late Prince of Condé and Monsieur de Guise together with them I could make them confess that something else than Religion mov'd them to make three hundred thousand men cut one anothers throats and I know not if we have yet made an end for I have heard there is a Prophecy I know not whether in Nostradamus or no that their Children shall shew their Mothers as a wonder when they see a man so few shall be left having kill'd one another But let us say no more of it it goers my heart to think on 't mine who have the least interest and who am shorâ—ly going into the other world Should I repeat all the Traverses and Charities that I have read of in the Roman Histories I should never have done which Histories I have formerly delighted to read wondring why and what should be the reason that we are not as valiant as they I shall only â—eckon one or two and begin with that I have read in I know not what Book of Camillus a great Roman Captain who after he had won many Battels and enlarg'd the Roman Empire with the addition of a largâ— extent of Dominion was in the end call'd to judgment for having dedicated the spoil of his Conquests to the foundation of Temples wherein to sacrifice to their Gods of which spoil the one half belong'd of right to the Soldier but that the Gods might assist them in their Battels and Conquests he presented them this gift saying That the Soldiers stood as much in need of the assistance of the Gods as he So that upon his return to Rome for the reward of the great services he had perform'd and the famous Victories he had obtain'd for the Common-wealth they brought him to his Tryal yet did they not nevertheless put him to death but sent him into exile to a City the name whereof I do not remember for it is long ago since I read Livie not in Latin of which I have no more than my Pater Noster but in French Now when he had remain'd sometime in this City there came two or three Gaulish Kings with a mighty Army and took Rome killing almost all the Citizens saving some few who retir'd into the Capitol and there held out for some time Livie reports that one night those who were thus retir'd into the Capitol were all asleep and the Enemy had already gain'd a part of the Capitol when a Goose begining to cackle awak'd the Guards who thereupon enter'd into a combat with the Enemy and repell'd them At this time the said Camillus gathering together all the men he could took the field where the Enemy finding nothing more to plunder nor provisions to maintain their pleasures in Rome having dispersed themselves all over the Country ten or twelve leagues distant from the City he â—lew in the fields seven or eight thousand of them when I was at Rome in the time of Pope Marcellinus I caused those fields to be shew'd me taking great delight in viewing the ground where so many brave Battels had been fought for me-thought I saw before my eyes the things I had heard of and read but notwithsâ—anding I saw nothing either like or any way resembling the great Camillus The rumour of this defeat having run thorough all the neighbouring Cities caused several gallant men to repair to Camillus's Camp by which means finding himself strong enough he march'd directly to Rome possessed by an infinite number of Gauls whom he defeated and sav'd a vast summe of money which those who were retir'd into the Capitol had promised to give and was afterward call'd the second Founder of Rome The Historians can give a better account of this story than I who perhaps mistake it it being above thirty years since I have so much as taken a book in hand and much less dare to read now by reason of my ill eyes and the wound in my face In Spain the two Scipio's were defeated by Asdrubal in thirty dayes time and within thirty leagues of one another to wit Pub. Scipio the first and his Brother Cornelius Scipio afterwards and of both the one Army and the other some escap'd away who all retir'd to the Garrisons where they had lain all Winter where being come they found that all their Colonels were slain and were therefore necessitated to choose one whom they call'd the New Captain Asdrubal having intelligence that this new General had rallied the Roman Soldiers who were escap'd from the two defeats went immediately to assault them but was stoutly repus'd and constrain'd to retire himself to a certain place where this valiant Captain fell upon him by night and not only defeated the Army he had there with him but another also that lay in another place hard by insomuch that by his valour he not only sav'd those few Romans who were escaped from the two lost Battails but moreover both the Spaynes for the people of Rome which but for him had been lost to Rome for ever Now the Senate in the mean time continued a great while without hearing any news of the Scipioes or of their affaires but had at length intelligence brought of the loss of the two Scipio's together with the victories of this new Captaine I do not remember his name before he was created and call'd the new Captain the Historians will better remember it than I who have not seen the book of so many years which so soon as the Senate had notice of they sent away Scipio the younger to command the the Army I think son to the first Scipio who had been slain and withall commanded the new Captain to Rome whom so soon as he came instead of rewarding his service they call'd to judgment accusing him that he had accepted the Soldiers Election and taken upon him the command of the Army from them and not by Commission from the Senate and I think put him to death at least I find no more mention of him in Livy Oh how many other great Captains have been recompenced with such rewards in the time of the Romanâ— the Hâ—storians are full of such exemples and the Judicature of France being rul'd and govern'd by the Laws of the Romans 't is to be expected that the Kings of France shâ—uld govern themselves by their Customs Would to God the King would perpetuate his own glory and leave such a mâ—morial of his prudence as should for ever be commended that iâ— that he would burn all the Books of the Laws by which his Judicature determines of affairs and erect a new equal and upright Judicature for I dare be bold to say thâ—re is not a Monarch in Chrâ—stendom who is govern'd by his Laws the Kings of France excepted all the rest have Laws made by themselves to cut off all â—edious Suits so much as even in Bearn and Lorrain which are in two Corners of the Kingdom that no Suit might be above two years depending If his Mâ—jesty would please to do
having receiv'd my Letter sent me in answer a great many good words for they cost them nothing the end will shew whether the Province will be better govern'd and his Majestie better serv'd and whether they who have succeeded me though they are great persons and great Captains have done or shall do hereafter better than I. But to return to the place where I left off my Wife came to fetch me from Marsac from whence she carried me in her Litter to Cassaigne near unto Condom where to refresh me I was for three weeks together so crucified with the Cholick that it had like to have cuâ—'d me of all other discases In this condition I had the comfort of Monsieur de Valence my Brother who never left me till he saw me out of danger of death and several Lords also both Catholick and Hugonot came to see me Before Captain Montaut arriv'd at Court the Queen dispatcht away Monsieur de Beaumont Steward of the Prince of Navarre's Houshold by whâ—m she sent me word that in case I was in the Territories of the Queen of Navarre I should forthwith retire and put my men into Garrison See what a sudden change was here I askt him if there was a Peace concluded to which he made answer no but that it was hoped there suddenly would Why then should the King said I put his Army into Garrison Is not the Country already sufficiently ruin'd and destroy'd If I do this when the Peace shall come and that we are to disband our Horse and Foot not one of them but will plunder his Host for a farewel seeing themselves dismissed without money Seeing then it is so that they are order'd to be put into Garrisons I will even disband them for all together and send them every man to his own house To this end then I desir'd Monsieur de Valence to write and sign a Letter I being in no condition to do it to Monsieur de Gondrin forthwith to dismiss the Army both Horse and Foot and that every one in four dayes should be retir'd to his own home which was accordingly perform'd Monsieur de Beaumont himself carried the Letter to Monsieur de Gondrin and five weeks after the Queen sent to me to disband the Army which I had done before and by so doing had sav'd the people above 500000 Livers as the Country it self will witness I had sav'd the pitiful 4000 Francks that I had from the King untoucht saving a hundred Crowns that I took out to give Captain Montaut to defray his Journey to Court And thus it was that I robb'd the Exchequer and poll'd the People Such about his Majestie as favour the Hugonots do not care how deeply they charge me with Calumnies but I would have the world to know and do here declare that in so many years that I have commanded and in all the great Employments wherein I have been I could never enrich my self 20000 Francks and yet they stick not to affirm that I have pill'd and poll'd 300000 Crowns I could wish it was true provided it had been from the Hugonots our Enemies God be praised for all These slanderers shall never have that advantage over me as to make me hang down my head but I will walk with my face erect like a man of honor The Treasureâ—s and Receivers are yet living let his Majesty enform himself of them let him examine their accounts where if he find any one single Lyard converted to my profit his Majesty does not do well if he do not bring me to my Trial. It is no wonder his Majesty is so ill serv'd as 't is reported he is considering he makes no exemple he is then to blame himself and not those that do it And as to Impositions and Taxes upon the People to enrich my self and to fill my own Coffers his Majesty in this case ought yet to be more severe against me than in the other by how much the people are more to be pittied than the King who if he want money knows how to make his people find it 'T is a priviledge our Kings have so soon as they come out of their Page-ship as one said of Lewis the Eleventh which makes me conclude that the King ought to inflict a more severe punishment upon those who â—lea his people than if they purloin'd from his own Exchequer The Commissioners have given an account of all sorts of men who have rais'd money let them look if they can find me in their Papers and if any be come into my purse I confess I have dispos'd of some Hugonots Estates who pretended to sit still at home but were worse than the others whâ— were in arms neither was it reasonable that they should be better used than the poor Catholicks who were gnawn to the very bones and had I not done it the Gentry would have taken it ill and the common Soldier would have revolted for where there is nothing to be got but blows men will hardly go volunteer to the Wars Moreover they would have said I had held intelligence with the Enemy by which means I should not have had a man to follow me and I had rather have died than to have had such a repute Had the King's Officers seized of these mens Estates they would have extracted no less than a million of Francks but there was juggling amongst them and they held intelligence with one another I have had my share but it has ever been fair prize and onely taken from such as carried Provisions and Merchandize to the Enemy and yet I do believe all I made bold with being put all together would not amount to above 3000 Crowns Would to God that all the Chiefs of France had gone as roundly to work for the service of the King and Kingdom as I and that by war they had desir'd to establish peace which if they had not a man in the Kingdom would have dar'd to have professed himself a Hugonot But I shall leave this unpleasing discourse A little while after the Peace was published the articles of which were very much to the Enemies advantage We had beaten and beaten them over and over again but notwithstanding they had evermore such an interest in the King's Council that all the Edicts continually ran very high in their favour We got the better by arms but they alwayes over-reached us in those confounded writings Ah poor Prince how wofully are you serv'd how ruinously are you adviz'd If your majesty take not heed your Kingdom from the most flourishing will be made the most miserable that ever was which though it was in the Reigns of your Grandfather and Royal Father assaulted with many and potent Enemies and continually engag'd in war wherein I have ever faithfully serv'd yet matters still went on in excellent good order and Commands were not prophan'd as in these dayes I pass by the injury your Majesty does your self in giving your Enemies so great advantages
had made him a very eloquent Oration at Orleans whose name he had set down in his List and in pure Gift gave him the place He likewise did the same in all Employments and I have seen the same way practised by that great Odet de Foix under whom I serv'd in the beginning of my Arms he knew the names of all the Captains and remarkable persons and when any one had perform'd any signal Exploit he presently bookt him down But Sir withal you must oft turn over this Book and not content your self with taking the names of such persons only but employ and advance them according to their quality and desert and encourage them by some gracious expressions in their favour or if he be a poor Gentleman give him money which if you please to do with your own hand five hundred Crowns will be better taken than two thousand from the hands of a Treasurer for something will evermore stick to their fingers One time King Henry your Royal Father and my good Master whom God absolve had order'd me two thousand Crowns and he that was to pay it was not asham'd to detein five hundred but he met with a Gascon that was not wont to be so serv'd nor to pay such large Fees He knew I would complain of him to the King and was more overjoyed that he could perswade me to receive it than I was of the receipt If your Majestie would give with your own hand these tricks would not be put upon men of desert It was said in your Grandfathers time that his Predecessor alwaies did so and had a Chest full of Baggs stuft with Crowns in some more in some less which he himself distributed according to the quality of the person or of the service he had perform'd I know some will tell you that this is too much below a King but Sir do not believe them for these are the people that would have the moulding of all the Paste and would that your liberality should pass thorough their hands to the end that they might nim from your bounty Only one thing give me leave to tell your Majestie you should not give all to one nor to a few persons I beseech you Sir pardon my plainness you have given one Gentleman of Guienne enough to have satisfied fifty pretenders I will not say but that the man was brave and valiant but there were who deserv'd it as well or better than he and who notwithstanding had nothing at all Your Majestie may please to take what I say in good part I have one foot in the Grave and 't is the affection I bear to your Crown that prompts me to say what I do I am Neighbour to the Spaniard but he never had other than Flours-de-Lis from me I could say a great deal more if I durst for in truth there is but too much to say and but too many things to be reform'd I must now speak a little with your Majesties permission to the Monsieur your Brother your new Chancellor in arms 'T is to you then my Lord that I address my self and I should be sorry this Book should go out of my hands without some honorable testimonie of your Grandeur You are descended from the greatest Family in the world there is no Record but that these ten last descents have ever been hardie and warlike and but very few from the first Christian King have been otherwise although Races have gone out and that others have seiz'd upon the Crown which is exceedingly admirable for of four Generations of Gentlemen you shall hardly find two Descents together valâ—ant Which ought to make us believe that God has a particular providence over this Kingdom seeing he has given so great Gifts and Graces to those who are his Vicegerents as to the Kings your Grandfather and Father And although you are no King you nevertheless share in the blessing that God has so liberally conferred upon your Royal Family O my Lord you have great reason to think and to assure your self that Almighty God has design'd you for great ends as is already discern'd by the victories he has given you in your younger years which are such as therein his Almighty arm has been manifestly seen and that you have obtein'd them more thorough his Divine Will than any power of man Every one must therefore of necessitie confess that this Kingdom is the Care of Heaven that the King your Brother is God's Lieutenant and that You are his Behold what fair and honouâ—able Titles I must now take the boldness to talk a little to you You are my Lord the prop upon whom he reposes and relies you are he who are to command the Arms which are â—o carry him into all hazards perils and fortunes You are the Trumpet which is to give us the signal what we are to do You are our refuge and our hope by whose testimonie we are to expect from the King the recompence of all our services 'T is you who are to recommend us to his Majesties knowledg and who as a true Chancellor of the Sword are to make him a true Report of what we have done for his service and who when we are dead and gone ought to present our Children to him if we have behav'd our selves as men of honor ought to do Finally you have all the eyes of France upon you upon you my Lord who command Armies and who have so often bang'd and bang'd again the Rebellious Hugonots All Christendom knows that it is you for the King is constrain'd since his Council will have it so to make war in his Cabineâ— Since then you hold so high a place upon which all other Offiâ—es and Commands that concern Arms depend and that we are all to stand or fall by you for the Kings service and your own your Highness ought to repose your entire confidence and to lay out your whole care upon us who follow Arms for all other conditions of men participate nothing with yours forasmuch as all the rest depend upon men of the long Robe Of such there are a great many in the Kings Council you have nothing to do with these people neither indeed is it proper you should for too many irons in the fire never do well and it is an old saying All covet all lose If your Highness will please a little to reflect upon what I take the boldness to represent before you you will find that it will be necessary seeing you are in so high a Station to weigh and consider what it is that may help to maintain and support you in so great and so honorable a Command than which nothing can be greater Shall it be from these young Captains that you are to expect it no certainly for in these kind of people theâ—e is no manner of experience but rather levity and folly Shall it be from men of the long Robe You are yet less to expect it from them than from the other They will
which is that a Captain being drunk knows not how himself to command and less how to permit others to do it but will fall to striking and beating his Soldiers without all Sense or Reason whereas if there were a just Occasion he ought first to chastise his Soldier with Remonstrances mixt with some tart Menaces and Reproofs giving him to understand that if he relapse into the same Offence he is to expect nothing but an exemplary Punishment And is it not better to chastise your Soldier with Words and Threats than with Bastinadoes Cuts and Thrusts killing him or maiming of his Limbs which Wine will prompt you to do Neither must you expect to be the more fear'd for such Usage of your men but on the contrary mortally hated by all your Soldiers And what rare Exploits can you think to perform with men that hate you I beseech you believe me for I have seen the Experience of it as much as another of my Age I have seen no less than four Captains die by the hands of their own Soldiers who have assassinated them behind for the ill Usage they have receiv'd at their hands They are Men as we are not Beasts if we be Gentlemen they are Soldiers they have Arms in their Hands which inspire Mettle into any man's Brest that bears them Wine is apt to make you unreasonable and bloody for the least Offence and that without all manner of Discretion for you are not your selves Moreover neither the Kings Lieutenant nor your own Colonel nor Camp-Master will ever put you upon any Enterprize of Honour that might perhaps procure your Advancement but will say Shall we entrust an Execution of this importance to such an one as will be drunk when he ought to have his Wits about him to know and discern what he has to do He will do nothing but throw away so many men and by his ill Conduct bring upon us Loss and Confusion O the vile Repute that this Wine will brand you withal when nothing of good shall be expected from you Fly then my Companions fly then this Vice equally hateful and more beastly and scandalous than the former A Captain likewise should in no manner be covetous for though Wine and Play may most aptly be term'd Companions yet Avarice is also one of the Gang that occasions a million of Mischiefs and brings as great or greater Inconveniences upon a Leader as any other Vice whatever For in the first place if you suffer your self to be carried away by this insatiate Thirst of getting it is most certain that you shall never have a Soldier worth any thing under your Command all the good Men will avoid you and report of you that you value a French Crown more than a valiant Man so that you shall never have men of any Resolution about you but such as upon the first Occasion wherein you ought to give a Testimony of your Valour and Conduct will leave you in the lurch where you must either fly to your eternal Infamy or stay to lose your Life and that without any hopes notwithstanding whether you live or die ever to recover your Reputation For if you be kild though you have done bravely in your own person every one will be apt to say that your great Avarice brought you to your Ruine for want of good men to stand faithfully by you and if you save your self by running away be you sure you will imprint such a mark in your Fore-heads as it will be hard ever to wash away at least you will be oblig'd to hazard your Life upon all Occasions more than another man to clear the Prejudice that all men will have against you and to wipe away the Blemish wherewith you have spotted your Reputation wherein 't is great odds you will lose either Life or Limb. And after all as it is the ordinary Recompence of men who are more than commonly adventurous upon such occasions for the Reward of your Merit it shall be said that the Despair of your former Miscarriage has push'd you upon the Execution you shall have perform'd and not your own Bravery and Resolution O how many more Misfortunes could I here reckon that have befaln and do daily befal Commanders who have been and are tainted with this avaritious humor I know you will ask me now what shall we do if we do not lay up money and clip the Soldiers Pay When the War is at an end we must go to the Hospital for neither the King nor any one else will regard us and we are poor of our selves But can you imagine that a wise and valiant Captain a man of great Attempt and Execution shall be sent to starve in an Hospital as if such men flutter'd in a Camp by hundreds It were well for the King and the whole Kingdom if there were but a dozen such in an Army Put forward then to get but a Leg amongst this dozen and try to get in by your Valour Wisdom and Virtue For these twelve cannot live for ever and one being dead though you cannot skrew in your whole Body at that time yet you may edge in the one half and the next that dies you are in And can you then believe that either the King or any of the Princes who have taken cognizance of your Valour will suffer you to go to the Hospital This is an Apprehension so unbâ—coming a wise and valiant Captain that it is only sutable to Drunkards Gamestâ—rs and mean hide-bound fellows of no Value nor Account And whoever applies himself to great and generous Actions and has a care with Diligence and virtuous Resolution to exclude and banish from his Thoughts all the fore-mention'd Vices nothing can be wanting to him I have said that it were a great deal if there were a dozen only such men in an Army but if there were an hundred yet the King is rich enough to provide that men of that Merit need not be sent to the Hospital Or suppose that the King could not suddenly provide for the support of such deserving men there is notwithstanding no Prince nor any other great Person who has been engag'd in the War where you shall have signaliz'd your selves for men of Honour who will not be proud to receive and take some one into his Care and Protection and that will not take hold of all occasions of doing you a good Office to the King and of advancing you into some degree and then on the other side can you think the King will always continue you in the same Condition or leave you in the same Command Do not believe it but assure your selves that such men will be lookt after on whom to confer the Care and Honour of greater Employments who have honourably discharged those of less moment and account I pray what was I but a poor Soldier like one of you What were or what yet are so many valiant Captains yet living for whom the King and all
Mankind have a singular Esteem Have we who are yet in being enrich'd our selves by nimming from our Soldiers Pay Have we purchas'd any great Estates out of the Thefts of our Commands I could name some of our own Country of Guienne who could get nothing but I must know it no more than I could unknown to them who have never got five hundred Crowns by their Service and yet are those men despis'd Are they sent to the Hospital The King the Queen the Monsieur all the Princes of the Bloâ—d and all the Lords of the Court have so great a Respect for these men out of the esteemâ— very one has of their Valour that they have got the start of many great men in the Kingdom Nay when they are in their own Country where no man is a Prophet they are there honour'd by men of all sorts and conditions not from the Families from whence they are descended nor for the Possessions they enjoy but upon the single account of their own Merit Now there are some who perhaps will say If I do not purloin from the King and poll from the Soldier now whilst I am in Command how shall I make Provision for my Children To whâ—ch I shall return Would you enrich your Children with an ill Reputation and an infamous Name A pretious Inheritance you will leave them when for shame of your Miscarriages and Misdemeanours they shall be forced to hang down their heads amongst the Great ones from whom they should derive their Fortunes and recâ—ive honourable Commands What Differâ—nce will thâ—re then be betwixt the Reception and Esteem the King and all the Princes will then make of the Sons of such Fathers as I have mentioned and of yours who will not dare to appear before Men of Honour having their Faces covered with their Fathers Shame But perhaps some one may say that I for my part by the Places and Commands I have been invested withal by the King have rais'd great Profits and got a great Estate and therefore may talk at my ease But I protest before Almighty God and call him to witness that in my whole Life I never had thirty Crowns more than my Pay and what Condition soever I have been in or what honourable Commissions soever I have had whether in Italy or in France I have ever been necessitated to borrow money to carry me home At my Return from Sienna where I had the Honour to command in the quality of the Kings Lieutenant Monsieur the Marâ—schal de Strossy gave me five hundred Crowns When I returned a second time from Montalsin Monsieur Beauclair who was our Treasurer was fain to examine all the Purses in Town to provide me three hundred and fifty Crowns to carry me to Ferrara and yet I had no less than ten Gentlemen in my Company The Duke of Ferrara furnish'd me with a supply when I put my self into Verseil and afterwards to carry me to Lions where I found in Catherin Ican the Post-Masters hand two or three thousand Francs that Martinean had there deposited for me of my Pay with which I defrayed my Charges to Court To a worthy and a brave man nothing can ever be wanting Now would I fain know if for all this I ever went to the Hospital and whether I have not advantaged my self a hundred times more in serving my Kings and Masters in all Integrity and Loyalty than by all the Tricks and Shifts I could have Oh my Companions take exemple by those who for having been loyal in their Charges can walk with their Faces erect before all the World and are therefore honoured and esteemed by all sorts of men and not by such who by the Conscience of their Crimes are constrained to hide their heads in their houses or that make their Posterity blush for them Wealth will fall upon you when you least dream on 't or expect it and one Reward or Bounty from the King is worth more than all the sharking Tricks Thefts and Larcâ—nies of your whole Liâ—e O how happy are those Soldiers who â—ollow Leaders that for their Prowess and Virtue are esteem'd by all the World How secure are their Lives and Honours under such Captains and into what Disasters and Disgraces do those frequently fall who follow the more unworthy sort of men For with the former you shall learn and acquire Honour and Renown that will raise you to an equal degree with your Chiefs and on the contrary following the latter you shall learn nothing but Vices or at least things of very little Value and they will rather lead you on to the ruine of your Lives than to the Advancement of your Honour and the Improvement of your Name there being nothing else to be learn'd of such as have no Valour nor Virtue in themselves A man may serve a long Apprenticeship under a bad Master and perhaps not be much the wiser when he has done but provided you be free from the three fore-mentioned Vices and that you have Honour in your Prospect it is impossible but that all things must succâ—â—d with you at least you will have the Satisfaction of a noble End if you propose to your selves to die like men of Honour which is the ordinary Recompâ—nce of War and what every brave Man should heartily wish There yet remains a fourth which if you cannot wholly avoid yet go to it as seldom and as soberly as you can and without losing your selves in the Labyrinth and that is the Love of Women Imbark not by any means in that Affair for it is utterly an Enemy to an heroick Spirit Leave Love at home whilest Mars is in the field you will afterwards have but too much leisure for those Delights I can safely say that never any fond Affection or affectionate Folly of that kind could ever divert me from undertaking and executing what was given me in command Such little Amoroso's as these are fitter to handle a Distaff than a Sword Love is a great Enemy to a Soldier and besides the debauch and the time lost in those little Intrigues it is an Occupation that begets a numberless number of Quarrels and sometimes even with your dearest Friends I have known more People fight even upon this account than upon the score of Honour And what a horrid thing it is that a man should forfeit his Reputation and very often lose his Life for the Love of a Woman As for you Soldiers above all things I recommend to you the Obedience that you owe to your Commanders to the end that you may one day learn how to command for it is impossible that Soldier should ever know how to command who has not first learn'd to obey And take notice that the Virtues and Discretion of a Soldier are chiefly manifested in his Obedience and in his Disobedience lies the Ruin of his Life and Honour A resty Horse never yet made good Proof The Proverb will serve and you ought not to flight the Advice I give
more question to be made of his Faith and then in such a process of time the Country into which he shall come at first a stranger or fâ—gitive and an Exile will be grown natural and familiar to him and he will have received benefits and acquir'd such interests and possessions as may fix him there and yet â—vâ—n then let it be at a sufficient distance from such as he may have had any private correspondencies or secret practices withal For by what I have heard from several of the Emperour's Captains had Charles of Bourbon taken Mâ—rselles and Provence the Emperor would never have committed so great an error as to have entrusted them in his hands though he had faithfully promis'd so to do But let us proceed All these Foot Companies being disbanded excepting those which were left in Garrison I who had no mind to be immur'd within the walls of a City again put my self into the Company of Monsieur Le Marâ—schal de Foix wherein I continued till such time as King Francis went his expedition against Monsieur de Bouâ—bon who together with the Marquess of Pâ—scara laid Siege to Marselles which Sieur de Bourbon for an affront that had been offer'd to him was revolted to the Emperor there is nothing a great heart will not do in order to revenge where seeing the King would permit the Mareschal de Foix to carry no more than twenty men at arms of his own Company along with him and finding my self at my arrival to be excluded that election and none of the number I took such snuff at it that I went with five or six Gentlemen who did me the honor to bear me company to be present at the Battel with a resolution to fight volunteer amongst the Foot But Monsiâ—ur de Bourbon after having lain six weeks only before the City rais'd the Siege The Signior Raâ—co de Cera a Gentleman of Rome a brave and experienc'd Captain together with the Sieur de Brion were within with a sufficient Garrison his Majesty had thither sent for the defence of the Town So that Monsieur de Bourbon found himself to be deceivâ—d in his intelligence and that he had reckon'd without his Host. The French did not as yet know what it was to rebell against their Prince for so soon as he had notice of the Kings approach he retir'd himself over the Mountains and descended into Piedmont by the Marquisate of Saluzzo and Pigâ—erol and not without very great loss fled away to Milan which also both he and the Vicâ—roy of Naples were constrain'd to abandon and to fly out at one gate whilst we entred in at another Signior Don Antonio de Leva who was one of the greatest Captains the Emperor had and who I do believe had he not been hindred by the Gout with which he was infinitely tormented would have surpass'd all others of his time was chosen in this posture of affairs to be put into Paviâ— with a strong Garrison of German Soldiers supposing that the King would infallibly fall upon that place as in effect he did The Siege continued for the space of eight months in which time Monsieur de Bourbon went into Germany where he so bestirr'd himself with the money he had borrowed from the Duke of Savoy that he thence brought along with him ten thousand German foot together with four or five hundred men at armes from the Kingdom of Naples with which Forces encamping himself at Lode he came to offer the King Battail upon a St. Matthias day our army being very much weakened as well by the length of the Siege as by Sickness with which it had been miserably infected To which disadvantages the King had moreover unluckily disbanded three thousand Grisons commanded by a Collonel of their own called le grand Diart I suppose to contract the charges of the War Oh that these little pieces of good Husbandry do very often occasion notable losses Also a few days before Monsieur d' Albaine was by the King's command departed with great Forces towards Rome from thence to fall into the Kingdom of Naples but in the end all vanish'd away in smoke for to our great misfortune we lost the Battail and all these enterprizes came to nothing The Description of this Battail is already publish'd in so many places that it would be labour lost therein to wast my paper I shall therefore only say that the business was not well carried in several places on our side which occasioned their ruine who behav'd themselves best upon that occasion The King was taken prisoner Monsieur the Mareschal de Foix both taken and wounded with an Arquâ—buze shot in his thigh which moreover enter'd into his belly Monsieur de St. Pol taken and wounded with thirteen wounds with which he had been left for dead upon the place and was stript to his shirt but a Spaniard coming to cut off his Finger for a Ring he could not otherwise pull off he cried out and being known was carried with the said Mareschal into Pavie to the lodging of the Marquess de Scadalfol several other great Lords lost their Lives as the Brother to the Duke of Lorrain the Admiral de Chabanâ—s and many others taken amongst whom were the King of Navarre Mâ—ssieurs de Nevers de Montmorency de Brion and others but I shall not taxe the memory of any one for the loss of this Battel nor set a mark upon those who behaved themselves ill enough even in the presence of their King During all the time of my abode in the Army I was continually with a Captain call'd Castille de Navarre without any pay which Captain having the fortune to command the forlorn hope in the day of Battel intreated me to bear him Company which accordingly I did as also the five Gentlemen who came in company with me I was taken prisoner by two Gentlemen of the Company of Don Antoniâ— de Leva who upon the Saturday morning let me go together with two of my Camrades for they saw they were likely to get no great treasure of me the other three were killed in the Battel Being now at liberty I retir'd my self into the house of the Marquess where Monsiâ—ur le Mareschal lay wounded I found him with Monsieur de St. Pol both together in one bed and Monsieur de Montejan lodg'd in the same Chamber who was also wounded in his leg There I heard the discourse and dispute betwixt Siâ—ur Frederick de Bege who was prisoner and Captain Sucra who belong'd to the Emperor upon the loss of this Battel who accusâ—d our French of many great oversights particularly nominating several persons whose names I am willing to forbear but I judg'd their opinions to be very good being both of them very great Soldiers and what I then heard has since been serviceable to me upon several occasions an use that every one ought to make of such controversies who intends to arrive at any degree of perfection in the
practice of Arms. A man must seek not only all occasions of presenting himself at all rencounters and Batâ—els but must moreover be curious to hear and careful to retâ—in the opinions and arguments of experiencâ—d men concerning the faults and oversights committed by Commanders and the loss or advantages to the one side and the other ensuing thereupon for it is good to learn to be wise and to become a good Master at another mans expence The Kingdom of France has long bewailed this unfortunate day with the losses we have sustain'd besides the captivity of this brave Prince who thought to have found fortune as favourable to him here as she was at his Battel with the Swisse but she play'd the baggage and turn'd her tail making him to know how inconvenient and of how dangerous consâ—quence it is to have the person of a King expos'd to the uncertain event of Battel considering that his loss brings along with it the ruine of his Kingdom Almighty God nevertheless was pleas'd to look upon this with an â—ye of pity and to preserve it for the Conquerors dazled with the rayes of victory lost their understanding and knew not how to follow their blow otherwise had Monsieur de Bourbon turn'd his Forces towards France he would have put us all to our Trumps The Munday following Monsieur de Bourbon gave order that such as were taken prisoners and had not wherewithal to pay their ransom should avoid the Camp and return home to their own houses Of which number I was one for I had no great treasure he gave us indeed a Troop of horses and a Company of Foot for our safe conduct but the Devil a penny of money or a bit of bread insomuch that not one of us had any thing but Turnips and Cabbage-stalks which we broyl'd upon the coals to â—at 'till we came to Ambrun Before our departure Monsieur le Mareschal commanded me to commend him to Captain Carbon and the rest of his friends whom he entreated not to be dejected at this misfortune but to rouse up their spirits and â—ndâ—avour to do better than ever and that they should go and joyn themselves to Monsieur de Lautrec his Brother After which he made me a very notable remonstrance which was not ended without many tears and yet deliver'd with a strong accent and an assured coâ—tenance though he was very sore wounded and so much that the Friday following he died I travell'd on foot as far as Redorte in Languedoc where his Company then lay whereof Monsieur d Lautrec after his death gave one Tertia to Captain Carbon a command that he did not long enjoy for soon after a Villain native of Montpellier who had favour'd the Camp of Monsieur de Bourbon kill'd him behind as he was riding post upon the Road near unto Lumel As great a loss as has been of any Captain who has died these hundred years and one that I do believe had he lived to the Wars that we have since seen would have performed wonders and many would have been made good Captains under his command For something was every day to be learn'd by following him he being one of the most vigilant and diligent Commanders that I ever knew a great undertaker and very râ—solute in the execution of what he undertook Another Tertia was given to Captain â— ignac of Auvergne who also did not keep it keep it long for he shortly after fâ—ll blind and died The third Tertia he gave to Monsieur de Negrepelisse the Father to him now living of which a Cosen German of mine called Captain Serillac carried the Ensign In the mean time Madame the Queen Regent Mother to the King and with her all the confederate Princes of the Crown had set several Treaties on foot and laboured on all hands the Kings deliverance with great integrity and vigour and to so good effâ—ct that in the end this mighty Emperor who in his imagination had swallow'd up the whole Kingdom of France gain'd not so much as one inch of earth by his victory and the King had the good fortune in his affliction to derive assistance even from those who at other times were his Enemies yet to whom the Emperors greatness stood highly suspected His Majesty being at last returned home and mindful of the injuries and indignities had been offer'd to him during his captivity having in vain tryed all other ways to recover his two Sons out of the Emperors hands was in the end constrain'd to have recourse to Arms and to recommence the War And then it was that the expedition of Naples was set on foot under the command of Monsieur de Lautrec who as I have already said dispatch'd a Courrier to me into Gascony to raise a Company of Foot which I also in a few days perform'd and brought him betwixt seven and eight hundred men of which four or five hundred were Harquebusiers though at that time there was but very few of them in France Of these Monsieur de Ausun entreated of me the one half for the compleating of his Company which I granted to him and we made our division near to Alexandria which at this time was surrendred to the said Monsieur de Lautrec who from thence sent Messieurs de Gramont and de Montpezat to besiege the Castle de Vigâ—â—e before which place as we were making our approaches and casting up trenches to plant the Artillery I was hurt with a Harquebuze shot in my right leg of which shot I remain'd lame a long time after insomuch that I could not be at the storming of Pavie which was carried by assault and half burnt down to the ground Nevertheless I caused my self to be carried in a Litter after the Camp and before Monsieur de Lautrec departed from Plaisance to march away to Boulongne I again began to walk Now near unto Ascoly there is a little town called Capistrano seated upon the top of a Mountain of so difficult access that the ascent is very sleep on all sides saving on those of the two Gates into which a great number of the Soldiers of the Country had withdrawn and fortified themselves The Count Pedro de Navarre who was our Collonel commanded our Gascon Companies to attaque this Post which we accordingly did and assaulted the place We caus'd some Manteletts to be made wherewith to approach the Wall in which we made two holes of capacity sufficient for a man easily to enter in about fifty or threescore paces distant the one from the other whereof I having made the one I would my self needs be the first to enter at that place The Enemy on the other side had in the mean time pull'd up the planks and removed the boards and tables from the roof of a Parlour into which this hole was made and where they had plac'd a great tub full of stones One of the Companies of Monsieur de Luppé our Lieutenant Colonel and mine prepar'd to
