon any Terms This mov'd King Ferdinand the Catholick to agree with Alphonso King of Portugal in his Pretensions to the Crown of Castile For in such Disorders the Weakest and most Oppress'd are strongest 36 Quippe iâ— turbis discordiis pessimo cuique plurima vis Tac. 4. Hist. Princes are at the Discretion of those who have their Arms in their Hands and the Soldiers have more Authority than their Commanders 37 Civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere Tac. 2. Hist. EMBLEM LXXIV ANIMALS naturally endeavour nothing but the Preservation of their Individuals and if at any time they injure one another 't is generally from that Reason and a certain Natural Fierceness which is not subject to the Command of Reason On the contrary Man animated with that Celestial Flame which gives him the Command of all Things easily persuades himself that he is not born only to live but also to enjoy all those Things even beyond the Bounds which Reason has prescribed him and his Imagination being cheated by the false Appearance of Good seeks this Enjoyment in several Objects and therein places his Felicity and Satisfaction Some think it consists in Riches others in Dainties and Luxury others in Dominion and every one in what the Errors of his Appetite or Fancy suggest for the Enjoyment of which they apply those Means which their rambling and unquiet Minds prompt 'em to though never so unjust 1 Vnâ— ac ca vetus causa bellandi profunda libido imperii dâ—â—â—tiarum Sal. in Cons. Catil Whence proceed Murthers Rapine and Tyranny which make Man the most unjust of all Animals And since one cannot be secure from another several kind of Arms were invented to repell Villany and preserve Innocence and Liberty and so War was introduced into the World 2 Iam. 4. 1. This was the Original of this Monster unless it came from Hell after the Fall of the Rebellious Angels War is so hateful to God that he would not permit David as Just as he was to build the Temple because he had shed much Blood 3 1 Chron. 22. 8. All good Princes dread it as knowing the various Events and Success thereof 4 2 Sam. 11. 25. War disturbs the Order and Harmony of States changes Religion violates Justice silences the Laws destroys Friendship and Relation makes Arts forgot Agriculture cease ruines Trade depopulates Cities and alters Governments King Alphonso calls Wars the Alienation from Peace the Disturber of Quiet and the Destruction of Order A Civil War is like a Burning Fever which soon scorches up the State A Foreign War cuts its Veins and dreins it of its Riches Strength and Vigour War is a Vice contrary to Reason Nature and the End of Man for God created him after his own Image and gave him the Command of all Things here below not to destroy them by War but to preserve 'em by Peace He did not create him for War but Peace not for Rage but Quiet not to Ruine but to Preserve For which Reason he sent him into the World Naked without Arms to offend others or a thick Hide to defend himself so indigent of the Assistance and Government of others that even in his most flourishing Estate he can't subsist without foreign Aid This Necessity oblig'd him to Society and Civil Correspondence from which by the Joint-Labour of all he might be supply'd with necessary Conveniencies for Life and that this Politick Felicity might unite all in the firmest Bonds of mutual Friendship and that one Country haughty with its own Riches might not disdain Communication with the rest he has shar'd his Blessings among all Wheat he has given to Sicily Wine to Crete Purple to Tyre Silk to Calabria Aromaticks to Arabia Gold and Silver to Spain and the West-Indies Diamonds Pearls and Spices to the East-Indies The Desire and Want of the Riches and Rarities creating Commerce by which the whole World became as one common House and that they might understand one another in this Correspondence and mutually express their Affections of Love and Benevolence he endued them with a Voice Articulate smooth and pleasant to explain their Conceptions Laughter to shew their Satisfaction Tears to shew their Sorrow Hands to exert their Faith and Liberality Knees their Submission and Obedience Which are all Tokens of a Civil Benign and Pacifick Animal But those Animals which Nature designed for War she created with Arms Offensive and Defensive for that
Princes and States the pernicious Medea's of the World sow Discord among Princes and reap Wars and Confusion the Fruit thereof in their own States 1 For they have sown the Wind and reap'd the Whirlwind Hâ—sea 8. 7. They think to enjoy themselves that Repose which they molest in others and the Event proves contrary Cosmographers say about the Aequilibrium of the World that it is so Equidistant from the Center that the least Weight moves the Earth 'T is the same in War there is none so distant but it changes the Center of Rest of other Kingdoms War is a raging Fire which kindled in one Place runs on to others and very often to its own Home according as the Wind drives it The prudent Farmer dreads the Storm he sees gathering upon the Mountain's top though at never so great a distance Much greater need has he to fear who raises it by supplying it with Vapours Those who foment the Dutch Power and Grandeur may in time repent it when subject to the Yoke of their Slavery as it befell those who favour'd the Rise of the Roman Grandeur The Venetians jealous of the Portuguese for that by their Voyages they depriv'd 'em of the Traffick of the Persian Sea and the East-Indies sent an Embassador against them to Cairo and Engineers and Carpenters to arm the King of Calâ—cut against them persuading the Dutch to oppose their Passage by the Cape of Good Hope But they having comply'd with their Desires and establish'd their own Factories and Commerce quite disappointed the Republick who had better have left the Portuguese Trade free since so they might have made use of their Ships to Import the Eastern Commodities which when they had brought to their Ports the Inhabitants might with more Industry and Profit disperse over Europe Thus we see the Means which humane Prudence makes use of for its own Safety turn to the Ruine of the Author The Dukes of Savoy and Parma thought to maintain the War in the State of Milan and the one utterly ruin'd his own and the other made his the Seat of War Ill Advice impos'd upon the Goodness of the French King made him fearful of himself diffident of his Mother and Brother and of the whole Kingdom being persuaded that without War he could not subsist and that his Preservation depended upon the Ruine of the House of Austria and for that end he rais'd with the Blood of the Nobility of that Kingdom engag'd in Civil Broils Clouds which created a general Tempest against all Christendom the Rhine Moselle Danube and Elbe being summoned to his Assistance He foments the Clouds in England Holland and Denmark He breaks the Ice of Sweden that he might pass the Baltick Sea by those Northern Streights to the Ruine of Empire 3 Isai. 23. 11. He thaws the Snows of the Switzers and Grisons and scatters them through Germany and Italy He turns the River Po upon the State of Milan summoning the Tyber and Adriatick to his Assistance 4 Ezek. 32. 2. He raises the Fogs of Africk Persia Turkey Tartary and Moscovia that they might in Clouds of Arrows and Lightning invade Europe He forces through the secret Crannies of the Earth Earthquakes which shook Brazil and the East-Indies He sends through all Parts furious Hurricanes which made one continual Tempest and he disturbed the Heavens with such Diligence and Art that it darted Fire hail'd Shot and rain'd Blood upon the Earth 5 Ier. 4. 13. He reaches from Pole to Pole with the Shot of his Artillery 6 Ier. 8. 16. and with his Dragoons more swift by the Negligence or Malice of some than the Imperial Eagles 7 4. 13. Their Neighings are heard in all Parts and Mars triumphs in Blood and Dust 8 Ier. 8. 16. The Author of so many Wars verifying what Isaiah said of Lucifer That he disturbs the Earth ruines Kingdoms dispeoples the World and destroys its Cities 9 Isai. 14. 