bottom they were emptied by the Danes from their own vessels and their bottles broken that had vented their red and bloudy wines in lieu whereof the Lord gave them the cup of wrath whose dreggs he had formerly by their own hands wrung out upon other Nations For the Saxons that had enlarged their Kingdomes by the bloud of the Britons and built their nests high upon the Cedars of others as the Prophet speaketh Habbak 2. committed an evil covâ—tousness to their own habitations and were stricken by the same measure that they had measured to others when as the Danes often attempting the Lands invasion and the subversion of the Eâ—glish Estate made way with their Swords through all the Provinces of the Realm and lastly advanced the Crown upon their own helmets which they wore only for three Successions CHAP. IV. Comprising a Summary Collection of all the Parliamentary Great Councils Synods Historical Passages Proceedings Lawes relating to the Fundamental Liberties Franchisâ—s Rights Government of the People and other remarkables under our Danish Kings Cnute Harold and Harde-Cnute from the year of our Lord 1017. till the first year of King Edward the Confessor Anno 1042. With some brief Observations on the same IMmediately after the murder of King Edmond Ironside King Cnute the Dane Anno 1017. taking possession of the whole Realm of England was solemnly crowned King at London by Living Archbishop of Canterbury succeeding in the Realm of England Non successione haereditaria sed Armorum violentia as William Thorne observes Injuste quidem Regnum ingressus sed magna civilitate et fortitudine vâ—tam componens writes William of Malmsbury Whereupon the better to forâ—ifie his Military Title with a seeming publick Election by the Nobles and Nation in a Parliamentary Council and their open disclaimer and renunciation of any Right or Title either in King Edmonds Sons or Brethren to the English Crown to settle it in perpetuity on himself and his posterity he commanded all the Bishops Dukes Princes and Nobles of the English Nation to be assembled together at London in a Parliamentary Council Where when they were all met together in his presence he most craftily demanded of them as if he were ignorant Who were the Witnesses between him and Edmond Ironside when they made their agreement and division of the Kingdom between them What manner of conference there then was between him and Edmond concerning his Brethren and Sons Whether it was agreed that it should be lawfull for Edmonds Brethren or Children to reign in the kingdom of the West-Saxons after his death by any special reservation or agreement between them in case Edmond should die in his life-life-time Whom he had designed to be his Heir Whom he had appointed to be guardians to his Sons during their infancy And what he had commanded concerning his Brothers Alfred and Edward To which they all answering both falsly and flatteringly said That they did most certainly know King Edmond neither living nor dying had commended or given no part of his kingdom to his Brethren and they did likewise know that it was King Edmonds will that Cnute should be the Gardian and Protector of his Sons and of the Realm untill they were of age to reign calling God himself to witnesse the truth hereof O the strange temporizing falsity treachery perjury of men in all ages But though they thus called God to witness yet they gave a false testimony and fraudulently lyed preferring a lye before the truth being forgetfull of justice unmindfull of nature unjust witnesses rising up against Innocency and betrayers of their own bloud and Country when as they all well knew that Edmond had designed his Brethren to be his heirs and appointed them to be Guardians of his children thinking by this their false testimony to please King Cnute to make him more mild and gracious to them and that they should receive great rewards from him for the same After their answers to those Interrogatories to ingratiate themselves further with Cnute though they were sworn before to Edmond and his Heirs and were Native Englishmen yet they there all took a solemn â—ath of Allegiance to Cnute swearing to himâ— That they would and did chuse him for their King humbly obey him et Exercitui Uectigalia dare and would give Tribâ—tes to his Army And having received a pledge â—rom Cnutes naked hands with Oathes from the Princes and Nobles of the Danes Cnute reciprocal Oaths from them and all the people they ratified a mutual Covenant and League of Peace with reciprocal Oaths between both Nations reconciling and abandoning all publick enmities between them They likewise swore that they would cast off banish and wholly reject King Edmonds Brothers Sons and Family In pursuance whereof they there presently Fratres et filios Edmondi Regis omnino despexerunt â—osque Reges esse negaverunâ— unum autem ex ipsis praedictis Clitonibus Edwinum egregium et reverendissimum Edmundi Regis germanum Ibidem cum consilio pessimo exulem esse debere coustituerunt as Râ—ger de Hoveden Abbot Ethelred Wigorniâ—nsis and others at large record the Story The discord treacherous falshood disloyal proceedings of the English Nation then towards one another the English royal line is thus elegantly set forth by Abbot Ailred a lively Character of our age Externisque malis accessit civilis dâ—scordia adeò ut quis cui crederâ—t quis cui mentis suae secreta commitâ—eret nesciretur Plena erat proditoribus Insula nusquam tuta fides nuâ—quam â—ine â—uâ—piâ—â—one â—mor Sermo sine simulatione Tandem eousque Proditio Civilis et astuâ—ia Processit hostilis ut de 〈◊〉 Rege Magna pars Insâ—lae legitimis abdicatis haeredibus Cnutoni qui Regnum invaserat manus darent peremptoque iâ—victissimo Regâ— Edmundo paterni honoris simul â—t lâ—boris haerede etiam Filios ejus adâ—uc in cunis agentes barbaris miâ—terent occidendos King Cnute hearing this their palpable flattery and conâ—emptuous rejection of Edwin and the Saxon regal Line went joyfully into his Chamber and calling perfidious Duke Edric to him demanded of him how he might deceive Prince Edwin so as to have him murthered Who thereupon informed him how and by whom his murder might be accomplished by promised rewards of money and preferments which was accordingly effected soon after by Cnutes procurement and command This Edric likewise perswaded Cnute to slay Prince Edward and Edmond King Edmonds sons Whereupon Statuit Cnuto mirabiliter in animo suo omne genus Gentis Regni Anglorum perdere vel exilio perenni eliminare ut regnum Angliae filiis suis jure hâ—roditario râ—servare curaret writes Matthew Westminster p. 402. But because it might seem a great disgrace to him to murder these infant Princes in England he afterwards sent them over Sea to King Swane to slay them in Denmark who abhorring the fact instead thereof sent them to Solomon King of Hungary
at all For tâ—e Crown of England being held not as patrimonial but in succession by remotion which is a succeeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will the right descending to the next of blood only by the Laws and Custom of the Kingdom For the successor is not saâ—d to be the Heir of the King but of the Kingdom which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any Act of his Predecessors 9. That the Nobilities Clergies and peoples free-Election hath been usually most endeavoured and sought aâ—ter by our Kings â—especially Intruders as their best and surest Title To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward Harold and William not unsuitable to nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts and saddest contemplations of the present age considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs 1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent ambitious or covetous person who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression the kingdoms perturbation and his Sovereigns affront or danger as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons 2. That devout pious soft-natured Princes are aptest to be abused and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers 3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to heditary kingdoms for their King to die without any certain known and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions as is evident by King Edwards death without iâ—sue or declared right heir 4. That right heirs to Crowns who are of tender years weak judgement or impotent in Frienâ—s and Purse are easily and frequently put by their rights by bold active and powerfull Intruders as Edgar Atheling was both by Haroâ—d and William successively Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right 1. That Harold who first dethroned him to make him some kind of recompence and please the Nobles of his party created Edgar Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour 2 ly That King Willam the first to whom he submitted himself and did homage and fealty used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court not only at first buâ— even after he had twice taken up armes against him joyning first with the English Nobilitie then with the Danes and Scots against his interest For Edgar coming to him into Normandy Anno 1066. out of Scotland where he lived some years where nihil ad praesens commodi nihil ad futurum spei praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset he not only pardoned his fore-past offences but magno donativo donatus est pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat writes Malmesb. receiving a great donaâ—iâ—e from him and a pound of silver for a stipend every day and continuing many years in his Court. After which Anno 1089. He went into Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence with 200 Souldiers and many Ships whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin and the loss of his best Souldiers he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany who endeavoured to retain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth but he contemning all their proffers out of a desire to enjoy his Native Country returned into England and there lived all Kings Williams reign In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his brother Robert deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother with whom he sided had conferred upon him and banished him out of Normandy whereupon he went into Scotland where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means returned into England being in so great favour with the king that in the year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army Ut in ea consobrinum suum Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium patruo suo Dufenoldo qui regnum invaserat expulso Regem constitueret Whence returning into England he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country as Malmesbury thus records Angliam rediit ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suo in agro consumit Where most probably he died in peace since I find no mention of his death No less than 4 successive kings permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security such waâ— the Christian Generosity Charity and Piety of that age without reputing it High Treason for any to relieve or converse with him as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it had they lived in those times who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised But I say unto you love your Enemies do good to those that hate you c. Wherefore if thine enemy huâ—ger give him meat if he thirst give him drink c. Bâ— not overcome of evil but overcome evil with goodness 5. That base carnal fears and cowardize oft cause both Prelates Nobles and People to desert their own best interest and lawfull Princes and to act vote and submit to meer unrighteous Usurpers against their primitive resolutions judgements Consciences as here in the case of Edgar and Rich. 3. since 6. That Generals puffed up with victorious successes and having the command of the Land and Sea Forces in their power are apt to aspire after the royal Crown and Soveraignty and forcibly to usurp it upon the next occasionâ— even with the disinheriting of the right heir and hazard of the whole Realm of which Harold is a most pregnant example 7. That ambitious aspirers after the royal Crown and Throne will make no conscience to violate all sacred and civil Oathes Obligations Contracts and find out any evasions to elude them rather than goe without themâ— or part with them when injuriously usurped â—y them and will adventure to crown themselves with their own hands than not wear the Diadem witnesse Harold 8. That Usurpers of Crowns without right though they Court the people with Coronation Oaths and fair promises of good Laws Liberty Immunity from all Taxes and Grievances yet usually prove the greatest Tyrants and Oppressors to them of all others as Harold and William in some sort did That Invaders of Crowns and Soveraign power without any right title or colour of Justice being once in possession will never part with them to those who have better right upon any verbal Treaties but rather