have suspected myself to have been the occasion of his death and had he lived without an arm I should never have looked upon him but with exceeding great trouble to see him in such a condition let God therefore work his will Immediately after the two forenamed Chirurgions came to examine mine whether or no he was sufficient to undertake the cure for otherwise it was order'd that one of them should remain with me but they found him capable enough to which they also added some instructions what was to be done upon such accidents as might happen The next day which was the fourth after my hurt Monsieur de Lâ—urtreâ— caused me to be carried after him to Termes de Bresse where he left me in his own quarters to the care of the man of the house who was a Gentleman and for the further assurance of my person carryed Hostages with him two of the most considerable men of the Town whereof one was brother to the Gentleman of the house assuring them that if any the least foul play was offer'd to me those two men should infallibly be hang'd In this place I remainâ— d two months and a half lying continually upon my reins insomuch that my very back bone pierced thorough my skin which is doubtless the greatest torment that any one in the world can possibly endure and although I have written in this narrative of my life that I have been one of the most fortunate men that have born arms these many years in that I have ever been victorious wherever I commanded yet have I not been exempt from great wounds and dangerous sicknesses of which I have had as many and as great as any man ever had who outliv'd them God being still pleased to curb my pride that I might know my self and acknowledg all good and evil to depend upon his pleasure but all this notwithstanding a scurvy four morose and cholerick nature of my own which favours a little and too much of my native Soil has evermore made me play one trick or another of a Gascon which also I have no great reason to repent So soon as my arm was come to a perfect suppuration they began to raise me out of Bed having a little cushion under my arm and both that and my arm swath'd up close to my body In this posture I continued a few days longer until mounting a little Mâ—le that I had I caused my self to be carried before Naples where our Camp was already sate down having first sent away a Gentleman of mine on foot to our Lady of Lorettâ— to accomplish my vow I my self being in no condition to perform it The pain I had suffer'd was neither so insupportable nor so great as the affliction I had not to have been present at the taking of Malphe and other places nor at the defeating of the Prince of Orange who after the death of Monsiâ—ur de Bourbon slain at the Sack of Rome commanded the Imperial Army Had not this valiant Prince of deplorable memory for the foulness of his revolt from his Lord and Master dyed in the very height of his Victories I do believe he had sent us back the Popes into Avignon once again At my arrival at the Camp Monsieur de Lautrec and all the other great persons of the Army received me with great demonstrations of kindness and esteem and particularly Count Pedro de Navarre who caused a confiscation to be settled upon me of the value of twelve hundred Duckets yearly revenue call'd la Tour de la Nunciâ—de one of the fairest Castles in all the Tertitory of Labour and the first Barony of Naples belonging to a rich Spaniard callâ— d Don Ferdino I then thought my self the greatest Lord in all the Army but I found my self the poorest Rouge in the end as you shall see by the continuation of this discourse I could here dilate at full how the Kingdom of Naples was lost after it was almost wholly conquer'd a story that has been writ by many but it is great pity they would not or durst not relate the truth being that Kings and Princes might have been taught to be so wary by this Exemple as not to suffer themselves to be imposed upon and abused as they very often are but no body would have the great ones learn to be too wise for then they could not play their own Games with them so well as they commonly do I shall therefore let it alone both for that I do not pretend to record the faults of other men as also because I had no hand in these transactions and shall only write my own Fortunes to serve for instruction to such as shall follow after that the little Montlucs my sons have left me may look with some kind of Glory into the life of their Grandfather and aim at honorable things by his Exemple There were no great matters peâ—form'd after my coming to the Camp neither did they busie themselves about any thing but the City of Napleâ— which also they intended to overcome by Famine and it must suddainly have fallen into our hands had it not been for the revolt of Andrea d' Auria who sent to Count Philippin his Nephew to bring back his Gallies to Genoa with which he kept the City of Naples so close block'd up by Sea that a Cat could not have got in which he immediately did and thereupon an infinite of provision was put into the Town by Sea whilst our Galliâ—s delay'd to come God forgive him who was the cause thereof without which accident the Town had been our own and consequently the whole Kingdom This Philippin Lieutenant or Vice-Admiral to Andrea d' Auria near unto Capo-dorso obtained a famous Naval Victory over Hugo de Moncada and the Marquess de Guâ—st who came to the relief of Naples but from this Victory proceeded our ruine for Philippin having sent his prisoners to his Uncle to Genoa and the King being importunate to have them deliver'd over to him Andrea d' Auria would by no means part with them complaining that he had already delivered up the Prince of Orange to the King without any recompence upon which occasion the Marquess de Guast a man of as great dexterity and cunning as any of his time and a great Warriour knew so well how to manage Andrea d' Auria's discontent that in the end he turn'd his coat and with twelve Galliâ—s went over to the Emperor's side The King our Master was well enough informed of all his practices and might easily enough have prevented the mischief but his heart was so great and he was so higly offended with Auria that he would never seek to him whereof he repented at leisure for he has since been the cause of many losses that have befall'n the King and particularly of the Kingdom of Naples Genoa and other misfortunes It seem'd as if the Sea stood in aw of this man wherefore without a very great and more than ordinary
was the man who had perform'd this exploit that His Majesty might have taken notice of me but he was so far from doing me that friendship that on the contrary he attributed all the honor to himself saying that it was he who had laid the design of this Enterprize and had only deliver'd it to us to execute and Monsieur de Montpezat was by ill fortune at that time very sick and could say nothing in my behalf so that I remain'd as much a stranger to the King as ever I came to know all this by the means of Henry king of Navarre who told me that he himself had seen the Letters which the said Sieur de Barbezieux had writ to the King to that effect wherein he attributed to himself the whole honor of that action Monsieur de Lautrec would not have serv'd me so neither is it handsom to rob another man of his honor and there is nothing that does more discourage a brave heart but Monsieur de Tavannes who is now living can testifie the truth So it is that the destroying of these Mills both the one and the other especially those of Auriolle reduced the Emperors Camp to so great necessity that they were â—ain to eat the Corn pounded in a Mortar after the manner of the Turks and the Grapes they are put their Camp into so great a disorder and brought so great a Mortality amongst them especially the Germans that I verily believe there never return'd a thousand of them into their own Country and this was the issue of this mighty preparation The Captains who shall read this relation may perhaps observe that in this Enterprize there was more of Fortune than of Reason and that I went upon it as it were in the dark though it was happily brought about but I do not suspect however that any one will conclude it to be wholly an effect of my good fortune but will also take notice that I forgot nothing of what was necessary to make the design succeed and on the other side they may observe that my principal security was that the Enemy within the Town by the Rule of War ought not to sally out of their Garrison till they should first discover what our Forces were a thing in the obscurity of the night which they could very hardly do all which notwithstanding I did not yet so much rely upon their discretion but that I moreover put a bridle in their mouths which was Belsoleil and his Company A man must often hazzard something for no one can be certain of the event I concluded the conquest of the Mill for certain but I ever thought it would be a matter of great difficulty and danger to retreat Thus did the Emperor Charles both with shame and loss retire where that great Leader Anne de Montmorency all that time Grand Maistre and since Connestable of France obtein'd renown It was one of the greatest baffles the Emperor ever received and for grief whereof his great Captain Antonio de Leva as was reported afterwards dyed I have sometimes heard the Marquis de Guast say that this expedition was the sole contrivance of the saiâ— Antonio de Leva and yet both he and his Master very well knew what it was to attaque a king of France in his own Kingdom The Emperor being with his Forces retir'd I would no longer continue Lieutenant to the Seneschal's Regiment who had it lain in his power would have resign'd it wholly into my hands Monsieur de Boitieres then did me the honor to make me an offer of his Guidon which I likewise refus'd to accept having set my heart more upon the Foot than upon Horse service I had moreover an opinion that I should sooner rise to advancement by the Infantry which was the reason that I again return'd home where having made some little stay I would go into Piedmont there to serve under Monsieur de Boitieres who was the kings Lieutenant in that Province and in order thereunto went first to Marselles where I was six or seven months detain'd by Monsieur de Taude Some time after the Emperor rais'd an Army therewith to go and lay siege to Theroaâ—e and the King at the same time rais'd another to relieve it whereupon I immediately took post and went to Court where Monsieur Le Grand Maistre gave me a Foot Company and another to Captain Guerre which we presently rais'd in and about Paris and were both of us receiv'd into the Guards of Monsieur le Dauphin who was afterwards Henry the Second of France The Army march'd presently away to Hesdin and to Anchi le Chasteaâ— both which places were taken by the said Grand Maistre as also Saint Venant neither could the Imperialists do any good upon Theroane which Monsieur de Annebaut reliev'd in the very face of the Enemy though there was a disaster happened upon that occasion thorough the heat and vanity of some young Gentlemen who because they had a mind to break their Launces would needs indiscreetly seek the Enemy by whom they were defeated and all taken both Monsieur d' Annebaut and all the rest Soon after which the Imperialists retir'd and the King's Army also As for me seeing there was no great matters to be done thereabouts I return'd presently after into Provence where I had left my great Horses and my Armes and where about ten or fifteen days after I received a Packet from the said Monsieur le Grand Maistre wherein there was a Commission to raise two Ensigns of Foot and to march them away into Piedmont whither the King himself was also going in person to relieve Turin Monsieur de â—oitieres being shut up within it I thereupon presently took Post to go into Gascony and made so good hast that in eight days I had rais'd the two Companies of which I made Captain Merens my Lieutenant when being about Tholouse I left the men with him and went away Post having heard that Monsieur le Grand Maistre was already arriv'd at Lyons and that he march'd in great diligence to gain the Pas de Suze wherein he shew'd himself to be no novice in War So that seeing I could not bring up my Companies time enough to be with him at that Engagement I was resolved to be there alone I could not however make so great hast but that I found the King got before me to Sorges and Monsieur le Grand Maistre two days march further advanc'd where His Majâ—sty commanded me to return to my command and to come up with Ambres and Dampons who had each of them two Companies more telling me moreover that we were to be commanded by Monsieur de Chavigni and giving me further instructions that we were to sit down before Barsellonette and to seize all the Towns thereabout into our hands So soon as I came to Marselles I had news brought me that my two Companies had disbanded themselves for as the ambition
pass to get to them wherefore we agreed that Peloux should take a little path on the right hand and I another on the left and that the first which came up to them in the plain should fall upon them the one in the Front and the other in the Rear which we had no sooner concluded but that the Enemy rose up and we discovered them all plainly at our â—ase Monbasin Chamant St Laurens and Fabrice who were all on horseback would needs go along with me at which Peloux was a little discontented forasmuch as they all belong'd to Monsieur Brissac as he himself did excepting Chamant who belonged to Monsieur le Dauphin Artiguedieu and Barennes likewise went in my Company From the very beginning of our descâ—nt the Enemy lost sight of us and we of them by reason of the wood and of the Valley which was pretty large Le Peloux with his Guide took his way and I mine when so soon as I came into the Plain I was as good as my word for I charg'd the Enemy thorough and thorough breaking in after such a manner amongst them that above twenty of them at this encounter were left dead upon the place and we pursued them fighting as far as the bank of the River which might be some four hundred paces or more But when they saw us to be so few they rallied and as I was about to retire march'd directly up to me whereupon I made a halt as they did also at the distance of four or five Pikes length only from one another a thing that I never saw done before As for Peloux when he was got to the middle of the Mountain he began to think that I had taken the better way which made him suddainly to turn off and to follow my steps and fortune also turn'd so well for me that as we were Pike to Pike and Harquebuze to Harquebuze at the distance I have already said grinning and snarling at one another like two Mastiâ—â—s when they are going to fight Peloux and his Company appear'd in the plain which so soon as the Enemy saw they turn'd the point of their Pikes towards us and their faces towards the River and so fell to marching off whilst we pursued pricking them forward with our Pikes and pelting them with our Harquebuze shot in their Rear but they march'd so very close that we could no more break into them as before and when they came to the bank of the River they made a halt facing about and charging their Pikes against us so that although Peloux and his Company made all the hast they could to come in to our relief we were nevertheless constrain'd to retire fifteen or twenty paces from the â—nemy who immediately all on a thrump leapt into the River and through water middle deep pass'd over to the other side Moâ—basin in this engagement was hurt with a Harquebuze shot in his hand of which he remain'd lame ever after St Laurens and Fabriâ—e had their horses kill'd under them and mine was wounded with two thrusts of a Pike la Moyenne my Lieutenant was wounded with two Harquebuze shots in one arm Chamant who was lighted off his horse had three thrusts of Pikes in his two thighs and Artiguedieu one Harquebuze shot and one thrust of a Pike in one thigh to be short of betwixt thirty and five and thirty that we were there remain'd only five or six unhurt and only three dead upon the place The Enemy lost one Serjeant of great repute amongst them together with twenty or five and twenty others killâ—d and above thirty wounded as we were told the next day by two Gascon Soldiers who came over to us In the mean time Messieurs de Brissac and de I' Orge doubting it would fall out as it did mounted to horse and came so opportunely to the Castle of Tantavel that they saw all the fight and were in so great despair at the Charge I had made that they gave us twice or thrice for lost an â— very sorely rebuked Peloux for not having observ'd the agreement we had concluded amongst us which if he had done we had infallibly cut them all to pieces and brought away their two Colours yet I am apt to believe it might not be altogether his fault for he was a very brave Gentleman but his Guides that led him the worse way as Peloux himself since told me However so it fell out that the field was mine with the loss of three men only and not one of the Gentlemen dyed Soon after the Baron de la Garde came to Nice with the Turkish Army conducted by Barbarossa which consisted of an hundred or six score Gallies a thing that all the Christian Princes who took part with the Emperor made a hainous business of that the King our Master should call in the Turk to his assistance though I am of opinion that towards an Enemy all advantages are good and for my part God forgive me if I could call all the Devils in Hell to beat out the brains of an Enemy that would beat out mine I would do it with all my heart Upon this occasion Monsieur de Valence my Brother was dispatch'd away to Venice to palliate and excuse this proceeding of ours to the Republick who of all others seem'd to be most offended at it and the King would by no means lose their Alliance who made them an Oration in Italian which I have thought fit to insert here until he shall think fit to oblige us with his own History for I cannot believe that a man of so great learning as he is reputed to be will dye without writing something since I who know nothing at all take upon me to scribble The Oration was this THe Emperor having been the cause of all the ruines miseries and calamities which have befallen Christendom for these many years it is a thing most illustrious Princes which to every one ought to appear exceeding strange that his Ministers should be so impudent and frontless as to lay the blame thereof to the thrice Christian King my Lord and Master and unjustly condemn him for keeping an Ambassador resident in the Court of Constantinople â—ut I would fain ask those people whether they can imagine that the practices which have been set on foot by the Command of the Emperor and the King of the Romans with the Grand Signior for ten years past have been kept so secret that the greatest part of Christendom are not fully enformed thereof Does not every one know what Truces and what treaties of Peace 〈◊〉 general but particular have been concluded and what offers have been several times made to pay yearly a vast Tribute to the Great Turk for the kingdom of Hungary and yet he makes it a case of Conscience to endure that a little King should hold that Kingdom under the favour and protection of the Turk as a thing inconsistent with Christianity and unbeseeming a Christian Prince To which
Schismatick a Heretick and a Rebel A conspiracy that cannot be baptiz'd by the name of a necessary succour but an unjust wicked and detestable confederacy complotted betwixt them two to the end that they might divide betwixt them a Christian and a Chatholick Kingdom which in all times when any occasion has presented it self for the propagation of our Faith has ever shew'd it self prodigal both of its Blood and Treasure But the whole world most Serene Princes were too little to satisfie his appetite of Rule so precipitously is he hurried on by his Ambition and Revenge Would he not have been sensible of the shameful affront put upon him by the English King in the person of his Aunt had not the design to subjugate all Christendom transported him to forget that outrage How often to frustrate the Turkish attempts and to prevent the manifest ruine of Hungary and Germany have means been tryed and endeavours used to procure a peace and union amongst those Princes and still in vain Whereas now all particular animosities and private interests the respect to Religion the common desire of liberty the obligation of so many benefits anciently received from our Forefathers and of late from us laid aside and forgot they are to our great prejudice confederated and united like Herod and Pilate who from mortal Enemies that they were became friends and Associates only in order to the persecution of Iesus Christ. Shall then this Emperor most Serene Prince go about to possess himself of the Kingdom of France and to offend this King who after so many injuries receiv'd so amicably and so freely consented to the ten years Truce shall the Emperor go about to ruiâ—e this Prince who after having been so many times undeservedly invaded in his own Kingdom and as it were coming from the Obsequies of that most Illustrious and Serene Dauphin his Son so basely by the Emperors corruptions poysoned neverâ—heless with the rest of his Children and Princes of the Blood at the peril of his life went even into the Emperors own Gally by that security to manifest to him how much the peace so necessary to all Christendom was by his Majesty coveted and desired Shall the Emperor go about to ruine burn and put to spoil this Kingdom in his passage thorough which he was so welcom'd treated honored and caressed as if he had been an Angel descended from Heaven Shall â—e attempt by all undue and all violent ways to make himself Sovereign of this Kingdom wherein for fifty days together by the courtesie and bounty of the King my Lord and Master he saw himself more highly honoured and respected then their own natural Prince with a power to command all things more absolute than if he had been in his own Palace Shall the Almans go about to make Hinds and Slaves of those who for the conservation of the German liberty have so liberally exposed themselves at the vast expence and loss of their substance and the effusion of their own blood Shall the Germans and the English go about to ruine the Religion that we with our valiant Armies and by the Doctrine of an infinite number of men eminent for piety and learning have esserted and publish'd to all the world Shall the Spaniards a people whom so often and by diâ—t of Arms we have reduced to the Christian Faith go about in revenge to compel us to forsake that Religion which so long and with so great honor to the name of Christ we have maintained and upheld If it must be so that contrary to all duty and right we must be abandoned by the rest of the Christian world which God avert we who are the Subjects of the King my Lord and Master may with great reason and justice cry unto God for vengeance against them all for so foul an ingratitude These are returns by no means suitable to the merits of our Forefathers for having by the divine assistance gain'd so many signal victories for Christendom under the conduct of Charles Martel in those times when they fought with and cut pieces fifty thousand Saracens that were come into Spain These are by no means fit rewards for the desert of our Ancestors who by the favour of the Almighty acquir'd great advantages for Christendom at the time when by their Forces under the conduct of Charlemain the Infidels and Saracens were driven both out of Spain and a great part of Asia These are by no means acknowledgments proportionable to the reputation our people by the Grace of God acquir'd in the time of Urban the second who without any difficulty or the least contradiction dispased our King his Princes Nobility Gentry and generally the whole body of the Kingdom against the adversaries of our Faith insomuch that altogether and through our assistance they coquer'd the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Holy Land These are by no means fit recompences for the desert of so many expeditions against the enemies of our Faith fortunately undertaken by our Progenitors under the Reigns of Philip and Charles of Valois And when his Holiness shall see so many Nations confederated with a mischievous intent to ruine the rest of Christendom and resolved to oppress this Kingdom which of all other has best merited of the Christian Common-weal I cannot doubt but that he will lend us such succours and assistance as he shall judge necessary â—o our protection and defence And should his Holiness do otherwise he would do very much against himself and contrary to the duty of an Italian a Christian and a Prelate Of an Italian forasmuch as our Holy father does very well understand that the servitude and calamity of Italy can proceed from no other accident than from the ruine and desolation of the Kingdom of France Of a Christian forasmuch as the name of Christ having in all Ages been defended and propagated by this Kingdom and it being at this time invaded by the means and ambition of the Emperor and so many Nations strangers to our Religion it cannot in this exigency be deserted by any but such as are no very good friends to the Christian Faith Of a Prelate for asmuch as it were contrary to the duty of his Holiness being as he is thoroughly informed and very well in his own knowledg assured that the Emperor obstinate in his own will and resolute to subjugate both the French Italians and all other Christians would never hearken to any overture of accommodation that has by his Holiness been propounded to him Whereas on the contrary the King my Master equally desirous of his own and the publick quiet has often offered to submit all his interests and differences to the judgment of our Holy Father To discharge then the office of a true Prelate and a true Iudg may he not take arms against him who has not the confidence to deny but that he is the sole perturbator of the publick peace and the universal good Which though his Holiness should forbear to do
himself the first that ran away Thus shall the reputation of a man of honor let him be as brave as he will be brought into dispute with all the world When there is no more to be done a man ought not to be obstinate bâ—t to give way to fortune which does not always smile A man is no less worthy of blame for wilfully losing himself when he may retire and sees himself at the last extremity than he who shamefully runs away at the first encounter Yet the one is more dirty than the other and this difference there is betwixt them that the one will make you reputed rash and hair-brain'd and the other a Poltron and a Coward Both extreams are to be avoided You are never to enter into these ridiculous and senseless resolutions but when you see your selves fallen into the hands of a barbarous and merciless Enemy and there indeed you are to fight it to the last gasp and sell your skin as dear as you can One desperate man is worth ten others But to fly as they did here without seeing who pursues you is infamous and unworthy the courage of a man It 's true that the French man is accus'd for one thing that is that he runs and fights for company and so do others as well as they There are ill workmen of all Trades Now after the place was surrendred I will tell you how I camâ— to know the Enemies disorder It was by the people of Carignan themselves and from Signior Pedro de Colonna's own mouth who related it to Snsanne in the presence of Captain Renovard who conducted him to the King by the command of Monsieur d' Anguien according to his capitulation after the Battel of Serizolles which you shall have an account of in its proper place The breaking of this Bridge was not undertaken but upon very mature consideration and the Enemy soon after began to be very much distress'd being no relief was to be had from Quiers as before they had every night duly received So soon as Monsieur de Tais and Signior Ludovlco de Birago had heard the success of this enterprize of the Bridge they sent word to Monsieur de Boitieres that if he would come into those parts where they were they believ'd they might carry Ivreé Whereupon both Monsieur de Boitieres and his Council were of opinion that he ought to go leaving Garrisons at Pingues Vinus Vigon and other places nearest to Carignan And as I remember Monsieur d' Aussun with twelve or fourteen Italian Ensigns and three or four of ours his own and some other Troops of Horse which I have forgot remain'd behind to command in chief The Enemy had no Horse at all at Carignan which was the reason they were kept to short on every side Monsieur de Boitieres then departed with Messieurs de Termes de St. Iulien President Birague and the Sieur de Mauré and went to joyn Forces at St. Iago and St. Germaine and afterwards sate down before Ivreé where we did just nothing because it was not possible to break the Causey that damm'd up the water which thing could it have been done we had infallibly taken the place forasmuch as there was no other defence but the River on that side but we were constrain'd to let it alone and to go to besiege St. Martin which also we took upon composition after it had stood out two or three hundred Canon shot and some other places thereabouts And as we were returning towards Chivas in the interim of the Siege of Ivreé Monsieur de Boitieres had notice given him that Monsieur d' Aussun was coming to command in his stead The King in truth was highly dissatisfied with him both for that he had suffer'd Carignan at so much leisure to be fortified and also upon other particular accounts A man must walk very upright to satisfie all the world The said Sieur de Boitieres was however very angry at it and 't was said thereupon withdrew from before Ivreé in despite which otherwise in the end 't was thought he might have taken but I am not of that opinion So it was that Monsieur d' Anguien arrived bringing with him for supplies seven Companies of Swissâ— commanded by a Colonel call'd le Baron and as I remember it was at this time that Monsieur de Dros with seven or eight Ensigns what of Provençals and Italians came up also and Monsieur de Boitieres retir'd to his own house in Dauphiné There is much to do in this world aâ—d those who are in great command are never without vexation for if they be two adventurous and come by the worst they are look'd upon as fools and mad men if tedious and slow they are despised nay reputed Cowards the wife therefore are to observe a mean betwixt both Our Masters in the mean time will not be paid with these discourses they expect to have their business done but we must ever be prating and censuring others when were we in the same condition we should find we had enough to do The End of the First Book THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc MARESCHAL of FRANCE The Second Book AT the arrival of this brave and generous Prince which promis'd great successes under his conduct he being endu'd with an infinite number of shining qualities as being gentle affable valiant wise and liberal all the French and all those who bore arms in our favour did very much rejoyce and particularly I because he had a kindness for me and was pleased to set a higher esteem upon me than I could any way deserve Afâ—er he had taken a view of all the Forces Magazines and Places that we held and that he had taken order for all things after the bâ—st manner he could about the beginning of March he dispatch'd me away to the King to give his Majesty an account how affairs stood and withal to acquaint him that the Marquis de Guast was raising a very great Army to whom new succours of Germans were also sent and moreover that the Prince of Salerna was also coming from Naples with six or seven thousand Italians under his command It was at the time when the Emperor and the King of England were agreed and combin'd together joinâ—ly to invade the Kingdom of France which they had also divided betwixt them I had waited at Court near upon three weeks for my dispatch having already acquitted my self of my Commission which was in sum only to demand some succours of the King and to obtain leave to fight a Battel And about the end of the said Month came Letters also to the King from Monsieur d' Anguien wherein he gave him notice that seven thousand Germans were already arriv'd at Millan of the best of those the Emperor had had before Landreci where there were seven Regiments of them but being he could not at that time fight with the King he commanded the seven Colonels to
choose each a thousand out of their respective Regiments ordering them to leave their Lieutenants to get their Regiments ready and so sent them into Italy to joyn with the Marquis de Guast Wherefore the said Monsieur d' Anguien humbly besought his Majesty to send me speedily away to him and also requested him that he would please to do something for me as a reward for my former services and an encouragement to more for the time to come Upon which Letter his Mâ—jesty was pleâ—sed to confer upon me the Office of a Gentleman Waiter which in those times was no ordinary favour nor so cheap as now a days and made me to wait upon him at Dinner commanding me in the afternoon to mâ—ke my self ready to return into Piedmont which I accordingly did About two of the Clock Monsieur de Annebaâ—â— sent for me to come to the King who was already entred into the Council where there was assisting Monsieur de St. Pol the Admiral Monsieur le Grand Escuyer Gallioâ— Monsieur de Boissy since grand Escuyer and two or three others whom I have forgot together with the Daâ—phin who stood behind the Kings Chair and none of them were set but the King himself Monsieur de St. Pol who sate hard by him and the Admiral on the other side of the Table over against the sad Sieur de St. Pol. So soon as I came into the Chamber the King said to me Montluc I would have you return into Piedmont to carry my determination and that of my Council to Monsieur d' Anguien and will that you hear the difficulties we make of giving him leave to fight a Battel according to his desire and thereupon commanded Monsieur de St. Pol to speak The said Monsieur de St. Pol then began to lay open the enterprize of the Emperor and the King of England who within six or seven weeks were determin'd to enter into the Kingdom the one on the one side and the other on the other so that should Monsieur d' Anguien lose the Battel the whole Kingdom would be in danger to be lâ—st for as much as all the Kings hopes for what concerned his Foot resided in the Regiments he had in Piedmont for that in France there were no other but what were now Legionary Soldiers and that therefore it was much better and more safe to preserve the Kingdom than Piedmant concerning which they were to be on the defensive part and by no means to hazzard a Battel the loss whereof would not only lose Piedmonâ— but moreover give the Enemy footing on that side of the Kingdom The Admiral said the same and all the rest every one arguing according to his own fancy I twitter'd to speak and offering to interrupt Monsiâ—ur de Galliot as he was delivering his opinion Monsieur de St. Pol made a sign to me with his hand saying not too fast not too fast which made me hold my peace and I saw the King laugh Monsieur le Dauphin said nothing I believe it is not the custom though the King would have him present that he might learn for before Princes there are evermore very eloquent debates but not always the soundest determinations for they never speak but by halves and always sooth their Masters humor for which reason I should make a very scurvy Courtier for I must ever speak as I think The King then said these words to me Montluc have you heard the Reasons for which I cannot give Monsieur d' Anguien leave to fight to which I made answer that I had both heard and weigh'd them very well but that if his Majesty would please to give me leave to deliver my opinion I would very gladly do it not that nevertheless for that his Majesty should any ways alter what had already been determin'd in his Councâ—l His Majesty then told me that he would permit me so to do and that I might freely say whatsoever I would Whereupon I began after this manner I remember it as well as it had been but three days ago God has given me a very great memory in these kind of things for which I render him hearty thanks for it is a great contentment to me now that I have nothing else to do to recollect my former fortunes and to call to mind the former passages of my life to set them truly down without any manner of addition for be they good or bad you shall have them as they are SIR I Think my self exceedingly happy as well that you are pleased I shall deliver my poor opinion upon a subject that has already been debated in your Majesties Council as also that I am to speak to a Warlike King for both before your Majesty was call'd to this great charge which God has conferr'd upon You and also since you have as much tempted the fortune of War as any King that ever rul'd in France and that without sparing your own Royal Person any more than the meanest Gentleman of your Kingdom wherefore I need not fear freely to deliver my opinion being to speak both to a King and a Soldier Here the Dauphin who stood behind the Kings Chair and just over against me gave me a nod with his head by which I guess'd he would have me to speak boldly and that gave me the greater assurance though in plain truth I had ever confidence enough and fear never stop'd my mouth Sir said I we are betwixt five and six thousand Gascons upon the List for yoâ—r Majesty knows that the Companies are never fully compleat neither can all ever be at the Battel but I make account we shall be five thâ—usand and five or six hundred Gascons compleat that I dare make good to your Majesty upon my Hâ—nor Of these every Captain and Soldier will present you with a List of all their names and the places from â—hâ—â—ce we come and will engage our heads to you all of us to fight in the day of Battel if your Majesty will please to grant it and give us leave to fight 'T is the only thing we have so long expected and desir'd without sneaking thus up and down from place to place and hiding our heads in corners Believe me Sir the world has not more resolute Soldiers than these are they desire nothing more than once to come to the decision of Arms. To these there are thirteen Ensigns of Swisse Of which the fix of St Julien I know much better than those of le Baron which Fourly commands yet I have seen them all muster'd and there may be as many of them as of ours These will make you the same promise we do who are your natural Subjects and deliver in the names of all to be sent to their Cantons to the end that if any man fail in his duty he may be be cashier'd and degraded from all practice of Arms for ever A condition to which they are all ready to submit as they assured me at my