16. For when God makes use of one as a Scourge to the rest he gives him his Power by which he succeeds in whatever he undertakes while his Divine Anger continues 10 Isai. 10. 5. He told Moses That he had made him God over Pharaoh 11 Exod. 7. 1. and so as God he wrought Miracles to punish him and his Kingdom 12 Data est Moysi authoritas potestâ—◠〈◊〉 velâ—t Deus Pharaontem â—erreret puniret Hil. l. 7. de Trin. But I am not so bold to say that in Pharaoh's Person and his Kingdom is represented that of France and the Punishment that Divine Sun of Justice threatens it and that we must hope for other miraculous Actions for the Preservation and Grandeur of the House of Austria 13 2 Mac. 15. 8. That his Displeasure being appeased will by little and little dispell the Clouds which obscure its Pinnacles discovering thereupon the Triumphant Imperial Eagle which having sharpned its Talons and its Beak and refresh'd its Feathers in the Waters of its Trouble shall join that Divine Lightning which shall be Light to it and Fire to France causing to fall upon them the whole Tempest which they had raised against other Kingdoms The Spirit of so many Tempests shall waste it self their Counsels being rash and violent 14 Isai. 19. 3. French shall War with French Friend with Friend Brother with Brother City with City and the Kingdom with the Kingdom 15 Ibid. by which it shall become the Bloody Scene of that War which it has so industriously procured other Nations 16 Ezek. 29. 10. Such Counsels are like Spiders Webs drawn from their own Bowels their due Punishment is to fall into the same Nets which they have spread for others 17 Proâ— 26. 27. Perillus invented a Brazen Bull for the Exercise of his Tyranny and was himself the first that made it Bellow No Possession is secure which is founded upon the Destruction of others A certain French Embassador advised the League of Cambray against the Republick of Venice insinuating That she should sow Dissentions among the Princes and build her own Fortune upon their Ruine And several of them uniting disarmed her and took from her all the Lands she possess'd upon the Continent It may be that those Times required such Artifices or that the Prudent Noblemen of which that Illustrious Senate always consists knew those Inconveniencies but could not prevent 'em either through the furious Torrent of the Multitude or through fear of rendring themselves suspected by Opposition This is the Misfortune of Republicks that Malice Tyranny fomenting Hatred and Self-Interest without respect to Justice pass for Zeal and Love to their Country hindring Persons of Integrity from appearing That the Prudent endeavour to procure the Peace of the State while giddy Fellows who have no Prospect of the Time to come molest it by their vain and dangerous Enterprizes 18 Sapientibus quietis Reip. curae levissimus quisque futuri
Abilities and that they penetrate all things report to the Prince for Certainty not that which is but that which they fansie may be they are too prone to Suspicions which they form from the least Shadow and then give credit to them whence proceed great Equivocations and Errors and is the chief cause of Quarrels and Wars among Princes for no Minister but has Power to promote Broils and Discord 2 In turbâ—s discordiâ—s pessâ—mo cuique plurima vis Tac. 4. Hist. Let Princes therefore be cautious of giving Credit to the first Relations of their Ministers but compare them first with those they receive from others And to form a more certain Judgment of what is written to them let them be perfectly acquainted with their Humour and Genius and with their Method of Conceiving Things whether they act by private Interest and Passion for it happens sometimes that the Minister is taken with a Love for the Country or Prince with whom he Treats and thinks all things Right and Just and sometimes suffers himself to be oblig'd by their Favours and Civilities and being naturally Grateful is of their Side and acts their Cause Sometimes is deluded by plain Appearances and by contrary Reports cunningly spread and so easily deceives his Prince for there is none more apt to deceive others than one who has been impos'd upon before Many Ministers are mov'd by slight Reasons or by some Passion or private Aversion which disturbs their Judgments and turn every thing to ill There are some also naturally enclin'd to Misconstrue all Actions and Designs whereas others are so Frank and Generous that they think nothing ill design'd Both the one and the other are dangerous and these last not less so than the others Sometimes the Minister thinking it part of his Duty to discover to the Prince his Enemies and that by that means he shall gain the Character of a Zealous and Understanding Person becomes so nicely suspicious that no one is safe from his Tongue and Pen and to make his Surmises and Apprehensions sure gives occasion by his Distrust to Friends to become Enemies to the great Detriment of the Prince to whom it were much better to have a good Confidence in all or for the Minister to apply Remedies to cure not to infect the Minds and Wills of the Subject Ministers also weary of Embassies that they may retire to enjoy the Conveniencies and Ease of a Domestick Life stick not to promote a Rupture between the Princes they assist or at least to suggest Counsels not less pernicious Princes are much deceived who think their Ministers act always as Ministers and not as Men. If it were so they would be much better served and find less Inconveniencies But they are Men and their Office does not strip 'em of their Inclination to Ease and to the Pleasures of Love Anger Revenge and other Affections and Passions which Zeal nor Duty are not always capable to correct But let Princes be apprized that those who can't seduce Good and Loyal Ministers for that they fathom their Artifices and Counsels and know what is their Prince's Interest what not they traduce them as Distrustful Passionate Perverse and Obstinate and therefore endeavour to remove them from the Management of Affairs and to introduce others less Knowing or to treat immediately with the Prince himself tendring him specious Propositions which oblige him to Resolves more prejudicial He must not give the least grounds to any one to think that he can't change the course of Affairs or displace Ministers for if such Thoughts take place the Prince will be ill served For such Confidence causes Disdain and Disobedience in the Accuser and the Fear of it discourages the Minister The Errors of these are less dangerous than those to admit the Accusations against them especially if they are Foreigners And were they true yet 't is more Prudence to deferr the Remedy till he from whom they came can't ascribe it to himself EMBLEM LXXVII THE farther those two Luminaries of Day and Night are distant from each other the greater their Influence and Light is Below But when they are in Conjunction their being Brethren does not prevent the one from obscuring the other's Rays and such Eclipse creates Shadows and Inconveniencies to the Earth Princes by the benefit of their Ministers and Letters maintain and uphold mutual Correspondence with each other But if they should Conferr Personally with one another their Interview would create shadows of Suspicion and Jealousie which would put all their States in Confusion for that they never find in one another what they promis'd to themselves and that neither measures himself by his own Rule but pretends always to much more than his Due An Interview of two Princes is almost like a Duel in which they fight with Ceremonies each endeavouring to conquer t'other The Families of each assist at the Engagement like two Hostile Troops each being zealous for his Prince's Triumph over the other in Personal Accomplishments or Grandeur and as in such a number all can't be Men of Prudence some light Expression or slight Affront causes Dissatisfaction in the rest So it happen'd in the Interview between King Henry and Lewis XI of France in which the Spaniards exceeding them in Pomp and Greatness and scouting the Meanness and Slovenliness of the French those two