publications for the common liberty weale and Benefit of the Nation I commend both them and thee to Gods tuition and benediction WILLIAM PRYNNE Lincolns Inne December 6. 1656. A Seasonable Legal and Historical Vindication of the good old Fundamental Liberties Rights and Laws of England Chapter 3. Section 4. Comprehending a brief Collection of all the most observable Parliamentary Councils Synods Conventions Publique Contests Debates Wars Historical Proceedings Passages Records relating to the fundamental Liberties Franchises Rights Customs and Government of the People under our English Saxon Kings from the year of our Lord 600 till the death of King Edmund Ironside and reign of Cnute the Danish King Anno Dom. 1017. with some brief Observations on and from the same IN the former Section I have presented you with a general brief Account of our first English Saxon Christian Kings limited Power and Prerogative being obliged to govern their English-Saxon Subjects not arbitrarily but justly according to their known Laws and totally disabled to alter repeal any old or enact any new Laws to impose any publique Taxes Tallages Imposts Customs whatsoever on their people upon any real or pretended necessity to mâ—ke any War Peace or to alienate the Lands or ancient Revenues of their Crowns to any pious publique or private uses whatsoever without the common consent of their Nobles and Wisemen in general Parliamentary Councils together with a Summary of the Laws of Ethelbert the first Christian Saxon King wholly pretermitting the Names Acts Kingdoms of our first Pagan Saxon Usurpers rather than lawfull Kings who though many and great in their generations were veâ—y speedily brought to nothing their Kingdoms begun erected by blood conquest and meer power of the Sword standing not long unshaken by civil wars among themselves each King envying his equals greatness and seeking to inlarge his own Dominions upon the next In which Combustions few or none of them came to the Grave in due time but were either slain in war or treacherously murdered in Peace or expelled their Realms by or forced to resign their Crowns to others after all their former prosperous successes and reigns wholly spent in Wars Troubles Seditions Rebellions Rapines affording nothing worthy memory for their peoples good the Kingdoms settlement or imitation of Posterity Whence Henry Huntindon in the close of the 2 Book of his Histories p. 320 hath this Observation concerning them very seasonable for our present times Vide igitur Lector perpende quanta Nomina quam cito ad nihilum devenerint Attende quaeso stude cum nihil hic duâ—et ut adjuiras tibi regnum substantiam illam quae non deficiet Nomen illud honorem qui non pertransibit monimentum illud claritatem quae nullis saeculis veterascet Hoc praemeditare summae prudentiae est acquirere summae caliditatis adipisci summae faelicitaâ—is I shall now in this Section proceed in my intended Chonological Method to their next succeeding Christian Saxon Kings reigns in England till the reign of King Cnute the Dane Anno Domini 1017. It is recorded of Aethelbert the first Christian Saxon King of Kent that keeping the Feaâ—t of our Saviours Nativity at Canterbury with his Queen Ead bald his Son Arch-Bishop Augustine and the Nobles of the Land he there held a Parliamâ—ntary Council with them on the 5. of Ianuary in the year of our Lord 605. Which Thomas Sprot thus expresseth in the Language of his age rather than of that Convocato ibidem communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi die quinto â—anuarii he did then and there Omnium singulorum approbatione consensu as he relates or cum consensu Venerabâ—lis Archie â—iscopi Augustini Ac Principum meorum cum Aedbaldi filii mei aliorumque Nobilium optimatum meorum Consilio as his Charters reciâ—e give grant and confirm to the Church of St. Peter and Paul in Canterbury for ever sundry Lands pretious Utensils Privileges and Immunities by his Charters made and ratified in this Council In which it is most probable he likewise made those Iudicial Decrees and Laws with the advice of his Wise men for the beneâ—it of his people in his own Country Saxon Language Which our venerable Beda William of Malmesbury Huntandon Bromton and others mention only in the general and Bishop Enulph hath registred to posterity in his famous manuscript intituled Textus Rosfensis of which I have given you some account before Section 3. p. 50 51 52. on which you may reflect In the year of Christ 627 Paulinus perswading Edwin King of Northumberland to bâ—come a Christian to avod eternal torments and to be made a partaker of the Kongdom of Heaven The King answered That he was both willing and â—ught to receive the faith which he taught but he ought first to confer with his Friends Princes and Counsellors concerning it thâ—â— so if they concurred in juâ—gement with â—im â—â—ey might all be bapâ—ized together Assembling therefore his Wisemen and advising with them he â—emanded severally of them all What that Doctrine which they never heard of till then and that new worship of God which was preached by Paulinus seemed to tâ—em To whom Coyfi the chief of the Priests presently answered Do thou consider O King what that Religion is which is now preached to us I profess unto thee that which I have most certainly learned that the Religion we have hitherto imbraced hath no virtue at all in it whereupon it remains that if those new things which are now preached unto us shall appear to thee upon examination to be better and stronger than our Religion let us hasten to embrace them without any delay To whose wise perswasions and words Another of the Kings Nobles giving his Assent spake something concerning the brevity and incertainty of this life and of their ignorance and incertainty of that life which is to come concluding That if this new Doctrine brought any thing to them more certain than that they formerly imbraced it ought to be deservedly followed The rest of the Elders and Kings Counsellors prosecuting the like things by Divine admonition Coyfi added that he desired to hear Paulinus preaching concerning God more diligently than before which when he had done by the Kings command he cryed out having heard his preaching I heretofore understood that what we worshipped was nothing because by how much the more diligently I sought the truth in that worship the less I found it But now I openly professe that in this preaching the truth shines forth which is able to give unto us the gifts of eternal life salvation and happiness Whereupon O King I advise thee that the Temples and Altars we have consecrated without any fruit or benefit we should now presenâ—ly execrate and burn Upon â—his without more debate the King openly gave his assent to the preaching of Paulinus renouncing Idolatry confessed â—hat he did imbrace the faith of
Head Whereupon he as Ingulphus records going round about the Land paucos Rusticos relictos excoriavit Mercatores absorbuit Viduas Orphanos oppressit religiosos omnes tanquam conscios thesaurorum innumeris tormentis afflixit plucked oâ—f the Skins of the few Countrymen that were left swallowed up the Merchants oppressed the Widows and Orphans and afflicted all Religious Persons as conscious of hidâ—en Treasures with innumerable torments whence amongst very many evils he did Impoposing a Tribute of a thousand pounds uâ—on Godric the venerable Abbot of Croyland and his miserable Freers he almost undid the Monastery of Croyland For no man after that by reason of the overmuch Poverty of the place would come to conversion Yea Abbot Godric being unable to sustain his professed Monks dispersed many of the Monks amongst their Parents and other Friends of the Monastery through all the Country very few remaining with him in the Monastery â—nd protracting their life in greatest want Then all the Chalices of the said Monastery except 3. anâ— all the silver Vessels besides the Crucible of King Withlasius and other Jewels very precious being changed into Mony or sold for Mony were scarce able to satisfie the unsatiable covetousness of Ceolwulfe the Vice-roy who at last by his Lords the Danes most just in this after all his Rapines and Oppressions of the People by unjust Taxes and imposts was deposed and stripped naked of all his ill-gotten Treasure even to his very Privities and so ended his life most miserably And the Kingdom also of the Mercians at this very time King Alfred prevailing against the Danes was united to the Kingdom oâ— the West-Saxons and remained so united ever after when it had continued a Kingdom from the first year of Penda the first King thereof to the last times of this miserable Viceroy Ceolwulph about 230 years Of which Kingdom William of Malmesbury thus concludes Ita Principatus Merciorum qui per tumidam gentilis viri insaniam subitó efsloruit tunc per miseram semiviri ignaviam omninó emarcuit Anno Dom. 875. though Speed post-dates its period in the year 886. Whence it is observable that unjust Rapines Taxes Oppressions speedily suddenly destroy both Kings and Kingdoms The next year following Anno 876. Halden king of the Danes seising upon the seditions kingdom of Northumberland sibi eam suisque Ministris distrâ—buit illamque ab exercitu suo coli fecit auobus Annis totally dispossessing the seditious murtherous Northumberlanders thereof who but a little before had expelled both their King and Archbishop out of their Realm This Halden and his Souldiers miserably wasted and destroyed the Churches of God in those parts for which the wrath of God suddenly fâ—ll upon Halden who was not only struck with madnesse of mind but with such a most loathsome disease in his body which much tormented him that the intollerable stink tâ—ereof made him so odious loathsome to â—is whole Army that being contemned and cast out by them all he fled away from Tine only with three Ships and soon after perished with all his Plundering Sacrilegious Followers The Danes elected Guthred king in his stead possessing this seditions Realm of Northumberland till diâ—posseâ—â—ed of it by king Edmund An. 944. who then annexed it to his kingdom Our Noble Saxon King Alfred the first anointed king of England as glorious for his most excellent Laws transcendent Justice and civil Government as for his Martial Exploits Victories and for his incomparable Piety and extraordinary bounty to the Clergy and Learned men comming to the Crown Anno Dom. 87â— in the years 873 874 and sundry years following by common consent of his Wise men commanded long Ships and Gallies to be built throughout the Realm and furnished with Mariners to guard the Seas and eucounter the Danish Ships and Pirates which then infested and wasted the Realm from time to time whose forces he often encountred as well by Sea as by Land with various success At last having obtained the Monarchy of all England and received their Homages and Oaths of Fealty to him he appointed special Guardians to guard the Seas and Sea-costs in all places Whereby he very much freed the Land from the Danes devastâ—tions Abouâ— the year 887. even in the midst of his wars when Laws use to be silent he compiled a body of Ecclesiastical and Canon Laws out of the sacred Scriptures and tâ—e Laws which his pious predecessors Ina Ofâ—a and Ethelbert had religiously made and observed antiquating some of them retaining reforming others of them and adding some new Laws of his own by the advice and counsel of his wisemen of the most prudent of his Subjects the observation of which Laws was enjoyned by the consent of them all Wherein certain fines and penalties were prescribed for most particular offences which might not be alâ—ered or exceâ—ded Amongst other Laws as Andrew Horn and others record this King and his Wisemen ordained That a Parliament twice every year and oftner in time of Peace should be called together at London that therein they might make Laws and Ordinances to keep the People of God from sin that they might live in peacâ— and receive right and Iustice by certain customs and Holy Iudgements and not be ruled in an arbitrary manner but by stable known Laws And it was then agreedâ— that the King should have the Soveraignty of all the Land unto the midst of the Sea invironing the Land as belonging of Right to the Soveraign Jurisdiction of the Crown This King by appointing Hundreds and Tithings throughout the Realm with Constables and Tithing men who were to take sureties or pledges for the good behaviour of all within their Jurisdictions or else the hundred to answer all offences injuries therein committed both to the party and king caused such a general peace throughout the Realm and such security from Robbers and plunderers even in those times of war That he would hang up golden bracelets in the High-ways and none durst touch them and a Girâ— might have travelled safely laden with Gold from one end of the Realm to the other without any violence Matthew Westminster and Florence of Worcester record That he spent a great part of his time in Compoâ—â—tione leâ—um Quibus Milvorum Rapacitatem Reprimeretur â—â—mplex 〈…〉 And amongst many other mâ—morable acts of his Juâ—â—ice as he frequently examined the Iudgements and Proceedings of his Iudges and Iustices severely checking them when they gave any illegal Iudgement against Law and Right meerly out of Ignorance of which they were to purge themselves by Oath that they could judge no better so he severely punished them when they thus offended out of Corruption Partiality and Malice Andrew Horâ— in his Mirrour of Iustices records That he hanged up no less than 44 of his Iudges and Iustices in one year as Murtherers and Capital Offenders princicipally for their false Iudgements in condemning
secretly about him ript up the Kings bowels and slew him with it which the Knights and Souldiers perceiving rushed all upon the Thief and with their Swords and Knives chopped all his flâ—sh and bones into small pieces Some â—istorians write that he slew some of the Kings followers likewise and wounded more of them and so escaped in the midst of the Tumult Sicque clarum regalis Convivii principium nebulosus rerum Gestarum exitus terminavit Communi ergo decretum Concilio It was thereupon decreed by a Common Council that his Body should be interred in Glastonbury Abby Abbot Ethelred gives this Encomium of him Erat autem patâ—is Edwardi in omnibus imitabitor homo simplex rectus et timens Deum et usque ad sinem vitae suae permanens in innocentiâ suâ Edred his Brother succeeded him the same year in the Throne and was crowned King at Kingston by Odo Archbishop of Canterbury Edwin and Edgar King Edmunds Sons being put by because of their Infancy quia tepugnante legiâ—iâ—â â—tate paâ—ri succedere non valebant as Matthew Westminster renders the reason No sooner was he crowned but entring into Northumberland with a great army he subdued the rebellious Northumberlanders who refused to bear the yoak of his government reducing them all under his obedience Wherupon Wulstan Arcâ—bishop of York and all the Nobles of the Northumberlanders swore fealty to King Edred which they did not long observe After which King Edred enâ—red with Banners displayed into Scoâ—land whereupon the Scots strucken with a fear without any resistance or war swore homage and fealty to him as to their true Lord as well as the Northumberlanders which Oath they soon violated For no sooner was Edred returned with his Army into the Southern parts but Anlaff who was chasâ—d out of Northumberland returning thither again with a great Fleet was joyfully received by the Norâ—humberlanâ—â—râ— â—nd restored by them to the Throne of the Kingdom which he kept by force near four years But in the fourth year the Northumberlanders using their accustomed treachery aud disloyalty chased away their King Anlaff and received Hirc or Eâ—icus sâ—n of Harald â—or their king who held the kingdom but a short time for the People of the Country not long enduring any king as they