no other news but that of a great and glorious victory which if God give us the grace to obtain as I hold my self assured we shall you will so stop the Emperor and the King of England in the midst of their Carreâ—r that they shall not know which way to turn them The Dauphin still continued laughing more than before and still making signs which gave me still the greater assurance to speak All the rest then spoke every one in his turn and said that his Majesty ought by no means to rely upon my words only the Admiral said nothing but smiled and I believe he perceiv'd the signs the Dauphin made me they being almost opposite to one another But Monsieur de St. Pol reply'd again saying to the King What Sir it seems you have a mind to alter your determination and to be led away at the perswasion of this frantick fool to which the King made answer By my Faith Cozen he has given me so great reasons and so well represented to me the courage of my Sâ—â—diers that I know not what to say To which Monsieur de St. Pol reply'd Nay Sir I see you are already chang'd now he could not see the signs the Dauphin made me as the Admiral could for he had his back towards him whereupon the King directing his speech to the Admiral ask'd him what he thought of the business who again smiling return'd his Majesty this answer Sir will you confess the truth You have a great mind to give them leave to fight which if they do I dare not assure you either of victory or disgrace for God alone only knows what the issue will be but I dare pawn my life and reputation that all those he has named to you will fight like men of honor for I know their bravery very well as having had the honour to command them Do only one thing Sir for we see you are already half overcome and that you rather encline to a Battel than otherwise address your self to Almighty God and humbly beg of him in this perplexity to assist you with his Counsel what you were best to do Which having said the King throwing his Bonnet upon the Table lift up his eyes towards heaven and joining his hands said My God I beseech thee that thou wilt be pleased to direct me this day what I ought to do for the preservation of my Kingdom and let all be to thy honor and glory Which having said the Admiral ask'd him I beseech you Sir what opinion are you now of When the King after a little pause turning towards me with great vehemency cryed out Let them fight let them fight Why then says the Admiral there is no more to be said if you lose the Battel you alone are the cause and if you overcome the samâ— and alone shall enjoy the satisfaction having alone coâ—sâ—nted to it This being said the King and all the rest arose and I was ready to leap out of my skin for joy The King then â—ell to talking with the Admiral about my dispatch and to take order for our Pay which was a great deal in arrear Monsieur de St. Pol in the mean time drew near unto me and smiling said thou mad Devil thou wilt be the cause either of the greatest good or the greatest mischief that can possibly befall the King now you must know that the said Sieur de St. Pol had not spoken any thing for any ill will that he bore me for he lov'd me as well as any Captain in France and of old having known me at the time when I serv'd under Mareschal de Foix and moreover told me that it was very necessary I should speak to all the Captains and Soldiers and tell them that the confidence his Majesty repos'd in our worth and valour had made him condescend to permit us to fight and not reason considering the condition he was then in To Whom I reply'd My Lord I most humbly beseech you not to fear or so much as doubt but that we shall win the Battel and assure your self that the first news you will hear will be that we have made them all into a Fricassé and may eat them if we will The King then came to me and laid his hand upon my Shoulder saying Montluc recommend me to my Cozen d' Anguien and to all the Captains in those parts of what Nation soever and tell them that the great confidence I have in their fidelity and valour has made me condescend that they shall fight entreating them to serve me very well upon this occasion for I never think to be in so much need again as at this present that now therefore is the time wherein they are to manifest the kindness they have for me and that I will suddainly send them the money they desire To which I made answer Sir I shall obey your commands and this will be a cordial to chear them and a spur to the good disposition they already have to â—ight and I most humbly beseech your Majesty not to remain in doubt concerning the issue of our fight for that will only discompose your spirit but chear up your self in expectation of the good news you will shortly hear of us for my mind presages well and it never yet decâ—ived me and thereupon kissing his hand I took my leave of his Majesty The Admiral then bid me go and stay for him in the Wardrobe and whether it was Monsieur de Marchemont or Monsieur Bayart that went down with me I cannot tell but going out I found at the door Messieurs de Dampiâ—rre de St. André and d' Assier with three or four others who demanded of me if I carried leave to Monsieur d' Anguien to fight to whom I made answer in Gascon haresy harem aux pics patacs go in presently if you have any stomach to the entertainment before the Admiral depart from the King which they accordingly did and there was some dispute about their leave but in the end his Majesty consented they should go which nothing impair'd their feast for after them came above a hundred Gentlemen post to be present at the Battel Amongst others the Siâ—urs de Iarnac and de Chatillon since Admiral the Son of the Admiral d' Annebaut the Vidame of Chartres and several others of which not one was slain in the Battel save only Monsieur d' Assier whom I lov'd more than my own heart and Châ—mans who was wounded when I fought the Spaniards in the plain of Perpignan some others there were that were hurt but none that dyed There is not a Prince in the world who has so frank a Gentry as ours has the least smile of their King will enâ—lame the coldest constitution without any thought of fear to convert Mills and Vineyards into Horses and Arms and they go Volunteers to dye in that bed which we Soldiers call the bed of honor Being arrived soon after at
the Camp I acquitted my self of my charge towards Monsieur d' Anguien and presented him my Letters from the King who was infinitely overjoy'd and embracing me in his arms said these very words I knew very well that thou wouldst not bring us peace and turning to the Gentlemen about him Well my Masters said he the King is pleased to gratifie our desire we must go to 't I then gave him an account of the difficulty I had met witht in obtaining that leave and that the King himself was the only cause of it which ought the more to encourage us to behave our selves bravely in the Battel He was moreover very glad when I told him that the forementioâ—ed Lords were coming after me being certain that several others would also follow after them as they did Bidding me by all means go discharge my self of his Majesties commands to all the Colonels Captains of the Gens-d ' Armes Light horse and Foot which I did not observing one that did not mightily rejoyce when I gave them to understand what assurance I had given the King of the victory Neither did I satisfie my self with speaking to the Officers only but moreover went amongst the Soldiers assuring them that we should all be highly recompenc'd by the King making the matter something better than it was for a man must now and then lye a little for his Master During the time of my absence Monsieur d' Anguien had block'd up Carignan being he could not carry it by fine force without infinite loss quartering in the mean time at Vimeus and Carmagnolle and soon after the arrival of these Gentlemen the Marquis de Guast departed with his Camp upon Good Friday from Ast and came to lodge at the Mountain near Carmagnolle and upon Easter day remov'd his Camp to Cerizolles The Company of the Count de Tande was this day upon the Guard to which Captain Vanrines was Lieutenant who sent word to Monsieur d' Anguien that the Camp was upon their march and that their drums were plainly heard Monsieur d' Anguien thereupon commanded me presently to mount to horse and to go in all hast to discover them and to bring him certain intelligence of their motion which I also did Captain Vaâ—rines giving me twenty Launciers for my Guard I went so far that I discover'd the Cavalry who march'd thorough the Woods belonging to the Abby of Desteffarde and heard the Drums some marching before and some following after which put me to a stand to guess what the meaning of this order might be At my return I found Monsieur d' Anguien Messieurs de Chatillon de Dampierre de St. André Descars the Father of these now living d' Assier and de Iarnac in the Chamber of the said Seigneur d' Anguien talking with him having caused their Arms to be brought and laid upon the Beds in the said Chamber where I made a report to him of what I had seen whereupon all the Gentlemen cryed out to him Let us go Sir let us go to fight to day for it is a good day and God will assist us Upon which the said Seigneur commanded me to go bid Messieurs de Tais and de St. Iulien to draw out their Regiments into the field at the same time sending another Gentleman to the Gens-d ' Armes and the Light horse to do the same which was perform'd in an instant and we drew out of Carmâ—gnolle into a plain leading toward Cerizâ—lles where we were all drawn up into Battalia Monsieur de Mailly Master of the Ordinance was there ready with his Artillery as soon as any of us all and we heard the Enemies Drums almost as plainly as we heard our own In my life did I never see so chearful an Army nor Soldiers so well disposed to fight as this of ours was excepting some of the great ones of the Army who were evermore persecuting Monsieur d' Anguien not to put it to the hazard of a day representing to him what a blow it would be to the King should he lose the Battel which might perhaps occasion the loss of the Kingdom of France and others were still perswading him that he ought to fight the King having granted leave and expecting he should now so do so that amongst them they put this poor Prince being yet very young into so great a perplexity that he scarce knew which way to turn him nor what to do You may imagine whether I was not mightily pleased with these doings and whether I would not have spoke at mouth had I had to do with my match neither as it was could I altogether forbear The Lords who were lately come from Court were all for fighting and I could very well name both the one and the other if I so pleased but I shall forbear to do it for I have not taken my Pen in hand to blemish any one but the Admiral Chatillon and Monsieur de Iarnac who are both living know it as well as I. Both the one and the other had reason for what they said and were not prompted by any fear of their own persons but only the apprehension of losing all witheld them and some perhaps as I have often seen argue against their own inclinations and the plurality of voices to the end that if any thing fall amiss they may afterwards say I was of a contrary opinion I told him as much but I was not to be believed Oh there is great cunning in dawbing and in our trade especially of all others Just as we should have march'd to go to fight four or five drew Monsieur d' Anguien aside alighting from their horses where they entertained him walking up and down for above half an hour whilst every one gnash'd their teeth for rage that they did not march in the end the result of all was that all the Regiments of Foot should return to their Quarters and also the Artillery and the Gens-d ' Armes and that Monsieur d' Anguien with four or five hundred Horse and some of the Captains of his Council should go to the plain of Cerizolles to discover the Enemies Camp that I should bring after him four hundred Harquebusiers and all the rest to retire to their Quarters I then saw a world of people ready to run mad for veaxtion and do verily believe that if God had so pleas'd that Monsieur d' Anguien had march'd according to his determination he had won the Battel with very little difficulty for the Drums that I had heard return into the Enemies Rear were all the Spanish Foot who went back to draw off two pieces of Canon which were set fast in such manner that they could not be stirr'd either backward or forward so that we had had nothing to fight with but the Germans the Italians and the Horse none of which nor even the Marquis himself could have escap'd us But after we had stood above three hours facing the Enemy which were
a good round trot and their Launces ready in the Rest. Which made me say to those of our Company these people are ready for us and therefore I do not think it convenient to charge in amongst them lest instead of taking some of the chief of them it fare with us as with the Scotch man who took a Tartar So that we return'd without attempting any thing more upon them but I am yet of opinion that had not that rascally man of mine play'd me that dog-trick I had taken some man or other of Command amongst them As we were upon our return the Gentleman I spoke of before accosting me said these words Jesu Captain Montluc what danger was this Battel in once to day of being lost To which I who had neither seen nor heard of any disorder and thought that the last we had defeated had been those of Carignan who were drawn out of their Garrison to be present at the Battel made answer why which way were we in any danger seeing that all day we have had the victory in our hands I perceive then said he that you know nothing of the disorder has happened and thereupon told me all that had befallen in the Battel As God shall help me I do believe that had he given me two stabs with a dagger I should not have bled for my heart was shrunk up and I was sick at the news in which fright I continued for three nights after starting up in my sleep and dreaming continually of a defeat Thus then we arriv'd at the Camp where Monsieur d' Angâ—â—en was to whom I went and making my horse curver said to him sportingly these words What think you Sir am I not as pretty a fellow on horseback as I am on foot to which he made answer though yet very melancholy you will always behave your self very well both in the one posture and in the other and bowing his body was pleased to embrace me in his arms and knighted me upon the place an honor I shall be proud of so long as I live both for being perform'd upon the fiâ—ld of Battel and by the hand of so generous and so great a Prince Accursed be he that so basely deprived us of him But no more of that I then said to him Sir have I served you to day to your satisfaction for Monsieur de Tais had already told him that I had fought with them on foot to which he replyed Yes Captain Montluc and so well that I will never forget how bravely you have behaved your self neither do I assure you will I conceal it from the King Why then Sir said I it lies in your power to do me the greatest kindness that ever you can do a poor Gentleman so long as you live At which words drawing me a part that no body might hear he asked me what it was that I would have him do for me to which I made answer that it was to dispatch me suddenly away with news of the success of the Battel to the King telling him withal that it was an office more properly belonging to me than any other considering what I had said to his Majesty and his Council to obtain leave to fight and that the last words I had said to the King were that he was only to expect news of the victory To which turning towards me he made answer that it was all the reason in the world and that I should be sent before any other And so all the Army returned victorious to Carmagnolle but as I expected to have been sent away post in the night I was told that Monsieur Descars had gained every one to speak for him that he might go Monsieur de Tais had also passed his word to me but in the end he suffered himself to be overcome as also did Monsieur d' Anguien which was the greatest misfortune that possibly could have befallen me for having overcome the King's Council and their deliberation and that his Majesty had done me the honor to condescend to my opinion here to have carried him the certain news of what I had promised and assured him so few days before I leave every one to judge whether I should have been welcom or no and what wrong I had done me especially having been that day in a great and honorable command and acquitted my self of it to my Generals content It had been a great good fortune for me and also a great honor to have carried to the King what I had before promised and assured him of there was however no remedy and I was forced to submit though they had much ado to appease me but it was to no purpose to be angry or to complain of the injury was done me I have since repented me a thousand times that I did not steal away the same night which if I had done I would have broke my neck or have been the first that should have brought the news to the King and I am confident he would not only himself have taken it in good part but moreover have made my peace with others But I from that time forward gave over all thoughts of advancement and never after expected to come to any thing which made me beg leave of Monsieur d' Anguien to be dismiss'd that I might return into my own Country Which said Seigneur promised me great matters knowing me to be discontented and Monsieur de Tais did the same using all the perswasions he could to make me stay but I press'd my departure so much that at last I obtain'd leave upon my promise to return and for fâ—rther assâ—rance of me the said Sieur d' Anguien made me accept a Commission from him for the speedy raising of one thousand or twelve hundred Foot to bring into Piedmont to recruit the Companies for in plain truth we had lost a great many men Now I shall tell you what advantages accrued to the King from this victory which I only had from Monsieur de Termes to whom the Marquis de Guast had told it lying wounded in bed of a Harquebâ—ze shot in his thigh He told him that the Emperor and the King of England were agreed at one and the same time to enter the Kingdom of France each on his own side and that the Emperor had sent him the seven thousand Germans purposely to make him so strong that Monsieur d' Anguien might not dare to fight him and afterwards to march directly to Lomâ—rias there to throw a Bridge over the River and to put inâ—o Carignan the provisions that he brought along with him and as much more as he could provide besides and thence to draw out the four thousand Spanish and German Foot who were to return towards Ivré leaving four thousand Italians in their stead which being done he was to send back the seven German Colonels with their Regiments to the Emperor That then there would still remain with him in his Camp five
thousand Germans and as many Spaniards with which at the same time that the King of England should enter the Kingdom he was to descend by the valley of Ostia thorough which he should march straight to Lyons where he should meeâ— no body to oppose him but the Inhabitants of the Câ—ty nor any Fortress at all where lying between the two Rivers he might command all the territories of the Duke of Savoy together with Dauphiné and Provence All this was told me by Monsieur de Termes after his return an enterprize that had not been hard to execute had we not won the Battel in which betwixt twelve and fifteen thousand men of the Enemy were slain The victory was very important both in respect of the Prisoners which were many of them very cosiderable as also for the Baggage which was exceedingly rich and besides many places surrendred out of fear and in the end Carignan it self of which I shall not meddle with the particulars because I was not present at the surrender Had they known how to make their advantage of this Battel Millan had been in a tottering condition but we never knew how to improve our victories to the best It is also very true that the King had at this time enough to do to defend his Kingdom from two such powerful enemies His Majesty having intelligence of the great preparation that was made both by the one and the other withdrew the greatest part of his Forces out of Piedmont where I arriv'd at the time when Monsieur de Tais had received a command to bring away all the men he could for I never could stay long at home and never hated any thing so much as my own house so that although I had once put on a resolution for the wrong that had been done me never to go any more into that Country yet when it came too 't I could not forbear to go Monsieur de Tais had made choice of two and twenty Ensigns the Companies whereof were now very well recruited to which he moreover raised a new Company which at my request he was pleased to give to Captain Cesteâ—geloux who had been assisting to me in the raising and conducting of my men and had formerly carryed my Ensign in the Kingdom of Naples And so we began to set forwards towards France dividing cur Companies into five and five Of these I had the first Division and went before to Suzanne to prevent the Soldiers from getting thither before us and to take order for the provisions much of which I found upon the way going thither which made me redouble my diligence I arrived in the night two hours before day at Villaume and at the Inn where I alighted found Signior Pedro de Colonna whom Captain Renovard carried prisoner to the King according to the capitulation at Carignan They were already got up and the said Captain Renovard carried me into the Chamber of the said Signior who at my coming told me that he understood it was I who had broken the Bridge at Carignan and that had commanded the Harquebusiers at the Battel After which falling into discourse concerning the said Bridge I told him that had his people follow'd their fortune they had found no body to fight with but my self and some forty men at most and that our whole Camp was in so great disorder that had he pursued them we had all been defeated and Captain Renovard also assured him that what I said was true At which after a little pause turning towards me he said E vâ—i dicete che si la nostra Gente seguto havessi la sua fortuna no havena a combatere piu di voi co quarante soldati havessimo poste in fuga tuta la vâ—stra gente Io vi dico che si vâ—i hâ—vesti seguita la nostra m' haveresti messo â—â—â—ri di Carignanâ— per che la mia gente havia pigliato il spavento câ—ssi forte che la citta no era bastante di vassecularli Which in English is this You tell me that if our people had followed their fortune they had had to deal with no more of yours than forty Soldiers only and had put your whole Camp to flight And I tell you that had you pursued your fortune you had driven me out of Carignan forasmuch as my people had taken so terrible a fright that the strength of the City had not been sufficient to reassure them And thereupon told us the great disorder his people were in saying that he had once thought the Spaniards had been men without fear but that he was now satisfied they had as much of that passion about them as other men and that he was then in so great extremity that he was constrained to throw himself before the Gare to try to stop them but that in so doing he was like to have been born down by the torrent and that they entred in such a crowd that they had like to have lifted the Gate 〈◊〉 the hinges And so soon said he as they were all entred in this disorder I step'd to the Gate to clap it to and knowing all the Captains call'd them name by name to come to help me but not a man would come inso much that had it not been for a servant of my own that heard me call out and came to my assistance I could never have shut it Nay the disorder in the Town was moreover so great that above four hundred threw themselves over the Curtines who in the morning returning back were ready to dye for shame and this is the reason why I have told you that if you had followed your fortune you had taken the Town with forty men By which account of his I knew the Proverb to be true that says Que si l'ost sçavoit ce que fait l'ost souvent l'on defferoiâ— l'ost Now notwithstanding that after the surrender of Carignan the â—nhabitants of the City assured us of this disorder yet could we not by any means believe it especially at the first or at least that it could be so great it seem'd so unlikely and so exceedingly strange but after it had been confess'd by their Governor himself we were bound to believe it to be true and that they were pursued by some Phantome or possessed by some evil spirit for we did them no harm being as much frighted as they and and it may be more But the night is terrible when a man cannot see by whom he is assanlted However this make me conclude that all befel me through good fortune for it cannot be called valour but rather the greatest folly that any man could commit and I do believe that of all the good fortune God has pleased to bestow upon me this was the most remarkable and the most stange but let us proceed to our business The thirst of Revenge had prompted the Emperor contrary to the faith he had engaged to the Pope to league and
confederate himself with the King of England who was fallen off from his obedience to the holy Chair out of despite which two Princes as it was said had divided the Kingdom for so both the Marquis de Guast told Monsieur de Termes and I have since heard the same from an English Gentleman at Boulogne but however it was but disputing the bears skin France well united within it self can never be conquer'd till after the loss of a dozen Battels considering the brave Gentry whereof it is fruitful and the strong places wherewith it abounds And I conceive they are deceiv'd who say that Paris being taken France is lost It is indeed the Treasury of the Kingdom and an unexhausted Magazine where all the richest of the whole Nation unlade their Treasure and I do believe in the whole world there is not such a City for 't is an old saying that there is not a Crown in Paris but yields ten Sols revenue once a year but there are so many other Cities and strong places in the Kingdom as are sufficient to destroy thirty Armies So that it would be easie to rally together and to recover that from them again before they could conquer the rest unless the Conqueror would depopulate his own Kingdom to repeople his new Conquest I say this because the design of the King of England was to run directly up to Paris whilst the Emperor should enter into Champagne The Forces of these two Princes being join'd together consisted of fourscore thousand Foot and twenty thousand Horse with a prodigious train of Artillery by which any man may judge whether our King had not enough to do and whether it was not high time to look about him Without all doubt these poor Princes have greater care and trouble upon them than the inferior forts of men and I am of opinion the King did very well to call back his Forces out of Piedmont though some are pleased to say that the State of Millan might otherwise have been won and that the Emperor would have been necessitated to have called back his Forces out of France to defend that Dutey but all this depended upon event So it was that God would not suffer these Princes to agree betwixt themselves each of them being bent upon his own particular advantage and I have often heard and sometimes seen that when two Princes jointly undertake the Conquest of a Kingdom they never agree for each of them is always 〈◊〉 of being over reach'd by his companion and evermore jealous of one another I have not I confess much conversed with Books but I have heard say that after this manner we first lost the Kingdom of Naples and were cheated by the King of Spain This suspition and jealousie at this time preserved us as it has at other times â—one seâ—â—ral others as the Hâ—storians report For my part I should more apprehend one great single Enemy than two who would divide the Cake between them there will always be some exceptions taken and two Nations do not easily agree as you see here The English King came and sat down before Boulogne which was basely surrendred to him by the Siâ—ur de Vervin who lost his life for his labour an example that ought to be set before all such as undertake the defence of strong holds This by no means pleased the Spaniard who reap'd no advantage by it saw very well that his confederate would only intend his own business Our Colonâ—l Monsiâ—ur de Tais brought three and twenty Ensigns to the King being all the same which had been at the Battel saving one nâ—w Company but I fell sick at Troyes and came not up to the Army till they were advanc'd near to Boulogne where the said Sieur de Tais delivered me the Patent his Majesty had sent me for the Office of Camp-Master but there was nothing done worthy remembrance till the Camisado of Boulogne As we arrived near to la Marquise the Dauphin who commanded the Army had intelligence that it was three or four days since the Town had been taken though he knew it before and that the Kâ—ng of England was embarked and gone for England It is to be presumed that this Prince had made such hast away only to avoid fighting forasmuch as he had left all things in so great disorder for in the first place we found all his Artillery before the Town in a Meadow that lies upon the descent towards the Tower of Ordre secondly there was found above thirty Casks full of Corslers which he had caused to be brought out of Germany therewith to arm his Soldiers which he had left for the defence of the Town thirdly he had left all the ammunition of victual as Corn Wine and other things to eat in the lower Town insomuch that if Monsieur de Teligni be yet living as I am told he is the Father of this who is a Huguenot and who treated the peace during these troubles and was taken upon the Camisado in the lower Town where not one man but himself escap'd alive he will bear witness that there was not in the higher Town provision to serve four days for himself told it me The occasion of the Camisado was this A Son in law of the Mareschal de Bies not this fine Monsieur de Vervin but another whose name I have forgot came to Monsieur de Tais and told him that a Spy of his who came from Boulogne had assured him that as yet nothing had been remov'd to the higher Town but that all still remained below and that if they would speedily attempt to take the lower Town which might easily be done they would in eight days time have the upper come out to them with ropes about their necks and that if Monsieur de Tais so pleased he would in the morning lead him where he might himself discover all the Spy morcover affirming that as yet not one breach in the wall was repaired but that all lay open as if it were a village Upon this information Monsieur de Tais was impatient to go to take a view of all and took me along with him together with this Son in law of the Mareschal We might be about a hundred Horse drawn out of the several Troops and just at the break of day we arrived before the Town leaving the Tower of Ordre some two or three hundred paces on the right hand and saw five or six Pavillions upon the descent in the great high way leading to the Gate of the City We were no more than five or six Horse only Monsieur de Tais having left the rest behind a little Hill This Son in law of the Mareschal and I therefore went down to the first Pavillion and passed close by it into the Camp on the left hand till we came to the second from whence we discovered all their Artillery at no further distance than fourfcore paces only neiâ—her did
dispose of me when seeing me from day to day recover strength and grow into a better posture of health he resolv'd the thirteenth day in the beginning of the night to depart without acquainting any one with his intention but my self only A little before he took horse he and the Bishop came to take their leaves of me knowing very well that his being there would cause the Marquis to proceed with greater vigour against the Town and also that being abroad he might find some way or other to relieve me where at parting I promised and assured him to hold out to the last gasp The Mareschal had set Guards upon all the Roads to catch him but he chose to retire by a way by which of all other the Mareschal never suspected he would attempt to pass for he went out at the Port Camoglia from whence he descended on the right hand down into the Valley leaving the Fort of Camoglia above and going all along by the River towards the Palace of Dian. During his stay in Sienna he perfectly recover'd of his wounds so that he arm'd and mounted himself upon a good horse He met by the way fourty or fifty of the Enemies foot which gave him some alarm but he still held on his way without losing any but some few servants only belonging to some Gentlemen who went out of the City to attend him It was not however without peril In a few dayes he escap't three great dangers A little after his departure I recover'd my health and caused my self to be carried in a Chair about the Town The Marquis losing no time shut us up on every side and every day we had very handsome skirmishes but I knew very well that the Marquis would have me for want of bread which was the reason that I made this Harangue to the Captains whom I had assembled together to that effect Gentlemen I believe there is none of us who does not desire to come off from this Siege with honor and repute the thirst of honor has brought us hither You see we are here shut up for a long time for we are not to imagine that the Enemy will ever rise from before us till he have us by one way or another seeing upon the reducing of this place depends his victory You see also that the King is at a great distance from us and that therefore of a long time it will not be possible for him to relieve us forasmuch as he must of necessity draw our succours from Germany and out of his own Kingdom of France the Italians themselves without the help of others not being sufficient to raise the Enemies Siege who have not only the Forces of Italy but moreover of almost all other Nations Now in expectation of this relief we are to have a long patience in husbanding as much as is possible our provisions in order whereunto I am to tell you that I have deliberated to lessen the Size of bread from four and twenty to twenty oâ—nces I know very well the Soldiers would murmur at this if you did not remonstrate to them how far we are distant from the King that his Majesty cannot suddenly-relieve us and that you will rather die of famine than that it shall be laid in your dish that had you had the patience to lessen your diet the Town had not been lost It would be an infamous reproach to have it said that you fill'd your bellies to starve your honor you have not shut your selves up within these walls to occasion the loss and ruine of the City but to defend and to save it Represent to them that they are here amongst strange Nations where they may set a mark of honor upon their own What glory do men acquire when they not only obtain honor and esteem for their own particular persons but moreover for the Nation from whence they come 'T is what a generous heart should principally propose to himself for the reward of his doing and suffering You Germans shall return home proud of the hardships you have sustein'd and the dangers you have undergone and we Frenchmen also and as for you who are Italians you shall acquire this renown with invincible courages to have â—ought for the liberty of your Country a reputation we can none of us obtein but by a long patience in giving the King my Master time to relieve us and believe I beseech you that his most Christian Majesty will in nothing fail of the friendship he has promised and sworn to you If you remonstrate all this to your Soldiers and that they see and know that you your selves are thus resolv'd I am assur'd they will follow the same wayes you take Therefore Gentlmen never think to excuse your selves upon them I have never known a mutiny happen and yet I have seen many thorough Soldiers alone if they were not by their Officers set on and encourag'd to it If you lead them the way there is nothing they will not do no incommodity they will not suffer Do it then I beseech you or resolve betimes to discover the bottom of your hearts and plainly tell us you have no mind to undergo the length and inconveniencies of a Siege that such as had rather dishonourably spend their time in eating and drinking than stake their persons upon an account of honor may depart and not divert others from nobler resolutions Now because the Germans did not understand my Gibberish I bad the Rheincroc's Interpreter tell his Master what I said which he did and the Rheincroc made answer that both he and his Soldiers would put on the same patience that we our selves did and that although it was said of the Germans that they could not endure without eating and drinking their fill both he and his upon this occasion would manifest the contrary I was in plain truth the most afraid of these people because they love to make good chear more than we As for the Italian he is more enur'd to hardship and suffering than we are Thus then every one retir'd to his own Quarters to call their Companies together to whom they accordingly remonstrated the same things that I had represented to them before Which having heard the Soldiers all held up their hands and swore they would suffer to the last gasp of their lives before they would yield or do any thing unbecoming men of honor I then sent to the Senate entreating them the next morning to assemble all the chief men of the City to the Palace to hear a remonstrance I had to make to them that concern'd them and their affairs which they did and there in Italian I made them this following Oration Gentlemen had Almighty God been pleased sooner to restore to me my health and memory I had sooner thought of what we are to do for the conservation of your liberty and the defence of this City You have all seen how I have by sickness been reduc't to
ability and poorly experimented to know how to order what should be done for the defence of your City What do you believe the King has so little kindness for you as to send me hither had he not had a great confidence in my capacity and before hand made sufficient tryal elsewhere both what I am and what I can do I shall tell you nothing of my self it would not become me to be my own Trumpet something you have seen your selves and the rest you may have heard from others You may then well judge that the King has not singled out me amongst so many Gentlemen of his Kingdom and has not sent me to you without having well weigh'd what I am able to do by the long experience he has had not only of my Politicks in point of Gorvernment of which you may hitherto have taken some notice But moreover of my conduct in matter of Arms when an Enemy would carry a place by fine force Do you fear Gentlemen my courage will fail me in time of need what then do all those testimones I have given you since my coming hither being sick avail You have seen me sally out from the time I have been able to mount to horse to go to see the skirmishes so near that my self commanded them And have you altogether forgot the day that I entred into this City and the great skirmish I then made Your people saw it and had a share in the sight and upon Christmas Eve yet a greater where the sight lasted for fix long hours together Did I not then â—ight in my own person Did you not then see that I neither wanted judgement to command nor valour to fight I am asham'd to say so much of my self but seeing you all know it to be true I need not blush to speak it I will tell you nothing but what your selves have seen I am no bragging Spamard I am a Frenchman and moreover a Gascon the most frank and plain dealing of all that Nation Now methinks Gentlemen you have so much experience of your selves as will render you worthy of a perpetual reproach should you go less in your resolution besides the ruine it would infalliby bring upon you Methinks you ought to know me sufficiently having been so long amongst you and that I have omitted nothing of what the King propos'd to himself I should perform for his service and yours in the greatest necessity and danger All this that I have remonstrated to you as well for what concerns your own particular as what relates to my self ought to make you lay aside all apprehension and to assume the courage and magnanimity that your Predecessors and selves who are now living have ever had Wherefore I beseech you that you will unanimously take up such a resolution as valiant men such as you are ought to take that is to dye with your weapons in your hands rather than to loose your Sovereignty and the liberty you have so long exercis'd and enjoy'd And for what concerns me and these Coloness and Captains whom you see present here we swear in the presence of God that we will dye with you as at this instant we will give you assurance It is not for our benefit nor to acquire Riches neither is it for our â—afe for you see we suffer both thirst and hunger it is only in pursuance of our duty and to acquit our selves of our Oath to the end that it may one day be said and by you that it was we who defended the liberty of this City and that we may be called Conservators of the Liberty of Sienna I then rose up bidding the German Interpreter to remember well all I had said to repeat it to Rhinecroc and his Captains and then directed my speech to the Colonels and said to them Signori mi frâ—â—talli juriamo tutti promettiamo inanzi Iddio che noi moriremo tutti l'arme in mano conessi loro per adjutar lia deffendere lor sicuressa liberta ogni uno di noi â— obligi per le soi Soldati alsate tutti le vostre mani Which being said every one held up his hand and the Interpreter told it to the Rhinecroc who also held up his hand and all the Captains crying Io io buerlie and the other Oâ—y oâ—y we promise to do it every one in his own Language Whereupon the Captain of the people arose and all the Council returning me Infinite thanks and then turn'd towards the Captains whom he also very much thank'd and with great chearfulness They then entreated me that I would retire to my Lodgings till such time as they had spoken with all the Council who were in the great Hall without and given them an account of what I had remonstrated to them which I accordingly did and at my going out of the little room I there met with Missâ—r Bartolomeo Cavalcano who knew nothing of the Proposition I had made for he entred not into the Council Chamber who told me in my ear that he thought they had all taken a resolution not to endure a Battery I then carried him back with me to my Lodgings and three hours after came four of the Magistracy of which Misser Hieronimo Espano was one having in charge from all the Signeury in general to return me infinite thanks and he told me that Misser Ambrosiâ— Mitti had made a speech in the accustomed chair which is in the middle of the great Hall against the wall giving them to understand what a Remonstrance I had made to them wherein he forgot nothing for he was a man of great Eloquence and wisdom and the Oath that all the Colonels and Captains had taken finally exhorting them to resolve all to fight I do not remember whether they put it to the Balotte or if they held up their hands as we had done But they all four assur'd us that they had never seen a greater joy then what generally appear'd amongst them after the Proposition of the said Ambrosia Mitti Telling me moreover that after I had been in the said Hall and made an end of the forementioned Harangue the two Gentlemen who had deliver'd their opinions before that they ought to capiculate and come to a composition with the Enemy had requested the Senate to do them that favour as to conceal what they had said and take no notice of it but give them leave to vote anew which being accordingly done they again deliver'd their opinions that they ought to â—ight and enter into no kind of composition but rather dye with their Arms in their hands I then told Misser Hieronimo Espano that I would retire my self for all that day and for all that night to write down the order of the fight which having done I would immediately send it to the Germans in their Language and to the French in theirs Governors and Captains you ought to take some example here forasmuch as there are some who