Nations departed Enemies who had till then maintain'd a good Correspondence together * Mar. Hist. Hisp. The Hatred between Germanicus and Piso was private till they saw one another 1 Discesserâ—ntque opertis Odiis Tac. 2. Anâ—al The Interview between Ferdinand IV. of Castile and Dionysius his Father-in-Law King of Portugal caused great Disorders as did that of King Philip I. and King Ferdinand And though the Meeting of Iames I. and King Alphonso produced very good Effects yet is it the safest way for Princes to manage their Affairs by Embassadors Sometimes Favourites sow Discord between the Prince and those of the Blood-Royal as we have before observ'd of which there are many Examples in our Histories Don Lopez de Haro procured a Separation between King Sancho the Strong and the Queen his Consort The Domesticks of Queen Catharine Mother to King Iohn II. incens'd her against the Infant Don Ferdinand Don Alvarez de Lara endeavoured thereby to keep the Government in his own Hands to persuade King Henry I. that his Sister Queen Berenguela design'd to poison him Those who were interested in the Quarrels between the Infant Sancho and King Alphonso the Wise his Father took what care they cou'd to prevent their Meeting and Agreement The Grandees of Castile hindred the Reconcilement of King Iohn II. to his Son Henry Don Alvarez de Luna that of King Iohn of Navarre to his Son Prince Carlos of Viana The Favourites of King Philip I. dissuaded him from an Interview with King Ferdinand Such Artifices we have seen us'd in France in these Times to the Detriment of that Kingdom and
That Charles the Wise of France without any Armies by writing Letters only did him more mischief than his Father or Grand-father had done with all theirs The Sword can exert its Force but in a few Places good Management is of Universal Influence Nor does Princes being remote one from another signifie any thing For as Trees have Communication with and are united to each other by the means of Roots their Activity being a very large Extent so they by their Embassadors and secret Practices may do the same Policy makes the Strength of Foreigners its own by Alliance having the Common Interest in view A Prince may do more from a private Closet than in an open Plain King Philip II. never went out of Madrid yet kept the World in Awe and Obedience He made himself more Formidable by Prudence than by Power The Power that makes use of Address is in a manner Infinite Archimedes often said If he had a Place to stand on he could with his Machines move this Terraqueous Globe Any Potent Monarchy might easily attain to an Universal Empire if to its Strength were joined Skill and Industry But lest this should be that Primum Mobile of Empires permits the Great Ones to want Prudence and wholly trust to their Power More Affairs are transacted by Counsel and Conduct than by Blows 7 Pleraque in summa fortuna auspiciis consiliis magis quam â—elis â—â—nibus geri solent Tac. 13 Annal. Power with Rashness is as dangerous as Rashness without Power Abundance of Wars between Christian Princes might be avoided by Industry but either Judgment is insensible of their Inconveniencies and cannot find a way to decline them Honourably or it does not regard them Ambition blinding Prudence or else Vanity and Haughtiness look on it as a piece of Bravery voluntarily to face them and thus are tickled with a Counterfeit-Glory of War which as it is a Publick Action whereon the Common Preservation of all depends ought not to be measured by thin Shadows of Honour but by the Publick Advantage and Utility yet so that the Prince must in the mean time leave no Stone unturn'd to shun War cutting off all Occasions before they happen or if they be already getting the Hearts of such as by their Counsel can promote Peace Let him find out all endearing ways imaginable to preserve Friendship Let him embrace his Enemy both within and without his Realms and by crossing his Designs and entring into Leagues and Alliances Defensive terrifie him And to these Humane Means let him join the Divine Assistances of Prayer and Sacrifice and apply himself to the Pope as the Common Father of Christendom ingenuously telling him his Intentions and Desire of the Publick Quiet of the Injury received or the Reasons that induce him to take up Arms if Satisfaction be not made him Whence the Matter being also carry'd to the College of Cardinals and the Authority of the Apostolick See interposed either the War will be avoided or the Prince justifie the Cause of it at Rome where is the Tribunal at which all Princes Actions ought to be judged and their Controversies decided Nor is this a Mean-spiritedness but rather a Christian Generosity and Political Provision for the maintaining Amity among Nations and the avoiding of Emulations and the Confederacy they occasion EMBLEM LXXXV WHen the Bear has got a Bee-Hive he finds no better way than to plunge it under Water for any other would rather hinder his Design of getting the Honey and escaping the Stings of the Bees By this Example the present Emblem shews the Inconveniencies of keeping a Mediocrity in Counsels experienc'd in that which Herennius Pontius gave the Samnites when they had got the Romans in a narrow Pass who seeing his first Advice rejected which was to let them all go was for putting them all to the Sword And being ask'd why he thus went from one Extreme to the other when the Middle-way might be taken of giving them their Liberty after the Imposition of certain Laws as being Conquer'd He answer'd That it was necessary either to shew themselves generous to the Romans by so signal a Kindness to establish a firm and inviolable Peace with them or else to give such a Blow to their Forces that they should never again be able to make Head against them Any way between these two said he will neither make Friends nor take away Enemies 1 Neutralitas nec amicos paâ—it nec inimicos tollit Polyb. Hence that of Aristodemus to the Aetolians We must have the Romans either our Allies or Enemies there 's no Middle-way 2 Romanos 〈◊〉 socios habere oportuit aut hostes media via nullâ— est Aristodem In those Cases where any one would oblige a Friend or Enemy Moderate Expressions of Kindness do nothing For Gratitude always looks upon the Omissions are made and seldom fails to find a Reason not to think it self Obliged Thus Francis I. King of France laid not aside his Enmity to the Emperor Charles V. notwithstanding he set him at liberty because his Captivity was not so generous as that of Alphonsus King of Portugal who being taken in a Battel by Ferdinand King of Leon was treated by him with all the Humanity imaginable his Wounds dress'd carefully and himself set at liberty after his Recovery Favours which wrought upon him to lay his whole Kingdom at the Conqueror's Feet But Ferdinand refused the Offer satisfied with the Restitution of such Places as had been lately taken in Galicia The same Consideration had Philip Duke of Milan when having taken Prisoners the Kings of Arragon and Navarr the first of which was Alphonsus V. he call'd a Council to deliberate what should be done with them and while some were for having them pay a Ransom others for binding them to certain Conditions and lasty others for freely Dismissing them without either he took this last Advice thereby to lay the greater Obligation upon them and so engage their Friendship When Kingdoms are embroil'd in Civil Wars there 's nothing more dangerous than standing Neuter as Henry the Infant endeavoured to do during the Troubles of Castile occasion'd by the Nonage of King Ferdinand IV. by which means he lost his Friends without obliging his Enemies Nor is it less dangerous in the Punishments of the Multitude to inflict them promiscuously on all wherefore it seems most adviseable either wholly to connive at their Faults or to make a severe Example of some one Hence Germanicus was counsell'd in the Rebellion of the German Legions either to grant All or None of what the Soldiers demanded 3 Periculosa severitas flagitiosa lâ—rgitio seu nihil militi seu omnia concedereniur in ancipiti Republica Tac. 1. Annal. and deservedly blam'd for indulging them Part taking a Middle-way 4 Satis superque missione pecunia mollibus consulâ—is peccatum Id. Ibid. Thus Drusus in another Occasion of the like nature was advised either