haâ— lightly received Hirc for their kingâ— so in the third â—ear of hiâ— Reign they as lightly rejected himâ— and calling king Eâ—red to them of their own accord receiâ—ed him again for their Soveraign and sâ—t him in 〈…〉 others relate That king Edred Anno 948 was so incensed with the Northumberlanders for their treachery towards him in chusing Hirc for their king against their Oath of Allegiance sworn to him that he wasted all Norshumberland with fire and sword and famine et penè ex hominibus delevit But some of the Northumberlanders in his return from thence sallying out of York with their forces cut off some of the Rear of his Army ar Cesterford wherwith king Edred was so enraged that he resolved presently to return et totam illam terram penitus desere and ututterly to destroy all that Country Which the Northumberlanders hearing they were so terrified that they rejected their new King Hirc and received Edred for their Soveraign satisfying the King with Honors and the Damages and Wrongs they had done unto him with Gifts and no small Sums of Mony These treacherous Rebellious Northumberlanders after Edred and Hirc had no particular King at all to rule over them but only Dukes whose names and successions with their Treachery towards and Rebellions against them you may read at leisure in Roger Hoveden who subjoyns the History of them immediately to this relation This King Edred about the year 951. close imprisoned Wulstan Archbishop of York in Withaubrig and suspended him from his Archbishoprick near a whole year for certain causes of which he had been frequently accused to him but especially for countenancing and harbouring the rebellious perjured Northumberlanders and the Danes a Heathen people who not only sought to destroy his Native Country but also to root out Christian Religion for which he deserved a thousand deaths and exciting them both against his Soveraign King Edred contrary to their Oath and for killing the Citizens of Thetford in a tumultuous manner in revenge of the death of Abbot Adelm whom they had causelesly murdered Norwithstanding all which about a year after he was enlarged and restored to his Bishoprick Malmesbury and Abbot Ethâ—lred record of king Edred that he made his Palace altogether a School of Virtues obeying Dunstans Counsels in all things et Justissimis Legibus subdiâ—os Regens and governed his Subjects by most just Laws I read only of one Great Parliamentary Council held under King Edred and that was at London in the year 948. in the Feast of the Virgin Maries Nativity Cui Universi Magnates Regni per Regium edictum Summoniti tam Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates quam Caeteri totius Regni Proceres Optimates Londini convenissent ad tractandum de negotiis publicis totius Regni as Ingulphus and others record In which Parliamentary Council when all the publike affairs were finished which as it seems concerned the making and carrying on of that war against the Rebellious Treacherous Northumberlanders who brake their faith with King Edred and set up a King of the Danish race as aforesaid the King in the presence and by the consent of them all restored granted and re-confirmed by his Charter dictated by Abbot Turketulus heretofore his Chancellour all the Lands and Liberties formerly granted by Kings and others to the Abbey of Croyland with sundry Mannors then given to it by Turketulus himself wherein amongst other Liberties he granted to the Monks quod sint quiâ—ti soluti ab omni Scotto Geldo auxiliis Vicecomitum Hydagio ab Secta in Schiris Wapuntakis Hundredis Thrichingis omnibus omnibus aliis curis saeculi oneribus universis This Charter was subscribed and ratified with the sign of the Cross by all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots aâ—d Nobles who gave both their Counsels and Assents thereto as their subscriptiâ—ns testifie that â—o it might be firm and perpetual In the beginning of which Charter this King to shew that he held his Crown only from and under God thus stiles himself Ego Edredus Rex terrenus sub imperiali potentia Regis saeculorum aeternique Principis Magnae Britanniae gerens Imperium c. About the year of Christ 950 Nogui a Welsh King being overmuch incensed with one Arcoit wasted his Lands and with too much fury violated the Sanctuary to which he sled Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaâ—fe assembled all the Clerks of his Diocess in a Synod to punish this Sacrilege and breach of Sanctuary Which the King hearing of desired pardon of the Bishop and whole Synod for these offences in the Church of Mainnon restoring all
foreplotted the Treason aforesaid and suborned them to execute it After their publick confession thereof he caused them all to be first drawn and then hanged for it Others write that Edric himself or his Son by his command murdered him at Oxford on St. Andâ—ews night as he was easing nature in an house of Office stabbing him into the bowels with a two-edged knife through the hole of the privy in which one of them lay in wait to murder him leaving the knife sticking in his bowels and him dead in the place And some write that he placed an Image in his Chamber with a bow and arrow ready bent which Edmond admiring at touching the spring which held the bow thus bent the arrow thereupon pierced slew him in the place That before his death was known Edric went to Edmonds wife and taking away her two young Sons from her brought and delivered them to Cnute and then saluted him saying GOD SAVE THEE SOLE KING OF ENGLAND Whereupon Cnute demanding Why he saluted him in this manner He then informed him of King Edmoâ—ds death and how he had murdered him of purpose to make him sole King of England Speed adds That he cut off his Soveraigns head â— presenting it to Cnute with these â—awning salutations All hail thou sole Monarch of England for here behold the head of thy Copartner which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off which no antient Historian mentions Upon this Cnute though ambitious enough in Soveraignty yet out of a Princely disposition sore grieved at such a disloyal treacherous act presently replyed to him I for reward of so great and meritorious a service done for me willâ— this day advance thee above all the Nobles of the Realm After which he caused his head to be cut off then fixed on an higâ— poll and placed on the highest Tower of London for the birds to prey upon Others more agreeable to the truth relate That Cnute in the first year of his reign depriving this Arch-Traitor Edric of the Dukedom of Mercia which he had many years enjoyed thereupon Edric in the feast of Christs Nativity repaired to Cnute at his Palace in London to expostulate with him about it where checking the King over-harshly he upbraided him with the many benefits he had received from him amongst which he mentioned two wherewith he specially provoked him to anger saying Most dear King you ought not to speak harshly to me nor suffer any evil to be done unto me for you had never enjoyed the Realm of England but by my means For out of love to thee I have first betrayed King Ethelred after that I deserted Edmond my proper and natural Lord and afterwards I foreplotted his death and murdered my just and true liege Lord out of my fidelity towards thee to bring the whole kingdom unto thee and dost thou so lightly vilify so great love conferred on thee for which I never received any benefit or profit from thee At which speeches Cnute changing his countenance expressing his fury by its redness presently pronounced this sentence against him saying And thou shalt deservedly die thou most perfidious Traitor seeing by thy own confession thou art guilty of Treason both against God and me who hast slain thine own Soveraign and natural King and my dear confederate Brother His bloud be upon thy head because thou hast stretched out thy hand against the Lords anointed And lest a tumult should be raised among the people he commanded him to be there presently strangled in his palace and his body to be cast through a window into the river of Thames to be devoâ—red of the fishes as some or hanged upon London walls unburied to be devoured by birds as others story At which time Duke Norman son of Duke Leofwin Captain of Edrics guard Aethelward son of Duke Agelmar and Brihtricus son of Alphege Earl of Devonshire with many others of Edrics followers were likewise slain without offence together with Edric because Cnute feared he should one time or other be circumvented by the treacheries of this old perfidious Traitor hearing his former natural Lords Ethelred and Edmond had frequently been betrayed by him quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit there being no trust to be reposed in such a Traytor to his Soveraigns Thus this inveterate Arch-Traitor to his Natural Country Kings and bloudy Regicide by Gods divine Justice received the just punishment of all his Treasons at the last instead of expected great rewards from that hand he least suspected Whence Matthew Westminster relating both the Histories of the manner of Edrics death concludes thus Sed sive sic sive aliter vitam finierit Proditor Edricus non multum ad rem pertinet quia hoc liquido constat Quod ille qui multos circumvenerat tandem est justo Deâ— Iudicio circumventus et proditionis suae meruit subire talionem And let all those who have or shall imitare him in his Treasons against his native Country Kings and Regicide seriously meditate on his tragical end and expect the self same retribution in conclusion though they escape as many years as he then did before final execution A third sort of Authors as Marianus Scotus Wigorniensis Roger Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis make no mention of King Edmonds murder by Edric his subordination but only that he died at London not Oxford about the Feast of St. Andrew as if he had died of a naturall death but the generality of Writers agree he was murdered at Oxford ambiguum quo casu extinctus writes Malmesbury the common fame being he was murdered by Edric as aforesaid And Bromton who recites all three opinions concludes thus Sed primus modus videliceâ— quod rex Edmundus ad requiem naturae sedens proditione dicti Edrici occisus fuit verior aliis et auâ—enticior habetur The Author of the Encomium of Emma concurring with Marianus subjoynes this Observaâ—ion touching his short reign and speedy death That God c. minding his own doctrine That a kingdom divided in it self caunot long stand and pitying the English took away Edmond lest if the Kings had continued long together they should have both lived in danger and the Realm in continual trouble His reign continued onely seven moneths in which time he fought seven or eight battels in defence of his Country People and their Liberties besides his single Duel with Câ—ute and by his untimely death the English Saxon Monarchy was devolved to the Danes who by Treachery and the Sword for three descents deprived the English Saxons of the Crown and Kingdom through divine retaliation as they had unjustly by treachery and the Sword dispossess'd and disinherited the Britons thereof about 450 yeares before as Henry Huntindon Bromton Radulphus Cistrensis Mr. Foxâ— Speed and others observe The Sinnes of the Saxons grown now to the full writes Speed and their dreggs as it were sunk to the
Earl much benefited the King and people whiles he lived Algarus his son succeeding him in the Earldom of Mercia in the year 1058. was banished the second time by Kiâ—g Edward but by the assistance of Griffin King of Wales and help of the Norwâ—y fleet which beyond expectation came to assist him he suddenly recovered his Earldom again by force of which he conceived himself unjustly deprived against Law Griâ—fin King of Wales having contrary to his former league and agreement invaded infested England slain the Bishop of Hereford burnt the City â—arrowed the Country and twice assisted Earl Algarus against King Edward thereupon Anno 1063. Duke Harold by King Edwards command marched hostilely into Wales with his forces to infest Griffin who having notice of his comming took Ship and hardly escaped his hands Hereupon Harold raised a greater Army and likewise provided Ships and furniture after this his brother Tosti and he joyning their forces together by the Kings command began to depopulate Wales and invaded it both by Sea and Land whereupon the Welshmen compelled by necessity gave them Hostages and promised That they would thenceforth pay a Tribute to K. Edward as their Soveraign and banish their King Griffin whom they expelled accordingly that year and An. 1064. they cut off their King Griffins head and sent it unto Harold who presently transmitted it to K. Edward whereupon the King made Griffiâ—s Brothers Blethagent and Redwallo Kings over the Welshmen to whom he gave that land who sware Fealty to King Edward and Harold et ad imperium illorum mari terraque se fore paratos ac omnia quae prius de terra illa Regibus anterioribus fuâ—rant pensa obedienâ—er se pensuros responderunt as Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis and others record their Oath The next year Tosti Earl of Northumberland moved with envy against his Brother Harold in the Kings own presence at Winsore took Harold by the hair as he was drinking wine to the King and violently struck the Cup out of his hand using him most dishonourably all the Kings Houshold admiring at it Upon which Harold provoked to revenge taking Tosti between his arms and lifting him up on high threw and dashed him violently against the pavement At which sight the Souldiers round about ran in on all â—ides and parting the began fray perforce between these Brothers and stout Warriers severed them one from the other But the King upon this predicted that the destruction of these two Brothers was now near at hand and that their deadly feud was not long to be deferred For all the sons of the Traytor Earl Godwin were so ungracious covetous oppressive and so extremely unjust that if they had seen any fair Manner or Mansion place they would procure the owner thereof to be slain in the night withall his posterity and kinred that so they might get possession thereof for themselves Who notwithstanding which their soft and honied speeches although they were but swords did so circumvent the over-credulous simplicity of King Edward that after many enormous wickednesses committed by them he made them Râ—gni Iusticiarios Regni Rectores Dispositores both Justices Rulers and Disposers of the kingdom and likewise Generals and