all that a man of arms ought to desire For a man that fears to die ought never to go to the wars there being in the world so many other employments to which he may apply himself especially in this Kingdom of France where there are so many orders what of Justice and what of the Finances too many indeed for the good of the King and of his Kingdom such a brave and numerous youth living idle who would be fit to bear arms As I have entred sometimes into the Parliaments of Tholouze and Bordeaux since my being the King's Lieutenant in Guienne I have a hundred times wondred how it was possible so many young mâ—n should eternally amuse themselves in a Palace considering that the blood ordinarily boyls in young men I believe it is nothing but custome and the King could not do better than to drive away these people and to enure them to arms But to return to you who have the Government of places and you who have a mind to put your selves into a Town to defend it if you so much fear death never go though it be but a folly to fear it for those that blow the fire at home in their own houses are no more exempt than the others and I do not know what choice there is betwixt dying of a Stone in the kidneys and being knocked o' th' head with a Musket bullet though if God would give me my choice I should not be long in choosing Above all things Camrades you must be sure to be evermore intent upon your Enemy and have your Judgment Centinel to spy what he can do against you and play two parts saing to your self If I was the Assailant what would I do on which side should I make my attaque for you ought to believe that your opinion and that of your Enemy do very often jump Communicate then what you have thought of to such as you know to be of understanding sometimes in common that you may give no distaste to the rest but most frequently in private When you shall find your selves engaged with a people where you are to piss small and have not the ruling power apply your selves to their humours and bite your tongues rather than speak too much Reduce them by sweetness and obligation and above all things when you are to suffer your selves shew the way For if you Monsieur le Governor will keep open house and in the mean time cut others short of their bread you will draw upon you the hatred of all your Captains and Soldiers and it is but reasonable that you who have the greatest share of honor should likewise have the greatest share of suffering I will put you in mind of another thing which is that when extraordinary want presses upon you you seldom remain shut up in your Cabinet but shew your selves to the Captains and Soldiers and appear to the people with a chearful and assured countenance Your single presence will redouble their courage I have in my time known several of the King's Lieutenants who have driven away the Gentlemen by making them sometimes wait too long in their Halls without vouchsasing to speak to them A Gentleman will be civilly used especially a Gascon and in the mean time they pretend to be wonderfully busie I have known one once in my life whom nevertheless because he was Master of a great many very good qualities I shall forbear to name for no man is perfect who two hours in a day would constantly lock himself up in his Closer pretending to be busie about some dispatch of importance but it was to read Orlando Furioso in Italian as his own Secretary told us which we took highly ill from him we being in the mean time left to measure his Hall or to take a survey of his Court. Do not use men of condition so Your hours of vacancy and pleasure ought to be spent in walking upon the Rampires and visiting the Magazines to see that nothing be wanting If you happen to be in a place where you shall be reduced to great scarcity forget not to serve your selves with the means I used to rid my self of the Germans and take exemple by my Error for I deferred it too long but it was because I thought the Marquis would force me by the sword and not by famine but he was as subtle as I. If you suspect any treason and cannot discover the bottom of it cause some counterfeit information to be given you and without naming the person say you are inform'd that there is treason plotted against you and that you are upon the point to discover it pretend also to have some intelligence in your Enemies Camp though you have none for this will be a Countermine I will say but this one word to you more which is that you set at once before your eyes the favour and displeasure of your Prince for you have your choice A King's inchgnation does not cool like that of another man They seldom forgive a man that makes them lose any thing for they would alwayes win How was that brave Monsieur de Lautrec received at his return from Millan and yet God knows he was not in fault He was wont to say it was the greatest affliction of his whole life Suffer then all sorts of extremities and omit nothing that men of honor ought to do I know very well that men must lose and win and that no place is impregnable but choose rather a hundred thousand times to die if all other means fail than to pronounce that infamous and hateful I yield Monsieur de Strozzy lent me a Galley to carry me back into France and sent a Kinsman of his a young man of twenty years of age and a Knight of Malta to Civita Vechia to make it ready and would that the Knight should himself conduct me to Marseilles On Wednesday morning then I took post and went to Rome where I arriv'd about four of the clock in the afternoon having sent the Captains Lussan Blacon and St. Auban to stay for me at Civita Vechia Monsieur de Strozzy having given them leave for four months the rest remain'd with the said Signeur The Cardinal of Armagnac lodg'd me in his own Palace and I was receiv'd with as much honor by all the Kings Ministers as any Gentleman could be They had already heard of my coming out of Sienna the Marquis having sent word of it by an express Courrier to the Cardinal his Brother I there found Monsieur le Cardinal of Guise and the Duke of Ferrara the Father of this that now is being yet there since the creation of Pope Marcellinus His Holiness asked the Cardinal of Guise if I was arriv'd as he had been told to which the Cardinal making answer that I was he entreated him to bring me to him for he had a great desire to see me The Cardinal found me at the Ambassadors Monsieur d'Avanson where he told
either leave them by the way or at least when you shall come to fight they will be so weak that they will be able to do you very little service but taking provisions along with you to refresh them together with remonstrances you shall not only make them go but run also if you desire them so that a man must never think to excuse himself upon the Soldier for no man in Christendom has had more experience of it than my self and I never saw any defect on their side but alwayes in the Officers for a good and prudent Captain will make good and discreet Soldiers amongst a great many good men ten or a dozen Poltrons and Cowards will grow hardy and become valiant but a cowardly imprudent and improvident Captain loses and spoils all This in gross was all that was done whilst I stayd at Montalsin Now Monsieur de Guise having been enform'd that I was like to have been surpriz'd at Altesse he writ me a very angry letter wherein he told me that it seem'd I had a mind to lose my self the Country and all to go out after this manner upon every occasion into the field and that if I should chance to be defeated the whole Country would be lost he being already so weak in men that he should not be able upon any disaster to relieve it that this way of proceeding was commendable enough in a private Captain but not in a Kings Lieutenant who ought not to expose his own person but upon very great occasion To which I writ in answer that I had been necessitated to do as I did or otherwise Don Arbro would foot by foot deprive me of the whole Country that on the other side he might assure himself I should rise so early and use such diligence that I would look well enough to my self for being at any time surpriz'd and that therefore he should not take any thought concerning me for although Don Arbro had evermore thirty Ensigns in the field and I but five or six to answer him withall I would nevertheless so well look to his water that I would well enough prevent him from bringing about his designs After this I reâ—ir'd my self to the Abby of St. Salvadour fifteen or sixteen miles from Montalsin towards Rome About a mile distant from the Roman Way there is a little wall'd Town and an Abby of Augustins which was founded by King Charles the Little at his return from Naples for he made some abode at this place All the Church is cover'd with Flower-de-Luces and the foundation recorded in Parchment the Religious of this place are very holy men Being there I receiv'd a letter from the Cardinal of Ferrara who was at this time at Ferrara wherein he writ me the sad news of the Constables being defeated at St. Quentin and that it was more than necessary I should now more than ever intend his Majesties affairs and that if God did not assist the King all was gone in France all the Forces his Majesty had being lost at this defeat Immediately upon this Letter I return'd back to Montalsin for fear lest the Siennois hearing the news should be totally dismayd where by remonstrances and perswasions I comforted them the best I could and afterwards tried to comfort my self I had need so to do for I gave the Kingdom for lost and it was only sav'd by the good pleasure of God and nothing else God miraculously blinding the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy's understandings so as not to pursue their victory directly to Paris for they had men enow to have left at the Siege of St. Quentin against the Admiral and to have followed their victory too or after they had taken St. Quentin they had as much time as ever and yet knew not how to do that any simple Captain would have done So that we must all acknowledge it to be the bounty of Almighty God who loves our King and would not suffer his Kingdom to be destroyed However I did not to the Siennois make the matter altogether so bad as it was but told them that the Letters I had from France assur'd me the loss was but small and that the King was setting an Army on foot which he would command in his own person Monsieur de Guise being at Rome by reason the King had call'd him home to his succour sent for me to come to him which I did post where being come he there demanded of me what it would be necessary for him to leave me wherewith to maintain what we had in Tuscany to which I made answer that I had need of that which it was not in his power to give me for he had no money to leave me nor-many men that would not be more serviceable in France than in Tuscany but that nevertheless I would do as God should direct me in whom I repos'd a confidence that he would no more forsake me now than hitherto he had done and that I humbly begg'd of him to make all the haste he possibly could into France for if God did not preserve the Kingdom men could do very little towards it all the Forces of the Nation being defeated and lost The Mareschal de Strozzy who was present very much approv'd of my answer and as highly commended me forasmuch as others would have demanded men and money of both which I had in truth very great need but France was of greater concern to the King than Tuscany where I would try to draw money from the Countrey and with war make war Onely I besought Monsieur de Guise humbly to entreaâ— the King to recall me into France to help to defend the Kingdom for I had nothing to lose in Tuscany whereupon he promised me to deal so effectually with the King that his Majesty should send for me but upon this condition that so soon as I should be return'd into France I should promise forthwith to repair to him He had not given credit to all the false reports had been made of me he knew me too well and ever lov'd me so long as he liv'd I engag'd my word to him that I would do so and so he went to embark himself at Civita Vechia and carried back his Forces entire into France wherein he manifested himself to be a great and prudent Captain As for me I return'd back to Montalsin Before my licence came to return for France at the request of Captain Carbayrac that Monsieur de Guise had sent Governor to Grossette for he had taken out Monsieur de la Molle with seven or eight foot Companies he had and sent him to Ferrara and had sent me Monsieur de Giury with thirteen Ensigns of Foot in his stead wherein I lost nothing by the change I went in all haste to Grossette to see to a disorder was faln out there which was that all the Ammunition of Corn that I had laid in there which was sufficient for
and the Cardinal for I do not think they ever caressed any man of what condition soever he was or could be more than they did me and when he died I might well say as I now do I lost one of the best friends I had in the world and when I departed from Ferrara to go to Versel the Duke examin'd a Secret ray of mine what store of money I had and he telling him I had not above two hundred Crowns he sent five hundred Crowns to my said Secretary who had the ordering of my expence and when three dayes after my return I took my leave of him the Dutchess and the Cardinal the said Duke seeing me have a great many Gentlemen of Quality in my Train and knowing I could not have money enough to defray my Journey he sent me five hundred more And thus I return'd rich from my Command in Tuscany This money carried me to Lyons where I found two thousand and four hundred Francks which the King had caused to be paid for two years Salary of my place of Gentleman of the Chamber and that Martineau had there deposited for me in the hands of Cathelin Iean the Post-master which brought me to Paris Immediately upon my coming to Paris I went to kiss his Majesties hand he being then at Cressy where I was as well receiv'd by his Majesty as at my return from Sienna and he was very well satisfied with what I had done for the Duke of Ferrara Monsieur de Guise who had not seen me before embrac't me three or four times in the presence of the King himself and his Majesty commanded the said Monsieur de Guise to cause a thousand Crowns to be given me wherewith to return and to sojourn some time at Paris which he presently did And thus was my return out of Italy into France the last time that I was in those parts and the services I did there wherein I cannot lie there being so many yet living who can bear testimony of what I have deliver'd By this Captains you may see and take notice what a thing reputation is which also having once acquir'd you ought rather to die than to lose neither must you do like men of the world who so soon as they have got a little repute are content with it and think that what ever they shall do afterwards the world will still repute them valiant Do not fancy any such thing for by performing from time to time still more and braver things young men rise to greatness have fire in their pates and fight like Devils who when they shall see you do nothing worth taking notice of will be apt to say that the world has bestowed the title of valiant upon you without desert will set less value upon you use you with less respect and behind your back talk of you at their pleasure and with good reason for if you will not still continue to do well and still attempt new and greater things it were much safer for your honor to retire home to your own house with the reputation you have already got than by still following arms to lose it again and to be scouting at distance when others are laying about them If you desire to mount to the highest step of the stairs of honor do not stop in the mid-vvay but step by step strive to get up to the top vvithout imagining that your renovvn vvill continue the same as vvhen it vvas obtein'd at first You deceive your selves some nevv commer vvill carry avvay the prize if you do not look vvell about you and strive to do still better and better The same day that I vvent from Cressy back to Paris Monsieur de Guise departed also to go to Metz to execute the Enterprize of Thionville The King from the time of his return out of Italy had made choice of him for his Lieutenant General throughout his vvhole Kingdom so that before my coming I found that he had taken the Tovvn of Calice and sent back the English to the other side of the Sea together vvith Guines and that he vvas novv upon the Siege of Thionville Tvvo dayes had not past before the King sent for me to come to him to Cressy vvithout giving me notice vvhat it vvas about and I heard that the next morning after I departed from thence the King had caused Monsieur d' Andelot to be arrested about some ansvver he had made him concerning Religion So soon as I vvas come the King sent for me into his Chamber vvhere he had vvith him the Cardinal of Lorrain and tvvo or three others vvhom I have forgor but I think the King of Navarre and Monsieur de Montpensier vvere there and there the King told me that I must go to Metz to the Duke of Guise there to command the Foot of which Monsieur d' Andelot vvas Colonel I most humbly besought his Majesty not to make me to intermeddle vvith another mans Command vvhich rather than I vvould do I vvould go serve his Majesty under the Duke of Guise in the quality of a private Soldier or else vvould command his Pioneers rather than take upon me this employment The King then told me that Monsieur de Guise so soon as he had heard of Andelots imprisonment had himself sent to demand me to exercise the said command Seeing then I could get nothing by excuses I told his Majesty that I was not yet cur'd of a Dyssentery my disease had left me and that this was a command which requir'd health and disposition of body to perform it which were neither of them in me whereupon his Majesty told me that he should think this Command better discharg'd by me in a Litter than by another in perfect health and that he did not give it me to exercise for another but that he intended I should have it for ever to which I made answer that I gave his Majesty most humble thanks for the honor he design'd me herein and made it my most humble request that he would not be displeased if I could not accept it Whereupon his Majesty said to me these words Let me entreat you to accept it for my sake and with that the Cardinal reprov'd me saying You dispute it too long with his Majesty 't is too much contested with your Master to which I replyed that I did not dispute it out of any disaffection to his Majesties service nor that I was unwilling to serve under the Duke of Guise I having upon my first coming to Paris laid out money to buy me some Tents and other Equipage in order to my attendance upon him having engag'd my self before at Rome so to do but only upon the account of my incapacity in that posture of health wherein I then was His Majesty then told me that there was no more to be said and that I must go after which I had no more to say And I fancy the King of Navarre and Monsieur
to the utmost of what you are able to perform and enter into the place with safety than walking at your case to be kill'd and not to enter into it wherein your selves will be the cause of your own death and the loss of the place and where you might by your dâ—ligence gain a brave reputation you will by loytering at your ease finish your life and your 〈◊〉 together and never excuse your selves upon the Souldiers nor make the Enterprize seem difficult unto them but always easie and above all things be sure to carry provision along with you especially bread and wine wherewith to refresh them by the way for as I have said before humane bodies are not made of iron always speaking chearfully to them by the way and encouraging them to go on representing to them the great honor they will acquire to themselves and the signal service they shall perform for the King and doubt not but proceeding after that manner men will go as far and farther than horses I advise you to nothing that I have not often done my self and caus'd to be done as you will find in the reading my Book for after horses are once tir'd you shall not make them budge a step with all the spurs you have but men are supported by their courage and require not so much time for refreshing they eat as they go and chear one another upon their march It will therefore Fellow Captains stick only at you do then as I have often done forsake your horses and fairly on foot at the head of your men shew them that you will undergo the same labour they do by which means you will make them do any thing you will and your example will enflame the courages and redouble the Forces of the most tir'd and overspent of all the Company Two or three days after the King mov'd with all his Army directly towards Amiens and in his first or second days march arriv'd the Gentleman from the Governor of Corbie who found his Majesty marching his Army in the field where he brought him news that Captain Brueil was entred safe into Corbie which was a great satisfaction both to his said Majesty and the whole Army to know that this place was secured whereupon his Majesty merrily said to Monsieur de Guise Who shall be the first to tell Montluc this news for I for my part will not be he Nor I neither said Monsieur de Guise for so soon as he shall hear it he will so crow there will be no dealing with him which they said because they had all of them been of opinion that it was impossible for foot to perform so long a a journey The next day his Majesty was advertised that the King of Spain had made a halt a little League from Corbie and made no shew of having any intention to besiege that place which made the King think that by reason of the succours it had receiv'd he would make no attempt against it and thereupon it presently came into his head that he would march directly to Amiens which having no more than one or two foot Companies in Garrison he immediately sent away the Marquis de Villars who is yet living with three hundred men at arms to go in extreme diligence and put himself into it commanding me to send away other seven Ensigns to follow after him with all the haste they possibly could make which I accordingly did and gave the charge of conducting them to Captain Forces who is yet living and being the Captains and Souldiers had all heard what commendations both the King and all the Army had given Captain Brueil for the haste he had made in going to relieve Corbie they would do the same and arriv'd as soon as the said Marquis at Amiens for nothing so much excites men of our Trade as glory and the desire to do as well or better than another Two or three days before this his Majesty had sent three Companies also into Dourlans and so with all great ease provided for the safety of these three important places So soon as the King was come to Amiens the King of Spain's Army also arriv'd and encamp'd within a League the River betwixt them and there the Treaty of peace was set on foot of which the Constable and the Mareschal de S. Andre had made the first overtures during the time of their imprisonment in Spain in order to which I think there was a truce from the beginning because nothing of action past on either side at least that I remember for I fell very sick of a double Tertian Ague which I got not by excess of revelling and dancing but by passing the nights without sleep sometimes in the cold sometimes in the heat always in action and never at rest It was well for me that God gave me an able body and a strong constitution for I have put this carcass of mine as much to the proof as any Souldier whatsoever of my time After all the going to and again that lasted for above two months the peace was in the end concluded to the great misfortune principally of the King and generally of the whole Kingdom This peace being cause of the surrender of all the Countreys conquer'd and the Conquests made both by King Francis and Henry which were not so inconsiderable but that they were computed to be as much as a third part of the Kingdom of France and I have read in a Book writ in Spanish that upon this accomodation the King deliver'd up an hundred fourscore and eighteen Fortresses wherein he kept Garison by which I leave any one to judge how many more were in dependance and under the obedience of these All we who bear Arms may affirm with truth that God had given us the best King for Souldiers that ever Reign'd in this Kingdom and as for his people they were so affectionate to him that not one of them ever repin'd to lay out his substance to assist him in the carrying on of so many Wars as he had continually upon his hands I shall not condemn those who were the Authors of this peace for every one must needs believe they did â—t to good intent and that had they foreseen the mischiefs that ensu'd upon it they would never have put a hand to the work for they were so good servants of the Kings and lov'd him so well as they had good and just reason to do that they would rather have dy'd in Captivity than have done it which I say because the Constable and the Mareschal de S. Andre were the first movers and promoters of it who themselves have seen the death of the King and themselves shar'd in the mishaps that have since befallen this miserable Kingdom wherein they both dyed with their swords in their hands who otherwise might yet perhaps have been alive by which any one may conclude that they did not make this peace foreseeing the
mischiefs it has since produc'd which rightly to comprehend let us consider the happiness wherewith God was pleas'd to bless this Kingdom in giving it â—o brave and magnanimous a King his Kingdom rich and his people so affectionately obedient that they would deny him nothing to assist him in his Conquests together with so many great and brave Captains most of which had been yet alive had they not devour'd one another in these late civil Wars Oh had this good King but liv'd or this unlucky peace never been made he would have sent the Lutherans packing into Germany with a vengeance As to the rest our good Master had four Sons all Princes of great hope and singular expectation and such as from whom his Majesty in his declining years might expect the repose and comfort of his old Age and consider them â— proper instruments for the execution of his high and generous designs The other Kings his neighbours could not boast of this for the King of Spain had one Son only of which never any one conceiv'd any great hopes and he prov'd accordingly the Kingdom of England was in the Government of a Woman the Kingdom of Scotland neighbour to â—â— stood for us and was ours France having a Dolphin King by all which any one may judge that had not this unlucky peace been concluded the Father or his Sons had sway'd all Europe Piedmont the Nursery of brave men had been ours by which we had a door into Italy and perhaps a good step into it and we had seen all things turn'd topsie â—urvy Then those who have so brav'd and harassed this Kingdom durst not have shew'd their heads have stirr'd nor so much as projected or thought of what they have executed since But 't is done and past without any possible remedy and nothing remains to us but sorrow and affliction for the loss of so good and so valiant a King and to me of so gracious and liberal a Master with the mishaps that have since befallen this miserable Kingdom well may we call it so in comparison of what it was before when we stil'd it the most great and opulent Kingdom in Arms good Captains the obedience of the people and in riches that was in the whole world After this unhappy and unfortunate peace the King retir'd himself to Beauvais but Monsieur de Guise still remain'd in the Camp to dismiss the Army Before his Majesties departure I surrendred up the Commission he had made me to accept by force Neither ought it to appear strange that I disputed it so long before I would take that employment upon me for I doubted well that would befal me which afterwards did which was to incur the perpetual disgrace of the House of Montmorency more than that of Chastillon which was more nearly concern'd in the affair than the other But there is no remedy a man cannot live in this world without contracting some Enemies unless he were a God I accompanied Monsieur de Guise as far as Beauvais and from thence retir'd to Paris he having first promis'd to obtain me leave to go into Gascony and moreover to cause money to be given me to defray my journey thither for he knew very well I had not one peny Both which I am confident he would have perform'd but so soon as he came to Beauvais he found a new face of affairs others having slept in betwixt him and home and undermined him in his credit with the King Thus goes the world but it was a very sudden change and much wondred at by those who had follow'd him in the Conquests he had made he having repair'd all the disasters of others and manifested to the King of Spain that neither the loss of the Battel of S. Quintine nor that of Graveline had reduc'd the King to such a condition but that he had yet one or two Armies stronger than those having as to the rest taken almost impregnable places But let them deal it out These are things that very often fall out in the Courts of Princes and I wonder not that I have had my share since far greater than I have run the same fortune and will do for the time to come Now the King of Navarre had been driving on some enterprize or another in Bisâ—ay which in the end prov'd double and entreated the King to give me leave to go along with him for that he was resolv'd to execute it in his own person having an opinion that Monsieur de Bâ—ry had fail'd through his own default and so I went along with him without any other advantages from Court than bare promises only and the good will of the King my Master but he was diverâ—ed from his liberalities both to me and to others who deserv'd it as well and perhaps better than I. We went then to Bayonne where we found that he who was entrusted to carry on this affair and whose name was Gamure plaid double and intended to have caused the King of Navarre himself to be taken whereupon he sent back Monsieur de Duras with the Legionnaries and also the Bearnois he had caus'd to advance thither in order to his design I had brought with me three force and five Gentlemen all arm'd and bravely mounted who were come thither for the love they bore to me and being return'd home to my own house within a very few days after came the gift the King had been pleas'd to give me of the Company of Gens d' armes become vacant by the death of Monsieur de la Guiche wherein his Majesty had no little to do to be as good as his word and to disengage himself from the several Traverses and obstacles my Enemies strew'd in his way to hinder me from having that command nevertheless the King carried it against them all more by anger than otherwise he being in the end constrained to tell them that he had made me a promise of the first vacancy and would be as good as his word and that therefore no man was to speak a word more to the contrary I made my first muster at Beaumont de Loumaigne one la Peyrie being Muster-Master At this time those unhappy Marriages were solemniz'd and those unfortunate Triumphs and Tiltings held at Court The joy whereof was very short and lasted but a very little space the death of the King ensuing upon it running against that accursed Montgomery who I would to God had never been born for his whole life was nothing but mischief and he made as miserable an end Being one day at Nerac the King of Nâ—varre shew'd me a Letter that Monsieur de Guise had writ him wherein he gave him notice of the days of Tilting in which the King himself was to be in person his Majesty with the Dukes de Guise de Ferrara and de Nemours being Challengers I shall never forget a word I said to the King of Navarre which also I had often heard spoken before
not lightly be induc'd to believe any such thing Du Plessis who was of the Bed-Chamber to the King found me at Agen dancing for we must make merry sometimes in the Company of fifteen or twenty Gentlewomen who were come to see Madam de Caupenne my Daughter in Law who had never been in this Countrey before And thus my Treason was found to be true We demanded satisfaction of their Majesties but could never obtain any and that 's it that nourishes so many Tale-Carriers and Slanderers in the Kingdom for they are never punish'd no more than false witnesses in the Courts of Parliament But I hope God will one day make them all known to the King and make him cut off so many heads that he will cleanse the Kingdom of this Vermine Though all things that have been forg'd against me have been prov'd utterly false and without any colour of truth my actions as well of the past as present time having clearly manifested the contrary yet could I not nevertheless so purge my self but that the Queen believ'd something or at least retain'd some jealousie of me and I have sufficiently felt it though I believe however it was only to hinder the King from giving me any recompence for the services I have perform'd for his Majesty and his Crown which what they have been she very well knows and knows very well also that I am no Spaniard nor have any practices either out of the Kingdom or within it but what point at his Majesties service She had no such opinion of me when sitting upon a chest betwixt the Cardinals of Bourbon and of Guise she entertain'd me at Tholouse with tears in her eyes Her Majesty may call it to mind if she please for though she have a great many matters to trouble her head withal she has a very good memory It was she her self who told me that having received news of the loss of the Battail of Dreaux for some brave Cavalier had run away at the beginning and carried this lying report she entred into consultation with her self what she was best to do and in the end took a resolution if certain news should be brought of this defeat to steal away with a small Train with the King and the Monsieur and try to recover Guienne by the way of Auvergne both out of the confidence she repos'd me and indeed Guienne was clear and entire as also because the King and she might there at great ease have call'd in succours from other places God be prais'd there Majesties came not thither but this will appear better hereafter In the mean time her Majesty may please to take notice that hitherto I have not much importun'd her with demands neither have they much troubled themselves with finding out something to give me having refus'd me the County of Gaure which is not worth above twelve hundred Livers a year after the first troubles Every one knows what services I did the King and particularly in the conservation of Guienne not that I complain of his Majesty for both his Father and he have conferâ—'d more honor and advantages upon me than I deserve neither did I ever hope for any recompence for the services I had done or could do after I was answer'd by a person who is yet living when some friends spoke in my behalf that I was already too great in Guienne Which I do confess I was not in Riches but in the friendship of oll the three Estates of the Province both for the loyalty and fidelity they knew I had ever born to the service of the King and his Crown as also for having evermore endeavour'd to ease the Country of Garisons and all other Subsides when I had the power to do it And I hope at the return of the Commissioners who are now come into these parts the truth will appear I have not corrupted them for I would not so much as see them let them do their worst and as to my estate it is now fifty years that I have serv'd in command having been three times the Kings Lieutenant thrice Camp-Master Governor of places and Captain both of Horse and Foot and yet with all these employments I could never do more than purchase three Farms and redeem a Mill that anciently belong'd to my house all which amount to no more than betwixt fourteen and fifteen thousand Francks which is all the wealth and purchases that I have ever made and all the Estate that I now possess could not be farm'd out to above four thousand five hundred Francks a year I should have been glad that any one could have reproach'd me that I was too great for the great riches the King had given me and not for having had nothing but remaining poor as I am God be praised for all in that he has made me an honest man and ever maintain'd me in an integrity fit to walk with my face erect amongst men I fear no man upon earth I have done nothing unworthy a man of honor and a loyal Subject neither have I ever serv'd my Prince in a Vizor or with dissimulation for my words and my actions have evermore gone hand in hand neither had I ever any intelligence or friendship with the Enemies of my King and Master and whoever is mangy let him scratch a Gods name for I neither itch within nor without having always kept my nails so short that I had never any use of them for which I praise God and most humbly thank him who has hitherto guided my life so as to preserve it from any manner of reproach and hope he will do me the grace that as hitherto he has gone along with my fortune in arms he will also accompany my renown to my grave so that after my death my Relations and Friends shall not be asham'd to have been my Kinsmen or my Companions and I doubt not but with this fair Robe of Fidelity and Loyalty to signalize my self in despite of those who have ever been envious of my success and emulous of my honor So it is that had King Henry my good Master liv'd these misfortunes had never befaln me nor which is worse the Kingdom But I shall leave this discourse growing perhaps into too much passion for the death and loss of the best King that France ever had or shall ever have I shall not meddle with the Factions and Rebellions that have discovered themselves since the death of Francis the second though I could say something of them as having liv'd in that time and been an eye witness of many things for I pretend not to be an Historian nor to write in the method of a History but only to give the world an account that I did not bear arms for nothing as also that my Companions and Friends may take example by my actions of which there are many that may be useful to them when they shall be engaged upon the like occasions and moreover that
in need Monsieur de Cursol was no more of this new Religion than I and without all doubt afterward turn'd to it more out of some discontent than for any devotion for he was no great Divine no more than I was but I have known many turn to this Religion out of spiâ—e who have afterwards very much repented We both of us together took our leaves of the Queen and the King of Navarre and went to Paris and Monsieur de Valence with us I demanded two Counsellors of that part of France to sit upon life and death fearing that those of the Country would do no good being that some of them would encline to the Catholicks and others to the Hugonots and had given me two of the damnedst Rogues in the whole Kingdom one whereof was Compain a Counsellor of the great Council and the other Gerard Lieutenant to the Prâ—vost d' Hostel who have since gain'd no better a reputation than they had before I repented me that I had demanded them but I thought I did well in it and so I came into Gascony in all diligence I found Monsieur de Burie at Bourdeaux where I deliver'd him the Patent and where all the City was divided against one another and the Parliament also because the Hugonots would that they might preach openly in the City alledging that by the Conference at Poisey it was permitted them so to do and the Catholicks affirm'd the countrary so that Monsieur de Burie and I had for a whole day together enough to do to keep them from falling together by the ears and thereupon agreed to raise some men and that so soon as our Commissioners should be come we would march directly to Fumel our Parent expressing that we should begin thero Now the power of raising Forces and of commanding them was in me wherefore we concluded together to raise two hundred Harquebuzeers and a hundred Argoulets the command of which I gave to the younger Tilladet the same who is now Lord of Sainctorens I had scarce been four or five days in my house Estillac when a Minister call'd la Barrelle came to me in the behalf of their Churches telling me that the Churches were exceeding glad of my coming and the Authority the Queen had given me being now assur'd to obtain Justice against those that had Massacred their Brethren To which I made answer that he might be confident all such as should appear in fault should be certainly punish'd He then told me that he had in Commission from the Churches to make me a handsome present and such a one as therewith I should have reason to be well satisfied I told him that there was no need of any presents to me forasmuch as my integrity would oblige me to do my duty and that for all the presents in the world I was never to be made to do any thing contrary to it He then told me that the Catholicks had declar'd they would never endure to have Justice executed upon them and that therefore he had in Commission from all the Churches to present me with four thousand foot in good equipage and paid This word began to put me into fury and made me angerly demand of him what men and of what Nation must those Four thousand Foot be to which he made answer of this very Country and of the Churches whereupon I ask'd him if he had power to present the Kings Subjects and to put men into the Field without the command of the King or the Queen who was at this time Regent of the Kingdom and so declar'd by the Estates held at Orleans O you câ—nfounded Rogues said I I see very well what you aim at it is to set divisions in the Kingdom and 't is you Ministers that are the Authors of this godly work under colour of the Gospel and thereupon tell to swearing and seizing him by the collar said these words I know not Rascal what should hinder me that I do not my self hang thee at this window for I have with my own hands strangled twenty honester men than thou Who then trembling said to me Sir I beseech you let me go to Monsieur de Burie for I have order from the Churches to go speak with him and be not offended with me who only come to deliver a message neither do we do it for any other end but only to defend our selves Whereupon I bade him go and be hang'd to all the Devils in Hell both he and all the rest of his fellow Ministers and so he departed from me as sufficiently frighted as ever he was in his life This action got me a very ill repute amongst the Ministers for it was no less than high Treason to touch one of them Nevertheless a few days after came another Minister call'd Boenormant alias la Pâ—erre sent in the behalf of their Churches as he said to entreat me to accept the present and offer that Barelle had made me saying that it was not for the intention â—imagin'd and that without costing the King so much as a Liard I might render equal Justice both to the one party and the other At this I was almost ready to â—ose all manner of patience and with great vehemency reproach'd him with the levying of money and the listing of men but he deny'd it all Whereupon I said to him But what if I prove to you that no longer since than yesterday you listed men at la Plume what will you say To which he made answer That if it was so it was more than he knew Now he had a Souldier with him thaâ— had formerly been in my Company in Piedmont call'd Antragues which made me turn to him saying Will you Captain Antragues deny that you yesterday listed men at la Plume To which seeing himself caught he made answer That indeed the Church of Nerac had made him their Captain Whereupon I began to say What the Devil Churches are those that make Captains and fell to reproach him with the good usage aâ—d respect I had shew'd him when he was in my Company forbidding them ever again to come to me with the like Errand which if they did I should not have the patience to forbear laying hands upon them and so they departed They afterwards began to rise at Agen and to make themselves Masters of the Town in which were the Seigneurs de Memi and Castet-Segrat and the Senâ—schal of Agenois Poton was also there who did all that in him lay to pacifie affairs and came to me entreating me to go to Agen and that all obedience should be paid me there there came a Minister also along with him who would engage his honor to me in the business but I did not take that for good Security The Seneschal proceeded with integrity and I believe it would have cost him his life as well as me mine had I gone thither for he would have defended me the best he could and it came