temporibus locisque referre possim decora Liv. Dec. l. 2. To the same effect Godfrey thus spoke to his Men Whose Country is not known Whose Noble Blood Whose Courage or whose Conduct is not understood * Tass. Cant. 20. Upon this account it will not be convenient for the Prince to intrust his Forces with a General which is so certain a Danger that it was looked upon as unsafe for Tiberius to put his into the Hands even of his Son Germanicus 16 In cujus manu tot legiones immensa sociorum auxilia mirus apud populum favor habere imperium quà m expectare mallet Tac. l. 4. Annal. And this takes place more particularly in Civil Insurrections where as has been said the Princes appearing easily dashes the Rebels 17 Divus Iulius seditionem exercitus verbo uno compescuit Quirites â—â—cando qui sacramentum ejus detrectabant Divus Augustus vultu aspectâ— Actiacas legiones exterruit Tac. l. 1. Hist. Notwithstanding every Motion of War or the loss of any small Town should not make the Prince come abroad and desert the Court whence Government flows to all the other Parts as Tiberius well observed in the Troubles of Germany 18 Neque decorum priâ—cipibus si una â—lterave civitas omissa urbe unde in omâ—ia regimen Tac. l. 3. Annal. He at another time hearing himself reviled for not going to quiet the Hungarian and German Legions stood unshaken at those Murmurings and was fix'd not to abandon the Head of the Monarchy and expose that and himself to the Chance of War By these Reasons were they led who persuaded David not to go out to fight against the Israelites who adhered to Absolom saying That their being put to flight or cut off would not be of so bad consequence as if he should fly or be killed in his own Person which was worth Ten Thousand of them and therefore that it seemed best that he should stay behind to guard the City Which accordingly he did 19 2 Sâ—m 18. 3 4. So if the War be made to revenge an Injury or Affront Vindictam mandâsse sat est * Claud. The same may be said when Arms are taken up for Defence only and there be no evident Danger for then the Prince will get more Credit by despising it and leaving it to a General So if the War be waged to make any new Conquests it will be thought too eager Ambition in him to hazard his Person and be greater Prudence to try his Fortune by another as King Ferdinand the Catholick did committing the Conquest of Naples to the Great Captain and that of the Indies to Herman Cortez If a General fall it is easie to find another to succeed him but if the Prince be lost all is lost as it befell King Sâ—bastian The Absence of Princes from their Courts is very dangerous as Spain found to its cost in that of the Emperor Charles V. Nor should a Prince venture his own State to conquer others 20 Ne nova molireâ—ur nisi â—ioribus firmatis Tac. Annal. l. 12. The same Sun whose Figure we use in this Device never visits the Poles because one of them would be endanger'd in the mean time Medium non desâ—rit unquam Coeli Phoebus iter radiis tamen omnia lustrat †Claud. Nature has given the Kings of the Bees Wings but those very small lest they should stray too far from their Kingdoms Let the Prince go to those Wars only whose Seat is within his own Dominions or that threaten him with evident Danger Hence Mucianus advised the Emperor Domitian to stay at Lyons in France and not stir till the State of those Provinces or the Empire it self were in greater danger 21 Ipse Lugduni vim fortunamque Principatus è proximo ostentaâ—â—â— nec parvis periculis mixtus majoribus non defuturus Tac. Hist. l. 4. Nor was it good Counsel which Titianus and Proculus gave Otho not to be at the Battel of Bedriacum upon the Issue of which the whole Empire depended 22 Postquam pugnari placitum interesse pugnae Imperatorem an seâ—â—â— melius foret dubitavere Paulino Celso non adversantibus ne Prâ—â—cipem objectare periculis viderentur iidem illi deterioris consilii perpulâ—â—â— ut Brixellum conderet ac dubiis praeliorum exemptus summae rerum â—â—perii seipsum reservaret Tac. Hist. l. 2. The Arch-Duke Leopold shews much more Courage and Prudence who though he sees himself assaulted at Salefeld by the Joint-Forces of his Enemies much superiour to his yet undervalues his Personal Dangers and always maintains a general Constancy well knowing the Safety of the Empire and House of Austria to consist in this Event and so is the foremost in the Perils and Fatigues of War Monstrat tolerare labores Non jubet * Lucan But even in these Cases too it is necessary to examine the Condition of the War whether the Prince by absenting himself will not leave his State in greater danger either from within or abroad if he shall not hazard his Succession whether he have Courage enough and be capable of Arms and have an Inclination to them For if he want but any one of these Qualities he will do more by putting his Power and Forces into another Hand as we see in the Loadstone which by touching the Iron and communicating its Virtue to it lifts up a greater Weight than it could do by it self But if the Necessity be great it will suffice if the Prince be hard by to Influence his Army staying in some Place whence he may readily Consult Resolve and give Orders This was the Emperor Leopold's way who removed sometimes to Aquileia sometimes to Ravenna or Milan to be near the Wars of Hungary and Germany EMBLEM LXXXVII PRudence is not always fortunate nor Temerity always unhappy Quisquis sapit celeriter non tuto sapit It is however good for fiery Tempers to follow the first impetus of Nature because by delay they cool insensibly and can never determine themselves nor has it usually an ill End in War particularly to let themselves be lâ—d by that secret Force of Second Causes which if it does not compell at least moves them so that with it they seldom miscarry Some Divine Genius favours Daring Actions Scipio passes the Sea into Africa and freely trusts himself to the Punick Faith of Syphax with apparent Risque of his Life and the Publick Safety of Rome Julius Caesar in a small Bark abandons himself to the Fury of the Adriatick and both succeed in their Rasâ—ness It is impossible for all things to be provided against by Prudence nor would any thing great be attempted if that should stand to consult all Casualties and Hazards Cardinal Gaspar Borgia enter'd Naples in Disguise upon hearing of the Sedition between the Commons and Nobility The Danger was great and when some of the Nobility proposed several ways for him to secure himself he answer'd
upon this Division so moderating it that it shall neither come on the one hand to absolute Rupture nor on the other to unlawful Combinations The same thing should be done between Ministers that some kind of Emulation and Diffidence one of another may make them more attentive of their Duty for if once through a neglect of this they Dissemble and conceal one another's Faults or with one consent join the pursuit of their own Interests there will be an end of the Prince and the State without the possibility of a Remedy in that none can be apply'd but by their Hands But if this Honest and Generous Emulation should degenerate into Aversion and Enmity it will create the same Inconveniencies for they will then be more intent on contradicting and thwarting one another more solicitous to overthrow each others Counsels and Actions than to promote the Publick Good and their Prince's Service Every one has his Friends and Creatures and the Common sort of People are apt to be â—ead into Factions whence generally arise Tumults and Dissentions For this Reason Drusus and Germanicus â—oined themselves lest the Flame of the Differences â—indled in Tiberius's Palace should be encreased by the â—last of their Favour Whence it is apparent how â—â—roneous the Judgment of Lycurgus was who sowed Dissentions among the Kings of Lacedaemon and ordained that when Embassadors