Admirals of his forces both by Land and Sea The many acts of Injustice committed by the sway of power and passion by Earl Godwin and his sons proportionate greatness and the Kings weakness did much blacken that bright time of Peace and made a good man not by acting but induring ill held to be a bad King Tosti after this contest and quarrel with his brother Harold departing in a rage from the Kings Court and comming to the City of Hereford where his Brother Harold had provided a great intertainment for the King slew and cut all his Servants in pieces and put either a legg arm or some other member of their bodies thus mangled into every vessel of wine meade bear and other sorts of liquors he there found wherin they lay steeping stopping up the Vessels again Which done he sent word to the King that when he came to his Farm at Hereford he should find his flesh well powdâ—red and that he would provide him sweetmeats The King being informed of this his barbarous villany and scoff commanded that he should be banished for this detestable wickedness which he abhorred Soon after Tosti departing into Northumberland about the 5. of October divers Gentlemen and others of that Country assembling together came with about 200â— armed men to York where Tosti then resided both to revenge the execrable murder of some Noble Northumberlanders servants to Goâ—patriâ— whom Queen Egitha in the cauâ—e of her brother Tosti had commanded treacherously to be slain on the 4th day of the precedent Christmass and of Gamel the son of Orâ—e and Ulfe son of Delfin whom Tosti the year before had commanded to be treacherously murdered in his chamber at York under pretext of making a Peace with them necnon pro immanitate Tributi quod de tota Northimbria injuste acceperat as also for the excessiveness of the Tribute which he had unjustly received out of all Northumberland without their common consent and grant These chasing the Earl himself out of the Country pro contuitu Ducatus occidendum non rati slew and cut off the heads of all his Servants and Courtiers as well English as Danes being above 200. on the North part of the river of Humber then breaking up his Treasury they took away all his Treasures Horses Armes houshold-stuff and all things that were his The rumor whereof being brought to the King and the Country in an uproar almost all the Northumberlanders met together and elected constituted Morchar Earl Algarus son for their Earl in the place of Tosti who marched with them into Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire wasted and pillaged those Counties slew many of the Inhabitants and carryed many thousands of them away captive leaving those Counties much impoverished many years after Hereupon Harold was sent against them to revenge those injuries to prevent further mischiefs and to mediate a reconciliation between them and Tosti Upon this the Northumberlanders met Harold first at Northampton and afterwards at Oxford and although they were more in number than he yet being desirous of quietness and peace they excused the fact unto him saying Se homines liberè natos liberè educatos nullius Ducis ferociam pati pâ—sse A majoribus didicisse aut Libertatem aut Mortem c. That they being men freely born freely educated could not suffer the cruelty of any Duke That they had learned of their ancestors either to enjoy Liberty or death Therefore if the King would have them his Subjects he must set another Earl over them even Morchar who had had experience how sweetly they knâ—w to obey if they were sweetly handled But all of them unanimously refused any reconciliation at all with Tosti
sibi interposita fide sua pollicitum fuisse quod si Rex Angliae foret Ius regni in illum Iure Haereditario transferret subdens ait tu quoque si mihi te in hoc ipso adminiculaturum sposponderis et insuper castellum Dofris cum puteâ— aquae ad opus meum te facturum sororemque tuam uni de Principibus meis dederis in uxorem te ad mâ— tâ—mpore quo nobis conveniet destinaturum nec non filiam meam in câ—njugem accepturum promiseris tunc et modo nepotem tuum et cum in Angliam venero regnaturus fratrem tuum incolumem recipies in quo regno si tuo favore confirmatus fuero spondeo quod omne quod à me rationabiliter tibi postulaveris obtinebis Hereupon Harold perceiving danger on every side and not knowing how to escape unless he condescended to Williams will in all things he thereupon consented to his requests But he that all things might be ratified bringing forth the reliques of Saints brought Harold to this That he should swear upon them that he would actually perform all things which they had agreed between them These things thus done Harold receiving his Nephew returned into his Country where he related to the King upon his demand what had happened and what hee had done Who said Did I not tell thee I knew William and that many mischiefs might happen to this kingdom in thy journey I foresee in this thy deed that great calamities will come upon our Nation which I beseech God of his infinite mercy to grant that they may not happen in my dayes Mr. Fox relating this story more briefly concludes thus Whereby it may be â—athered That King Edward was right willing that Duke William should reign after him and also it seemeth not unlike but that he had given him his promise thereunto before The same Hoveden Annalium pars posterior p. 608 609 610. reciting the Laws of King Edward confirmed by King William after he got the Crown records these passages intermixed with them That King Edward retained his Cosen Edwards son Edgar with him and nourished him for his Son and because he thought to make him his Heir he named him Adeling which we call a Little Lord. But King Edward so soon as he knew the wickednesse of his Nation and especially the pride of the Sons of Godwin of Harold who after invaded the Kingdom Estigurt Lefwin and others of his Brothers imagining that what he had purposed concerning Edgar could not possibly be stable Adoptavit Willielmum Ducem Normannorum in regnum adopted William Duke of Normandy to succeed him in the Râ—alm William I say the bastard the son of Robert his Uncle a valiant warlike and stout man Who afteâ—wardâ— by Gods assistance by vanquishing the foresaid Harold son of Godwin victoriously obtained the Reâ—lm oâ— England To which he subjoyns That Edward wanting issue sent Râ—bert Archbishop of Canterbury to his Cosen William Duke of Normandy de Regno eum constituit Haeredem and made him heir of the Kingdom yea after him he sent Earl Harold and He invaded the Realm He further Records That when King William would have altered the Laws of England presented to him upon Oath in the 4th year of his reign but in one point Universi compatriotae qui leges edixerant tristes effecti c. tandem cum prosecuti sunt deprecantes quatenus pro anima Regis Edwardi qui ei post diem suum concesserat Coronam et Regnum et cujus erant Leges that he would not alter the Laws herein whereupon he consented to their request Thomas of Walsingham thus registers the fact Edwardus Rex Anglorum prolis successione carens olim miserat Duci Robertum Archiepiscopum Cantuar. statuens illum haeredem Regni a Deo sibi attributi Sed et Haroldum ipse postmodum destinavit qui fuit maximus Comitum regni sui in honore dominatione et divitiis ut ei de Corona sua fidelitatem faceret ac Christiano more Sacramentis confirmaret Qui dum ob hoc negotii venire contenderet velificato freto Porti Pontnium appulit ubi in manus Widonis Abbatis villae S. Abvile Comitis incidit quem idem Comes captum cum suis conâ—estim in custodiam trusit Quod ut Dux comperit missis Legatis violenter illum extorsit quem aliquandiu secum moratâ— facto fidelitate de regno pluribus Sacramentis cum muneribus multis Regi remisit Denique Rex Edwardus completo termino foelicis vitae c. migravit a saeculo Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit ex fidelitate pejuratus quam Duci Iuraverat Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret fidem quam Iuramento sposponderat cum digna subjectione servareâ— Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit veruâ— omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit c. Chronicon Iohannis Bromton Col. 945. relates That King Edward purposed to make Edgar whom he had nourished as his Son heir of England Sed ut quidam aiunt Rex gentis suae mâ—litiam et praecipuè superbiam Haroldi filii Godwini â—t aliorum divina demonstratione praevidens percepit quod proposiâ—um suum quoad ipsum Edgarum cognatum suum de regno post eum obtinendo minime potuit adimplere unde Willielmo cognato suo Normannorum Duci Regnum post eum optinendum per solennes nuncios assignavit And Col. 957. he adds Some say that King Edward before his death had appointed William to succeed him according tâ— the promise which the said King had made him when he was a young man living in Normandy that he should succeed him in the Kingdom concerning which as some write he had sent solemn Messengers to him into Normandy The like is affirmed almost in the saâ—e words by Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c 15. col 2238. and by Fabian Câ—xton Cambden Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Stow Vestegan and other modern Historians Matthew Paris in the beginning of his History of England p. 1. relates Harolds driving into Pountoisâ— by storm as he was taking his pleasure at Sea his presenting to Duke William his espousals to his daughter under age which he ratified by Oath taken upon the reliques of Saints adding Iuravit insuper se post mâ—â—tem Regis Edwardi qui jam senuit sine liberis Regnum Angliae Duci qui in Regnum jus habuit fideliter conservaturum Consummatis igitur aliquot diebus cum summa laeâ—itia amplis muneribus ditatus in Angliam reversus est Haroldus Sed cum in tuto constitueretur jactabat se laqueos evasisse Hostiles Perjurii crimen eligendo And Anno 1257. Writing of the Lay Peers of France whereof the Duke of Normandy is first he hath this passage Rex Angliae Dux est de jure Normanniae sanguinis derivatione geneali Rex ex
since his reign yet that neither did nor could make him a King by conquest only no more than these other Princes seeing the end of this warr was not against the whole English Nation the greatest part whereof secretly abbetted his interest but only against the unjust Usurper and Intruder King Harold and his adherâ—nts not to create a Title to the Realm by his and their Conquest but to remove a Uâ—surper who invaded it without and against all right and to gain the actual possession thereof by armsâ— from which he was unjustly withheld by force against those pretended lawfull Titles which he made So that he got not the Right Title but only the actual possession of the Crown by his Sword not as a universal Conqueror of the Realm without right or Title but as if he had been immediate heir and lawfull Successour to the Confessor who designed him to succeed him For â—uller confirmation whereof I shall here subjoin these ensuing proofs 1. King William himself at his very Coronation in London as Mr Cambden informs us said That the kingdom was by Gods providence appointed and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the glorious granted unto him and that this most bounteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his hâ—ir in the kingdom of England 2ly In his Charter to the Church of Westminstâ—r he resolves as much in direct terms where he recites In ore gladii Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum devictâ— Haroldo rege Cum suis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum bâ—neficio concessionis Domini Cognati mei gloriosi Edwardi CONCESSUM conati sunt auferre c. So that his Title was from Edward though his possession by the sword 3ly In the very Title of his Laws published in the 4th year of his reign which he was so far from altering that he both by Oath and Act of Parliament ratified confirmed all the Laws and Customs of the Realm used in the Confessors time and before presented by a Grand Enquest unto him out of every County of England upon Oath without any alteration praevarication or diminution he stiles himself or is stiled by the Collector of these Laws HEIR AND COSEN TO Edward the Confessor even in the ancient Manuscript which Sir Henry Spelman hath published Incipiunt Leges S. Edwardi Regis quas in Anglia tenuit quas WILLIELMUS HAERES cognatus suus POSTEA CONFIRMAVIT To which I shall likewise subjoyn the words of the Charter of his Sonn King Henry the 1. Anno 1108. translating the Abbey of Ely into a Bishoprick wherein he gives his Father William the self-same Title Ego Henricus providente divina clementia Rex Anglorum Normannorum Dux Willielmi magni Regis filius â— QUI EDWARDO REGI HAEREDITARIO JURE SUCCESCIT Iâ— REGNUM renouncing all Title by conquest and claiming only as Heir to King Edward by Hereditary right 4ly Earl William himself in none of his Charters Writs Speeches Writings ever stiled himself a Conquerour of England nor laid claim to the Crown and Realm of England by Conquest after his inauguration which Title of Conqueror was afterwards out of the flattery or ignorance of the times given unto him by others Therefore the words which the History of St. Stephens in Caen in Normandy reports he used at his last breath The Regal Diadem which none of my Predecessors ever wore I got and gained by the Grace of God only I ordain no man heir of the Kingdom of England which all our Historians unanimously contradict affirming that he ordained VVilliam Rufus his second son particularly to succeed him in it at his death upon which Title only he enjoyed it but I commend the same to the eternal Creator whose I am in whose hands are all things For I became not possessor of so great honour by any hereditary right but by an humble conflict and with much effusion of blood I took it from the perjured King Harold and after I had either slain or put to flight his favourits and Servants I subdued the kingdom to my self must either be reputed false and fabulous as most esteem them or else have this construction that he gained the actuall possession of it against Harold and his adherents only by the Sword and that he had not an hereditary right thereto as next heir by descent to the Crown but only by adoâ—tion from and as heir by donation to King Edward as next of kin by the Mothers side which he made his only Title 5ly Those antient English Historians who first gave him the name of Conquerour did it not in a strict proper sence as if he were a meer universal Conquerour of the Nation disposing of all mens Estates persons and the Laws of the Realm at his pleasure for that he never did but only as one who gained the actual possession thereof from a perjured Usurper and his forces by strength of arms conquering them by open battel in the field but still claiming it by gift conâ—ract and designation from King Edward as his Kinsman as an heir who forcibly outs a disâ—eisor and intruder comes in by Tiâ—le and Inheritance only though he gains the possession by force This is evident by the forecited words of Mathew Paris and this passage of Henry de Knyghton not extant in Hygden out of whom he seems to transcribe it Et sic quia Normannus Iure haereditatis tenuit Normanniae Ducatum ideo Dux Regnum vero Angliae mero Conquestuâ— in respect of actual possession et clameo subscripto in respect of Title by claim by gift from King Edward Ideo Rex which claim and Title being backed by the unanimous election of the Prelates Clergy Nobilityâ— People and right heir to the Crown himself who all submitted and sware homage fealty and allegiance to him as their lawfull Kingâ— infallibly demonstrate him to be no Conquerour in respect of Title in a strict legal military sense even in the judgement of those antient and modern Historians who give him that Title but only in regard of Harold and his party and the actual possession which he got by conquest And in this sense alone is that Distick in the Chronicle of Bromton to be understood Dux Normannorum Willielmus vi validorum Rex est Anglorum Bello Conquestor eorum 6ly Our Great Antiquary Richard Vestegan in his Restitutions of dâ—cayed Aâ—tiquities learned Mr. Iohn Selden in his Review of the Hist. of Tithes p. 482 483. Sir Iohn Hayward in the liâ—e of King VVilliâ—m the first Mr. Nathaniel Bacon in his first part of his Historical Discoursâ— of the uniformity of the Governmeâ—t of England chap. 44 45 46 55 56. to omit others most fully prove and assert That the entry of William the first into the royal Government of England neither was nor properly could be by Conquest but by Title and by the free