Town and to Monsieur de Grepiâ—t Son to President Mansencal another who already had it almost full and so I cleans'd the City leaving no body in it but the Inhabitants and two Companies of foot Captains my Companions consider I beseech you how narrowly this great and opulent City the second in France escap'd being ruin'd and destroy'd for ever There lives a Gentleman at the Gates of Montauban called Monsieur de la Serre whose house was burnt by the Hugonots who told me that he had been present at a Synod where it was determin'd that could they bring about their Enterprize upon Tholouze they would totally raze it to the ground and take such of the ruins as were of any use to Montaâ—ban to enlarge their own City greater than it was intending to comprehend their Suburbs within the Walls and to draw a River thorough it that turn'd a Mâ—ll belonging to the said Sieur de la Serre that there might be no more memory of Tholouze for ever Besides the testimony of this Gentleman a hundred others have confirm'd the same which must be the discourse of their little Ministers only for the great ones who had the Government of affairs would have been better â—dvis'd than to have destroyed such a City which would have been to gâ—eat a loss both to the King and the whole Kingdom You may then take notice of the great and extraordinary diligence I used beginning from the advertisement I had of the Capitouls promise to the Prince of Conde to put the City into his hands and next the haste I made the Captains to make in compleating their Companies which were not half full to put themselves into the City then the diligence of Monsieur de Bellâ—garde and Captain Masses with his Company and on the other side the diligence wherewith I caus'd notice to be given to Captain Charry and my foresight in sending another Mâ—ssenger after the former to bid Monsieur de Terrides Company cross the River at Borret besides my diligence wherewith I advertiz'd Monsieur de Gondrin and others all which was done in three dayes and three nights Wherefore if you will take notice of this exâ—mple and retein it it will serve you to so good use that you will never lose an hours time and although I have writ in the beginning of my Book and as some may think with vanity enough that my diligences and ready foresights have procur'd me the reputation God has given me in point of a Soldier as great as other men yet it is evidently true in this as well as upon other occasions for had I fail'd but a minute the City had been absolutely lost You ought not then disdain to learn of me who am at this day the oldest Capâ—ain in France and whom God has blest with as many successes as any man whatever of my time but you ought to avoid learning of those who have been continually beaten and have eternally run away where ever they have been engag'd for if you go to school to such Masters you will hardly ever come to be any great Doctors in Arms. If I had stood long considering and consum'd the time in consultations to be satisfied whether before I intermeddled with these affairs I should not first send to Monsieur de Burie who was the Kings Lieutenant I leave you to judge whether or no the Hugonots had not had sâ—fficient leisure wherein to do their work But whenever they heard of me they presently fancied the Hangman at their Breech as also they ordinarily call'd me the Tyrant When ever you shall be in place to do a notable piece of service never stay for a command if the occasion be pressing for in the mean time you lose your opportunity therefore fall back fall edge try your fortune it will afterwards be well interpreted I know there are some who think it strange that the City of Tholouze had so great a respect and kindness for me but should they have other they would degenerate from all good nature for they will confess that I sav'd the City together with their lives and estates and the honor of their wives which without my resolute and speedy succour had all been lost Upon which account I hope they will never be ungrateful to me for the good office I did them upon this occasion and if any one will say that what I did was all for the service of the King I shall answer to that that at that time I had no Employment from his Majesty excepting the command of my own Company of Gens d'armes for Monsieur de Burie was the Kings Lieutenant in Guienne and the Constable in Languedoc Yet shall I not deny but that I was prompted to it out of an honest desire I have ever had to do my King service and that not only out of respect to the obligation I have to my Countreys preservation but also out of a natural affection I have ever had for his Majesties service and moreover out of the love and friendship I have ever born and do still bear to this famous City For the dispair I was in to see it in danger to be ruin'd made me take the pains I did It is not then to be wondred at if this City have an animosity against those of this new Religion for there is not a City in France who has run so great a hazaâ—d as this City has done nor that has ever manifested it self more affectionate to the King and his service or stood sharper brunts to maintain themselves in his Majesties obedience Rouen suffer'd it self to be taken without striking a blow Lyons Bourges and Poictiâ—rs did the same Paris was never reduc'd to that extremity being also another kind of thing than the rest Bourdeaux made no defence at all that being no other than a surprize they would make upon Chasteau Trompette which they also made themselves sure of forasmuch as Monsieur de Duras was at the same time at the Gates of Bourdeaux We may all therefore confess with truth that no City whatever has fought so well and run so great a hazard as this having bravely repuls'd the Hugonots after they had seiz'd of the Magazine and were possest of the gates by which they might introduce succours from Montauban I was then advis'd to go before Montauban but it was more to draw the Souldiers from about Tholouzâ— and out of the City and to live upon the Enemies Country than out of any hopes I had to take it for I knew very well there were a great many men within it that were there assembled for the enterprize of Tholouze I then march'd thither having no more than six Ensigns of Foot which were those of Monsieur de Sainctorens de Bazordan the Baron of Clermont Arne and Charry to which those of Tholouze gave me two pieces of Canon and one Culverine bestowing moreover a civility upon the Souldiers they gave them one pay So soon
had we took nineteen and of thirteen Corâ—ets of Horse five all which we sent to Monsieur de Montpensier by that Complement acknowledging him for our Chief The Country people kill'd more than we for in the night they stole away to retire themselves into their houses and some hid themselves in the Woods but so soon as ever they were discover'd both men and women fell upon them so that they could find no place of safety There was numbred upon the Plain and in the Vineyards above two thousand slain besides those who were dispatch't by the Boors After this Victory we marcht straight to Mussidan Monsieur de Burie went before to attend Monsieur de Montpensier and we left all the Army at Grigâ—oux in two or three great Villages there are betwixt Mauriac and Mussidan where after I had seen them settled in their Quarters I also went to pay my duty to him at Mussidan where I was as well receiv'd as I shall ever be in any Company what ever so long as I live and do think that Monsieur de Montpensier took me above ten times in his arms making me stay above four hours with him He was a good Prince a truly honest man and very zealous for the Catholick Religion He was of opinion that I should return into Guienne which was also the Judgment of all the forementioned Seigneurs who were with him and indeed in the King of Navarre's Company and mine there were not thirty Horse that were not wounded and was resolv'd to take along with him Monsieur de Burie the three Companies of Gens-d'arms and that of the Mareshal de Termes together with the three Spanish Companies to go and joyn with the other ten led by Don Iuan de Carbajac who was that day to be at Bergerac This was the success of the Battel of Ver and because some perhaps may say that I commend my self as the sole cause that the Battel was fought and attribute to my own courage and conduct the entire glory of the victory Monsieur de Montpensier and Messieurs de Chevigny and de Vauguyon are yet living who if they please can bear witness what they heard the whole Army say and particularly the very Servants of Monsieur de Burie which Sieur de Burie himself did not deny but that he refer'd the whole management of that business to my conduct for he was old and not so active as I to command and to run up and down from one to another as I did being at the end of the Battel as wet as if I had been plung'd into the River Neither is the said Sieur de Burie to be reprehended for he came in good time and though he did not meddle himself yet the Battallion he brought along with him strook a terror into the Enemy which made us have a better match If this Body of Hugonots could have joyn'd with the Prince of Conde they had mated the King's Army as may well be suppos'd when without them he was very near winning the Battel of Dreux and besides had it not been for thâ—s Battel the Spaniards would never have daâ—'d to have entred into France nâ—ither could Mâ—nsieur de Montpensier himself have been there but had been sent to defend and relieve Guienne whereas by means of this victory he carried all the Forces of Guienne and Xaintonge which consisted of four Companies of Gens-d'armes and six what of his 〈◊〉 and what of Xaintonge and Monsieur de Sâ—nsac with his three and twenty Ensigns of Gascons and Spaniards which were no contemptible succours that he carried to the King of which a good part also were at the winning of the Battel and I have been told that all those who went from that side behav'd themselves admirably well at the Battel of Drâ—ux and indeed there are no Soldiers in the Kingdom that surpass the Gascons if they be well commanded especially the ten Ensigns of Captain Charry whom the King since honor'd so far as to take them into his own Guards and keeps them to this day that Monsieur de Strozzy has the command of them after the execrable murther murther of Captain Charry most viley assassinated at Paris And although a man should nâ—t commend himself I shall not nevertheless forbear to deliver the truth and to give it under my hand that I did at that time as great service for the King my Lord and Master as ever Gentleman did and in a time of extreme need and the greatest necessity of his affairs And if the Queen please to lay her hand upon her heart I am confident she will confess the same she better knew than any other the condition affairs were in and how much I traverst and prevented the intelligences the Prince of Condé had in Guienne of which he counted himself cock sure You Loâ—ds then and Companions of mine who shall read my Book take example by the great diligence and sudden execution I perform'd after the taking of Leâ—toure and do not you who are Lieutenants of Provinces I besiech you depeâ—d upon the reports others may make you of the discovery of an Enemy at least if you be able to do it your selves for you your selves ought to see and observe their order countenance and motion and in so doing shall ever be better able to command than upon the report of another Your own eyes will better discern what is necessary to be done than any other whoever you can send to perform that service you may take an old Captain or two along with you but above all things have a care of taking an old Captain out of any particular affection you have to him in company with you when you go to discover for it is to be fear'd that that affection of yours may make you take some swaggering insignificant Coxcomb instead of a good Soldier who so soon as he shall discover the Enemy will find a false friend about his heart which will be the cause that out of the opinion you have of his judgment and valour and the friendship you have for him he will make you commit so great an error and lose such an opportunity as perhaps you shall never again retrieve but alwayes take some old Captain who in all places whereever he has been shall not only have fought but have been moreover the occasion of fighting and although he may have been sometimes unfortunate and beaten provided it was not thorough default of courage or understanding do not forbear out of that consideration to take him about you For all the world are not so fortunate as Montluc who was never defeated Rather take such a one than one who has never either wonne or lost and that has never serv'd in an Army otherwise than as a looker on I do not say this without experience I have learnt these Lessons under the late Monsieur de Lautrec who was a brave commander and if he was unfortunate it was rather thorough
President Lagâ—baston who made me the Harangue in the Palace to perswade me to take the Government upon me what answer I made him there in publick and what I afterwards said to him in private There are also other Presidents and Counsellors yet living who heard my reasons and who I am confident can remember if the Predictions I then made of my self be come to pass So it was that at that time I did not accept it nor of two dayes after not that the King did not herein conferre a greater honor upon me than I deserv'd nor that I would not have been glad of so good a fortune but I had evermore a thousand niceties before my eyeâ— But the premier President Lagebaston the other Presidents his Brethren and the antient Councellors came to my lodging and gave me very many arguments to perswade me and on the other side Monsieur de Candalle Monsieur d' Escars whom I found there Monsieur de Lieux my Brother Messieurs de Barsac d'Vza and all the Gentlemen who were with me were very pressing upon me saying that I ought to accept it and the Jurats together with the whole Body of the City did the same by which means being left single in my opinion I was constrain'd to pass the Wicket like a man that is thrust into the Gaol for so I may say I was forc'd in and had I been left at liberty I would have lost my life or have perform'd some services that should have been acceptable to the King and from which I would have deriv'd some recompence whereas by the services I have perform'd in my administration in these parts I have reapt no other advantage than reproaches and disgrace And yet I will be bold to say that no man under heaven could have behav'd himself better than I did by the testimony of all the three Estates of Guienne and had I done such services in the life time of either of the late Kings Francis or Henry there had not been a Gentleman in France under the Title of a Prince who had been higher preferr'd or in greater esteem than I had been But God be praised for all all the recompence I have had is a great Harquebuz shot in my face of which I shall never be cuâ—'d so long as I live which makes me eternally curse the hour that ever I had this Command Many better men than I would have esteem'd themselves honor'd by it and so did I but being to serve a King in his Minority and in a Country where I foresaw I should have enough to do and very little means wherewithal to do it I conceived it might have been more advantageous to me to have gone further off from my own Dunghil And I would ever advise any friend of mine rather to accept a remote Command than one near home for no man is a Prophet in his own Country However for the benefit of my Country I was content to take this great burthen upon me Now as I thought to have departed from Bourdeaux to go to Tholouze after I had appeased all things here the Peace came which was brought by Captain Fleurdelis He had met with Captain Montluc hard by Mussidan who was carrying twelve Companies of Foot the finest Companies and the best arm'd that ever had been raised in Guienne and one Troop of Lighthorse to the King the Sieur de Lanâ—on was his Lieutenant and the Sieur de Montferran his Ensign The City of Bourdeaux had sent him two pieces of Canon and one Culverine which the said Captain Fleurdelis met two leagues from Mussidan but Captain Montluc would not stop his March till first he heard from me The Peace being publisht every one was of opinion that I should countermand him which I therefore did brought back the Artillery and disbanded all the Foot and Horse that the people might no longer be eaten up sending in like manner to Tholouze to do the same so that in eight dayes time every one was retir'd to his own home I making no question of securing Guienne without Garison either of Horse or Foot which I did and so well that for the space of five years neither Trooper nor Foot Soldier eat so much as a Hen throughout the whole Province upon the account of arms I had three pieces of Canon at Agen and with threats and bravadoes kept all the world in awe making every one lay aside his arms especially fire arms so that not a man was seen to wear any arms the Gentlemen excepted who were allow'd their Swords and Stillettoes And for two Catholick Souldiers that I caused to be hang'd for transgressing the Edict I stroke so great a terror into the whole Countrey that no one dar'd any more to lay hand to his arms The Hugonots thinking to escape better cheap and that I would not offer to punish them two other Soldiers of the Religion also transgressed the Edict whom I likewise immediately truss'd up to bear company with the others so that the two Religions seeing there was no impunity for either of them and that neither the one nor the other could promise to themselves any assurance of me if they should offend they began to love one another and to frequent one anothers houses Thus did I maintain the Peace for the space of five years betwixt both parties in this Country of Guienne and do believe that if every one would have taken the same course without partiality to the one side or the other and have executed justice indifferently upon those who deserv'd it we had never seen so many troubles in this Kingdom And it was no little thing that I perform'd for I had to do with as capricious and fanatick head-pieces as any in the whole Kingdom of France or peradventure in all Europe and who governs a Gascon may assure himself he has done a Masterpiece who as he is naturally warlike so is he proud mutinous and insolent nevertheless by playing one while the gentle and another the austere I subjected all to me without any one so much as once daring to lift up his head In brief the King was acknowledg'd and his Laws obey'd This was the end of the first Civil War and the first troubles in those places where I was with the account of what I did in them which is in summe that if God had not inspir'd me with courage to oppose the Hugonots in due time they would have been so establisht that it had not been in the power of the King of a long time to have remov'd them for I am not of the opinion of those who say it had signified nothing and that though they had been canton'd here one might have shut them up It is a rich and plentiful Country as any in the Kingdom of France abounding in Navigable Rivers strong Holds and very good Harbours how then should such a Country be shut up considering that the English and other forreign Nations may at all
times come to it by Sea The King has set but two little value upon it 't is well if he do not one day repent it But provided these fine talking Gentlemen who prate at their ease may have their own arms at liberty they care not for any body else and when one comes to demand of them assistance of money for of every thing else we have but too much they cry let them raise it upon the Country and so the Soldier not being paid is necessitated to plunder and rob and the King's Lieutenant to endure it 'T is all one say they a Country spoiled is not lost O lewd expression and unworthy of a Counsellor of the Kings who has the management of affairs of State He has not the trouble of it nor does he bear the reproach but he who has the charge of the Province and whom the people load with continual exercations Behold then our Guienne thus lost and recover'd and since maintain'd in peace for the good of the people and to my particular and great misfortune for my Son Captain Montluc being no more able to live at rest than his Father seeing himself useless in France as being no Courtier and knowing of no forreign War wherein to employ his arms design'd an Enterprize by Sea to go to make his fortune in Affrick and to this end followed by a brave number of Gentlemen Volunteers for he had above three hundred with him and by a great many of the best Officers and Soldiers he could cull out he embarkt at Bourdeaux in a Fleet of six Men of War as well equipt as Vessels could possibly be I shall not insist upon the design of this unfortunate Expedition wherein he lost his life being slain with a Musket shot in the Island of Maderas going ashore to water and where being the Islanders would not peaceably permit him to refresh his Ships he was constrain'd to have recourse to violence to their loss and ruine but much more to mine who there lost my right hand Had it pleased God to have preserv'd him to me they had not done me those charitable Offices at Court they have since done In short I lost him in the flower of his age and then when I expected he should have been both the prop of mine and the support of his Country which has very much miss't him since I had lost the brave Mark Anthony my eldest Son at the Port of Ostia but this that died at the Maderas was of such value that there is not a Gentleman in Guienne who did not judge he would surpass his Father But I leave it to those who knew him to give an account of his valour and prudence He could not have fail'd of being a good Captain had God been pleased to preserve him but he disposes of us all as seems best to his own wisdom I think this little Montluc that he has left me will endeavour to imitate him both in valour and loyalty to his Prince which all the Montluc's have ever been eminent for and if he prove not such I disclaim him Every one knows and the Queen more than any other that I was never the Author of this unfortunate Voyage and the Admiral knows very well how much I endeavour'd to break the design not that I had a mind to keep him â—dle by the fire but out of the apprehension I had it might occasion a Breach betwixt the two Crowns of France and Spain which though I might perhaps in my own bosom desire to remove the War from our own doors I would also have wisht that some other might have been the occasion of the rupture My sons design was not to break any Truce with the Spaniard but I saw very well that it was impossible but he must do it there either with him or the King of Portugal For to hear these people talk a man would think that the Sea was their own The Admiral lov'd and esteem'd this poor Son of mine but too much having told the King that never a Prince nor Lord in France upon his own single account and without his Majesties assissâ—ance could in so short a time have made ready so great an Equipage And he said true for he won the hearts of all that knew him and that were enamour'd of the practice of arms and I was so wise as to think that fortune was oblig'd to be as favourable to him as she had been to me For an old Soldier as I am I confess I committed a great error that I did not discover the design to some other considering that the Vicount d'Vza and de Pampadour and my young Son were of the party who might have tried their fortune and pursued the Enterprize projected which nevertheless I shall not here discover because the Queen may peradventure another day again set it on foot The End of the Fifth Book THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc MARESCHAL of FRANCE The Sixth Book FOr the space of five years France enjoyed this tranquility and repose with the two Religions that divided the Kingdom nevertheless I still doubted there was some Snake lurking in the grass though for what concern'd the Province of Guyenne I was in no great apprehension for I had evermore an eye to all things sending the Queen notice of every thing I heard with all the fidelity and care wherewith any man living could give an account of his trust The King at this time went a Progress to visit the several Provinces of his Kingdom and being come to Tholouze I went to kiss his Majesties hand who gave me a more honorable reception than I deserv'd The Hugonots faild not upon this occasion to make use of their wonted artifices and practices and made me false fire under hand for openly they durst not do it but I did not much regard their malice The Queen did me the honor to tell me all wherein she manifested the confidence she repos'd in me and I by that very well that she did not love the Hugonots One day being in her Chamber with Messieurs the Cardinalâ— of Bourbon and Guise she repeated to me all her fortune and the perplexity she had been in And amongst other things that the night news was brought her of the loss of the Battel of Dreux for some brave fellow who had not leisure to stay to see what Monsieur de Guise did after the Constable was routed and taken had given her this false Alarm she was all night in Council with the said Cardinals to consult what course she should take to save the King where in the end it was resolv'd that if in the morning the news should be confirm'd she should try to retire into Guienne though the Journey was very long accounting that she should be safer there than in any other part of the Kingdom May God for ever refuse to assist me if hearing this sad story the tears did not start into my eyes saying
to her these very words Good God! Madam was your Majesty reduc'd to that necessity which she assur'd me and swore upon her soul. she was as also did both the Cardinals and to speak the truth had this Battel been lost her Majesty had been in a very deplorable condition and I do believe there had been an end of France for the whole State and Religion had been turn'd topsie turvy and with a young King every body does what they will Now their Majesties having passed thorough Guienne found all things in a better posture than had been represented to them For my good friends the Hugonots had spread a report that all was ruin'd and lost but their Majesties found it in a much better condition than Languedcs They sojourn'd some time at Mont-de Marsan in expectation of the Queen of Spains coming to Bayonne and I will here set down a thing that I discover'd there to shew that I have ever inviolably kept with the Queen the Promise I made her at Orleans after the death of King Francis that I would never depend upon any other than the King and her as I have never done and although I have reapt no great advantage by it yet I had rather the default should be on the other side than that I had fail'd of my word I heard then some whisper of a League that was forming in France wherein were several very great persons both Princes and others whom nevertheless I have nothing to do to name being engag'd by promise to the contrary I cannot certainly say to what end this League was contriv'd but a certain Gentleman named them to me every one endâ—avouring at the same time to perswade me to make one in the Association assuring me it was to a good end but he perceiv'd by my countenance that it was not a 〈…〉 my pallaâ—e I presently gave the Queen private intimation of it for I could not endure suâ—h kind of doings who seem'd to be very much astonisht at it telling me it was the first syllable she had ever heard of any such thing and commanding me to enquire further into the business which I did but could get nothing more out of my Gentleman for he now lay upon his Guard Her Majesty then was pleased to ask my advice how she should behave her self in this business whereupon I gave her counsel to order it so that the King himself should say in publick that he had heard of a League that was forming in his Kingdom which no one could do without giving him some jealousie and offence and that therefore he must require every one without exception to break off this League and that he would make an association in his Kingdom of which he himself would be the Head for so for some time it was call'd though they afterwards chang'd the name and call'd it the Confederation of the King The Queen at the time that I gave her this advice did by no means approve of it objecting that should the King make one it was to be feared that others would make another but I made answer and said that the King must engage in his own all such as were in any capacity of doing the contrary which however was a thing that could not be conceal'd and might well enough be provided against Two dayes after her Majesty being at Supper called me to her and told me that she had consider'd better of the affair I had spoke to her about and found my counsel to be very good and that the next day without further delay she would make the King propound the business to his Council which she accordingly did and sent to enquire for me at my lodging but I was not within In the Evening she askt me why I did not come to her and commanded me not to fail to come the next day because there were several great difficulties in the Council of which they had not been able to determine I came according to her command and there were several disputes Monsieur de Nemours made very elegant Speech remonstrating That it would be very convenient to make a League and Association for the good of the King and his Kingdom to the end that if affairs should so require every one with one and the same will might repair to his Majesties person to stake their lives and fortunes for his service and also in case any one of what Religion soever should offer to invade or assault them or raise any commotion in the State that they might with one accord unite and expose their lives in their common defence The Duke of Montpensier was of the same opinion and several others saying that this could not choose but so much the more secure the peace of the Kingdom when it should be known that all the Nobility were thus united for the defence of the Crown The Queen then did me the honor to command me to speak whereupon I began and said That the League propos'd could be no wayes prejudicial to the King being that it tended to a good end for his Majesties service the good of his Kingdom and the peace and security of his People but that one which should be form'd in private could produce nothing but disorder and mischief for the good could not answer for the evil dispos'd and should the Cards once be shuffled betwixt League and League it would be a hard matter to make of it a good game that being the most infallible way to open a door to let Strangers into the Kingdom and to expose all things to spoil and ruine but that all of us in general both Princes and others ought to make an Association which should bear the Title of the League or the Confederation of the King and to take a great and solemn Oath not to decline or swerve from it upon penalty of being declar'd such as the Oath should import and that his Majesty having so concluded ought to dispatch Messsengers to all parts of the Kingdom with Commission to take the Oathes of such as were not there present by which means it would be known who were willing to live and die in the service of the King and State And should any one be so foolish or impudent as to offer to take arms let us all Sir swear to fall upon them I warrant your Majesty I will take such order in these parts that nothing shall stirre to the prejudice of your royal Authority And in like manner let us engage by the faith we owe to God that if any Counter-League shall disclose it self we will give your Majesty immediate notice of it and let your Majestie 's be subscrib'd by all the great men of your Kingdom The Feast will not be right without them and they also are easie to be perswaded to it and the fittest to provide against any inconveniency may happen This was my Proposition upon which several disputes ensued but in the end the King 's Association was concluded
notice of the three Gentlemen I had sent before and would so secure the Gates that I should not be able to enter and that it was better for us to venture our lives in the Town than to keep out and suffer the Town to be lost We then mounted to horse being no more than six Light-horse and we might be in all the Servants compriz'd thirty horse I commanded fourteen Harquebuzeers to follow after me under the conduct of a Priest called Malaubaere commanding them to follow at a good shog trot and so we marcht with these mighty Forces When we came near unto Terraube a little league from Lectoure there came a man on horseback dispatcht away by the Consul and Captain Mauriez by whom they sent me word that they had possessed themselves of the Gates and that the City was all in arms desiring to know by which Gate I would enter I told him by the Gate of the Castle whereupon he return'd upon the spur as he came By good fortune theâ—e hapned to be in the Town the Sieur de Lussan and the Captain his Brother who came out to meet me knowing nothing of all this business they being come thither by appointment of Process and so we entred into the Town So soon as we were come into Monsieur de Poisegurs house I entreated the Sieur de Lussan to go bid Monsieur de Fonterailles come and speak with me for I had something to say to him that concerned his Majesties service He sent me word back that he would not come and that he was in the Castle in the behalf of the Queen of Navarre Lady and Mistress of the said Castle and Town Whereupon I sent him word again that if he did not come I would assault the said Castle and at the ringing of the Tocquesaint call in all the neighbouring Towns to my assistance which I think staâ—tled him for he came At his coming I told him that I would have the Castle to put people into it who were of the Religion of the King and a Gentleman to command them till I should see to what the beginning of this Commotian tended to which he made answer that he was a faithful Servant of the Kings and that he would rather die than do any thing contrary to his Majesties pleasure To which I replied again that I did believe him to be so but that notwithstanding I would in the mean time sâ—cure the Castle and that I had a greater confidence in my self than in him and after some disputes Monsieur de Sainctorens put in and said something to which the other replied briskly upon him but he did not go without his answer and had he not suddenly resolv'd I was about to have taken him prisoner Monsieur de Lussan then took him aside remonstrating to him that he was highly too blame not to obey and that it was as much as his life was worth for I would die there but I would have it and that he himself knew well enough what a kind a man I was Monsieur de Fonterailles thereupon came to me and told me that he was ready to deliver up the Castle into my hands but that he earnestly beggâ—d of me that I would permit him to reenter into it and sleep there that night that he might pack up all the goods he had there ready to go away in the morning I desir'd him on the contrary that he would not ofâ—er to stir out of the Town and that I would deliver the Guard of the Castle to such Catholick Gentlemen as he should name He therefore nam'd several but I would like of none of them when seeing I would not put in those he desir'd he nam'd Monsieur de Cassaigne a neighbour to the Town who since has been Lieutenant to Monsieur d' Arnes Company with whom I was content and sent presently for him However I plaid the Novice in one thing for I let the said Sieur de Fonterailles go in again upon his word into the Castle which was not discreetly done for a man should alwayes in such cases take all things at the worst In the mean time Monsieur de Verduzan arriv'd with four or five Gentlemen in Company with him and presently after Monsieur de Maignas and every hour some or other came in to us After Supper we went out of the Castle where I fell to view and consider the Postern of the false Bray and began to remonstrate to those friends who were with me that in case the Seneschal should have made an appointment for those of his Party to come that night to the Portal the Guards and Centinels of the Town could not possibly hinder him from letting in whom he pleased wherefore I was resolv'd to lodge Theanville Commissary of the Artillery and the Priest with the fourteen Harquebuzeers in the false Bray betwixt the two Portals and it was well for me I did so for otherwise they had trapp'd us and cut all our throats that night See how a man may fall into danger thorough his own fault for I thought my self wonderful wiâ—e and circumspect and yet notwithstanding I put a place of so great importance together with the whole Country in danger to be lost I was not yet satisfied with this Guard but I moreover order'd all the Gentlemen and their Servants to lie down in their Cloaths and sent a command to all those of the Town to do the same In the morning by Sun-rise the said Seneschal came to me again to entreat me to leave him the Castle and that he would give me security with a great many other fine good morrows but I told him he did but lose time in such proposals for I was resolv'd to put men into it so that seeing no other remedy he receiv'd the Sieur de la Cassaigne with twenty Soldiers into the place and then came to take his leave of me I did what I could to perswade him to stay in the Town but he made answer that he would not trust himself with the Inhabitants beginning to tell me that I put a very great affront upon him in not confiding in his Loyalty that he was a man of a race too remarkable for thâ—ir services and fidelity so the Crown of France to be suspested and that his Ancestors had sav'd the Kingdom To which I made answer that his Grandfather of whom he intended to speak did never save the Kingdom and that in his time reigned Lewis the twelfth in whose Reign the Kingdom had never been in any such danger and that if it was of the time that King Charles retir'd to Bourges that he intended to speak that honor was to be attributed to Potton and la Hire of whose valour all the Chronicles are full For la Hire and Potton two Gascon Gentlemen were indeed cause of the recovery of the Kingdom of France yet would I not deny but that his Grand father was a great and valiant Captain who
having fifty Gens-d ' armes des Ordonnances and being General of twelve hundred Light-horse the most of which were Albanois perform'd great services for the Crown In recompence whereof the King also married him to the Inheritrix of Chattillon by whom he had seven or eight thousand Livers yearly revenue but that the House from which his Father descended which was that of Fonterailles was as mean a Family as mine At which he broke out into a sudden passion saying would to God would to God I might die at this instant provided the Prince of Navarre was at age to command Why said I what reason have you to wish your own death for the Prince of Navarre seeing that neither you nor any of your Race have ever receiv'd any benefit or honor from the House of Navarre nor other than from the King to which he replied that it was true but that he did so love the Prince of Navarre that he would be content to die upon that condition I then began to suspect there was some knavery in the wind and so he bad me farewel Monsieur de la Cassaigne who was present at all this discourse waited upon him to his Horse where as he was going to put foot in the stirrup he cried out like a man in dispair O unfortunate man that I am I shall never again have the conâ—idence to shew my face amongst men of honor Whereupon Monsieur de la Cassaigne took occasion to tell him that he was too blame to complain of me who had treated him with all the civility hâ— could himself expect or desire and that perhaps another would not have used him with so great respect as I had done to which he replied in these words but you do not know all this day the Kingdom is set to sail farewell France and so mounting to horse he went directly to la Garde the House of Monsieur de Firmacon his Uncle Before the Sieur de la Cassaigne could return back to me there came fifteen or sixteen Peasants loaden with Harquebuzes Halberts and Cross-bows leading a boy prisoner along with them whom they brought into my Chamber in the presence of all the Gentlemen that were there telling me they were of la Masquere within a quarter of a league of Lectoure which is a little Hamlet consisting of seven or eight Tenements and that at midnight there came a great company of armed men both horse and foot and drew themselves into a great Meadow close by the houses where they laid them down upon the ground The poor people saw them and durst not stir out of their houses but they saw them send six horse-men as far as the Suburbs of Lectoure where they met intelligence that I with a great number of Gentlemen was entred into the Town and had also sent to discover those whom I had planted without to hinder the relief by which seeing their enterprise was defeated and concluding that the Seneschal was taken prisoner they return'd full speed to their Troops telling them that I was entred into the Town and had taken the Senescal prisoner wherefore they must retire before it was day that they might not be known And as the night has no shame they took so great a fright at the news that they began to throw away their arms in flying and by break of day passed by Plieux where the common people began to pursue them and they running away to abandon their arms which the Inhabitants of Plieux had almost all excepting some few that fell into the hands of those of la Maquere The horse ran straight to their other Troop that had made a halt at St. Rose till they should be commanded to march who also took a terrible fright in retiring running every man as fast as his horse would carry him to his own house The chief Leaders of these two Parties of Horse and Foot were the Sieur de Montamat brother to the Seneschal the Sieurs de Castelnau d' Audax de Popas and de Peyrecave I knew nothing as yet of the Troop at St. Rose for neither the Boy nor the Boors of la Masquere had heard of any other than that they had seen All the Gentlemen hereupon advis'd me to go take the Seneschal and clap him up prisoner which nevertheless I would not do out of respect to the House of Firmacon to which he was a Nephew remonstrating to them that should I take him prisoner the Court of Parliament of Tholouze would immediately send to demand him of me whom I could not justly deny and if they once got him he would not be two hours alive and I would by no means be the occasion of his ruine Whilst we were in these disputes Monsieur de la Cassaigne came and told me the words he had said to him at his going away no body being by whereupon I entreated him to go into the Town to seek out some Hugonot who was a friend to the Seneschal and to give him all asâ—urance that he should receive no manner of injury nor displeasure provided he would reveal the Enterprize He went then to speak with one who was a very intimate friend of his telling him what words the Seneschal had cast out at his departure and that it was as much as his life was worth if he did not discover all he knew who after he had given him all the assurance he desir'd made him this reply What did the Sâ—neschal mean to enter into so many disputes with Monsieur de Montluc I was behind him when he contested so highly with the said Sieur and do wonder that he did not seize him prisâ—ner which had he done all we of the Religion had been dead men I pray be faithful and take care that we may have no harm done us for there is not a person of the Religion who knows any thing of the Enterprize of France and of this Town but those who are gone out with him my self excepted who durst not go This day or to-morrow the King or the Queen shall be taken or dead and all the whole Kingdom of France revolted I pray consider a little how closely these people could carry on such an Enterprize as this I was told that in their Consistory they made them swear to renounce Paradice if they ever reveal'd any thing Monsieur de la Cassaigne returned presently to me and taking me aside told me all that the other had said to him and then I remembred my self of the Advertisements in the Ticket and of my unfortunate Dream and began with tears in my eyes to declare all I had heard to Messieurs the Seneschal of Bazadois de Sainctorens and to all the Gentlemen who were present who all began to cry out that we ought to mount presently to horse and gallop after the Seneschal which nevertheless I would not do for the aforementioned reasons remonstrating to them that though he should be taken the evil would not be prevented by the