were to be sent afar off such Persons should be made choice of as had some grudge to each other We have not a few Examples in this Age of Publick Losses occasion'd by the clashing of Ministers joined in one Commission upon a Supposition that this very Emulation would incite them to execute it carefully The Prince's Service is One and cannot be perform'd but by Persons Unanimous Whence Tacitus commends Agricola for one who was far from envying his Colleagues 8 Procul ab aemulatione adversus collegas Tac. in Vit. Agric. And certainly it is less dangerous for an Affair to be managed by one Bad than by two Good Ministers if they don't agree which rarely happens The Nobility is the Prince's greatest Security or greatest Hazard being a Powerful Body that draws most of the People after it Spain and France furnish us with many Bloody Instances of this Truth that in former Ages this in all The best Remedies are by the means of Emulation to keep them divided from the Commons and themselves yet with the Moderation above-mention'd To multiply and level the Titles and Dignities of the Nobles to spend their Estates upon Publick Ostentations and their Great Souls in the Toils and Dangers of War to divert their Thoughts by Employments of Peace and humble their Exalted Spirits by the servile Offices of the Court. EMBLEM XC KINGS in Holy Scripture are compared to Rivers for so the Prophet Habakkuk is to be understood when he says God would cleave the Rivers of the Earth 1 Thou didst cleave the earth with rivers Habaâ— 3. 9. meaning that God would divide the Forces of those who took up Arms against his People As David actually found he did in his Defeat of the Philistines and therefore openly confessed that the Lord had divided his Enemies before him as Waters are divided 2 The Lord hath broken forth upon mine enemies before me as the breach of waters 2 Sam. 5. 20. Division is the most effectual means to pull down any Power the very greatest if divided being uncapable of making any further Resistance How impetuously does a River stream down the midst of its Channel breaking through its very Banks to open it self new Passages yet if parted into several Rivulets it loses its strength and becomes passable to all Thus it happened to the River Gyndes where a beloved Horse of Cyrus's having been drowned it so enraged him that he immediately commanded it to be cut into an Hundred and sixty Canals by which means it lost both its Name and Greatness and that which before would scarce bear Bridges might afterwards be easily forded This the Counsel had regard to which some gave the Roman Senate to weaken the River Tiber by turning the Course of the Lakes and Brooks that discharged themselves into it 3 Siamnis Nar id enim parabatur in Rivos diductus supernavigasset Tac. Annal. l. 1. to rid the City of continual Fear and Danger of its Inundations But the Senate refused to do it as unwilling to deprive the Tiber of its Glory 4 Quin ipsum Tiberim noâ—â—e prorsus accolis fluvâ—s â—â—batum minori gloria fluere Ibid. All these things have given occasion to the present â—mblem which by a River parted into several Branches shews of what consequence it is to distract the Forces of Puissant Princes For the greater the Power is the more Forces and Expence its Defence requires nor is it hardly possible to find Officers and Soldiers enough for it or to prevent all Mischances Courage and Prudence are confounded when Dangers threaten thus on all sides Besides this is the most secure and the cheapest Method that can be taken inasmuch as a Trumpet on a sudden sounding an Alarm in several Parts of a Kingdom has abundantly greater Effects than a War solemnly denounced It is always the best and securest way to divide Enemies Forces and sow seeds of Dissention within their States 5 Prudentis est Ducis inter bostes discordiâ—e causas serere Veget. Nothing so much exposing to Plots and Invasions as Discord and Sedition 6 Discordia Seditio omnia facit opportuniora insidiantibus Livy By these Artifices the Phoenicians established their Dominion in Spain dividing it into various Factions The same did the Carthaginians against them Therefore the Counsel of the Marquess of Cadiz was not at all imprudent when having taken Boabdili King of Grenada he moved Ferdinand the Catholick to set him at liberty that his Presence might foment the Factions a foot between him and his Father about the Crown which had distracted the Kingdom into a great many Parties When the Roman Empire says Tacitus began to decline and hasten to decay nothing greater could be desired of Fortune than the Discord of its Enemies 7 Vrgentibus Imperii Romani fatis nihil jam praesâ—are fortuna majus â—â—tuit quam hostium discordiam Tac. de Mor. Germ. No Money is laid out to more Advantage none with less Bloodshed or Danger than that which is employed in encouraging the Dissentions of an Enemy's Kingdom or in getting another Prince to make War upon it for the Charges and Damage become hereby much more inconsiderable But this matter demandeth extraordinary Advertency for sometimes upon a mis-grounded Apprehension Money is expended to no purpose and the Discovery of the ill Intention begets open Hostility A thing we have many Instances of in those who without any Provocation or the least Prospect of Advantage have countenanced the Adversaries of the House of Austria to keep its Hands full by continual Wars in the mean
time unprofitably exhausting their Treasuries without considering that if they should once be attack'd by those of this House it would be much better to have still by them for their own Defence what they had laid out upon the Diversion of their Forces And this whole Doctrine has place without any scruple in Policy in an open War where the Reason of Self-Preservation is more cogent than other Considerations less solid and the same Cause that makes the War lawful justifies also this Discord But when the case is nothing but an invidious Emulation of Grandeur these Artifices are not warrantable for he who stirs up the Subjects of another Prince to Rebellion at the same time teaches his own to be Traitors The Emulation should be between the Persons not the Offices Dignity is of the same kind in all its parts that which wounds one wounds all Passions and Hatreds are transient but Bad Examples remain for ever It is the Interest and Concern of every Prince not to suffer the Dignity of another to be injured by Contempt or Disobedience or his Person by Treason 'T is an Action unworthy of a Prince to conquer by Poison not by the Sword It was ever accounted base among the Romans 8 Non fraude neque occultis sed palam armatum populum Romanum bostes suos ulcisci Tac. Hist. l. 2. and is to this day with the Spaniards who have been so far from making use of such secret Practices against their Enemies that they have often been assisting to them A remarkable Example of which our Catholick King left your Highness when he sent an Army to aid the French King against the English who had possess'd themselves of the Isle of Rhea not regarding the Duke of Roan's Advice which was to divide the Kingdom into several Governments And another time when His Majesty offered by Monsieur de Maximi the Pope's Nuncio to assist the same King in Person to subdue the Hugonots of Montauban and drive them out of his Country Which Signal and Heroick Kindness had no other Return but Ingratitude leaving a Lesson to Reason not to let it self be too easily touch'd with Compassion towards a Foreign State From what hath been said it is obvious to deduce how much the Agreement of Subjects Minds and the Union of States contribute to their Common Defence If I say every particular Person did look on the Danger of his Neighbour as his own be it at never so remote a distance and accordingly endeavour all ways both with Men and Money to relieve him that the whole Body may be preserved But not a few are deceived in this Point they who are far off flattering themselves with the Thoughts that the Danger will never reach them or that they are no way obliged to anticipate such Expences and that it is greater