HISTORIARCHOS OR The Exact Recorder Being The most faithfull Remembrancer of the most Remarkable transactions of Estate and of all the English Lawes and the just Motives of them for the Proprieties Rights and Liberties of the English Subjects As most elabourately they are Collected for the benefit of them out of the Antiquities of the Saxon and Danish Kings unto the Coronation of WILLIAM the Conqueror and continued unto the present Government Of RICHARD now Lord Protector By WILLIAM PRYNNE Esquire and Bencher of Lincolne Inne LONDON Printed for Francis Coles dwelling at the Signe of the halfe-Bowle in the Old Baily 1659. To the Ingenuous Unprejudiced READER I Here present thee with The Third part of a seasonable Legal and Historical Vindication of the good old Fundamental Liberties Franchises Rights Properties Laws Government of all English Freemen with A Chronological Collection of their Strenuous Defences by Wars and otherwise of all the Great Parliamentary Councils Synods chief Laws Charters and other Proceedings in them the great fatal Publick Revolutions Invasions Wars National Sinnes occasioning them and the exemplary Judgements of God upon Tyrants Oppressors Perjured persons Rebells Traytors Regicides Usurpers under our Saxon and Danish Kings since the year of Christ 600. till the Coronation of King William the Norman anno 1066. with some Short Observations of mine own here and there subjoined for the Readers benefit and instruction A work neither unseasonable for nor unsutable unserviceable to our present times worthy the serious perusal of all who profess themselvs trons of the Publique Fundamental Rights Liber-Paties Laws Properties Government of the English Nation or studious of our old Parliamentary Councils Acts Laws Charters Proceedings or of our English History From which intelligent wise Christian Readers by observing the Providences Iudgements Proceedings of God towards our ancestors and others for their national personal crying bloody sins in former ages may probably conjecture what Tragical Judgements Events our whole Nation in general many transcendent Delinquents in particular have now just cause to fear and expect for their exorbitant iniquities equalling or exceeding any in those former ages unless their speedy real sincere repentance reformation and Gods infinite mercy ward them off True it is that the infallible certainty of future contingent judgements and events national or personal are known only to God himself who changeth the times seasons removeth Kings and setteth up Kings pulleth down one and setteth up another roots up pulls down destroyes builds plants Nations Kingdomes Cities Families Persons at his pleasure doing whatsoever pleaseth him both in heaven earth the Sea all deep places and amongst all the Inhabitants of the earth and none can stay his hands nor say unto him What dost thou Yet notwithstanding wise intelligent Christians by a serious tâ—utination and comparing of the Iudgements of God expresly threatned against and usually inflicted upon Nations or Persons for such and such transgressions in precedent generations may probably conjecture predict what severe exemplary punishments our late present transcendent wickednesses outragious crimes are like to draw down upon our impenitent secure perjured sinfull Nation and the hairy scalps of all those Grand Offenders who go on still in their exorbitant trespasses though they deem themselves advanced above the reach of any Powers or Tribunalls which may pull them down and execute justice on them answerable to their bloody crimes and violences there being an higher than the highest who is both able and resolved to execute vengeance on them in his due season as well as on all Notorious grand Offenders in former ages though never so many if their repentance prevent it not It was Davids profession to God though a victorious King General and Man of War My flesh trembleth for fear of thee and I am afraid of thy judgements O that this were the present temper of our secure Nation and all the sinners warriours and Grandees in it in this fearless stupid age wherein though we commit wickedness with both hands our tongues doings are against the Lord to provoke the eyes of his glory and we all proclaim our sins like Sodome and hide them not yet Gods judgements are far above out of our sight and we all say in our hearts like those secure Atheists mentioned in the Psalmist we shall never be moved we shall never be in adversity God hath forgotten he hideth his face he will never see nor require it Yea notwithstanding all Gods threats curses against his late severe punishments of our National personal sins We blesse our selves and say in our hearts we shall have peace though we walk in the imaginations of own hearts to add drunkennesse to thirst quite forgetting what follows thereupon The Lord will not spare such men but the anger of the Lord and his jealously shall smoke against them and all the curses that are written in his book shall lie upon them the Lord shall blot out their names from under heaven Let therefore the contemplation of the National Personal judgements of God upon our Ancestors here recorded for those crimes of w ch we are now as deeply guilty as they were then awaken us from our present Lethargy lest we be sodainly destroyed and that without remedy and teach us all this Gospel lâ—sson Rom. 11.20 21. Be not high minded but fear for if God spared not the naturall branches heretofore or of late take heed lest he also spare not thee Rumor de Veteri faciet futura timeri The fourth Section of the third chapter which begins this third part should have been printed with the Second part as a branch thereof above two years since but that the Stationer then kept it back for fear it should swell that Part overbigg for his present Sale whereby the bulk of this Third Part is now augmented beyond its first intended proportion which all Readers may do well to binde up with the two former parts to which it hath special relation more particularly to the ten Propositions in the First Part to which the Proposition figures in the margin refer The most of that large tract of 450. years space I have here Chronologically run through was spent either in bloody intestine wars between our Saxon Kings themselves or the Welsh Britons warring upon and against each other or else in defensive Wars both by Land and Sea against the invading bloody plundering Danes Norwegians Scots Normans and other Foreign Nations During which Mâ—litary seasons Religion Devotion Piety Law Iustice Parliamentary Councills Synods and just Government are usually cast aside and quite trampled under foot yet it is very observable for the perpetual honour of our Kingdomâ— and Kings thatâ— as during the reign of our antient Bâ—itish Kings before the Saxon race here seated our Kingdome of Brittain produced Lucius the first Christian King Helena the first Christian Queen and Constantine the great her son the first Christian Emperour
per contumaciam plurimorum machinamentis simulationis sine ullâ consideratione rationis periculosâ— dissipata essent nisi auctoritate Literarum testimonio Cyrographorum aeternae memoriae inserta sint Quapropter Ego Ethelbaldus Rex Merciorum pro amore caelestis patriae hanâ— donationem me vivente concedo Ut omnia Monasteria Ecclesiae Regni mei A publicis vectigalibus ab omnibus operibus oneribusque absolvantur nisi in instructionibus Arcium vel Ponâ—ium quae nulli unquam possint laxari as Ingulph renders it or as other Copies nisi sola quae communiter fruenda sint omnique populo edicto Râ—gis facienda jubentur id est instructionibus Pontium vel necessariis defensionibus Arcium contra â—ostes non sunt renuenda Sed nec hoc praetermittendum est cum necessarium constat Ecclesiis Dei. Praeterea habeant famuli Dei propriam Libertatem in proficuis Sylvarum in fructu Agrorum in captura piscium nec munuscula praebeant Regi vel Principibus nisi voluntaria sed liberi Domino serviant in contemplatione pacificâ per totum regnum meum usque in aevum Sed cunctas rribulationes quae nocere vel impedire possint in Domo Dei omnibus Principibus sub meâ potestate degentibus demittere auferre praecipio Quatenus sublimitas Regni mei prosperis successibus polleat in â—erris meritorum manipuli multipliciter maturescant in coelis Qui vero haec benigna mentis intentione at que in-laesâ cogitatione custodierit aeternâ claritate coronetur ornetur glorificetur Si quis hoc quod absit cujuslibet personae tyrannica cupiditate instinctus contrà hanc donationis charâ—ulam saeculari potentiâ fretus venire nititur sit sub Anathemate Iudae Proditoris Domini nostri Jesu Christi Ad confirmandum verò hoc nostrae beneficentiae munus Hi Teâ—â—es adfuerunt Nostri Magistrarus Optimates et Duces fidelissimique amici concesserunt et scripseruut Then follow the subscriptions of the King Bishops and Nobles with Ego his statutis consentiens subscripsi confirmandoque signum crucis aravi In this Council amongst other Synodal Decrees subscribed by the Bishops It was decreed That the Feasts of St. Gregory the Pope and St. Augustine the English Apostle should be perpetually observed with greatest solemnity King Ethelbald with his Nobles being there present and approving it In the year of Grace 752. Cuthred king of the West-Saxons being unable to endure the proud Exactions and insolencies of king Ethelbald for vindicaâ—â—on of his own and his peoples Liberty from his oppressions raised an Army and fought a bloody Battâ—l wiâ—h him at Beorford where through Gods assiâ—â—ance who giveth grace to the Humble and resisteth the Proud he routed him and his whole Army and after An. 755. slew him in a second battel he disdaining to fly by the Treachery of Bernred his Captain the chief Author of his death King Cuthred deceasing Sigibert his kinsman who succeeded him growing insolent and proud by his Preâ—ecessors great successes became intollerable to his Subiects treating them very ill in every kind Depraving or altering the Laws of his Ancestors for his own private Luere and exercising exactions and cruelties upon his Subjects setting aside all Laws Whereupon his â—aithfull Counsellor Earl Cumbra ovingly admonishing him to govern his people more mildly and justly that so he might become amiable to God and men he was so incensed with him that he commanded him most wickedly to be slain and became more cruel and Tyrannical to his people than befâ—re The Peâ—râ— and Commons hereupon seeing their Laws and Liberties thus violated and their Estates and Lives every day in danger being incensed into fury assembâ—â—ng themselves together did all unamimously rise up in Arms against him and upon mature prudent deliberation by the unanimous consent of all expelled him the Kingdom for his Tyranny and mis-governmenr Upon which Sigebert flying into the woods for shelter like a forlorn person was there slain by Cumbra his Swine-herd in revenge of his Masters murder Florentius Wigorniensis relates that after his expulsion from the Realm by the Nobles for the multitude of his unjust deeds Kenulphus allotted him the County of Hampshire for his maintenance until he slew Earl Cumbra such was the Charity and Humanity of those times even to an expelled deposed Tyrannical King now quite out of date with whom Ethelwerdus Hist. l. 2. c. 17. and Polychronicon l. 5. c. 24. accord Some of our Historians especially Eâ—helwerdus and Wigorniensis relate that Kenulphus usurped the Crown by meer force of Arms first drawing the Nobles and People to rise up against and expell Sigebert for his exorbitant actions and the multitude of his unjust deeds and then usurping the Throne being not of the blood Royal as Malmesbury relates though of a Noble family But they all unanimously record that he came to a miserable end upon this occasion When he had reigned 31 years with honour and good success being puffed up therewith and fearing lest Kinearâ—us Sigiberts Brother who began to be potent should revenge his Brothers death upon him and dispossess him or his posterity of the Crown he banished and compelled him to depart his Kingdom Who thereupon giving way to the time voluntarily sled out of his Dominions But soon after secretly drawing together through private Conventicles a band of desperate men he found an opportunity to fall upon Kenulphus when he went with a few followers to visit his Paramore at Merton where he besetting the House round slew the King with all his followers The fame of which Act coming to his Nobles and Souldiers not far from the place They upon Exhortation of Esric the chiefest of them not to let pass the death of their Lord unrevenged to their notorious and perpetual infamy furiously â—ncountred Keneardus and his Complices and notwithstanding all their fair promises of Mony preferments to them and all intreaties after a sharp bloody incounter put them all to the sword with the loss of some of their own lives Ecce quomodo Dei Iustitia non solum futuro saeculo verum etiam in isto digna meritis manifesto judicio recompensat c. Add Henry Huntindon Roger Hoveden Iohn Bromton Malmesbury and others as a Corollary to this History of Sigibert and Kenulphus Which all Traitors Tyrants and Usurpers treading in their exorbitant footsâ—eps may do well advisedly to consider In the year of our Lord 758. The people of the Realm of Mâ—rcia rising up against their King Bernred because he governed them not by just Laws but by Tyranny aâ—â—embled all together in one as well Noble as Ignoble and Offa being their Captain tâ—ey expelled him out of the Kingdom and thenâ— by the unanimous consent of all as well Clergy as people they crowned Offa King This Bernred as Malmesbuâ—y Speeâ— and Simeon Dunelmensis write treacherously murâ—hered King Ethelbald his Soveraign