occasion that now presents it self of manifesting our loyalty and courage And you ought to feel the same joy in your bosoms that I do for what greater blessing could God Almighty have conferr'd upon you than to see your selves assembled together in so brave and so spritely a body in so short a time on horse-back to go to the relief of your Prince for whose defence God has given you life and made you men and me also I say for the defence of his Person for as you very well know the Masque is now taken away and there iâ— no more question of the Mass or the Presche but it is immediately and directly against his person that this Rebellion is set on foot and those who were engag'd in the wicked Enterprize of Meaux as you your selves very well know directed the attempt immediately against his Majesties sacred person How great a good fortune is it then to see that God has reserv'd you to revenge so great an injury and to assist your King and natural Prince in so great a necessity O my Companions how much ought you to esteem your selves happy how highly ought you to be satisfied with your fortune How will the King be ravisht with joy to see such a Nobless from the extreamest part of his Kingdom in so short a time and in so brave an equipage come in to his relief He will never forget so great and so timely a service but for ever acknowledge it to you and yours Believe me Gentlemen though I am infinitely pleased to think that I have some share in this service yet I am very sensibly afflicted that I am like to have no hand in the main stroke of the business and that I cannot have the honor to lead you to this glorious work that we might go together to lay down our lives at his Majesties feet for the defence of his life and Crown May God never prosper me if I do not desire it more than ever I did any thing in this world but you see it cannot be without putting the whole Province into manifest hazard which I hope to preserve with those few Forces are left me in despite of the Enemies practices It only then Gentlemen remains that you make the haste requir'd remember what you have seen me do and how often you have heard me say that diligence is the best part of a Soldier You know not what condition the Kings affairs may be in nor how pressing his danger may be therefore do not delay time I beseech you I know there are many amongst you not only worthy to lead a Troop but to command an Army but let me inâ—reaâ— you to approve the choice I have made in the person of Monsieur de Terride for the leading of this to whom Monsieur de Gondrin shall be assisting He is the oldest Captain and of greatest experience amongst you and will I am confident acquit himself worthy of his charge and rest you assur'd that I will remember to have a care to preserve your Houses in your absence Do me the favour also to think of me when you come to the work we have often been employ'd in together and then make it known that you are Gentlemen and Gascons and that there is not a Nation in the world to be compar'd to ours for feats of arms I have been conversant with all the Soldiers of the world but have never seen the like to ours and in all engagements and exploits of war whether little or great that I have been an eye-witness of the Gascons have ever carried away the Prize Maintain I beseech you this reputation you will never have such an opportunity again wherein to manifest your valour and the zeal and affection you bear to your natural King and Soveraign They all return'd me thanks assuring me that they would not stay longer than was necessary to bait in any place till they came to the King and Monsieur de Terride made me a particular acknowledgment for the honor I had done him After they fell into consultation which way they should go where every one advised what he thought best for in matter of Counsel it has evermore been my custom to make every one deliver his opinion I have found advantages by it but after many disputes it was at last determin'd that they should take the way directly to Moulins For me Monsieur de Monsalles had like to have made me a little angry for he would needs have been going before as if he had had more desire and a greater affection than the rest but I told him that it was neither safe nor fit to leave the Party and it was after such a manner that he saw very well he had displeased me I deliver'd to him the leading of the Vant-Guard and to Monsieur de Sainctorens the Command of the Foot and before my departure from Limoges I saw them all march away I shall say nothing of this Enterprize of St. Michel it was so foul and unworthy a Frenchman and worse than the business of Amboise wherein I perfectly discern'd the effects of the League or Counter-league I had heard whisper'd at Montâ—dâ— Mâ—rsan I know not what use was made of those Succours I sent but I dare be bold to say that never any Lieutenant of Guiâ—nne drew so many Gentlemen and so great a number of Foot all on a sudden out of the Country as I did nor so many men of singular note for their parts and valour of whom I had so good an opinion that had I met the Prince of Condé without the Traitors I would not have given our Victory for his and as I return'd back I still met several parties who were coming in to joyn with the rest Neither shall I meddle to set down how these Succours behav'd themselves in the occasions presented forasmuch as the Monsieur himself was there and all the Princes and great Captains of France Now when I thought to have this great diligence of mine very kindly taken and expected to receive a return of thanks from their Majestiâ—s for so opportune a service I was quite contrary presented with a Patent that onâ— Dragon Deputy to the receiver of Guienne brought from Court and that was sent by the King to Monsieur de Candalle by virtue whereof his Majesty made the said Sieur de Candalle his Lieutenant General in the City of Bourdeaux and Bourdillois with as ample commission and full power as if I was there I was very much surpriz'd at this and knew very well that some one or another had given me a Traverse at Court and that the King and Queen would never have put such a trick upon me had it not been for some back friend of mine and thanks be to God the Kings of France have ever such kind of Vermin to spare who have evermore lent their Charities to the best and most faithful servants our Kings have had which made me not so much wonder at
this last kindness of theirs It was not the first office of that kind I had receiv'd at their hands Monsieur de la Malassize who is yet living did me one in Romania to Monsieur de Guise endeavouring by that means to make me be put out of the Government of Tuscany to make way for Monsieur de la Molle making the Duke believe that I had spoke unhandsomely of him which the said Duke gave credit to and for a time bore me ill will upon that account Since in the presence of Monsieur d'Aumale Monsieur de Montpezat Messieurs de Cipierre and de Randan which two first are dead and the other two living at Macherate I acquitted my self yet could I not so far dispossess him of his ill conceiv'd opinion but that some seeds of it remain'd so that he was never absolutely reconcil'd till the business of Thionville At my return to Montalsin it faild but very little that I did not cut the throat of him that was the cause and therefore 't is no wonder if he continue to do me all the ill offices he can yet I will not here insert the reasons for several considerations I shall still let him proceed to do as he has hitherto done managing the Queen though I hope her Majesty will one day alter her opinion as did Monsieur de Guise I had another good office done me when King Henry sent me into Piedmont after my return from Sienna at the taking of Vlpian only because I kept about Monsieur d' Aumale not sparing my life no more than the meanest Soldier in the Army and I think they had no mind that Monsieur d' Aumale should have the honor to take it nor other places that he took I had there a Letter brought me from the Constable wherein he writ me word that the King had commanded him to write to me that I should retire to my own house till further order charging me that I had said I would not obey Monsieur de Termes as if I had not alwayes been accustomed to obey him for I have all my life preferr'd him before my self in all things and he did deserve it Not long before some body had done him such another courtesie saying that by reason of his Marriage in Piedmont and the friendship he had contracted with the Biragues he might easily seize Piedmont into his own hands as if either the one or the other had ever so much as thought of any such thing however this was sufficient to make him to be call'd back out of Piedmont but he was too honest a man and that was not a fit recompence for so many services as he had done Monsieur d' Aumale also had the same piece of service done him it being reported to the King that the Princes would not obey him and that therefore his Majesty must send Monsieur de Termes to command as if Monsieur d' Aumale was not of a beâ—ter Family than Monsieur de Termes and that the Princes would sooner obey a private Gentleman than one who was a Prince though he was not of the Royal blood I can affirm as having been an eye-witness and no man can give a better testimony than my self that the said Princes no more spar'd themselves than the meanest Gentleman in the Army and perform'd a piece of bravery worthy the noble Families from whence they descended for they went on in their own persons to the assault and mounted the breach at Vlpian scrambling up with the help of their Pikes and some few Ladders of Ropes for the Breach was not reasonable as I have said elsewhere before And since I am entred upon the discouâ—se of the good offices honest men have done them at Court I will reckon up some others that I have seen in my time as also some that I have read of in the Roman Histories And of these I will first mention that which had like to have cost Monsieur de Lautrec so dear which was that a certain person detein'd from him a hundred thousand Crowns which the King had commanded St. Blanzay to send him wherewith to pay the Swiss which summe had it accordingly been sent the Swiss had not retir'd into their own Country for they only return'd for want of pay and by that means the Dutchy of Millan was lost Upon which occasion this poor Lord Monsieur de Lautrec was hardly thought good enough for the Dogs for a certain time and could never obtein the favour to be heard to justifie himself but in the end the King was pleased to hear him and thereupon caused St. Blanzay to be hang'd though the fault was none of his but the poor man paid for 't I know who was the cause of all this disorder but I have nothing to do to write it Oh ' â—is a tickle thing to serve these great ones and the paths are very slâ—ppery men are to walk in but we must thorough God has ordein'd them to command and us to obey and others also obey us and yet we are all of one Father and Mother but it is too cold fled to derive our Pedegrees I saw also the trick that was playd Monsieur de Bourbon by which he was reduc'd to that despair that he was constrain'd to do many things unworthy of a Prince for they would take his Estate from him and reduce him to his Childs part only of the inheritance of the House of Bourbon of which he was a younger Bâ—other At the Camp of Messieres and in the Expedition of Valâ—ntienneâ— they made him swallow two injuries at once if Monsieur Bonivet who was Admiral was or no the cause I am not able to say but it was so reported some one or other must alwayes bear the blame I think had not the King of himself been dispos'd to use him ill neither his Majesty nor the Queen his Mother would have driven this brave Prince into such extremes However it was the foul play that was offer'd him was the cause of a great mischief to Frâ—nce and the King repented him of it more than once afterward The Prince of Aurange who commanded the Emperors Aâ—my after the death of the said Seigneur de Bourbon had also a little before quitted the King's service by reason his Majesty had commanded the Mareschal de Logis to dislodge him for the King of Poland's Embassador The occasio◠〈◊〉 was very light but it is nevertheless very true that a brave heart disdains to be despis'd There was another good office also done to Andrea Aurâ—a who was Admiral of his Majesties Gâ—lleys at the time when he accounted the Kingdom of Naples as good as sure and that was by giving the Gallies to Monsieur de Barbezieux which for any default on his part could not justly be done for Count Philippin d' Auria his Nephew had won the Battel by Naples which I have already writ of against the Vâ—ceroy Don Hugues
de Moncalde who was there slain and the Marquis de Guast with several other great persons taken prisoners The said Count was so careful and vigilant that so much as a Cat could not enter into the City of Naples those within were reduc'd to the last extremity the Viceroy dead many of the Grandees prisoners and the rest revolted to the King it must therefore of necessity be confest that the Kingdom had been the Kings in despite of all the world when the just spite and indignation of the said Andrea Auria depriv'd him of it When the King was taken prisoner at the Battel of Pavie and that they carried him by Sea into Spain Andrea Auria went out to meet the Galleys that convoy'd him to fight them to deliver the King out of their hands which he had done and put it to hazard but the King sent to advise him not to do it for if he did he was a dead man and they had determin'd to put him to death should Andrea Auria present himself to fight them which was the reason that the said Andrea Auria returned to Genoa which at that time was the Kings See here another great misfortune and an unfortunate Traverse which brought as great an inconvenience along with it as that of Monsieur de Bourbon upon which occasion we not only lost all we had got in the Kingdom of Naples but Genoa also for all the losses as well of the Kingdom of Naples as of Genoa hapned by reason of the revolt of the said Andrea Auria who took offence at the wrong and dishonor had been done him in taking from him the Command of the Galleys to give it to another without having any way misdemean'd himself or having receiv'd any disadvantage in his Charge and also for that they would make him give up his Prisoners of war without any recompence Now the said Andrea Auria kept the sea in so great awe that the King durst never offer to pass into Itâ—ly till such time as he had won him into is own service and the Emperor having heard how he had been used sent him a Blank to write his own conditions provided he would come over to his service After which the said Andrea Auria sent to Count Philippin his Nephew to retire from before Naples and abandoning the Kings service to come to him at Gajetta which he did and before he went put all the provision he suddenly could into the City that it might not be lost and so he that had done them the mischief did them the good without which they must within eight dayes have been necessitated to capitulate O that such a man as this ought to have been husbanded for I think that he alone ruin'd the affairs of King Francis Kings and Princes ought not to use Strangers at that rate nor their own Subjects neither when they know them to be men of service and if our Master was ill advised the Emperor was very discreet to put in in time to win the said Auria over to his side that the King might not have leisure to reconcile himself to him and to reestablish him in his service Wherein Princes ought to take good example and learn to be wise at anothers expence and should have a care of disobliging a generous heart and a man of employment especially when you have no such tye upon him as upon a natural Subject of your own who has his Wife and Children and Estate at your mercy The King had none of all these ties upon Andrea Auria and it was one of the greatest incongruities I have seen in my time and also of far greater importance than that of the Duke of Bourbon I saw another done to the Prior of Capua who was one of the bravest men that these hundred years has put to sea and as much feared both by Turks and Christians whom they unjustly accus'd of Piracy so that he was constrain'd to go put himself and his two Galleys into the protection of the Malteses O how invincible a wrong did the King there do this worthy person to be so facile of belief to the prejudice of his honor how great a disadvantage was it to himself and how great a loss to the Kingdom of France for this Signior was a man of service and one that very well understood his Trade for he was a very able Seaman I saw another trick also put upon the Mareschal de Bies I dare pawn my soul that the Gentleman never thought of doing any unhandsome act against the King and yet he was highly slander'd a little after the death of King Francis the Great it being laid to his charge that he was the cause that Monsieur de Vervin his Son in Law had surrendred Bullen and one Cortel appointed to try him the most infamous Judge that ever was in France Was it ever seen or heard of that one man should be punisht for the treachery or cowardize of another When he came to his tryal they confronted him with three great Rogues who all of them depos'd that the day he had the Encounter with the English he was mounted upon a great Courser bearing a plume of white Feathers for a mark that the English might not fall upon him as if it had been an easie mark to be discern'd when men are mixt in a Battel the dust the smoak and the cries confound a man's judgment and besides 't is usual with gallant men to appear in their greatest bravery that they may be known in a day of Battel especially in a War with Strangers which is for honor and not upon the account of animosity but in a Civil War 't is not so proper Monsieur de Guise being very much endanger'd by so distinguishing his person at the Battel of Dreux Thus did they calumniate this poor Lord though he that very day defeated eight hundred English I do believe had the King sent such a Judge and that he would have hearkned to the Hugonots he would have found Witnesses enow that would have been depos'd I had promised Guienne to the King of Spain though I never lov'd that Nation nor ever shall I am too good a Frenchman for that But to return to the said Mareschal when those who had given him this Traverse saw that they could no way ensâ—are him and that he was likely to be set at liberty to the great dishonor of those who had brought this trouble upon him they then accused him that he made certain Skip-Jack hirelings pass muster in his Company of Gens-d'armes to get so many Pays which as it was said was prov'd to be true but it was to pay men withal he had in Flanders to send him continual intelligence of all that passed in the Enemies Country for we are sometimes necessitated to make use of such shifts for the Kings service but I leave any one to judg if this was sufficient to bring him upon a Scaffold and to degrade him from his
Nobility his Arms and Mareschalsy and to condemn him to the loss of his head Nevertheless as they were proceeding to execution King Henry calling to mind that he had made him Knight of the Order sent him his pardon so that five or six moneths after what of old age and what of grief he died a natural death and who would have liv'd after such an injury and disgrace The Judicature of France is not without Cortels for there are enow who should the King put into their hands the honestest man of his Kingdom would find out enough against him as Cortel boasted who said that deliver up to him the most upright Liâ—utenant in the Kingdom of France provided he had been but a year or two in that employment and he doubted not but to find matter enough to put him to death This poor Lord had perform'd a Soldier-like action if ever man did at the Fort of Montrean when the English â—allied out of Bullen to give him Battel he had with him the Count Rhinâ—graves Regiment and as I think the Count himself was there that of the French commanded by Monsieur de Tais and seven Ensigns of Italians So soon as the Enemy charg'd our Horse they were immediately put to rout and fled when the said Sieur seeing the disorder of the Cavalry he ran to the Battaillon of Foot and said Oh my friends it was not with the Horse that I expected to win the Battel but it is with you and thereupon alighted where taking a Pike from one of the Soldiers to whom he deliver'd his Horse and causing his Spurs to be pull'd off he began his retreat towards Andelot The Enemy after they had a great way puâ—sued the Cavalry return'd upon him who was four hours or more upon his retreat having the Enemies horse sometimes in his Front and sometimes in his Flancks and their Foot continually in his Rear without their ever daring to break into him and I was told by the Captains who were present in the Action that he never advanc'd fifty paces without facing about upon the Enemy by which thâ—s may be call'd one of the bravest reâ—reats that has been made these hundred years I should be glad any one could name me such another having upon him the whole power both of Foot and Horse and his own Cavalry all run off the Field Behold what this poor Lord did for a parting blow at above threescore and ten years of age and yet he was used after this manner Let any one ask the Cardinal of Lorrain who it was that did him this courtesie for at the Assembly of the Knights of the Order before King Francis the second he reproach'd him with this busines and they grew into very high words upon it for my part I am too little a Companion to name it though I was present there and also there were some Ladies who had a hand in the business A year after I saw another pranck plaid Monsieur de Tais wherein he was accused to have spoken unhandsomely of a Court Lady 't is a misfortune France has ever had that they meddle too much in all affairs and have too great credit and interest for upon this the command of the Arâ—illery was taken from him and he never after return'd into favour The King of Navarre entreated the King not to take it ill if he made use of him in the taking of Hâ—din which his Majesty gave him leave to do and he was kill'd in the Trenches of the said Hedin doing service for him to whom his service was not acceptable which is a gâ—eat heart-breaking and the greatest of all vexations to die for a Prince that has no regard for a mans service wherein our condition is of all others most miserable notwithstanding I believe the King would in the end have made use of him again for in truth he was a man of service and I moreover believe that his Majesty was sorry he had banisht him the Court but very often those of both Sexes who govern Princes make them do things against their own natures and inclinations and afterwards they are sorry for it but it is too late to repent when their Traverses have brought upon a Prince such an inconvenience as is irreparable and those who would afterwards seem to excuse them endeavour to make the matter worse by contriving new accusations and laying other aspersions upon them I shall not mention the Constables business which drave him also from Court and all as it was said about women nor that of the late Monsieur de Guise we have seen them sometimes out and sometimes in The King would do well to stop the mouths of such Ladies as tattle in his Court for thence proceed all the reports and slanders a prating Gossip was cause of the death of Monsieur de la Chastaigneray who would he have taken my advice and that of five or six more of his friends he had done his business with Monsieur dr Iarnac after another manner for he fought against his conscience and lost both his honor and his life The King ought therefore to command them to meddle with their own affairs I except those that are to be excepted for their tittle tattle has done a great deal of mischief and after as I said it is too late These are the good offices that in my time I have seen done several great persons and also such poor Gentlemen as my self all which proceed from the jealousie and envy they bear to one another who are near unto the persons of Princes In the time that I have been at Court I have seen great dissimulations and several carry it very fair to one another in shew who would have eaten one another if they could and yet outwardly who so great as they embracing and caressing one another as if they had been the greatest friends in the world I was never skill'd in that Trade for every one might read my heart in my face By this one may judg that the misfortune into which this Kingdom is fallen is not come upon it through any default of courage or wisdom in our Kings nor for want of valiant Captains and Soldiers for never Kings of France had so many both of Horse and Foot as Francis Henry and Charles who had they been employed in forreign Conquests would have carried the War far enough from our own doors and it was a great misfortune both to them and the whole Kingdome that they were not so employed and yet can we not lay the blame thereof either to the Church or the third Estate for all that have by the Kings been demanded of them have been freely granted Every Child then may judg where the fault lay and from whence sprung the Civil Wars I mean from the great ones for they are not wont to make themselves parties for the word of God If the Queen aâ—d the Admiral were together in a Cabine and the
where the Enemy kept no Guard who so soon as part of them were got on shore the Enemy discovering the stratagem ran to that part and fought them but ours remain'd Masters of the place My Nephew who was one that was engag'd in the fight thereupon presently dispatcht a Skiff to the Captains and Soldiers who were aboard the greater Vessels to bid them come away which being suddenly done so soon as they were all landed they marcht directly to the great Fort by the Church a long league and a half from thence which they assaulted on two or three sides at once so that they carried the place putting all they found within it to the sword whilst the rest who guarded the landings put themselves into little boats and fled away towards Rochelle We imagin'd them to be the people inhabitants of the Island who escaped away and that our people had gotten the victory and two dayes after my said Nephew sent me an account of the whole action which sooner he could not do the wind being so contrary that they could not possibly get to Marennes where the aforesaid Sieur and I lay upon which news we call'd back my said Nephew leaving two Foot Companies in the Isle I then left Monsieur de Pons at Marennes and went away to St. Iean where Monsieur de Iarnac came to me to take order for all things necessary for me in order to the Siege I caused great provision of victuals 〈◊〉 to be made ready wherein the Providore of the late Monsieur de Burie was very 〈◊〉 to me for he was of that Country In the mean time I still expected to hear from the King but could never obtein the faâ—â—ur of one syallable neither did any of my Messengers ever return and in truth there 〈◊〉 very great danger by the way the Enemy being possest of all the great Roads by which they were to return into Xaintonge The first that came was Dragon who brought news that the Peace was as good as concluded and that the King would suddenly send me woâ—d â—hat I was to do I think that having seen the Prince and the Admiral with their Forces at the Gates of Paris ready to sight a Battel and afterwards at liberty to overâ—â—â— all France they more thought of that than they consideâ—'d the affairs of Guienne This was the success of my expedition into Xaintonge and seeing I have been reproacht that for three years I had done nothing considerable I could wish that such as propose Enterprizes to the King would be as prompt to provide things necessary for such designs as they are ready to give assignments that signifie nothing like those they sent me and then perhaps some good might be done but as they order it a man must be a God to work â—iâ—acles Oh the happy time that these men have who are about the Kings person and never come within danger of a Battel they cut out work and very good cheap for others that the King may think them wise and politick but they never care to offer his Majesty that if Montluc or another shall refuse to go upon such an Enterprize they themselves will undertake it It is enough for them that they can talk well and such perhaps there are who propound a design which they would be glad should miscarry for geneâ—ally there is nothing but dissimulation jealousie and treachery amongst them and this is to betray ones Master like a good Frenchman I am confident by the chearfulness I saw in the Gentlemen who were with me and by the astonishment I discover'd in the people we had to do withal that had I been supplied with necessaries requisite for such an Enterprize I should have set hard to have carried this City which has since so fortified it self that if the King permit them to take surer footing 't is to be fear'd they will withdraw themselves from his obedience but I was at this time so ill assisted and his Majesty so ill serv'd that I could do no more than I did A few dayes after the King sent me the Peace to cause it to be proclaim'd at Bourdeaux commanding me to disband the Foot and to dismiss them every man to his own house which I accordingly did and sent the Proclamation to the Court of Parliament and the Jurats to cause it to be publisht but for my own part I would not be present at it knowing very well that it was only a Truce to get breath and a Peace to gain time to provide themselves better for a War to come and not intended to be kept for the King who had been taken unprovided I was confident would never put up the affront had been put upon him who though he was very young was notwithstanding a Prince of great spirit and that bore this audatious Enterprize with very great impatience as I have since been told by some who were then about him He gave sufficient testimony of a generous courage and truly worthy of a King when he put himself in the head of the Swiss to escape to Paris and do you think Gentlemen you who were the Leaders of those mutinous Troops that he will ever forget that insolence you would hardly endure it from your equal what then would you do with a Servant for my part I never saw nor ever read of so strange a thing which made me alwayes think it would stick in the Kings stomack The Prince and the Admiral committed a great oversight in this Peace for they had by much the better of the Game and might doubtless have carried Chartres so that those who mediated and procur'd this accommodation perform'd a very signal service for the King and Kingdom This was all I did in the second Troubles and me thinks it was no contemptible service to send the King a recruit of eleven or twelve hundred Horse thirty Ensigns of Foot and to preserve for him the Province of Guienne conquer him the Isles and not to be wanting on my part that I did not try my fortune at Rochelle and send him all the money the Rebels had amassed together in that part of his Kingdom But I must do miracles forsooth those who are about the Kings person have ever done me one good office or another and on my conscience would his Majesty hearken to them now that I have nothing at all to do they would find out one thing or another to lay to my charge for the customs of the Court must not be lost which is to do all ill offices and invent slanders against those who have a desire to do well Was I near them I could quickly give some of them their answer but the distance is too great betwixt Gascony and Paris besides I have lost my Children and an old Beast has no resourse This accommodation of the Second Troubles concluded at Charâ—res continued but eight or niâ—e moneths at most and was therefore called the Short Peace In this
which case there is still some danger and it is hard to be subtle enough for a Traitor Before I departed from Bourdeaux I in the morning assembled the Attorney General the General de Gourgues Captain Verre and my Nephew the Siâ—ur de Leberon to whom I would communicate what I had fancied with my self upon the news that daily came from Court of the diâ—â—idence and discontent the Prince of Condé was in and what I should do if I were in his place In which discourse they may remember I told them that if the Prince could pass he would infallibly come into Xaintonge having Rochelle and almost all the Country at his devotion that the Isles when they should see Forces in Xaintonge and at Rochelle and Monsieur de la Rochefoucault so near them would presently revolt and that then the said Prince and the Hugonots would resolutely turn all their designs this way for in France Roan was no longer theirs which being gone they had not one Port-Town at their devotion and that it would be in them a ridiculous and a senseless thing to begin a third War without first having a Sea-Port in their power Now they could not possibly make choice of one of greater advantage to them than that of Rochelle on which depends that of Brouage which is absolutely the fairest and the most commodious Haven in all the Kingdom for being there they might have succours out of Germany Flanders England Scotland Brittany and Normandy all of them Countries abounding in people of their own Religion so that in truth should the King give them their choice to Canton themselves in any Port of the Kingdom they could not possibly choose a more advantageous nor a more commodious place They all approv'd of my discourse as being near the truth which I had fram'd in the Night as I lay considering the state of our affairs for so I used to pass part of the time in bed and this waking fancy of mine seem'd to presage almost as much disaster and misfortune as the dreams I had dreamt of King Henry and King Charles Having entertain'd them with this discourse I then proceeded to tell them that it would be convenient to find out some fit remedies against the evil before it should arrive for to communicate this conceipt to their Majesties without proposing at the same time some way to frustrate the Enemies designs were I thought to make them neglect my intelligence and to slight my advice We therefore fell to considering that to prevent the mishaps which seem'd to threaten us there was no other way than by making Forts upon the sea and betimes to secure the Ports which with four Ships and as many Shalops to lie at Chedebois la Palice and the mouth of the Harbour at Broüage might sufficiently be provided for and that the Ports being once our own neither English nor any other of their Party could or would attempt to come into their assistance knowing they were to land at places where they are almost always certain to meet with very tempestuous weather and that Seamen will never venture out to sea to go to any place unless they are first sure of a free and a secure Harbour to lie in and on the other side that our Ships lying about the Isles would so awe the Inhabitants that they would never dare to revolt and our men of War would so keep Rochelle as it were besieged that it must of necessity in a little time either wholly submit to the Kings devotion or at least contein themselves quiet without attempting any thing of commotion All which being remonstrated to them we unanimously concluded that I ought to send an account thereof to the King and Queen Now the next thing we were to consider of was which way the money was to be raised to equip these Vessels and to pay the men and as to that we made account that with ten thousand Francs and two thousand sacks of Corn which I offer'd of my own for the making of Biscuit we should set them out to sea General Gorgues would undertake also to cause Cattel to be sent from the upper Country upon the account of his own credit and all upon the confidence we had that his Majesty would in time reinburse us The Attorâ—ey General then dealt very earnestly with the said Sieur de Gorgues to perswade the Jurats monethly to advance something towards the charge and moreover to levy the Custom which the present Tâ—easurer had obtein'd from the Privy Council and snipt from the Kings Revenue though the Graunt had not yet been executed by reason that the Receiver of Bourdeaux had oppos'd him in his claim pretending it to be a Member of his Farm insomuch that the Treasurer out of spite had forborn to execute his Warrant which when the Jurats should see was to be laid out for the publick good not only in the behalf of his Majesties particular interest but moreover for the benefit of their own City every one would lay to his helping hand so that what with this and what with the foremention'd advance it would not for the future cost the King a penny The Attorney General and the said Sieur de Gorgues then with Captain Verre cast up the account before me which being done we concluded that the Sieur de Leberon should go carry an account of all to the Queen very well knowing that her Majesty would better understand the business than any of the Council whereupon I accordingly dispatcht away the said Sieur de Leberon post to Court The Queen hearkned to all my said Nephew had to deliver with very great patience returning him answer thereupon that she would propound is to the Council which she did and three dayes after told him that the Council did by no means approve of the motion which I believe was occasion'd by some ones buzzing into their ears that I made this Proposition more out of a desire to range along the Coast than out of any reason there was to suspect any such thing as I fancied should fall out I remember very well that I gave my said Nephew further in charge to tell the Queen that I had been so unfortunate in all the advices I had presum'd to offer to her Majesty that she had never been pleased to give any credit to any of them notwithstanding that her Majesty had so often been convinc'd that they had been alwayes good and my intelligences continually true but that I did most humbly beseech her to give credit to me once in her life only which if she did not she would I doubted repent it and that it would be too late to be remedied when the misfortune should be once arriv'd but all these remonstrances signified nothing and she sent me back my said Nephew without any other answer but this that the Kings Council had not approv'd of the thing Which prov'd very ill I believe had her Majesty been pleased to follow my counsel the
Hugonots affairs would not have been in so good a condition as they now are but God disposes all things as best pleases him I know very well that had I wrought every day a miracle the Court would never have believed me to be a Saiâ—t especially those about the Kings person who would be sorry their Majesties should believe that any in the Nation should be so vigilant so intent upon the affairs of the Kingdom or so wise as they and yet I have often heard that those who presume so much upon their own wisdom are often the veriest fools of all Oh how vigilant ought a wise and prudent King to be to discover these Court Cheats I was too far off to dispute it with them face to face and letters have no reply one Enemy also in the Kings Council is able to do a man more mischief than thirty friends can do him good of which I have had woful experience and in the mean time all things go backwards without any hopes of amendment for any thing we can do or say I may here aptly enough bring in the story of Marco de Bresse an Italian who had perform'd some signal services for the Signiory of Venice for which having long sollicited a recompence but still in vain it hapned at last that the Duke of Venice died which so soon as ever Signior Marco heard of he presently preferr'd a Petition to the Senate wherein he entreated the Signiory to choose him Duke for the reward of his service The Senate equally astonisht and scandaliz'd at the ridiculous and yet the audacious pretence of this man sent some of their Senators to him to check him for his insolence and to remonstrate to him the offence he had given to and the affront he had put upon the Republique by his impudent demand which being accordingly laid home to him he return'd this answer Pardonate mi voi havete fatto tante coionerie che io pensave che faretti anchora questa ma basta son contento And so may we say to those Getlemen that govern all that we ought not to wonder at any thing they do nor hope for any better from them The Kingdom at the long run will find the effects of their doings In the mean time I return to my Subject I then return'd towards Agenois where upon my arrival at Agen I so bruised one of my legs that it constrain'd me three moneths to keep my bed after which when I thought my self cur'd I was surpriz'd with so sharp and violent a Catharre as I thought verâ—ly would have cut my throat which had it not vented it self at one of my ears the Physitians told me would inâ—allibly have done my business So soon as I was a little recover'd I remov'd my self to Câ—ssâ—ignâ— for change of air which was about the end of Iuly I had there intelligence sent me out of Bearn that the Queen of Navarre was departed from Paâ— to go into Foix to take some order about her affairs soon after I receiv'd news that she staid at Vic Bigorre and immediately after I had another advertisement that on Wednesday night there was a Gentleman came to her from Monsieur de la Rochefoucault who had above four hours been shut up with her in her Cabinet What Peace soever had been concluded I was evermore at watch and alwayes maintain'd spies to give me an account of what they did in Bearn for I very well knew that no goodness was hatching there I had further notice given me that upon Thursday she was departed from Vic Bigorre in all haste and was gone towards Nerac as it was true for she arrived there upon Sunday morning Her arrival at this place filled many with expectation of novelty and possest the wiser sort with an opinion that the Peace would not long continue The next day I sent my Nephew de Leberon to wait upon her by whom I did humbly beseech her thâ—t her coming into these parts might turn to our advantage and produce some good effects for the better establishment of the Peace concluded assuring her upon my honor that I on my part would take such care that it should not â—e violated on the Catholicks side in answer whereunto she sent me word that she was come to Nerac to no other end but to see the Peace inviolably observ'd and to suppress any eviâ— inclinations that some of her Church might unadvisedly nourish to the perturbation of the publick quiet as very well knowing that there were some both of the one Perswasion and the other who desired nothing but war and that seeing I was so well disposed to the conservation of the publick repose I should soon see that her desire and intention was the same in concurrence to which common benefit I was only to communicate to her such things as I should hear and that she would take order concerning all things that depended upon those of her Religion Two things oblig'd me to believe that this Queen spoke from her heart although the Court was pleased to censure me for that credulity of which the first was that the King had never given her occasion to act any thing against him but on the contrary both formerly maintain'd her interest against the Pope and more lately against her own Subjects of Bearn which I conceived ought in reason to oblige her and the other the great promises which both by Letteâ—s and express Messengers she ordinarily made to the King never to be against him of which I do believe his Majesty has no less than a whole hundred to produce All which consider'd together with the near relation she has to the King what must he have been who durst have manifested a suspicion against her Had I done iâ— she would have said and have accused me to have been the cause that she had altered the good inclination she had ever had to his Majesties service Wherein she would have wanted no seconds at Court against me to load me with the Pack instead of the Saddle I am much better satisfied that she has persecuted me as she has done without any cause then that she had done it with any just pretence but the weakest alwayes goes to the walls If the King or Queen had a mind to have had me done otherwise why did they not order me to do it I should then have fear'd nothing but I must be a Propheâ— I had evermore an eye to what they did in Bearn because it is a Country very much infected with the new Religion that is crept in amongst them I know not how nor I know not who will root it out They had amongst them 't is true a pack of Godly Ministers who with all their seeming humility and pretended sanctity breath'd nothing in their Pulpits but War and Rebellion but as to the Queen of Navarre I could never have imagin'd that she would have committed such an error and have hazarded her State which the