Prudence to keep their Forces entire till the Enemy come nigher But alas then all the Difficulties being surmounted and those States taken which served them for Out-works the rest will never be able to hold out This was the Fate of the Britains of whom thus Tacitus Heretofore they were under Kings now are by petty Princes distracted into Factions nor does any thing further our Designs against the strongest Nations than their not consulting the Common Good Seldom above two or three Cities associate to repell the Common Danger Thus while every one fights single all are overcome 9 Olim Regibus parebant nunc per Principes factionibus studiis trabantur nec aliud adversus validissâ—mas gentes pro nobis â—â—ilius quam quod in commune non consulunt Rarus duabus tribusve civitatibus ad propulsandum commune periculuâ— conventus ita dum singuli puâ—nant universi vincuntur Tac. in Viâ— Agric. The Kingdoms of Spain and Provinces of Italy Burgundy and Flanders are sensible of this Danger with a greater Prudence a more eminent and exemplary Piety Zeal and Affection towards their Lawful Lord in that with a generous Emulation they voluntarily offer His Majesty their Lives and Fortunes to protect them from their Enemies who with joint-Forces conspire the Overthrow of the Catholick Religion and that Monarchy Let Your Highness ingrave these Services on your tender Breast and let the Gratitude and Esteem due to Subjects so Loyal encrease with your Glorious Years Then you will judge which is most excellent To Rule the World or such a Government * Cam. Lus. EMBLEM XCI FRiendship seems to restrain a Government more and to have been more considered by Law-Givers than Iustice. For if all Men were Friends there would be no need of Justice but though all were Just yet would they want the Protection of Friendship 1 Videtur amicitia magis continere majore quam justitia in studio fuisse Legislatoribus Nam si amicitia inter omnes esset niâ—il esset quod justitiam desiderarent at si justi essent tamen amicitiae praesidium requirerent Arist. Ethic. l. 1. Friendship is the greatest good Mankind enjoys a sure Sword always by one's side both in Peace and War a faithful Companion in both Fortunes With this Prosperity is crown'd and Adversity becomes more easie For it neither is diminished by one or encreased by the other In one it is guided by Modesty in the other by Constancy in the one and the other always at hand as if by both it were like to gain Consanguinity may be without Kindness and Affection Friendship cannot This comes from our own Choice that from Chance That may be without the Bond of Communication and Mutual Assistance this cannot forasmuch as there are three things which as constituent parts of its Being unite it Nature by the means of Resemblance the Will by that of Good Humour and Reason by that of Honour Hereunto certainly King Alphonsus the Wise alludes when he accuseth a certain Person of Cruelty and Injustice for carrying away Prisoner one of two Persons who were endeared to each other by Consanguinity and Friendship 2 L. 19. Tit. 2. p. 2. The more tried therefore and sincere the Friendship has been so much the less valuable will it be when once violated A Crystal crackt is good for nothing The Diamond loses all its Worth when divided into Pieces A Sword once broken can never be solder'd again Whoever trusts to reconciled Friendship will find himself deceived for upon the first Blow of Adversity or Prospect of Advantage it will presently relapse again Neither David's Mercy in sparing Saul's Life nor the Acknowledgments and fair Protestations of Saul confirmed by Oath were sufficient to make the first think himself e'er the safer for this Reconcilement or the last to cease Plotting against him 3 And Saul went home but David and his men gat them up unto the hold 1 Sam. 24. 22. Esau with Embraces and Tears in his Eyes tried to regain the Favour of his Brother Iacob and though there passed great Signs and Expressions of Friendship on both
Eternal Artificer we cannot suffer any other Adoration to be paid him than what we judge to be true and Orthodox And altho' the Friendship of Infidels were never so good yet Divine Justice permits us not to obtain our Ends by the means of his Enemies nay usually chastises us by the very Infidel's Hand that Sign'd the Treaty The Emperor which Constantine the Great translated into the East was ruin'd by the Alliance of the Palaeologi with the Turk God permitting it to remain to Posterity for an Example of his Correction but not any living Memorial of that Family But if by reason of the Distance of Places or Disposition of Things the Chastisement cannot be inflicted by those very Infidels God uses his own Hand What Calamities has not France suffered since Francis I. more through Emulation of Charles the Fifth's Glory than forced by any Necessity made a League with the Turk and called him into Europe This Fault he acknowledged in the last moments of his Life expressed his utmost Detestation of it in Words which piously we ought to impute to a Christian Compunction though otherwise they seemed to proceed from extreme Despair God pursued his Chastisement in some of his Successors by taking them off with violent and unhappy Deaths Now if this Just Judge be thus severe on Princes who do but ask the Aid of Infidels and Hereticks what will he do to those who assist them against the Catholicks and are the reason of their making such great Progresses The Example of Peter II. of Arragon will tell us 2 Mar. Hist. l. 12. c. 2. This King stuck with all his Forces to the Faction of the Albigenses in France and though he fought at the Head of One hundred thousand Men against the Catholicks who were but Eight hundred Horse and a Thousand Foot lost at once both his Life and the Battel Iudas Machabaeus no sooner joined with the Romans tho' only to defend himself against the Grecian Power but the two Angels that stood by his side left him and he was slain The same Punishment and for the same Cause suffered Ionathan and Simon his Brothers and Successors Nor is the Excuse of Self-Defence always sufficient for all the Conditions and Circumstances that make such Confederacies allowable very rarely concurr and are of greater weight than that universal Scandal and Danger of defiling the true Religion with Errors the Communication of Hereticks being a Poison apt to infect a Gangrene that soon spreads where Minds are enclined to Novelty and Licentiousness 3 And their word will eat as doth a canker 2 Tim. 2. 17. Policy distrusting the Divine Assistance and wholly relying upon Humane Artifices may indeed deceive it self but not God at whose Tribunal meer Appearances of Reason are not received Baasha King of Israel built a Fortress in Ramah the last City of the Tribe of Benjamin in the Kingdom of Asa and so stopt its Avenues that no one could go in or out of it with safety 4 In the six and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa Baasha king of Israel came up against Judah and built Ramah to the intent that he might let none go out or come in to Asa king of Judah 2 Chron. 16. 1. This occasion'd a War between those two Kings and Asa fearing the Alliance of Ben-hadad King of Syria with his Enemy contrived first to break that and then enter'd himself into a Confederacy with Ben-hadad which when Baasha heard he left off building the Fortifications of Ramah 5 And it came to pass when Baasha heard it that he left off building of Ramah and let his work cease 2 Chron. 16. 5. Nevertheless though Asa made this League out of Necessity and only for his own Defence whereof the good Effect soon appeared yet God was displeased that he put more confidence in the King of Syria than in him and sent Hanani the Prophet to represent his fault to him and threaten him with Wars as a Punishment 6 Because thou hast relied on the king of Syria and not relied on the Lord thy God therefore is the host of the king of Syria escaped out of thine hand c. Herein thou hast done foolishly therefore from henceforth thou shalâ— have wars 2 Chron. 16. 