Guthurn the Dane reconfirmed the Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws formerly made and ratified by his Father King Alfred and Guthurn But Guthurn dying in the year 890 full eleven years before this Edward was king could not possibly ratifie these Laws at the time of this Accord being 16 years after his decease as the Title and Prologue to those Laws in Mr. Lambard and Spelman erroneously affirm wherefore I conceive that this confirmation of these Laws was rather made in the year 921. when all our Historians record that after king Edward Anno 910. had sent an army into Northumberland against the perfidious and rebellious Danes slain and taken many of them Prisoners and miserably wasted their Country for 4 days space for breaking their former Agreement with him after his Sister Aegelfled An. 919. had forced the Danes at York to agree and swear that they would submit to her and her Brothers pleasure in all things and after Edward had vanquished the other Danes Scotch and Welsh in many Battles thereupon in the year 921. the king of Scots with alâ— his Nation Stredded king of Wales with all his people et Regnaldus or Reginaldus Reginald King of the Danes with all the English and Danes inhabiting Northumberland of which Reginald then was King comming to King Edward An. 921. submitted themselves unto him elected him for their Father and Lord and made a firm Covenant with him â— And therefore I conjecture that Guthurnus in the Title and Preface of these Laws is either mistaken or else mis-written for Reginaldus then King of these Northern Danes who had no King in the year 906 that I can read of in our Historians Abbot Ethelred gives this Encomium of this Kings transcendent modesty and justice Rex Edwardus vir mansuetus et pius omnibus amabilis et affabilis adeò omnium in se provocabat affectum ut Scotti Cumbri Walenses Northumbri et qui remanserant Daci eum non tà m in Dominum ac Regem quam in Patrem eum omni devotione eligerent Tanta dehinc Modestia regebat Subditos tanta Justitia inter proximum et proximum iudicabat ut contra veritatem non dico nihil velle sed nec posse videretur unde fertur quibusdam iratus dixisse dico vobis si possem vicem vobis redidissem Quid non posset Rex iu Subditos Dominus in Servos Potens in infirmos Dux in milites Sed quicquid non dictabat aequitas quicquid veritati repugnabat quicquid non permittebat Justitia quicquid Regiam mansuetudinem non decebat Sibi credebat impossibile I wish all our modern domineering Grandees would imitate his presidential Royal Example Yet I read of one injurious Act done by him After the decease of his renowned Sister Elfleda Queen of Mercia Anno 920. he dis-inherited her only Daughter Alfwen or Elwyn his own Neece of the Dominion of all Mercia who held that Kingdom after her Mother seising and Garrisoning Tamesworth and Nottingham first and then disseising her of all Mercia uniting it to his own Realms and removing her thence into West-Sex Magis â—eurans an utilitâ—r vel inutilitèr Quan an justè vel injustâ— Writes Henry Huntingâ—oâ— which inâ—rious action Si violanda sit fides regni caâ—sâ violandae will not excuse The Chronicle of Bromton records that King Edward as he inlarged the bounds of his Kingdom more than his Father So Leges condidit he likewise made Laws to goveâ—n it which are there registred to Posterity in two parcels as made at several times but in what year of his Reign this was it informs us not The first of these Laws declaring his zeal to publick Justice according to the Laws then in Force is this Edwardus Rex mandat et praecipit omnibus Praefectis et Amicis suis ut Justa â—udicia judicent quam rectiora possint Et in judicialâ— Libro stant â— nec parcant nec dissimulent â—pro aliquâ Re Populi Rectum et jus publicum recitaâ—e et unumquodque placitum terminum habeat quando peragatur quod tunc recitabitur The first Chapter of the second part of his Laws intimates that they were made by his Wâ—se men assembled in a Parliamentary Council at Exeter witness the contents thereof Edwardus Rex admonuit Omnes Sapientes quando fuerunt Exoniae ut investigarent simul et quaererent quomodo pax eorum melior esse possit quà m anteà fuit quia visumest ei quod hoc impletum sit aliter quam deceret et quam ante â—praecepisset Inquisivit itaque qui ad emendationem velint redire et in societate permanero quâ ipse sit et amare quod amat et nolle quod nolit in Mari in Terrâ Hoc est tunc Ne Quisquam rectum difforceat alicui Siquis hoc faciat emendet sicut supra dictum est In his first Laws then either made or rehearsed prima vice 30 s. secundâ fimilitèr ad tertiam vicem 120 s. Regi The last Chapter being the VIII in Bromtons translation but the XI in the Saxon Coppy is this Volo ut omnis Praepositus habeat Gemotum an Hundred Court semper ad quatuor hebdomadas et efficiat ut omnis homo rectum habeat et omne placitum capiat terminum quando perveniat ad finem Siquis hoc excipiat emendet sicut antè dictum est King Edward deceasing Aethelstan his eldest Son designed by his Fathers Will to succeed him was elected King at Winchester in the year 924. Magno Optimatum consensu et omnium favore and soâ—emnly Crowned at Kingston only one Alfred and some factious ones opposed his election pretending he was illegitimate and born of a Concubine whereupon they would have set up his Brotheâ— Edwin being legitimate and next heir as they pretended whom the Generality of the Nobles rejected nondum ad regnandum propter teneros Annos Idonâ—o Aethelstan after his Coronation knowing his Brother to be born in lawfull Matrimony and fearing Ne per ipsum quandoque Regni solio privaretur lest he should be some time or other deprived of his kingdom by him hated him extremely and at the sollicitation of some Parasites whereof his Cup-bearer was the chief to be rid of him and this his fear he caused young Edwin attended only with one Page to be put into an old broken Boat in the midst of the Sea without Sail Oare or Pilate that so his death might be imputed to the waves out off which Boat the young Prince in discontent cast himself head-long into the Sea or rather the Page threw him head-long over-board and so was he drownedâ— But the Page recovering his body by rowing with his hands and feet brought it to Land where it was inâ—erred The King was hereat so â—roubed with a real or feigned contrition for this barbarous bloudy fact that he did seven years voluntary penance for this his fratricide and adjudged his Cup-bearer to
bloud of their Neighbours and Friends was to be revenged Where upon Swain a cruel man prone to shed bloud animated to revenge by his Messengers and Letters commanded all the Warriers of his Kingdom and charged all the souldierâ— in â—orein Regions greedy of gain to assist him in this expedition against the English which they cheerfully did he having now a fairer shew to do foully than ever wrong having now made him a right of invasion who had none before Anno 1003. King Swain ariving with a great Navy and Army in England by the negligence and treachery of one Hugh a Norman whom Qâ—een Emma had made Earl of Devonshire took and spoyled the City of Exeter rased the wall thereof to the ground and burnt the City to ashes returning with a great prey to his ships leaving nothing behind them but the ashes After which wasting the Province of Wiltshire a strong Army congregated out of Hamshire and Wiltshire went wiâ—h a resolution manfully and constantly to fight with the Enemy but when both Armies were in view of each other ready to joyn battel Earl Edric their General a constant Traytor to his Country and secret friend to the Danes feigned himself to be very sick and began to vomit so that he could not possibly fight Whâ—re upon the Army seeing his slothfulness and fearfullness departed most sorroâ—full from â—heir Enemies without â—ighting being disheartned by the Cowardise of their Captain Which Swane perceiving he marched to Wilton and Sarisbery which he took pillaged and burnt to the ground returning with the spoil to his Ships in triumph The next year Swane to whom God had designed the kingdom of England as some old Historians write sailing with his Fleet to Norwich pillaged and burnt it to the ground Whereupon Ulfketel Duke of East-England â— man of great valour seeing himself surprized and wanting time to raise an Army to resist the Danes cum Majoribus East-Angliae habito Consilio taking Counâ—el â—ith the Great men of East England made peace with Swane which he treacherouâ—ly breaking within three weeks after suddenly issuing out of his ships surprized pillaged and burnt Thetford to the ground and covering the Câ—untry like Locusts spoyled all things and slaughtered the Country-men without resistance Which Duke Ulfketel being informed of commanded some of his Country-men to break his ships in pieces in his absence from them which they not dared or neglected to do and he in the mean time raising an Army with as much speed as he could boldly marched against the Enemy retuâ—ning with great booties to their Ships where after a long and sharp incounter on both sides the English being over-powered by the multitude of the Danes were totally roâ—ted and all the Nobles of East-England there slain in their Countries defence who fought so valiantly that the Danes confessed they had never an harder or sharper battel in Eâ—gland than this The great loss the Danes sustained in it though they got the â—ield and an extraordinary â—amine in England the year following greater than any in the memory of man caused Swane to return into Denmark to refresh and recruit his Army King Ethelred quit of these Enemies Anno 1006 deprived Wulfgate the Son of Leonne whom he had loved more than all men of his â—ossessions and all his honours propter injusta judicia for his unjust judgements and proud works and likewise commanded the eyes of the two Sons of that Arch-Trait or Edric Streona to be put out at Cocham where he kept his Courâ— because Edric had treacherously inticed a bloody Butcher Godwin Porthound whom he corrupted with great gifts to murder the Noble Duke Althelin at Scoborbyrig as he was hunting whom Edric purpâ—sâ—ly invited to a Feast that he might thus treacherously murder him While these things were acting in the month of Iuly the Danes returning with an innumerable Navy into England landing at Sandwich consumed all things with fire and sword taking great booties sometimes in Sussex sometimes in Kent Whereupon King Ethelred gathered a great Army out of Mercia and the West-parts of England resolving valiantly to fight with the Daâ—es who declining any open fight and returning to their Ships landed sometimes in one place sometimes in another and so pillaging the Country returned with the booty to the Ships before the English Army could encounter them which they vexed all the Autumn in marching after them from place to place to no purpose The English Army returning home when Winâ—et began to approach the Danes with an extraordinary booty sayled to the Isle of Wight where they continued till the Feast of Chriâ—ts Nativity which Feast they turned into sorrow For then they marching into Hampshire and Berkeshire pillaged and burnt down Reading Wallingford Colesey Essington and very many Villages Quocunque enim peragâ—bant quae parata erant hilariter comedentes cum discederent in retribuâ—ionem procurationis reddebant hospiti caedem hospitio flammam as Huntindon Bromton and others story As they were returning another way to their ships with their booty they found the Inhabitants ready to give them battel at Kenet whom the Danes presently fighting with and routing returned wiâ—h triumph to their ships enriched with the new sâ—oils of the routed English King Ethelred lying all this time in Shropshire unable to resist the Danes Anno 1007. cum Consilio Primatum suorum as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Polycâ—ronicon and others express it by the Counsel of his Nobles sent Messengers to the Danes â— commanding them to tell them quod sumptus et Tributum illis dare vellent that they wouâ—d give â—hem Coâ—ts and Tribute upon this Condition That they should desist from rapines and hold a firm peace with them to which request they consentedâ— and from that time Costs were given them and a Tribute paid them of thirty six thousand pounds out of aâ—l England Henry Hunâ—iâ—don Brâ—mton thus relaâ—e the business Rex et Senatus Anglorum dubii quid agerent quid omitterent communi deliberatione gravem conventioneÌ„ cum exercitu fecerunt ad pacis observationeÌ„ 36000 mil. librar ei dederunt A clear evidence that this Agreement and Peace was made and money granted and raised in England by common advice consent in Parliament or Council Inâ—renduit Anglia toâ—a velut arundinem Zephiro vibrante collisum Unde Rex Ethelredus confusione magna consternatus pecunia pacem ad tempus quam armis non potuit adquisivit writes Matthew Westminster Rex Anglorum Ethelredus pro bono pacis Tributum 36 mil. librarum persâ—lvit Dacis as Radulphus de Diceto words it After which the King this year made Edric aforementioned Duke of Mercia and that by the Providence of God to the destruction of the English a man of base parentage but extraordinary crafty eloquent witty and unconstant surpassing all of that age in envy perfidiousness pride cruelty and Treason who