into the Field I am confident that had he come to speak with me he had not fall'n into the misfortune which cost him both his honor and his life For my part so oft as I have call'd this action to remembrance I have ever lookt upon it as a meer Judgment of God For to raise a Siege against equal Forces to conquer and force a Town and to take the Kings Lieutenant in a sufficient place in three dayes time as it were in the sight of a Mareschal of France and a Lieutenant of the Kings as I was and in short in three dayes to conquer a whole Province seems to be a Dream It must needs be confest that in all our Warrs there was never perform'd a more notable exploit But who Fellow Captains obâ—ein'd this glory for the Count de Montgommery truly no other but his own diligence which was such as scarce gave leisure to Monsieur de Terride to look before him and consider what he had to do It is one of the best pieces in a Soldiers Harness And what lost Monsieur de Terride the little diligence he employ'd in his most pressing concern For my part I did what lay in me to do for to enter further into a Countâ—y without first knowing from him in what posture it stood and to fight a victorious Enemy without sufficient Forces and with a baâ—â—ed Army I was not so ill advis'd as to shuffle all things into confusion only to bear him company in his ruine I had been too long possessed of the honor of having never been defeated to hazard my reputation for the relief of a man who would throw himself away in despite of all the world Let no one wonder that I insist so long upon this subject for I believe that from this one faâ—lâ— which many ill enform'd have indiscreetly and unjustly laid to my charge the ruine not only of Guienne but moreover of the whole Kingdom since has been deriv'd I am assur'd that the affairs of the Hugonots had otherwise been reduc'd to such an extremity that it had been impossible ever to have repair'd them again For in the first place had the Mareschal and I follow'd him there is no doubt but Montgommery had been defeated and consequently all Bearn reduc'd which had been no contemptible thing and I think the King would then have been betâ—er advis'd than to have surrendred it upon the accommodation having â—nough besides wherewith to recompence the Queen of Navarre within the Kingdom to keep her more in his obedience For a King ought alwayes to covet that those who aâ—e his Subjects if they be great and powerful should be in the heart and not in the extremities of his Kingdom for then they dare not shew their horns And besides the King wanted no good title to Bearn for it is said that the Soveraignty of right belongs to him I once heard Monsieur de Lagebaston the first President of Bourdeaux lay open that tiâ—le who said he had seen the Evidences thereof in the Constablery of Bourdeaux but I have nothing to do to revive that antiquated quarrel He told us also that at the time when they began to fortifie Navarreins the Court of Parliament sent to King Francis to remonstrate to him how much it imported his Crown to hinder that Fortification but the King sent them word that he was not offended at it which was ill advis'd of the King for a Prince ought as much as in him lies to hinder neighbouring Forâ—resses and had it not been for this all the whole Province had been his But 't is done and past and there is now no remedy For to a done thing the Council is already taken Besides all this had Montgommery been defeated the Admiral who in the interim lost the Battel of Moncontour would have been at his wiâ—s end and not have known to what Saint to devote himself I think he would have been wiser than to have engag'd himself in Gâ—ienne where he would easily have been defeated the relicks of his Army being in a very poor and forlorn condition wâ—thout Bâ—ggage their horses unshod and without a penny of money And it was well for him that he came to throw himself into the armes of the Count de Montgommery who set him up again supplying him with money that he had gain'd at the Sack of divers Cities insomuch that the said Admiral had the commodity of â—raversing the whole Kingdom whilest the King amuz'd himself at the Siege of St. Iean in the heart of Winter which was very unadvisedly done but God opens and shâ—ts our eyes when it pleases him Let us now return to our Subject Peradventure there may be some who would have been glad I should have writ more at large after what manner Monsieur de Terride was defeated which I would not do for I have heard that Of ill flesh a man can never make good Pottage I leave that to those who were present at the business and who gave me relation of it and to the Historians who talk of all the world and very often unseasonably and from the purpose like ignorant fellows in feaâ—s of Arms as they are These postings to and fro betwixt Monsieur de Terride and me continued three whole dayes after which Montgommery came to attaque him After his defeat I remain'd aâ— St. Sever until such time as he was taken in the Castle of Orthez and afterwards retir'd to Aire where I staid nine dayes after the taking of the said Sieur de Terride sending the Mareschal an account of all that had passed and again solliciting him withal to come up to us To which by way of answer he demanded of me to what end he should come or what his coming would signifie Monsieur de Terride being defeated and taken Which made me dispaâ—ch away Monsieur de Leberon to remonstrate to him that in case he should pass the River towards Languedoc Montgommery would infallibly fall into the Kings Country seeing there was no body to make head against him but that if he would please yet for a few dayes â—o deferre his expedition one might then see what Montgommery would do for being puft up with so glorious a Victory he would not there stâ—p the progress of his Arms. The Mareschal was contented so to do but sent me word withal that he would lose no more time than a months pay only which the City of Tholouze had given his Army but would employ the remainder in reducing the places in his Government Now to say the truth from the time of Monsieur de Terride's defeat affairs were in so strange a confusion that a man had much ado to divine what course was best to take unless the Province of Languedoc would have been contented to have paid the Mareschal's Army for the service of Guienne which however perhaps he would not have done neither indeed had he any reason to do it During the nine dayes that I stayd at
harvest in the Quarters where their Camp then lay and would cause great Artillery to be brought from Navarreins wherewith to take all the Towns upon the River Gâ—ronne to the very Gates of Bordeaux that they would attaque Agen but that they would leave that work for the last because they would fâ—â—st take Castle-geloux Bazas and all the other places on this side the Garonne as far as Bordeaux by which means and by the communication of this Bridg both the one Country and the other which are of the richest of France would be wholly at their convenience and command And all this they made account to have taken in less than fifteen dayes as they would really have done for they were absolute Masters of the field They intended also to attaque Libourne assuring themselves that in all the Cities they should find great store of provisions by which means nothing could be convey'd into Bourdeaux neither by the Garonne nor much less from the Landes making account that so the City of Bordeaux would in three moneths be reduc't to the last extremes And for my part I do not think it would have held out so long for already Corn was there at ten Livers the Sack and by sea nothing could get in by reason of Blaye The City is good and rich and a strong Town of War but situate in a barren Country so that whoever should deprive it of the Garonne and the Dordogne it would presently be reduced to famine the Inhabitants conâ—inually living from hand to mouth They had moreover determin'd to bring their Ships up the River to Blaye which they had in their hands to keep the Gallies either from coming out or going in The Vicomtes also had promised the Admiral to cause threescore thousand Sacks of Corn to be brought him upon the River Garonne which they meant to take out of Comenge and Loumaigne the most fertile Countries of all Guienne and where the greatest store of grain is there being no less than five hundred Merchants and as many Gentlemen who keep three or four years store alwayes by them in expectation of a dear year when their Corn may go off at greater rates so that they might with great ease have kept their word with the Admiral and by that means were certain to bring the King to their own bow and to make such conditions as themselves should think fit and had they once got Bourdeaux into their clutches I know not but that they might have kept it as well as Rochelle at least having Rochelle and Bordeaux both in their possession they might have boasted that they had the best and strongest Angle of the Kingdom both by Land and Sea commanding five navigable Rivers comprizing the Charante And they had once settled betwixt thâ— Rivers of I le Dordogne Lot and Garonne the King must have had four Armies at least to have compell'd them to fight and I will be bold to say they had the best Country and two of the best and most capacious Havens of the Kingdom which are those of Broüage and Bordeaux I wonder any one should be so indiscreet as to advise the King that it would be his best way to coop up the Hugonots in Guienne 'T is a dangerous piece to be depriv'd of and should the King once lose it it would be a great while in recovering But these good Counsellors do it for their own ends and to remove the War far enough from their own doors and yet we shall sell it them very dear before they have it In truth the King ought to make more reckoning of this Province to hinder the Enemy from getting footing there and not so to abandon the Country suffering others to make merry at our miserie to that degree as to ask if we yet have beds to lie in I cannot believe this word could come out of the Queens mouth for she has ever had and yet has a great many very good Servants there and those Messieurs of France that jeer at our misfortunes may have their share in time The evil is not alwayes at one door Now this was the result of the Enemies Council and it was very well design'd My Brother Monsieur de Valence will bear witness that a 〈◊〉 person who was assisting at their Councils when he thought fit gave us an account of the aforesaid deliberation which was great and I believe that had they taken a resolution to drive out all the Catholicks and to have call'd in all the Hugonots out of France into this Province which was so much despis'd when they had once made it their own they would have had possessions enow to have enricht them all and moreover all the Gentry of those parts would have been constrain'd to turn Hugonots and to take up arms for them by which means the King would afterwards have had much ado to reduce and more to reclaim them for to have made them turn again to our Religion would have â—een no easie task forasmuch as after a man is once accustomed to a thing be it good or bad he is very unwilling to leave it but God would not suffer so great a mischief both for the King and us who are his Catholick Subjects This was the advantage that accru'd by the breaking of the Bridg in the judgment of all both Friends and Enemies and I will be bold to say that of all the services I ever did for Guienne this was the most remarkable exploit which proceeded from no other thing but my resolution to go put my self into Agen for otherwise the Town had been quitted and the Admiral had come directly thither and not to Port St. Marie nor to Aguillon as he was constrain'd to do For a consultation being held at Lauserte it was there concluded that at their departure from thence they should go to quarter at Castel-Sagrat Montjoy St. Maurin and Ferussac and the next day at Agen making full account they should meet with no resistance Which had it so fall'n out the Admiral would have had elbow-room enough and betwixt two great Rivers not only have refresht his Army at great ease and in great security but moreover have made the whole Country sure to him I know very well that it was told the Admiral by two or three persons in his Army that in case it was true that I was in Agen they could never get me out but by bits and that in my life I had committed greater follies than that And there were who said that they had seen me engage my self in three or four places the strongest of which was not half so tenable as Agen and had still come off with honour These who said this might well affirm it with truth as having been with me in those places But the Admiral still maintain'd that he was confident I had not put my self into Agen with any intention to stay there but that my determination was so soon as I
the Mareschal to beseech him to write to Monsieur de Rieux to permit him to return into the Town which said Sieur de Rieux had sent back many excuses and that he could not do it whereupon seeing the Mareschal cold in their behalf and that he did not enough interest himself in their concern to cause the Gentleman to be readmitted the Catholicks had apply'd themselves to the Parliament that the Parliament had thereupon remonstrated the Citizens grievance to the Maâ—â—schal who again at their instance had writ to the said Sieur de Rieux but still to no effect which had made the people to give themselves absolutely for lost I told all this to the Sieur de Durfort not that I had included it in my instructions and much less that I gave him in Commission to tell it to the King because perhaps it might not be true but telling him that to be more certain he would do well to ask the Bishop of it and if he would give him leave from him to tell it to the King He therefore accordingly enquir'd of the Bishop touching that affair who thereupon told him the whole story after the very same manner he had related it to me and moreover told him that he would himself write to the King which he accordingly did but the said Sieur de Durfort refus'd to receive the Iâ—etter till first he had seen the Contents which he therefore shew'd him and then the said Sieur took it â—elling me that he had seen what the Bishop had writ to the King which was word for word as he had related it to me before This was all that was compriz'd in my instructions for as to any letter of Credence the said Durfort carry'd no other from me but onely what was contain'd in those instructions he telling me freely and plainly that he would never carry other Letter of Credit but only Instructions sign'd and seal'd And upon this foundation it was that the Mareschal d' Anville writ that defamatory Letter against me and had I not been withheld by the respect to those to whom he appertains and the Rank he held in the Kingdom I should have tried to have taught him how he gave the Lye without being first well enform'd of the truth I might justly have given it him forasmuch as the testimony of the King himself and the Instructions themselves would have manifested the truth but it is sufficient that the King and the Queen knew the contrary to what he had coucht in his Letter and that my conscience is absolutely clear We shall see hereafter whether he or I shall do our Master the best service He is indeed two advantages over me he is a great Lord and young and I am poor and old I am nevertheless a Gentleman and a Cavalier who have never yet suffer'd an injury nor ever will do whilst I wear a sword I am willing to believe that the forenamed Bishop at that time knew nothing of the design complotted against me but his wicked Brother came and stayd with him four or five days and during that time wrought upon him to consent to this virtuous Conspiracy of which I shall say no more for God has begun to shew his miraculous arm in my revenge and I have that consâ—â—lence in him that I hope he will not stay it there Now the Princes went the same way that I had advertiz'd the President they intended to march and executed the resolution of burning all the way they wenâ— I could wish from my heart that my intelligence had not proov'd true for I have been assur'd by several of very good credit of Tholouze that the Army of the Princes endammag'd them above a million of Livers I shall not here undertake to give an account of what they did in Languedoc for I do not pretend to meddle with other mens actions neither how well the Mareschal perform'd his duty but shall return to a Letter sent me by the King that I must go forthwith into Bearn His Majesty sent me a command that I should gather together all the Forces I was able to make and that with all possible expedition which being done that I must take Artillery from Tholouze Bayonne and Bordeaux and elsewhere where it was to be had and go to invade the Country of Bearn He writ also to the Capitouls of Tholouze to furnish me with Artillery and Ammunition but not a syllable of any money either to pay the Soldier or to defray the Equipage of the Canon and God knows whether in such Enterprizes any thing ought to be wanting An Army resembles a Clock if the least wheel or spring be wanting all the rest goes very false or stands still I therefore sent Espalanques a Bearnois to Court with ample instructions of all that was wanâ—ing and that would be necessary for me to have before I could begin to march I was constrain'd to do this by reason that the Letters his Majesty had sent me about this Expedition were so cold that it seem'd he that contriv'd them must either have no great mind to have me go thither or at least if I went should be able to do nothing to purpose or that he was an absolute Ignoramus However I took no notice of any thing at all to his Majesty but onely desir'd him to write an Express and a pressing Letter and Command to the Capitouls to lend me two pieces of Canon and one great Culverine with requisite Ammunition for which I would be responsible to them for the Artillery and Ammunition are properly their own They had already sent me word that they had no Artillery ready and much less Ammunition by reason that Monsieur de Bellegarde had spent most of their stock at Carla and at Puylaurens and that the Mareschal d'Anville had the rest at Mazeres I writ also to his Majesty that he would please to command Monsieur de Valence to cause a little money to be deliver'd to me for one Muster or at least for half a one for the Foot to buy powder for that of two years this War had lasted all the Foot that I had rais'd in those parts had had but two Musters payd them and the most of them but one and also that he would send to Monsieur de Valence to send a Treasurer along with me to defray the Artillery and whilst I waited inâ—expectation of Espalanques return I would take so good and speedy order for the rest that at his coming back he should find me ready to march These were all the demands I made to the King His answer was that he did very much wonder I should so long deferre this Expedition that he had thought I had been already in the Country that if I would proceed no otherwise than hitherto I had done in this affair he would appoint some other to undertake it and that for three years past I had done nothing to purpose These Letters were ready to break my heart and
be so ingrate as not to acknowledg my self highly oblig'd to the Kings my Masters for the benefits and honours they have conferr'd upon me who from the condition of a private Gentleman have rais'd me to the greatest Employments in the Kingdom but I can also say that I purchased those honours at the price of my blood Now you must know that having recover'd a little and finding my self something better of my wound I writ a Letter to the King which I have thought fit to insert in this place of which these were the Contents SIR I Have thus long deâ—eâ—r'd to prefer my Complaints both by reason of the great indisposition upon me and also because my friends were long before they would let me know of your Majesties unkindness in taking from me the Government of Guienne Had your Majesty pleased to have had but two months patience only you would have found that so soon as I had settled the Country in peace I was resolv'd most humbly to beseech your Majesty to provide for the Government by reason of my age and the great wouâ—d I have receiv'd and then without disgracing me your Majesty had had sufficient argument to have deputed another in my place But by the manner of doing it your Majesty has evidently manifested to all the world that you have stript me of it for some forfeiture of mine either as to matter of arms or for some foul play I have practised upon your Majesties Treasure by which means my honour is like to be brought into dispute throughout the whole Kingdom which I cannot think I have deserv'd and therefore am very much at a stand as many others will be to guess from whence the great distaste your Majestie declares to have taken against me should proceed unless out of the little hopes I had to be for the future serviceable to you for having often importun'd your Majestie to make choice of some other in my stead and as to that your Majestie has since commanded me to reassume my former Authority and to continue my administration Neither can it be upon any jealousie your Majestie can have entertein'd that I have embezell'd your Majesties Treasure for you would never have punisht me for a crime whereof you could not as yet be assur'd that I was guilty and I have that confidence in your Majestie 's bounty and wisdom that you would not easily have given credit to reports so remote from all probability for in the time that I have been your Majesties Lieutenant in these parts several Commissiâ—ners in Extraordinary and several of your Receivers General with other Officers of your Majesties Exchequer have made their Accounts and had I been found in any of their Papers I have friends at Court that would not have fail'd to have set a mark upon such places where my name was any way concern'd But hitherto I have not been put to any distress in proving their accounts forasmuch as it cannot be found that I have ever taken upon me to touch one penny of your Majesties money not only in this your own Province but also at Sienna and in Tuscany where I had much greater conveniency of doing it than I could have here And your Majestie may particularly please to remember that having done me the honor for three years last past to order the pension of six thousand Livers a year I pay to the Cardinal of Guise should be discharg'd out of the Exchequer I was so far from meddling with your Majesties money without your leave that I would never make use of that assignment And of all this your Majesty may be fully satisfied at the 〈◊〉 of the Commissioners you have sent into these parts who I am very certain will not bring back my name in any of their accounts or if they should there would yet be nothing prov'd against me and therefore it cannot be imagin'd that your Majestie should be dissatisfied with me upon that account If peradventure your Majesties displeasure should proceed from a belief that I have committed some fault in point of arms this opinion would also be very contrary to that your Majesty had of me at the time when you were pleased three or four times to write me word that I was the Restorer of Guienne and I assure my self your Majesty has not forgot the reasons why you were pleased to grace me with that honorable Title but will I hope please to remember that it was because in the first Commotions at Tholouze the City having been disputed for three dayes together and in that dispute two Thirds of the City wâ—n by the Rebels was at my coming deliver'd the Assailants at the sight of me only put to rout and many of them taken and punisht according to their desert insomuch that to this day the Inhabitants of the said City look upon me as the Conservator of their lives and estates and the honor of their Wives With like diligence and good fortune the City of Bâ—rd aux to which I went in two dayes and two nights from Tholouze and where by the way I fought with and routed the Forces that were gather'd together to hinder my passage was by me immediately reliev'd Having rescued Bordeaux from the same danger that I had before Tholouze without staying longer than two dayes there I crost the River with sixscore Horse believing that Monsieur de Burie would come up to me as indeed he did but it was four hours after the fight where he found that I had defeated six Ensigns of Foot and seven Corneâ—s of Horse commanded by Monsieur de Duras And after this victory the said Sieur de Burie and I went to besiege Mont-segur which was batter'd and taken by assault as was also Penne of Agenois I after this in two daies took Lectâ—ure by reason that the late Captain Montluc had surpriz'd four hundred men of the Garrison of the said City whom he had put all of them to the sword and immediately without resting day or night I pursued Monsieur de Duras so close that I compell'd him to sight before our Foot could come up to us nay I scarcely gave leisure to Monsieur de Burie to come time enough to be present at the Engagement where we succeeded so well that a handful of men defeated three and twenty Ensigns of Foot and thirteen Corners of Horse After which I sent your Majesty ten Companies of Spanish Foot of which we had made very little use but that did good service at the Battel of Dreux as also did â—en Companies of Gascons which I sent your Majesty by Captain Charry and your Province of Guienne remain'd quiet and clear from all troubles not a man daring to lift up his head but for your Majesties service so that with good and just cause your Majestie conferr'd upon me the Title of Conservator of Guienne As to the second Troubles I had long before sufficiently advertiz'd your Majesty and the Queen your Royal
to the Breach accompanied with the Signieurs de Gâ—as and the Vicount d'Vza and followed by about a hundred or sixscore Gentlemen of which two and fourty were hurt I my self being one of the number of those that were wounded and in such a part that I shall carry the marks of it to my Grave And although this action joyn'd to others of the like nature that I have perform'd during the Reigns of the Kings your Father and Grandfather make me hope for no other advantages than what was before in the prospect of my ambition namely a gracious acceptation and an honourable acknowledgment of my service from the said Kings my Masters I had reason however to believe that your Majestie would have my performances in some little esteem Moreover I represented in my person before your eyes an old Soldier of threescore and ten years of age your Majesties Lieutenant General in these parts and one who onely in giving the word of Command to others without engaging in his own person might have sufficiently perform'd the duty of his charge but who nevertheless out of the zeal he had to render your Majestie Victorious in all your Enterprizes put himself into the rank of the meanest Foot-Soldiers and in the greatest danger of death where several Gentlemen also ran the same fortune esteeming it a great honor and happiness to follow one of the oldest Soldiers not to say Captains of France I also thought your majesty might have consider'd that as in the first Tumults the first Victories your Majestie obtein'd were by my hand I had likewise in these last Commotâ—ns rendrâ—d you victorious in the last Enterprize of War that was perform'd in the Kingdom But when I expected a Letter at least such as your Majesty is accustomed to write to the meanâ—st Captain in your Kingdom all the fruits of my great labour and long expectation was only to hear that you had depriv'd me of my Government and which was worse without sending me so much as one syllable to signifie your Royal intention insomuch that I saw the man already come who was to succeed me before I had any intimation of my being cashier'd from my Command Nay at the very same time that by an universal Law throughout the whole Kingdom your Majesty has restâ—r'd to their Estates and Employments all such as have been depriv'd of them I may say that by a particular Law made for me alone I am degraded from an Employment wherein I have so long maintain'd my self with my sword in my hand But though I had been stript to my Doublet I should yet remain clâ—thed with a Robe of Honor to wit the Reputation of having born arms from my Childhood for the service of your Crown with all the sidâ—â—â—ty that the Kings my Masters could themselves desire I am sure every one will frankly conâ—ess that I have been in as many Combats Battels Rencounters Enterprizes both by day and night Assaults Takings and Defences of Towns as any man this day alive in Europe and for such am known in Forreign Nations as well as at home and yet I can say with truth for which the Glory be attributed to God and the honor to the Kings my Masters who were pleased to employ me that whether it were through my good fortune the influence of their Majesties arms or any other accidents conducing to it I was never defeated in any place where I had the honor to command in Chief nor never attaqu'd my Enemy but I beat him Several persons of honor yet living will also bear witness of my behaviour at the Battels of Pavie the Bicoque and Serizolles where I had the Command of all the Harquebuzeers and also in what esteem the late Sieur de Lautrec had me for having seen me in his own presence sight betwixt Bayonne and Fontarabie as also for having serv'd under him in a Command of Foot in his Expedition into Lombardy and the Kingdom of Naples in which services I received no less than four Harquebuze shots There are also several men of honor yet alive who very well remember how I carried my self at the taking of the County of Oye in the quality of Camp-Master to all the French Foot and others are able to testifie in what esteem I was with the Prince of Malphe and the late Maâ—eschal de Brissac for having seen me in Piedmont at all hours and upon all occasions both night and day venture my life for the service of this Crown as others can wâ—tness that at the time when the disgrace besel our people in the Lower Bullen I alone with a very small number of men maintain'd the fight and at the time when your Majsties Royal Father my good Master of blessed memory gave me for lost I came out in deâ—pite of the English and brought off with me two and twenty Colours of ours that had been taken insomuch that one only remain'd in the hands of the Enemy If Monsieur de Guise were now alive he would not conceal what he saw me do at the taking of Thionville no more than will Monsieur le Mareschal de Villeâ—neufue who can witness if it was not I who took the Tower from whence ensued the loss of the Town All the Captains of Italy Spain and Germany will for ever honor me for what I did at the Siege of Sienna where I was the late King your Father's Lieutenant as I was afterwards in Tuscany where I lost nothing but remain'd victorious over the Enemy and had my services so highly accepted by your Royal Father that besides that at my return from Sienna he conferr'd upon me the Order which in those dayes was a mark of great and extraordinary service he moreover gave me the County of Gaure for term of life which since and after the death of my said Royal Master at the calling in of your Majesties Demeasns was taken from me without the least murmur or shew of discontent on my part at my being so depriv'd All these things Sir I have thought fit to represent unto you forasmuch as your Majesty may peradventure not have heard of them and that in speaking of me in your Majesties presence I may by some have been otherwise represented and have had other Characters given of me than I deserve I know that sometimes they have made as if I were a Thief and that otherwhiles and for the most part have talkt as if for three years last past I had done nothing of any moment Wherein Sir they have abused your Majesty more than they did me for all the ill tongues in the world cannot deprive me of the honor I have acquir'd whereas by their importunity they may have induced you to do a thing that I fear may be of ill exemple to men of my Trade forasmuch as those who have of late been call'd to Offices and Commands and who desire to advance themselves by the exercise of arms will be apt by my exemple to apprehend
by these fine Edicts I shall not meddle with the corruption of your Courts of Judicature nor the abuses in your Treasure I only beg leave to say something concerning the ordering of your Militia for should I plunge my self further into what has caused the ruine of your Kingdom I should be forced to speak too loud and that of no little ones I know Sir very well that your Majesty will not do me the honor to read my Book you have other employment and your time is too precious to be lavisht in reading the life of a Soldier but perhaps some one who shall have read it in discourse may give your Majesty some account of what it contains For which reason I have assum'd the boldness to direct this short discourse I am about to make to your Majesties observation and I beseech you take a little notice of it forasmuch as therein are laid open the causes of those disasters I have seen happen in our Kingdom within these fifty years in the beginning of which I first took up arms in the Reign of your Grandfather King Francis of blessed memory during whose Reign a Custom was introduced which I conceive to be very prejudicial to your State Your Majesty may alter it and in so doing do a great right to your self and your Kingdom as to the concern of arms A young Prince as you are for birth the greatest and the first of Christendom ought evermore to learn of old Captains Your Majesty is naturally martial and have a generoâ—s heart and therefore will not I hope disdain the advice of an old Soldier your Subject and Servant I remember the time when your Majesty took a delight to talk with me in private then when you went your Expedition to Bayonne and then very well perceiv'd that your discourse exceeded the capacity of your age and â—o such a degree that I dare be bold to say might your Majesty have had your own way all things had succeeded a great deal better for though you had done nothing but only shewed your self and have let your people see that you was in person in your Army you had at least gain'd the hearts of many and astonisht the rest and consequently had without dispute been much better serv'd in this your Majesties maturer Age. I do believe it was one of the greatest errors they made you commit for it was not your Majesties fault that you was shut up when your Aâ—mies marcht The people of your Kingdom are a good and an affectionate people and rejoyce to see their King so that your presence would have inspir'd a great many and particularly of our Country of Guienne with wiser and more loyal Councils than some of them have since embrac 't But I proceed to my discourse Sir when your Majestie conferres the place of a President a Chancellor a Lieutenant Criminal or any other Office of Judicature upon any one it is evermore with this reservation that they shall not execute any of these Charges till first they shall be examin'd by your Parliaments which are full of wiâ—e and learned men and oftentimes your Majâ—stie gives order that they shall first be examin'd by your Chancellor before they present themselves before the Parliaments which are to determine of their Capacities and whether or no they be sufficiently read in the Law not to be in danger of erring in the Arrests and Judgments they are to make in their Administrations that so right may be done to those of your Subjects to whom it sâ—all duly appertein This Sir is a good and an equitable way of proceeding for you owe us Justice impartial and according to the weight of the Ballance 'T is a right to which we are born and the chief thing you owe indifferently to all and therefore it is admirably well done to make them pass those strict and severe Inquisitions that are requir'd in the Chambers of your Parliaments assembled Yet can it not be ordered so that Justice in all things is alwaies duly executed You ought Sir to do the same in all other Offices and Commands you confer in your Kingdom and yet I see that the first that makes suit to your Majestie for the Government of a place a Company of Gens-d'arms or of Foot or the Office of a Camp-master without considering what loss or detriment may thereby ensue either to your own person or your Kingdom you easily grant it perhaps at the recommendation of the first Lady that speaks for it and that perhaps your Majesty has danced with over night at a Ball for whatsoever affairs are on foot the Ball must trot Sir these Ladies have too much credit in your Court O how many mischiefs have and do daily arise from having so lightly conferr'd these Commands And although your Majesties proceeding be prudent and just in exposing your Officers of the long Robe to the utmost test it is not however of so great importance to your State For what loss can you sustain if they be ignorant it falls not upon you for he that gains the Tryal though contrary to Law and right pays you the same duties that he did who is nonsuited in his cause by which means you lose nothing of your Revenue it is still in the Kingdom and what imports it to you whether Iohn or Peter be Lord of such or such a Mannor so long as you have your Fee-farm rents still duly paid you We are all your Subject But the error and ignorance of Governors and Captains who obtein Places and Commands with great case at the first word of the first that asks is infinitely prejudicial to your Kingdom and herein I am very confident all the great Captains and men of honor that are zealous for your service will be of my opinion If your Majesty give the Government of a Place to a man of no experience and who has never been in such a Command before see what will follow First it is an old saying that When the eye sees what before it never saw the heart thinks that which before it never thought If therefore a Siege be clapt down before him how is it to be expected that he should disengage himself how is it possible he should understand and discover the designs of the Enemy on what part they can or will assault him which there is a way to do without a Spy as I have made it to appear by what I did at Sienna How should he know how to fortifie and secure himself and in short do a thousand and a thousand things that will be necessary to be done if he have never before been engag'd in such affairs Such as have been ten times besieg'd are apt enough to be startled at it and oftentimes so astonisht that they know not where they are Now when your Majesty hears that your place is going to be beleaguer'd you will presently fall to raising an Armie as you have good reason to do not daring to rely upon
the small experience of this young Governor and perhaps shall be constrain'd to go in haste in your own person or at least to send one of my Lords your Brothers where either the Town must be lost or you must hazard a Battel where your self or one of your Brothers who shall command your Armie may be slain together with several Princes of you blood and a great number of your best Captains Consider then I beseech you Sir the mighty loss and misadventure that depends upon your easie conferring such a Command upon a man without first knowing what he is able to do For if he is a man of experience and that he has manifested himself in all places where he has been under good Leaders to be a man of courage and understanding so soon as he shall enter into the place he will presently fall to considering of the strength and weakness of it recollecting what he has seen done elsewhere where he has been engag'd under another and what he has seen such and such a Captain do upon the like occasion and thereupon will suddenly take order for the defects of the place and begin to fortifie He will also demand of you an Engineer will enform you of the Ammunition both of Victual Arms and Artillerie that he has found there and will never cease solliciting till you have supplied him with all things necessarie knowing very well what an inconvenience the loss of the place would bring upon you When so soon as your Majestie shall have furnisht him with all he desires and that by his foresight he shall have provided against all the defects of the place he may then know what he has to trust to and shall have leisure to consider what he has to do without precipitation which I have ever observ'd to be very dangerous in war unless it be in an affair that requires extreme hast and diligence And herein two things present themselves to your Majesties consideration the first that when your Enemy shall have heard of the valour of your Governor and his great experience together with the great foresight and diligence wherewith he has been careful to remedie the defects of his place and the good discipline he there maintains is it to be supposed that he will venture to attacque a man qualified with the forenamed virtues I do believe there is no Aâ—â—ailant in the world but would think of it twice before he would once resolve to do it and if he call a Council about it he will find that hardly one old Captain will advise him to go on to his own ruine and if the Chief be a circumspect and experienced man the counsel of the young hot-headed fellows must not be preferr'd to that of the old Soldiers for they better understand the business of the world than the others do and are unwilling to hazard the honor they have got forasmuch as men look only upon the last of our actions without much regarding what they have perform'd before So much concerning the first Now the second thing that presents it self to your Majesties consideration is that your Majestie reflecting upon the valour of the person you have entrusted with defence of your place his diligence and experience will be at quiet within your self knowing very well that such a man will do no unhandsome things but will be tender of his own honor as well as careful of his trust by which means you shall have time to raise your Armie at leisure and shall come to encamp your self in an advantagious place where if your Enemie come to assault you he shall be defeated and on the other side if he offer to assault the Town you lye so close in his Rear that let the Breach be never so wide he dares not go to the assault forasmuch as whether he enter or no he is certain to be defeated for you surprize him in disorder which will make him very warie of attempting any thing where his ruine is so manifest before him and either force him to raise his Siege and betake himself to some other Enterprize or else come to assault you in your Fort which also he will have a care of doing as was the Emperor Charles at the Camp in Provence at the time when your Majesties Grandfather was fortified in the plain field and that the Enemie made a shew of attacquing Marseilles You are evermore to take heed of committing errors in the beginning of a War for if your affairs have once a disrepute upon them in the beginning your Majestie may be assured that your Soldiers will lose courage and every one will seek an opportunity to run away insomuch that you are never to hope your Army shall do any thing to purpose after Of which I shall give your Majestie some Exemples that you may see of how great importance it is to have a good Governor in a Town of War Of these Exemples the first shall be Charles Duke of Burgundy who after having lost two Battels against the Swiss at Morat came with his baâ—led Army to sit down before Nancy which he thought to surprize René King of Sicily and Duke of Lorrain never dreaming that he would come to besiege that place by which means it was totally unprovided both of Victuals Ammunition and Men. King René had with him five or six Gascon Gentlemen for these Princes of Lorrain have ever had a great kindness for our Nation namely Captain Gratian Daguerre a poor Gentleman of this Country call'd Pons another call'd Gaian and another whose name was Roquepines the others were slain during the Siege where these brave Gascons did so valiantly behave themselves that with some of the Country people that put themselves into the Town and some Gentlemen of the said Country they defended the Town and endur'd the last extremity of famine by that means giving King René leisure to go himself into Switzerland to fetch his relief King Lewis the Eleventh of France would not openly assist him by reason of the League he had contracted with the Duke but as you Princes ordinarily do he favour'd him understand and disbanded four hundred men at arms that were advanc'd as far as Pont St. Vincent within two leagues of Nancy so that when the Duke saw the Swiss coming upon him he raised the Siege and there lost both the Battel and his life Had Iohn d' Albert King of Navarre when he saw the Forces of Ferdinand coming to fall upon him put one or two good Captains into Pampelona he had not so poorly lost his Kingdom as he did for there wanted only a good man to have stopt the Career of the Spaniard the place was good enough But he lost the Kingdom both for himself and his Posterity for it is in too good a hand â—ver to 〈◊〉 it These are two Examples of Antiquity that I have receiv'd from the old Captains of that Age and I have heard others related which I could here