7 9. which accordingly happened Whence it will be easie to gather how much France has incurred the Divine Displeasure by the Alliances it has now engaged it self in with those of another Religion to oppress the House of Austria Where is no room for the Pretence of Self-Preservation in extreme Necessity since without any Provocation or Reason he has sided with all its Adversaries and made War upon it fomenting it out of their States and enlarging these by the Usurpation of foreign Provinces and assisting the Hereticks and their Allies with Counsel and Arms to conquer the Catholicks no one in the mean time coming thence to the Treaty of Peace at Cologne although the Pope the Emperor and King of Spain had all sent their Plenipotentiaries thither Nor is it unlawful only to make Leagues with Hereticks but even to make use of their Forces The Holy Scriptures give us an illustrious Instance of this in the Person of King Amasiah who having hired an Army of the Sons of Israel was commanded of God to dismiss it and reproved for not rather relying on him 7 O king lâ—t not the army of Israel go with thee for the Lord is not with Israel to wit with all the children of Ephraim But if thou wilt go do it be strong for the battel God shall make thee fall before the enemy for God hath power to help and to cast down 2 Chron. 25. 7 8. And because he presently obeyed without any regard to the Danger or to the hundred Talents he had given them God gave him a signal Victory over his Enemies Confederacy with those of a different Religion is lawful when its End is the Intermission of War and Liberty of Commerce such as that was which Isaac made with Abimelech 8 We sâ—e certainly that the Lord is with thee and we said Let there be now an oatâ— betwixt us even betwixt us and thee and let us make a covenant with thee That thou shalt do us no hurt Gen 26. 28 29. and as now is between Spain and England When any Treaty is made with Hereticks provided it interfere not with Religion or Good Manners and be confirmed by Oath the Publick Faith is by all means to be kept with them for in the Oath God is called to be a Witness to the Agreement and as it were a Surety for the Performance of it both Parties consenting to make him Judge of it to punish the Perjurer And certainly it were a hainous Sin to call him to witness to a Lye Nations have no other Security of the Treaties they make than the Religion of Oaths which if they should make use of to deceive there would be an end of Commerce in
mute History of the Royal Race 24 Quomodo imaginibus suis noscuntur quas nec victor quidem abolevit â—ic partem memoriae apud scriptores retinent Tac. Annal. l. 4. The Obsequies of David and Solomon were celebrated with extraordinary Pomp and Splendour In the Funerals of private Persons great Care is required because Superstitions prejudicial to Religion are easily introduced the Imagination being deluded in what is hoped or feared from the Deceased and for that Funeral Charges are things which happen every day and concern many it is absolutely necessary they should be moderated Sorrow and Vain-glory being apt to raise them too high Plato set a certain Rate upon the Building of Sepulchres as did Solon also and after them the Romans King Philip II. made a Law to regulate the Abuses and Excesses of Funerals and Monuments saying That what was laid out superfluously upon them were better given to pious Uses and to pray for the Souls of the Deceased Thus far Your Highness has seen the Birth Death and Burial of the Prince whom these Emblems form being as it were present at the Building of this Politick Edifice from the very Foundation to the last Stone And now that your Highness may with more ease take a Review of the whole Fabrick I have thought convenient to subjoin here a kind of Platform thereof or Looking-Glass wherein it may be represented as a greater City is in a lesser This shall be King Ferdinand the Catholick one of Your Royal Highnesses's Ancestors in whose glorious Reign all the Arts both of Peace and War flourished and Accidents both of prosperous and adverse Fortune occurred The Infancy of this Great King was ripe and vigorous his Youth employed in Military Exercises and what art and Industry could not perfect in him Experience supplied His very Leisure was Employment and his Diversions Attention of Mind He was absolute Master of his Passions following more the Dictates of Policy than his own Natural inclinations He own'd his Grandeur to be from God only and gloried in his own Actions not those of his Ancestors He look'd on Sovereignty rather as a Charge than a Succession He quâ—eâ—ed his Realms by Dilâ—gence and Personal Presence rais'd his Monarchy by Valour and Prudence â—stabllsh'd it by Religion and Justice supported it by Love and Respect embellish'd it with Arts and Sciences enrich'd it by Trade and Husbandry and eterniz'd it by Maxims and Institutions truly Politick He was a King as well of his Court as Kingdoms and Master as well as Home as Abroad He temper'd his Liberality with Frugality Affabâ—lity with Authority Modesty with Gravity and Clemency with Justice By punishing some few he terrified many and by rewarding others he encourag'd the Hopes of all Personal Affronts he easily pardon'd but those which struck at the Royal Dignity he never forgave The Injuries done to his Subjects he reveng'd as his own behaving himself always as a Father to them He valu'd his Glory more than his Dominion but was neither puft up by Prosperity nor dejected by Adversity In the one he fortify'd himself against the other and when Fortune frown'd he us'd all his Industry to retrieve her Favour He made use of Time not Time of him and though he submitted to Necessity he made it subservient to his own Advantage His Conduct render'd him both belov'd and fear'd of all He gave Audience with readiness Hearing that he might know and asking Questions for his more certain Information He trusted not his Enemies and was reserv'd even with his Friends His Friendship was Convâ—niency his Kindred Reason of State his Confidence vigilant his Diffidence considerate his Providence Assurance his Jealousy Circumspection his Malice a Defence and his Dissimulation a Refuge He deceived none yet others were deceived by the Ambiguity of his Words and Treaties which he knew how to manage with so much Artifice when it was necessary to baffle Malice with Prudence as to be able to extricate himself without violating the Publick Faith Neither Falshood dared attack his Majesty nor Flattery his Knowledge He made his Ministers serviceable to him without making them Favourites and suffer'd himself to be counsel'd not govern'd by them What he could do himself he committed not to others He took Time for Consultation but was very Expeditious in Execution In his Resolutions the Effects were seen sooner than the Causes He conceal'd his Designs from his Embassadors when he desir'd that being deceiv'd themselves they should more effectually persuade others the contrary He knew how to rule with his Queen and obey his Son-in-Law He imposed Taxes through Necessity not out of Avarice and Luxury and what he then took from the Church he afterwards restor'd respecting the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and maintaining the Regal He kept no fixed Court but like the Sun mov'd continually about the Orbs of his Realms He manag'd Peace with Moderation and Integrity and prosecuted War with Force and Stratagem neither desiring the one nor refusing the other Whatsoever his Foot was fixed on his Arm and Conduct join'd in the Defecne thereof encreasing his Strength by the Spoils of his Enemies He did as much by his Negotiations as by his Arms never committing to the Sword what he could conquer by Address he plac'd the Ostentation of his Grandeur and Pomp in the Bravery of his Battalions He was always present in time of War within his Kingdoms The same Orders which he gave he observ'd himself and made Leagues so as to remain Arbiter not subject He was neither exalted when Conqueror nor when beaten dispirited He Sign'd Treaties of Peace under the Shield In a word He liv'd to all the World and dy'd to