express Convenerunt apud Oxoniam ad Colloquium as Mat. Westm. or Placitum magnum as Huntindon and others stile it Proceres Regni Vt de novo Rege creando tractarent ibidem All the Nobles of the Realm assembled in a great Parliamentary Council or Court at Oxford that they might consult about the electiction of a New King which they would not have done had Harold been made King of England before by Cnute in his life time â— Leofric Earl of Chester and the rest of the Nobles on the Northside of the Thames with all the Danish Princes and Londoners who by conversing with the Danes amongst them were corrupted wiâ—h their vices and addicted to their party elected Harold Son of Cnute by his Concubine Algiva whom â—ome aver to be the son of a Tayler for their King But Godwin Earl of Kent with the Princes of the Western part of England contradicting them would rather have elected Harde-Cnute son of Cnute by Queen Emma or one of the Sons of King Eâ—helred and Emma then in Normandy After great strife and debate between the Nobles about the Election because Harold was there personally present but Harde-Cnute then in Denmark and Alfred and Edward in Normandy Harolds party prevailed against Earl Godwins qui tandem vi numero minor cessit violentiae Whereupon Harold was presently crowned King at Oxford by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury though at first he was very unwilling to perform that service For it is reported of him that he having the regal Scepter and Crown in his custody refused with an Oath to consecrate any other for King so long as Queen Emma her children were living for said she Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance and to them will I give my faith and allegiance This Scepter and Crown therefore I here lay down upon the Altar neither do I deny nor deliver them to you but I require by the Apostolick Authority all Bishops that none of them presume to take the same away neither that they consecrate him King therewith as for your self if you dare you may usurp that which I have committed to God on this Table Notwithstanding this great thunderclap being allayed with the showers of Golden promises of his just good and religious government intended though present experience manifested the contrary he was crowned by him Anno Anno. 1035. Henry Huntindon and others write That they elected him King only to keep the kingdom for his Brother Harde-Cnute then in Denmark Harold and the Nobles of West-Sex who opposed his election upon advice taken resolved that Qneen Emma wife of the deceased King should keep West-Sex and Winchester for the use of her Son Harde Cnute and that Earl Godwin should be their Captain in military affairs Roger Hoveden and others record That Harold being elected King by the consent of the major part of the Nobles of England obtained the royal dignity and began to reign quia justus haeres because he was a lawfull heir yet he reigned not so powerfully as Cnute quia justior haeres expectabatur Harde Cnutus because a juâ—ter heir Haâ—de Cnute was expected By reason of this disagreement amongst the Nobles to please both parties the kingdom of England was therupon divided by Lot Harold enjoying the Northern part thereof and Harde-Cnutes friends retaining the Southern part of it for his use No sooner was Harold crowned King but to secure himself the better in his Throne he presently posted to Winchester with his forces where tyrannically and forcibly taking away all the Treasures and goods which Cnute had left to Queen Emma his Mother-in-law he banished her out of England into Flanders some write she was thus banished by the secret Counsel and treachery of Earl Godwin whom she had made General of her forces for her preservation who proved unconstant and a Traytor to her and her children where in this her distresse she was honourably entertained by Earl Baldwin In the year 1036. Alfred eldest Son of King Ethelred comming over to claim his right in the Crown was with his Norman associates betrayed and murdered by the treachery of Earl Godwin of which I finde these several different relations in our Historians Matthew Westminster Ranulphus Cistrensis and others out of them record that Alfred being in Normandy and hearing of the death of Cnute came into England with 23. chosen ships full of Souldiers ut paternum regnum de Iure sibi debitum vel pacificè vel si necessitas cogeret armatorum praesidio obtineret that he might obtain his fathers kingdom of right due unto him either peaceably or if necessity compelled by force of arms Who ariving with his forces at Sandwich Port came as far as Canterbury When Godwin Earl of Kent knew of his comming he went to meet him and receiving him in his fidelity the very next night following compleated â—he part of the Traytor Iudas upon him and his fellow-Souldiers For after kisses of peace given and joyful banquets in the silence of the midnight when as Alfred and his companions had given their Members to sleep they were all taken unarmed in their beds suspecting no harm by a multitude of armed men rushing in upon them and their hands being tyed behind their backs they were compelled to sit down in order one by another Where sitting in this manner nine of them were always beheaded but the tenth dismissed and his life reserved for a â—ime These things were acted at Gildeford a royal Town But when it seemed to be Traitor Godwin that there were more yet remaining alive of them than was profitable he coÌ„manded them to be tithed over again as before and so very few of them remained alive But young Alfred every way worthy of royal honour he sent bound to the City of London to King Harold that therby he might find greater favor with him with those few of his followers who remained undecimated So soon as the King saw young Alfred he caused him â—o be sent to the Isle of Ely and there to have his eyes pulled out of the pain whereof he soon after died but he slew all his Souldiers too perniciously Florentius Wigorniensis Roger de Hoveden Simeou Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Mr. Fox and others relate That the innocent Princes Alfred and Edward sons of King Ethelred came out of Normandy where they had long resided with their Uncle Richard into England accompanied with many Norman Souldiers transporâ—ed in a few ships to conferr with their Mother Emma â—hen residing at Winchester Which some potent men especially Earl Godwin â—s was reported took very unworthily and grievously because licet injustum â—sset although it were unjust they were more devoted to Harold than to Alfred Whereupou Harold perswaded King Harde-Cnute and the Lords not to suffer those Normans to be within the Realm for jeopardy but rather to punish them for example by which means he got authority to order the matter himself Wherefore he met
alia Apostolica mandata cum referrent nobis Legati interea revelavit beatus Petrusâ— c voluntatem suam esse ut restituerem locum qui dâ—itur Westmonaâ—terium c. Cumque mihi hanc visionem meisque retulisset Apostolicae literae aequalia praecepta detulâ—ssent contuli voluntatem meam cum voluntate Dei TOTIUS REGNI ELECTIONE dedi me ad restructioneÌ„ ejusdem loci Itaque DECIMARI praecepi omnem substantiam meam tam in auâ—o argento quà m in pâ—cudibus omni genere possessionum destruens veteremâ— novam à fundamento basilicam construxi From which passages and charters which I have coupled all together for their coherence in matter though differing somewhat in time I shall observe 1. That parliamentary great Councils in that age were summoned by the King upon all extraordinary occasions 2. That the Prelates Nobles and Barons of the Realm were the onely members of the grâ—at parliamentary Councils summoned onely by the Kings writs without any Knights of Burgesses that we read of elected by the people 3. That the Kings of Engl. in that age could not depart out of the Realm no not to pay their solemn vows to God nor appoint Vice-royes Guardians Officers Judges Commanders to govern or defend the Realm in their absence without the advice and consent of their Nobles in parliamentary Councils nor yet endow Monaâ—teries with any Crown-lands or Royal priviledges by their charters unless by consent and confâ—rmation of their Nobles and themselves in Parliament 4. That the Nobles and grand Councils of Engl. had then a negative voyce not onely to conclude against the King in his resolutions and intentions buâ— even in his sacred and religious vows when prejudicial dangerous mischievous to the Realm the publick peace safety 5. That Kings ought to submit to the just petitions advice desires of their Nobles Councils and people in all things which concern their safety tranquility though contrary not only to their private resolutions but vows 6. That the Nobles and Subjects of that age were very zealous both of the safety of their Kings persons the kingdoms peace and security and the hereditary succession of the Crown 7. That the Kings absence out of the Realm or death without any hereditary issue or heir is exceeding perillous and mischievous to the Realm yea the cause of many seditions tumults perturbations and ruins 8. That the sacred vows of Kings prejudicial to the Realm may and ought to be violated and dispensed with and that by the resolution of two Popes three Roman Synods and two parliamentary Councils 9. That God doth many times not onely preserve the right heirs to the Crown from the hands of bloody Tyrants and Usurpers who seek their life but likewise miraculously and unexpectedly restore them to the Crown again without war or bloodshed after many years seclusion from it by intruding armed usurpers as he did K. Edw. here after 25 years invasion of his right Aurelius Ambroâ—ius after 21 years long before 10. That right heirs to the Crown when so miraculously restored and reinthroned in their Kingdomes ought to be extraordinarily affected with and thankful bountiful and devout to God for it and their subjects likewise both in wordâ— and deeds as King Edward his Nobles and Subjects were King Henry the Emperour An. 1049. when the forementioned parliamentary Council was held about the Kings pilgrimage and Embassy to Rome warring upon Baldwin Earl of Flanders for burning his palace sent to King Edward intreating him not to suffer Baldwin to â—scape in case he should flie to sea Whereupon the King went with a great fleet to Sandwich which he there continued so long till the Emperour received from Baldwin whatever he desired Henry Huntindon and the Chronicle of Bromton relate that two Princes of the Danes Lothin and Hirling the yeare before having there taken an inestimable booty and great store of gold and silver they sailed by sea about the coast of Essâ—x pillaged it and sailing thence into Flanders there sold their prizes and returned from whence they came Which probably occasioned the kings drawing his fleet this year unto Sandwich for defence of the coast as well as the Emperours Embassy Whiles the Kings fleet lay at Sandwich Swane Earl Godwins son who formerly fled into Denmark because he could not marry Abbâ—sse Elgina â— whom he had defloured teturning into England with eight shipâ— gave out in speeches that he would from henceforth faithfully remain with the King Whereupon Earl Beorn promised him to procure from the King that his Earldome should be restored to him The Emperour and Earl Baldwin being agreed Earl Godwin and Beorne by the Kings license sailed to Pemeuse with 42 ships the rest of the Navy the King discharged and sent home retaining onely a few ships with him But being soon after informed that Osgad Clapa whom he had banished lay in Vlve with 29. ships he recalled as many of the dismissed ships as he could to encounter him Osgad having received his wife sailed with 6 of his ships inâ—o Dâ—nmark the other 23 ships sailed towards Essex having taken a great booty about the promontory of Edelfe they were all cast away in a great storm but two w ch were taken in the parts beyond the sea all the men in them put to the sword In the mean time Swane dealt very deceitâ—ully with Earle Beorne intreating him to go with him to Sandwich to make his peace with the King who considering his consanguinity went to him attended onely with three men Swane treacherously sending him to Bosâ—nham where his ships rode at anchor carried him on ship-board bound him in chains and at last slew and cast him into a pit After which two of his ships being taken by those of Hastings and brought to the King at Sandwich and 4 more of his ships being dismissed he sailed with two ships onely into Ireland till Ailred Bish. of Worcest reduced and reconciled him unto the King The same year in the moneth of Aug. the Irish pirats with 36 ships arriving in the mouth of Severn by the help of Griffin King of Sâ—uthwales burnt and pillaged many villages and put the inhabitants to the sword against whom Ailred Bish. of Worcest with few of the inhabitants of Worcester and Hereford speedily marched but the Welshmen amongst them who had promised fidelity to them â—ending presently to their K. Griffin intreating him with all possible speed to fall upon the English thereupon he and the Irish pirats assaulting the English unexpectedly early in the morning slew many of them and routed the rest King Edward in the year 1051. released the English From the heavy tribute or Danegeld which Florentius Wigorniensis and Simeon Dunelmensis thus expresse Rex Edvardus Absolvit Anglos A gravi veâ—â—igali 38. anno ex quo pater ejus Rex Athelredus Danicos solidarios solvi mandavit c. quod eis pater suus propter