ever been assisting to me I will carry this reputation along with me to my Grave This is a marvelous contentment to me when I think upon it and call to mind how I am step by step arriv'd to this degree of honor and thorough so many dangers am come to enjoy the short repose that remains to me in this world in the calm and privacie of my own house that I may have leisure to ask God forgiveness for the sins I have committed Oh if his mercie was not infinitely great in how dangerous a condition were all those that bear arms especially that are in command for the necessity of war forces us in despite of our own inclinations to commit a thousand mischiefs and to make no more account of the lives of men than of a Chicken to which the complaints and outcries of the people whom we are constrain'd in despite of us every day to swallow up and devoure and the Widows and the Fatherless that we every day do make load us with all the curses and execrations misery and affliction can help them to invent which by importuning the Almighty and daily imploring the assistance of the Saints 't is to be fear'd lye some of them heavie upon our heads But doubtless Kings shall yet have a sadder account to make than we for they make us commit those evils as I told the King in discourse at Tholoâ—ze and there is no mischief whereof they are not the cause for seeing they will make warres they should at least pay those who venture their lives to execute their passions that they may not commit so many mischiefs as they do I think my self then exceedingly happy in that God has given me leisure to think of the sins I have committed or rather that the necessity of war has enforc'd me to commit For I am not naturally addicted to mischief above all I have ever been an enemie to the vice of impurity and a sworn adversary to all disloyalty and treason I know very well and confess that my passion has made me say and do things for which I now cry Meaculpa but 't is now too late to redress them and I have one that lies heavier upon my heart than all the rest But had I proceeded otherwise every one would have sâ—irted me on the nose and the least Consul of a Village would have clapt too his Gates against me had I not alwaies had the Canon at my heels for every one had a mind to Lord it God knows how fit I was to endure such affronts but all 's done and past my hand was ever as prompt as my tongue and it was but a word and a blow I could have wisht could I have perswaded my self to it never to have worn a sword by my side but my nature was quite otherwse which made me carry for my device Deo Duce Ferro Comite One thing I can truly say of my self that never any Kings Lieutenant had more commiseration of the ruine of the people than I in all places where ever I came But it is impossible to discharge those Commands without doing mischief unless the King had his Coffers cramm'd with Gold to pay his Armies and yet it would be much to do I know not if those that succeed me will do better but I do not believe it All the Catholicks of Guienne can witness if I did not alwaies spare the people for I appeal from the Hugonots I have done them too much mischief to give me any good testimonie and yet I have not done them enough nor so much as I would my good will was not wanting Neither do I care for their speaking ill of me for they will say as much or more of their Kings But before I put an end to this Book of mine which my name will cause to be read by many I shall desire all such as shall take the pains to read these Commentaries not to think me so ingrate that I do not acknowledg after God to hold all I have of Estate and Preferment of the Kings my Masters especially of my good Master King Henry whom God absolve And if I have in some places of my Book said that wounds were the recompence of my service it is not at all intended to reproach them with the blood I have lost in their quarrels On the contrary I think the blood of my Sons who died in their service very well employed God gave them to me and he took them from me I have lost three in their service Marc Anthony my eldest Bertrand to whom I gave the name of Peyrot which is one of our Gascon names by reason that Bertrand did not please me and Fabian Seigneur de Montesquieu God gave me also three oâ—hers For of my second Son I had Blaize and of my youngest Adrian and Blaize whom God preserve that they may be serviceable to their Kings and Country without dishonouring their Race that they may well study my Book and so imitate my life that if possible they may surpass their Grandsire and I beseech your Majestic be mindful of them I have left them amongst my Papers the Letter your Majestic was pleased to write to me from Villiers dated the 3. of December 1570 which conteins these words Assure your self that I shall ever be mindful of your many and great services for which if you shalâ— in your own person fall short of a worthy recompence your posterity shall reap the fruits of your merit as also they are such and have so well behav'd themselves in my service that they have of themselves very well deserv'd my acknowledgment and that I should do for them what I shall be very ready to do whenever an opportunity shall present it self Sir this is your Majesties promise and a King should never say or promise any thing but he will perform I do not then by any means reproach my Misters and I ought also to be satisfied though I am not rich that a poor Cadet of Gascony is arriv'd at the highest Dignities of the Kingdom I see several at this day who murmur and repine at their Majesties and for the most part those who have done little or nothing make the greatest complaints In others who have really deserv'd something it is a little more pardonable all that we have of what degree soever we are we hold it of the Kings our Masters So many great Princes Lords Captains and Soldiers both living and dead owe to the King the honors they have receiv'd and their Names shall live by the Employments they have receiv'd from the Kings they serv'd and were not only enterr'd with those honorable Titles but have moreover honour'd those who are descended of them and mention will be made of their virtue whilst any Records of honor remain in the world I have listed a good number in my Book and have my self had Soldiers under my Command who have been no better in their
Extraction than the Sons of poor labouring men who have liv'd and died in a reputation as great and high as they had been the Sons of Lords through their own virtue and the esteem the Kings and their Lieutenants had of them When my Son Marc Anthony was carried dead to Rome the Pope and all the Cardinals the Senate and all the People of Rome payd as much honor to his Hearse as if he had been a Prince of the blood And what was the cause of all this but only his own Valour my Reputation and my King who had made me what I was So that the name of Marc Anthony is again to be found in the Roman Annals When I first entred into Arms out of my Page-ship in the House of Lorrain there was no other discourse but of the great Gonsalvo call'd the great Captain How great an honor was it to him which also will last for ever to be crown'd with so many Victories I have heard it told that King Lewis and King Ferdinand being together I know not at what place but it was somewhere where they had appointed an Interview these two great Princes being sat at Table together our King entreated the King of Spain to give leave that Gonsalvo might dine with them which he accordingly did whilst men of far greater quality than he stood waiting by So considerable had the King his Masters favour and his own valour made him This was the honor he receiv'd from the King of France who in recompence for his having depriv'd him of the Kingdom of Naples put a weighty Chain of Gold about his neck I have heard Monsieur de Lautrec say that he never took so much delight in looking upon any man as upon that same O how fair an Exemple is this for those who intend to advance themselves by Arms When I went the second time into Italy as I passed through the Streets of Rome every one ran to the windows to see him that had defended Sienna which was a greater satisfaction to me than all the Riches of the Earth I could produce several Exemples of French men of very mean Extraction who have by Arms arriv'd at very great Preferments but out of respect to their Posteritie I shall forbear but it was the bounty of their Kings that so advanc'd them for the recompence of their brave services It is then just that we confess we could be nothing without their bountie and favour if we serve them 't is out of obedience to the Commandment of God and we ought not to try to obtein rewards by importunities and reproaches and if any one be ill rewarded the fault is not in our Kings but in them who are about them that do not acquaint them who have serv'd well or ill for there are many of both sorts to the end that his Majesties largess should be rightly placed And there is nothing that goes so much to the heart of a brave and loyal Subject as to see the King heap honors and rewards upon such as have serv'd him ill I am sure it is that that has vext me more than any disappointment of my own I have often heard some men say the King or the Queen have done this and that for such a one why should they not do as much for me The King has pardoned such a one such an offence why does he not also pardon me I know also that their Majesties have said They will no more commit such over-sights we must wink at this one fault but it was the next day to begin the same again However a man ought never to stomack any thing from his Prince The honor of such men lies in a very contemptible place since they more value a reward or a benefit than their own reputation or renown and are so ready to take snuff if they fail of their expectation And moreover as I have already said they are commonly men that have never strook three strokes with sword and yet will vapour what dangers they have passed and what hardships they have endur'd If a man should strip them naked one might see many a proper fellow that has not so much as one fear in all his body Such men if they have born arms any while are very fortunate and at the day of Judgment if they go into Paradise will carry all their blood along with them without having lost one dram of their own or having shed one drop of any others here upon earth Others I have heard and of all sorts of men even to the meanest complain that they have serv'd the King four five or six years and notwithstanding have not been able to get above three or four thousand Livers yearly Rent poor men they are sore hurt I speak not of the Soldiers only but of all other conditions of men his Majestie makes use of I have heard my Father who was an old man and others older than he report that it was a common saying at Court and throughout the whole Kingdom in the Reign of Lewis the Twelfth Chastillon Bourdillon Galliot Bonneval Governent le sang Royal. and yet I dare be bold to say that all these four Lords who govern'd two Kings put them all together never got ten thousand Livers yearly Revenue I have formerly said as much to the Mareschal de Bourdillon who thereupon return'd me answer that his Predecessor was so far from getting 3000 Livers a year that he sold 1500 and left his Family very necessitous Should any one ask the Admiral to shew what his Predecessor who govern'd all got by his favour I durst lay a good wager he could not produce 2000 Livers yearly Revenue As for Galliot he liv'd a great while after the others and he peradventure might in that long time take together three or four thousand Livers a year For what concerns Bonneval Monsieur de Bonneval that now is and Monsieur de Biron are his Heirs and I believe they can boast of no great Estates O happy Kings that had such Servants 'T is easie to discern that these men serv'd their Masters out of the love and affection they bore to their persons and the Crown and not upon the account of reward and I have heard that they evermore rather begg'd for the King 's own Domestick Servants than for themselves They are gone down to their Graves with honor and their Successors are not nevertheless in want Since I have spoken of others I will now say something of my felf Some perhaps after I am dead will talk of me as I talk of others I confess that I am very much oblig'd to the Kings I have serv'd especially to Henry my good Master as I have often said before and I had now been no more than a private Gentleman had it not been for their bounty and the opportunities they gave me to acquire that reputation I have in the world which I value above all the treasure the Earth contains having
Son I must needs give him this testimony that he was loyal and brave and I verily believ'd that the sorrow for his death would have ended my dayes but God gave me courage to bear my loss not with that patience I should have done but as well as I could In the mean time all France was full of Triumphs to honor the departure of the new King of Poland whilst I remain'd at my own house without other company than my own sorrows saving that sometimes I was visited by my friends and the Gentlemen of the Country The King about this time made a new removal which was very prejudicial to the Province of Guienne Those who follow after us will learn to be wise by the oversights of others and the error that his Majesty here committed was that he divided the Government of Gvienne into two parts wherein he gave all on this side the Garonne towards Gascony to Monsieur de la Valette and that on the other side to Monsieur de Losse This was a very great mistake in the Kings Council and more especially in the Queen who would again divide it into three parts to give one to Monsieur de Gramont 'T was pitty that so many wise head-pieces had not taken notice what inconveniences had already accru'd by giving so much power to Monsieur d' Anville before by reason of the little intelligence there had been betwixt him and me of which I have elsewhere given an account and seeing all the forces of the whole Province under one head had enough to do to cause the King to be obey'd what was to be expected from them when separated and under several mens Commands This sows jealousie and dissention amongst them which in the end grows to absolute breach and all at the expence of the King and his people The effects soon discover'd themselves for Monsieur de Losse undertook the Siege of Clerac a palâ—ry Town that had never dar'd to shut her Gates against me where Monsieur de la Valette was also present but it was only in the quality of a looker on where in the end he did nothing worth speaking of neither indeed am I at all concern'd in that affair so that what I say is only to enform the King that to be well serv'd he ought never to divide a Government but commit it entire to one Lieutenant only His Kingdom is wide enough to satisfie the ambition of those who are greedy of Employments and with his Majesties pardon they ought to stay their time there will be enough for all Some time after we heard so many strange things that me-thought I saw the Enterprizes of Amboise again on foot for they talkt of prodigious things and such as I should never have believ'd if all was true that was said which whether it was or no I leave to others to examine A little while after news came of the Kings being sick and of several great persons at Court being committed to prison which made me think my self happy that I was so far off for a man is often trapt when he least expects it and when he knows no reason why In the end of all news came of the death of the King which was in truth a very great blow to the Kingdom for I dare be bold to say that had he liv'd he would have done great things and to his Neighbour's cost would have remov'd the Scene of War out of his own Kingdom Wherein if the King of Poland would have joyn'd with him and have set on foot the great Forces he had been able to have rais'd in his Kingdom all would have bowed before them and the Empire would again have been restor'd to the House of France His death did very much astonish us by reason of the great designs he had as it was said in the Kingdom and I do believe the Queen never found her self in so great a perplexity since the death of the King her Husband my good Master Her Majesty did me the honor to write to me and to entreat me to assist her in her great affliction and to preserve the State till the coming of the King her Son Wherefore to gratifie her Majesties desire though I was overburdn'd with years and infirmity as also to divert my own grief for the death of my Son and especially to manifest to her the desire I had to keep the promise I had made to her at Orleans I went to Paris to receive her Majesties Commands and from thence attended her to Lyons where I had the opportunity of discoursing with her at large concerning several things which I have since seen discover themselves nearer at hand and which it will be a great work in her to redress The King being return'd they made him commit a very great error at his first footing in the Kingdom for instead of composing all differences and disorders in the State and establishing peace and tranquility amongst us which at that time had been a very easie matter to do they perswaded him to resolve upon a War And they yet perswaded him to a greater inconvenience for they made him believe that entring into Dauphiné all places would immediately surrender to him whereas notwithstanding he found that every paltry Garrison made head against him but I have nothing to do to give an account of those transactions At his coming he was pleased to be exceedingly gracious and kind to me and yet he was not so to all and indeed I observ'd him to be much alter'd in his humor from what he was wont to be There were there some publick Councils held but there were also others that were private and very closely carried Now his Majesty calling to mind the services I had done for the Kings his Grandfather Father and Brother some of which he had heard of and others had himself also seen he was resolv'd to honor me with the Estate of Mareschal of France and to make me rich in honor since he could not do it in matter of wealth and estate Having therefore caus'd me to be call'd for and being come to kneel down before him after I had taken the Oath he put the Mareschal's Staffe into my hand Which having done in returning my most humble thanks I told him That I had no other grief in this world but that I had not ten good years in my belly wherein to manifest how much I desir'd to be serviceable to his Majesty and Crown in that honorable Command Having receiv'd his Commands and those of the Queen I return'd into Gascony to make preparation for war for all things tended that way but I very well perceiv'd by the tediousness of my Journey that I was rather to think of dying my self than of killing others for I was no more able to endure long Journies nor to undergo any great labour And moreover I very well foresaw that the same would happen betwixt the Kings Lieutenants and me that had
Monâ—luc falâ—â— sick The Queen of Navaâ—re departeth out of 〈◊〉 The Queen of Navarre departs from Nerac The Sieur de Montluc again dangerously sick Monsieur de Ioyeâ—se sends the Sieur de Montluc intelligence of the coming of the Provenâ—als Number of the Catholicâ— Forces The Sieur de Montluc's discourse touching the coming of the Provenâ—aux Consulâ—ation concerning the Commission of the Sieuâ— de Monsales The Sieur d' Acier's Mareschal de Camp taken prisoner The number of the Provençals Captain Moreau's answer The Spy's report A second command from the King Resolution Divisions 〈◊〉 Bourdeaux The Sieur de Montluc's Speech to the Parliament of Bourdeaux Commendation of the two Parliaments of Tholouze and Bourdeaux The inconveniences insuing the Edict in favour of the Hugâ—nots who liv'd peaceably at home Oversights in the King Complaints of the Catholicks The Sieur de Montluc's diligencâ— to fight with Monsieur de Pilles Four Cornets of Horse of de Pilles defeated The Retreat of Monsieur de Pilles A saying of Monsieur de Bellegarde Monsieur de Pilles his Forces Why the Sieur de Montluc is so particular and has writ an account at length of this Action Monsieur de Terride sent the King's Lieutenant into Bearn The Battel of Iarnac and the death of the Prince of Conde The Sieur de Montluc's advice to the King A command to dismantle Bergerac â—alse intelligence sent to the Monsieur The Monsieurs words to the Sieur de Montluc Commendation of Monsieur de la Nâ—â—e Levignac taken by assault Enterprize of la Roche-Chalais The Castle of la Roche-Chalais surrenders to diâ—cretion Great and bloody cruelty of a Hugonot Soldier The Sieur de Montluâ— offers to attaque Blaye The Admiral declar'd Head of the Hugâ—nots Why the Author writes these particularities The Monsieurs letter to the Sieur de Moâ—â—luc The Mareschal d' Anville coms to prosecuâ—e the War in Guien Considerations upon the coming of the Count de Montgommery A fault in the French Gentry Monsieur de Terride despises his Enemy The Count de Montgommery 〈◊〉 over into Bearn The Sâ—euâ— de Montluc gives Mâ—nsieur de Terride notice of his coming The Sieur de Montluc sends to the Mareschal d'Anville * A River so called The Sieur de Terride retires to Orthâ—z Dispute betwixt the Sieurs de Montluc and de Terride Monsieur de Terâ—ide surpriz'd Montgommery's Forces The fault of Monsieur de Terride The importance of Montgommery's victory The Mareschâ—l d'â—â—ville's answer to the Sieur de Montluc Conâ—ention among the Chiefs about the War of Guiâ—nne Succours going to joyn with Monâ—gommery Libourn in expectation of a Siege The Mareschal d' â—â—ville's Forces Division among the Chiefs Thâ— Enterprise of Mont de Marsan Jealousie betwixt the Chieâ—s Captain Favas Mont de Marsan discover'd The Sieur de Tilladet mortally wounded The courage of the Catholicks The Town â—aken Monsieur de Montluc's words to the Chevalier de Romegas The Sieur de Montluc causes them to be all slain Captain Favas â—aved Monsieur d' Anville's resolution to return The Sieur de Montluc's advice to the Mareschal The Sieur de Montluc offers to lay down his Government of Guiennâ— The Kiing dissatisfied with the Sieur de Montluc The Sieur de Montluc threatned with a stab Fear the concomitant of old age Mont de Marsan the Granary of Gascoâ—y A discourse upon the retreat of the Mareschal d'Anville The Siege of Mazeres Law of Bearn The inconvenience of making war with Soldiers Natives of the same Country where the Scene of war lies Monsieur de Montespan in Euse. Captain Arne flain The Count de Montgommery at Condom The Victory of Moncontour Division betwixt the Mareschal d' Anville and the Sieur de Montluc The Princes move towards Montgommery Soldiers use to spin out a war The Commendation of the Chevaâ—iâ—r de Romegas The City of Agen in fear The Gentlemen of Gascony send an Envoy to the Mareschal d' Anville Monsieur de Montferran's oâ—fer The Princes at Montauban The Sieur de Montluc's Harangue to those of Agen. The â—nhabitants of Agen take 〈◊〉 Resolution of the Sieur de Monâ—luc The Sieur de Montâ—erran come with Succours * Who loses his substance loses his understanding Aguillon taken Monsieur de Laugâ—ac at Peymirol Commendation of the Reiters The Princes summon Villeneufue Ville-neufue The Chevaliet de Montluc at Ville-neufue A Bridge of Boats made by the Admiral The Mareschal d'Anville's design to break the Bridg. The Bridg broken The importance of the Bridg. The Admirals Design The situation of Bordeaux A Country rich in Coâ—n The importance of Guienne The importance of bâ—eaking the Bridg. The Admiral'â— opinion The Admiral 's design against the Tholouzians The Retreat of the Army of the Princes The Sieur de Montluc sends the King intelligence Monsieur de Durfort sent to the King The King diâ—satisfied with Monsieur de Montluc The Sieur de Montluc's Sons * A Liard is a brass Coin containing â— Deniers the fourth part of a Sol. A Consultation touching the War of Bearn The Siege of Rabasteins concluded The Sieur de Montluc goes to discover Rabasteins Monsieur de Montamat's Letters taken * A rude kind of Alarm given to a whole Country by ringing and â—inking of Pots Keeâ—les and Basons Order to hinder the relief of Rabastâ—ins Design for the Conquest of Bearn 1562. Order for the Assault The Canon abandoned The words of the Sieur de Montluc playing the Pioneer Captain Paulliac â—â—â—ot Fabiaâ— de Montluc â—hot Monsieur de Montluc's Speech to the Gentlemen going on to the Assault The Assault The Sieur de Montluc shot Rabasteins taken by storm The Fortress of Rabasieins Monsieur de Montluc's Harangue to his Officers after his being hurt Liberality a quality necessary in a Chief The State of Monsieur de Montluc's Army after his hurt The Sieur de Montluc layes down his Government The Marquis de Villars the Kings Lieutenant in Guienne The Sieur de Montluc's Letter to the King which contains an abstract of his whole life The King stiles the Sâ—cur de Monâ—luc the Conservator of Guiâ—â—â—e The Battel of Vâ—r. Relief sent to the King Taking of the Isles A Gascon Gentleman 's answer to the King The miserable condition of such as revolt from their Princes The Army disbanded The Peace published Disorders in the Kingdom of France through the defect of inexperienced Officers The diligence requir'd in a Chief That the valour of a Governor withholds an Enemy from coming to attacque him The Duke of Burgundy defeated before Nancy The loss of Pampelona 〈◊〉 Leva a gâ—eaâ— Câ—â—taâ—n The Dâ—ke of 〈…〉 His Sâ—n at Pâ—â—ctiâ—râ—s Captain Pilles at St. Iâ—â—n Frangâ—t at Fontarabi The Sieur de Verviâ—â— at Bullen Sansac at Mira dâ— and Montâ—â—c at Siâ—nna Of Captains of Gens d'arms Of Mareschaâ—â— and Camp-Masters Captains of Foot A pleasant story of the Siâ—uâ— de Montâ—uc The Character of a little Monsieur of the Court. That a Gâ—neral ought to write frequently to his Captains * A Frank Archer is one of the Traind-Band oâ— a Pâ—rish that seldom â—ees service but upon extraordinary occasion and by bâ—ing upon the List is exempted from all Taxes * For he was Christned Edouard Alexander which he afterwards chang'd for Henry and was Henry the third of France The Sieur de Montluc's wounds Miserable condition of a Soldier The Sieur de Montluc's nâ—ture The Sieur de Montluc's acknowledgment The death of the Sieur de Montluc's Son The King 's â— Letter to the Sieur de Montluc Honor done to Marc Anthony de Montluc Honor done to the great Captain Gonsalvo A pleasant story of the Bayliff of Espâ—ron a A Moge is a Measure containing about six Bushels b Mâ—id de bled mesure de Paris contains twelve Septiers the Septier two Mines the Mine 6 Bâ—isseaux the Bâ—isseau 4 Quarts which amount to about five Quarters a Coomb and a Bushel of London measure The fertility of Guienne Negligence of Historians The Sieur de Montluâ—s Prayer when he went to â—ight * A brave death illustrates a man's whole life Thâ— Execution upon St. 〈◊〉 Eve at 〈◊〉 The Naval Army bâ—fore Rochelle Charles the IX at Meaux Rochelle the Refuge of the Hugonots The importance of Rochelle The Siâ—ur de Montluc goes to the Siege of Rochelle The Monsieur elected King of Poland Fabian de Montluc â—lain The death of Charles the 9 th of Franâ—e The Sieur de Montluc attends the Queen to Lyons Henry the 3d. of France and King of Polâ—nd returns into France The Sieuâ— de Montluc created Mareschal of France Monsieur de Monferran sâ—ain * Or Cooper The Gentlemen discontented The Sieur de Montluc's Harangue to the Gentlemen in mutiny
on and it was agreed that all the Princes great Lords Governors of Provinces and Captains of Gens d' arms should renounce all Leagues and Confederacies whatsoever as well without as within the Kingdom excepting that of the King and should take the Oath upon pain of being declar'd Rebels to the Crown to which there were also other obligations added which I do not remember There arose several difficulties about couching the Articles some saying they were to be couch'd after one manner and others after another for in these great as well as in our inferior Councils there is black and white and obstinacy and dissimulation and some perhaps there were who though they set a good face on the matter were elsewhere engag'd So goes the World O ' â—is a miserable thing when a Kingdom falls to a King in minority had he then had the knowledge that he has had since I do believe he would have made some people speak good French In the end all was past and concluded and the Princes began to take the Oath and to sign the Articles where though I was but a poor Gentleman the King would also that I should sign with them by reason of the charge I had under him and it was also sent to the Constable at Bayonne who sign'd it there On the other side they sent to the Prince of Condé to the Admiral Monsieur d' Andelot and other Lords and Goverâ—ors of France and at the return of the Messengers the King as I was told caus'd an Instrument to be ingrost of all and put amongst the Records of the Crown I do believe it cannot be lost and that there a man may see in black and white some people forsworn to some purpose I know not who was the beginning of the War a la St. Michel but whoever it was I know he went contrary to his Oath and that the King if he so pleased might justly declare him perjur'd forasmuch as he stands obliged by his Oath and his own hand and seal are against him neither would he have any wrong done him because he was consenting to the conditions And although there was no fighting work in this affair I do nevertheless conceive that I did the King and Queen a good piece of service in discovering this practice which had it not been discover'd matters might peradventure have gone worse than they did The King at his return from Bayonne took his way towards Xaintonge and Rochelle to which place I attended him and there he commanded me to return giving me instructions to cause the Edicts of Pacification to be inviolably observ'd which I have ever done neither can it be said that the War began in my Government and also if they had begun with me they would have had no great match on 't neither could they have taken me unprovided but their design was at the head The Queen who is yet living may remember what I said to her concerning Rochelle for had this feather been pluckt from the Hugonots wing and secur'd to his Majesties devotion as I advis'd her it ought to be France had never seen those many mischiefs that have follow'd since But she was so timerous and fearful of giving any occasion of new trouble that she durst attempt to alter nothing and I know very well that she one night entertein'd me above two hours talking of nothing but things that had past during the life-time of the King her Husband my good Master And yet one who was none of the least went and reported that I was contriving something to the prejudice of the Peace Would to God her Majesty had taken my advice Rochelle should never have dar'd to have mutter'd Now as the King was going out of Brittany to take his way to Blois I had intelligence from Râ—üergue Quercy Perigord Burdelois and Agenois that the Hugonots were seen to go up and down with great horses in small parties carrying Sumpters along with them wherein 't was said they carried their Arms and Pistols Three or four times I gave the Queen notice of it but she would never give credit to my intelligence In the end I sent to her Martineau the same who at this present is Comptroller of the Wars who was not very welcome to bring such news and three dayes after his arrival at Court Boery a Secretary of mine arriv'd also with other intelligence from me to the Queen that they all march't openly day and night though I think she would hardly have believ'd it had it not been that at the same time her Majesty had advertisements from all the other Governments of the Kingdom which made the King go in all diligence directly to Moulins I know not to what this tended nor why they march'â— up and down in Troops after that manner but it ought to have been known and it was a sign of no good for without the knowledge of the King or his Lieutenant no one ought to have attempted any such thing and had it not been that I was afraid of being accused for breaking the Peace I would soon have sent them to their own houses with a vengeance for I did not sleep I went however very well accompanied with a good number of Gentlemen and my own Company of Geâ—ns-d'arms into Roüergue Quâ—rcy and all along by the skirts of Pâ—rigard to see iâ— any one would openly stir and sent to the King to tell him that if his 〈◊〉 pleas'd to give me leave to talk with them at their return I hop'd I should be able to give him a good account of their intention But the King sent me a positive command not to do it but let them quietly return every man to his own house and then it was thaâ— I 〈◊〉 the League of Mont de Marsan would not long be observ'd I thought fit to write this passage to the end that every one may see how vigilant in my Government I have ever been seeing that I who was the furthest off gave his Majestie the first intelligence And now I will begin the War de la St. Michel which were the second Troubles Though it has been said and I know it also to be true that the Hugonots did perfectly hate me yet was I not so negligent in my administration but that I had acquir'd some friends amongst them and even some who were of their Consistory It was not now as in the former troubles our Cards were so shuffled and confused as nothing could be more and these people were not now so hot in their Religion as they had formerly been many either out of fear or for good will came to us so that we began to be sociabâ—e and to converse with one another The fear also they were in of me made some few my friends or at least seem to be About two Moneths and a half before la Sainct Michel I had notice by a Gentleman and another rich man in the Country who knew nothing of one
this he might boast to have a world of Soldiers who would be nâ—câ—ssiâ—ated to take arms having nothing to do in the Palace for this Profession being taken away to what would you that a bâ—ave and generous heart should apply it self but to arms what is it that so much encreases the Power and enlarges the Empire of the Grand Signior but this he thinks of nothing but arms O how many brave Captains would this Kingdom then supply the world withal whereas I do believe that two Thirds of the Nation are taken up in these Courts and pleadings and in the mean time though they are naturally brave by degrees degenerate into Poltrons and Rascals This Kingdom would then be formidable to Strangers and besides how rich and opulent for the whole ruine of the Gentry proceeds from no other cause but those pestiferous Counsels wherewith the Advocates seduce their Clients and set them together by the ears I remember I once read in the window of a house at Tholouze which one of the most eminent Advocates of that Court call'd Mainery had caused to be written there these words Faux conseils mauvaises Testes M'ont fait bastir ces Fenestres Evil advice and idle brains Have helpt me to erect these pains and since they themselves record it I may well say after them that we are very great fools to destroy one another to enrich them it being equally ruinous to him that prevails with him that is baffell'd for they spin out the Suits in such length that when he who has got the better of his adversary comes to reckon the money he has spent he will find himself still a great deal out of purse besides the loss of his time And if the King would do this perhaps the custom of Traverses and ill offices men now practice upon one another would be laid aside with the Laws and his Majesties good Subjects who meditate no other thing but how lâ—yally and faithfully to serve him would either be maintain'd about his Majesties person or elsewhere employ'd in his service Now seeing I have the honor in my disgraces to be rancked with so many great Personages both of former ages and those whom I my self have known in my own time I shall the better enjoy my retirement and be proud of being associated with so many illustrious persons being assur'd of two things one whereof is my fidelity which no one can by any means deprive me of and the other that I have to do with a gracious King who in time will I doubt not acknowledg the services I have perform'd for him and for his Crown And if I am retir'd into my own house it is with no great regret it being a thing I have long desir'd provided it might be with the good favour of the King and Queen which also they cannot justly take from me for which I praise God who has guided me so well through all my several Employments that I never gave them any just cause of offence and am in this privacy of mine more happy and better satisfied than they who have given me these Traverses for I laugh at the anxieâ—y they are in both how to wound and defend themselves from one another I think the Souls in Purgatory are not in so great pain whilst I live here in repose in my Family with my kindred and friends about me passing away my time in causing to be writ down before me the things that I have seen so that were it not for the great Harquebuz shot in my face which I am constrain'd to keep open I should be very well content and think my self exceeding happy For concerning the loss of my Sons I comfort my self that they all died like men of honor with their swords in their hands for the service of my Prince and as to the rest I should be a man void of sense and understanding if I did not look upon them as tricks that are commonly practised in the world and consider my self in a happy estate who have no more occasion to do harm to any one which continuing in such and so great an employment as that wherein I was before I could not sometimes possibly avoid But I shall leave this discourse which has half made me angry to return to what became of me afâ—er I had taken my leave of all those Lords and Captains who wenâ— into France I return'd thorough Perigueux where I gave the Seneschal of Perigâ—rd Commission to make head against whatever Insurrection should stir on that side and so soon as I came to Agen I sent a Patent to Monsieur de Bellegarde at Tholouze in my absence to command in the Country of Cominge and Bigorre and as far as the Frontiers of Bearn another to Monsieur de Nâ—grepelice to command in the Jurisdictions of Verdun and Riviere and a third to Monsieur de Cornusson the Elder to command in Roüergue which being done I left yet fourteen or fifteen Ensigns more of Fooâ— whereof part I quarter'd in Queâ—cy to make head against the Vicounts who never stirr'd out of the Country and were evermore stirring new Commotions and the rest towards Bourdelois and not long after the King sent me a Command to go and besiege Rochelle in order whereunto he would send me a Commission to raise money wherewith to defray the expence of the War First he would that those of Tholouze should deliver me twenty thousand Frances of the money rais'd upon the Confiscation of the Hugonots Goods wherewith to pay the Foot and for the chaâ—ge of the Artillery that I should take fifteen thousand Francs upon some Revenues the King has in Xaintonge whereof his Majesty never himself made above nine thousand and that his said Majesty would send order to the Governor of Nantes to send me four pieces of Canon and some Culverine These were my assignments wonderful certain and very proper for such an Enterprize which seem'd rather a Mockery and a Farce than any thing else and that they would send me before Rochelle either to be thrown away or â—o suffer some notable disgrace However I would try alwayes to execute his Majesties Command to which end I immediately dispatcht away a Courrier with his Majesties Letters to the Parliament and Capitouls of Tholouze to which they return'd me answer that the few goods of the Hugonots which had been found in their City had long ago been sold and the money dispos'd of for the charge they had been at in several occasions Upon this answer I went forâ—hwith to Bourdeaux to try if I could perswade the Court of Parliament and the Jurats there to furnish me with some money for the Enâ—erprize but could never prevail with them to advance one Denier they telling me that they would reserve the Stock they had to employ it for the defence of their City if occasion should be and not lay it cut upon Rochelle which was no member of their Iurisdiction I then dispatcht