himself yet always remaining in the memory of Men as an absolute Pattern for Princes and Immortalizing himself in the Desire of his Subjects THis naked Skull of Death the dismal Scâ—â—e Which now the simple Spider measures o're WIth its slight Web which baffled heretofore The nicest Subteilties of Humane Brain Once wore a 〈◊〉 and triumphant stood As Monarch of the 〈◊〉 of Peace and War His Smiles gave Life his Anger dire Despair And all the World depended on its Nod. What oncee gave proudly Laws to War and Peace Spiders and Ear-wigs do now possess Why then this Pride O Princes since the Grave Makes no Distinction 'twixt the Base and Brave Betwixt the mighty Prince and wretched Slave On the Author and his Book in Allusion to the EMBLEM WHither so fast vain Man 'fore out of breath Stop and behold this lively Scene of Death The Head thou seest was Great Saavedra's once A greater Name no Rhetorick can pronounce Here Piety with Policy were join'd Here Honour Sence and Learning were combin'd False Machiavilian Notions to convince And form at oncea Wise and Vertuous Prince Where now alas Worms having eat it bare The Death-watch Spiders spread their curious Hair And with their Bowels nobly re-interr Scepters and Crowns here tumbled down you see A trifling Lose to one so Great as He But since this Work remains the World may cry Death where 's thy Sting Grave where 's thy Victory FINIS
Foreign Nations did soon after find the same Damage from the Discovery of the Indies from their too great Dependance upon their Riches all things grew dearer with them as with us their Expences surmounted their Revenues In a word they suffer'd all the same Inconveniencies with us which were so much greater to them as being farther Distance from those Provinces and the Remedy of Gold and Silver which is brought us from the Indies and which they must receive from us being more uncertain These are the Inconveniencies which the Discovery of the Indies caused In knowing the Causes of which we know also their Remedies The First is Not to neglect Agriculture upon Hopes of those Riches Those which we receive from the Earth being more natural sure and common to all Wherefore Husbandmen should be encourag'd and exempted from the Oppressions of War and all other Incumbrances The Second is That since all things are restored by the contrary Means to which they were ruin'd and the Expences are greater than the Hopes and Expectation of those Metals the Prince should like a prudent Governor provide as the Senators of Rome advis'd Nero 14 Vt ratio quaestuum necessitas erogationum inter se congruerent Tac. 13. Annal. That the Publick Revenues should rather Exceed than fall short of the Expences That he should moderate those that were superfluous and unnecessary imitating the Emperors Antoninus Pius and Alexander Severus the last of which us'd to say That 't was the Part of a Tyrant to support them with the Intrails of his State Such a Reform would only Disgust some few not the whole Nation And if Abuse or Imprudence has rais'd the Salaries of Offices and Charges in Peace and War and if they are only introduc'd by Vanity under the title of Grandeur Why should they not be corrected and reform'd by Prudence And as the greater the Kingdoms are those Abuses will be greater so also will be the Effects of this Remedy Frugality is the best Revenue Gold once spent returns not By damming up the Streams the Fountain-Head rises And the way to keep Silver is to fix the Mercury of it that being the True and Approv'd Philosopher's Stone Wherefore I am satisfy'd that if a Prince be inform'd by his Ministers of all superfluous Expences by Sea and Land and would resolve to moderate them he would soon find himself enabled to pay his Debts lessen his Taxes and fill his Treasury As King Henry III. who finding the Crown much in Debt consulted with his Parliament how to remedy it And they could not find a better Expedient than what we have here propos'd that is To Reduce Salaries and Pensions and Regulate Superfluous Expences The Treasurers also and other Officers in the Treasury and Exchequer should be reduc'd to a less number as also the Collectors of Taxes who all like the thirsty Sands of Africk soak and drink up all the Streams of the Revenue which pass by them The Great Emperor of the Turks though he has immense Revenues has but two Treasurers one in Asia and 'tother in Europe Henry IV. of France not less a Statesman than a Soldier was satisfy'd of the Inconveniency of this and therefore reduc'd the Ministers of his Revenue to a less yet sufficient number The Third Remedy is That since Princes are by Importunity often forced to grant those Things which are not in their Power all such Grants Privileges Immunities and Rewards as are prejudicial to the Crown should be revok'd especially when the same Causes concurr as mov'd Their Catholick Majesties to repeal those of King Henry IV. For said they in another Law A Princes Liberality should not be so great as to ruine him and the Immunities granted to Subjects should be such as may not prejudice the Crown But if a Prince through Negligence or Necessity has not consider'd this it must be remedy'd afterwards As was after the Abdication of Ramirez King of Arragon at which time all Grants that had weakned the Crown were made void King Henry the Liberal and Queen Isabella did the same thing And King Iohn II. repeal'd the Privileges and Immunities which himself and his Predecessors had granted 'T is with Princes as 't was with the Idols of Babylon from whose Crowns according to Ieremiah the People took the Gold and Silver and apply'd it to their own Use 15 Baruch 6. 9. King Henry III. perceiving the same Abuse Imprison'd several of his Nobility and made 'em refund what they had purloin'd from the Crown by which and a just Administration of his Revenues he amass'd a prodigious Treasure in the Castle of Madrid The Last Remedy which should have been the First is That a Prince should first regulate the Expences of his own Family if he would reform those of his People For their Reformation as King Theodatus said 16 A domesticis volumus inchoare disciplinam ut reliquos pudeaâ— errare quando nostris cognoscimur excedendi licentiam non praebere Cas. lib. 10. ep 5. must be begun by the Prince that it may be effectual St. Lewis King of France advised his Son Philip to take care that his Expences were moderate and reasonable 17 Da operam ut impensae tâ—ae moderatâ— sint rationi consentaneae Bell. in Vit. S. Lud. 'T is a Misfortune that Princes think it becomes their Grandeur to be Careless and keep no Accompts and take Extravagance to be Liberality not considering how contemptible they are when poor and that true Greatness does not consist in Shews and gaudy Ostentation but in Castles strong Garrisons and Armies The Emperor Charles V. in the Parliament of Valladolid moderated the Expences of his Houshold The true Greatness of Princes consists in being liberal to others and moderate and sparing to themselves For which Reason Sisenand King of Spain and France so stiled by the Fourth Council of Toledo us'd to say That Kings should be Mais Escasos que Gastadores that is Rather Rich than Lavish I well know the Difficulty of these Remedies but as Petrarch said in the like case I do my Duty And though all that is requisite cannot be executed it ought to be represented to accomplish the Design of this Book 18 Multa scribo non tam ut saeculo meo prosim cujus jam desperaâ—â— miseria est quà m ut meipsum conceptis exonerem animum scriptâ—â— soler Petrarch I dare hardly say any thing about the Remedies of Money it being the Apple of the Eye of the State which you cannot touch without hurting so that 't is better to let it alone than to alter the ancient Method The acutest Judgment cannot foresee all the Inconveniencies which attend every Alteration thereof until they are discover'd by Experience For it being as it were the Rule and Measure of Contracts every one feels the least Variation of it Commerce is disturb'd and the whole State disorder'd Wherefore after King Peter II. had Abdicated the Throne it was