to his Oath and promise to him had without right or Title invaded the Crown and being secretly invited by some of the English Nobles to challenge his own right thereunto by Kings Edwards designation sent Messengers to Harold who mildly reprehending him for his breach of Covenant added by way of menace that he would before the year expired exact his due from him by force of arms in case he refused voluntarily to yield up the kingdom to him But Harold growing secure contemning his threats as never likely to be put in execution both because the Dukes daughter to whom he was espoused was dead and himself involved in wars with his Neighbour Princes returned his Messengers to him with this answer Harold King of England sends you this answer That true it is when he espoused your daughter in Normandy being compelled by necessity He sware that the Realm of England should belong to thee But against this he asserts That a forced Oath is not to be kept For if a vow or oath which a Virgin had knowingly made concerning her body in the house of her Father without her parents consent was revocable and void much more the Oath which he being under the Scepter of the King had made without his knowledge by compulsion ought to be nâ—lled and made voyd as he asserted Moreover he afâ—irmed Nimis praesumptuosum â—uisse quod absque generali Consensu Regni Haereditatem vobis juraverat alienandam Addidit etiam Injustum esse petere ut e regno discedat quod tanto Principum favore susceperat gubernandum That it was overmuch presumption in him that without the general consent of the Realm he had sworn the inheritance thereof should be alienated to him That King Edward being then living he câ—uld neither give away the Kingdoms succession to him nor grant it to any other without his consâ—nt et â—ine populi consensu Senatus Decreto et nesciente omni Anglia de toto Regno necessitate temporis coactus impegerit and without the consent of the people and decree of the SENATE or Parliament he could not promise to him the whole Realm of England without the knowledg of all England being compelld therto only by the necessity of the time Adding moreover that it was unjust to demand that he should dâ—part from that kingdom which he had undertaken to govern with so great favour of the Nobles Eadmerus Radulphus de Diceto and some others record this to be his Answer then returned to Duke William Soror mea quam juxta condictum expetis mortua eâ— Quod si corpus ejus quale nunc est vult Comes habere mittam ne judicer Sacramentum violasse quod feci Castellum Dofris et in eo puteum aquae licet nescâ—am cui ut vobis convenit explevi Regnum quod necdum fuit meum quo Iure potui dare vel promittere Si de filia sua quam debui in uxorem ut asserit ducere agit Super Regnum Angliae mulierem extraneam inconsultis Principiâ—us me nec debere nec sine grandi injuria posse adducere noverit The Norman who till then thought England sure to be his and had devoted his hopes from a Duke to a King stormed to see himself thus frustrated on a sudden and instead of a Crown to have such scorns heaped on his head therefore nothing content with this â—light and scornfull answer returnd his Ambassadors again to Harold by whom he â—aid his claim more at large As that King Edward in the Court of France had faithfully promised the Succession unto him and again ratified the same unto him at his being in England and that not done without consent of the State but confirmed by Stigand it should be Robert Archbishop of Canterbury the Earls Godwin and Siward yea and by Harold himself and that so firmly assured that his Brother and Nephew were delivered for pledges and for that end sent to him into Normandy that he being no way constrained to swear as he pretended he appealed to Harolds own Conscience who besides his voluntary offer to swear the succession of the Crown unto him contracted himself to Adeliza his daughter then but young upon which foundation the Oath was willingly taken But Harold who thought his own head as fit for a Crown as any others meant nothing less than to lay it down upon parâ—y and therefore told Williams Embassadours plainly That however Edward and he had tampered for the Kingdom yet Edward himself coming in by election and not by any Title of Inheritance his promiâ—e was of no validity for how could he give that wherein he was not interested nor in the Danes time was likely to be and tell youâ— Duke that our Kingdom is now brought to a setled estate and with such love and liking of the English as that they will never admit any more a stranger to rule over them That the Duke himself well knew that the Oath he made him was only for fear of death or imprisonment and that an Oath so extorted in time of extremity cannot bind the maker in Conscience to perform it for that were to joyn one sin with another With which and the like Speeches he shifted off the Dukes Embassadours without any Princely entertainment or courteous regard who returned home without reply vel veris vel veresimilibus argumentis perstricti Some of our Historians record That the Dukes Messengers upon their second Embassy admonishing him how religiously he had bound himself by Oath and that perjured persons should be sure to find perdition from Gods hands and reproachfull shame with men waived all other demands of the Crown and insisted only upon this That Harold should marry his Daughter which he had espoused according to his promise else he should certainly know he would by force of Armes challenge the succession of the Kingdom promised to him But this seems improbable because our other Historians conclude that his espoused Daughter was dead before this Embassie and Williams preparations and future Messages claiming the Crown resolve the contrary Abbot Ingulphus flourishing at that time gives us this sum of their Negotiation and Harolds answer thereunto Wiâ—lielmus auâ—em Comes Normanniae Legatos mittit foedera facta dicit pacta patefecit promissa petit aliquod justum medium confici requirit At Rex Haroldus Legatos vix auscultat foedera fracta negat pacta recusat promissa excusat omnia â—ustamedia oblata sufflat subsannat Cumque haec intermedia quotidie agerentur ac solum nunciorum cursus ac recursus tota aestate sine fructu consumerarentur The Embassadours returned empty bringing only Harolds unsatisfactory and scornfull Answers with them Wherewith Duke William being much inraged cast about how to recover that by right of armes which he could not gain by Treaty providing Ships Souldiers Mariners and all things necessary for an invasive war making choice of the tallest skilfullest and
election of the Nobles Clergy and People That although the several Titles he Pretended were perhaps if curiously examined not sufficient to give him a true legal Title and Right to the Crown of England à parte ante because not agreed unto and confirmed by the general consent of the Nobles Kingdom and Nation in a Parliamentary Great Council but only by the King and some particular Prelates and Nobles out of Parliament as Harold in his answers alleged yet being ratified ex parte post both by the subsâ—quent consent agreement submission election Oath homage and fealty of all the people Nobles Clergy by their legal free crowning of him aâ— first by Edgar Atheling his own submission fealty and resignation of his royal right and Title thereby unâ—o him and ratified by succeeding Parliamentary Councils it became an inâ—uhitable Right and Title both in Law and Iustice to him and his Posterity against all others who could lay no legaller Title thereunto he continuing confirming all the antient fundamental Laws Liberties Customs and Government of the English Nation without any alteration both by Oaths and Edicts I shal therefore conclude this point with the words of Shard a learned Lawyer in King Edward the third his reign who when the Kings Counsel in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough would have made a Charter of king Edgar void because they allegedâ— all Franchises were devolved to the Crown by the Conquest replyed thereâ—o The Conquerour came not at all to â—ut any who had lawfull possession out of their rights but to dispossess those who by their wrong had seised upon any land in dis-inherison of the King and his Crown And with the words of our judicious Hiâ—â—orian Sa. Daniel concerning this king VVilliam Neither did he â—ver claim any power by conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom desiring to have his Testamentary Title howsoever weak to make good his succession rather than his sword And though the stile of Conqueror by the flattery of the time was after given him he shewed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not introducing none of those Alterations which followed by violence but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State and the occasions offered and that by way of reformation And although Sir Hen. VVotton gives this verdict of them VVe do commonly and justly stile him the Conquerour For he made a general conquest of tâ—e â—â—ole Kingdom and People either by Composition or Armes c. Yet he addes He was Crowned on Christmas day 1066. at which time he would fain have compounded a Civil Title of I know not what Alliance or Adoption or rather Donation from Edward the Confessor As if hereditarie kingdoms did pass like Newyears gifts The truth is he was the heir of his Sword Yet from these pretences howsoever there sprang this good That he was thereby in a sorting aged to cast his Government into a middle or mixed nature as it were between a lawfull successor and an Invader though generally as all new Empires do savour much of their beginning it had more of the Violent than of the Legal If any domineering Souldiers or others upon this false surmise of Duke VVilliams right to the Crown and Realm of England by meer conquest â— shall henceforth presume to claim and exercise a meer arbitrary absolute tyrannical and despotical power over our English Nation Laws Liberties Parliaments Estates Persons as over a meer conquered Nation against all Commissions Trusts Oaths Engagements Declarations and the rules both of Law and War it self being raiâ—ed waged commissioned only to defend and preserve us from conquest by the opposite party Let them know that they are far greater worser Enemies to their own Native Country than this Norman Duke or any of our former British Saxon Danish Norman or English Kings who never claimed the Crown by meer conquest in any age but only by some real or pretended Title of Inheritance or at least by a free and general election both of the Nobility Clergy and people as this King William did From the former Historical Passages concerning Harold Tosti Duke William and the Kentishmen I shall deduce these legal Observations 1. That no Tax Subsidie or Imposition whatsoever could in that age be imposed on the English or Norman Subjects by their Kings or Dukes but by their common consentâ— in their Parliamentary Councils where they were denied when inconvenient to the publike as well as granted when convenient 2. That no English or Norman Subjects were then obliged to aid and assist their Soveraigns with their persons arms estates or subsidies granted in any foreign invasive war but only left free to contribute what private assistance they thought fit in such cases 3. That no publike wars in that age were ever undertaken but by common advice and consent in great Parliamentary Councils 4. That the Kings of England in that age however they came to the Crown by right or wrong held it both their bounden duty interest safety to defend and preserve the Laws Rights Liberties of the Church and people to enact and maintain good Laws and abolish all evill Laws Rapines Exactions Tributes and to govern them justly according to their Coronation Oaths and not arbitrarily or tyrannically according to their pleasures 5. That no Freemen in that age could be justly imprisoned banished or put to death but for some hainous misdemeanors and that by a legal trial and conviction 6. That the Subjects of England then held it their bounden duties in times of forein invasion to defend the Realm their Lives Liberties Properties both by Land and Sea against forein Enemies yet they held themselves dis-obliged and were generally averse to defend the person or Title of any Usurper of the Crown against any forein Prince or other Person who had a better right and title to it 7. That our English Ancestors in that age esteemed their hereditary Liberties good antient Laws and Customs more dear and pretious to them than their very lives and would rather die fighting for their Laws and Liberties like freemen than live under slavery or bondage to any Soveraign whatsoever 8. That the Kings of England in that age could neither give away nor legally dispose of their Crowns Kingdoms or Crown Lands to others without the privity and free consent of their Nobles and Kingdom in general Parliamentary Council as is evident by Harolds answers to VVilliams Embassadours the recited passage of Matthew Paris upon that occasion and this of Samuel Daniel p. 34. So much was done either by King Edward or Harold though neither act if any such were was of power to prejudice the State or alter the course of right succession as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown by a donation made by Testament which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom could be of no validity
adventure their lives bodies soulâ— and their whole kingdoms utter ruine than part with their usurped Supremacy 10. That the most unrighteous Usurpers of the royal Throne by apparent perjury fraud force treachery will feign forge publish some specious pretext or other of Title or popular election to palliate or extenuate their intrusions to avoid the infamy of Tyrants and Usurpers and take off the Odium of their most unrighteous Intrusions of which we see footsteps both in Harold William then and Rich. 3. of late 11. That unjust Invaders of Crowns for the most part bring many miseries troubles warrs and ruins not only on themselves and their posterities but likewise on their Kingdoms and people as Harold did 12. That royal Usurpers when they are most successfull insolent and secure as Harold after his victory in the North are nearest greatest dangers and ruine 13. That such Usurpers are commonly very vigilant and industrious to preserve their own Interest and Power under pretext of the common defence and safety of the Nation yet more rely on their Mercinary forces than the unmercinary Militia of the Nation 14. That Usurpers though they may have many Flatterers and seeming Friends to write and act for them whiles in prosperity yet are commonly generally deserted both by Nobles People yea their own indeared Friends and kinred in their greatest dangers when they need them most as Harold was 15. That few English Nobles Gentry or Commons will readily adventure their Lives in a Vsurpers quarrel when and where his Title stands in competition with a better and clearer right as most of them deserted Harold 16. That the reign of perjured Invaders of others Thrones is commonly very short full of Warâ— Troubles Fears Jealousies and their ends for the most part bloudy tragical as was Harolds and Rich. 3. 17. That the sordid Covetousnesse of Kings and Generals in oppressing their people and depriving their Subjects and Souldiers of their just and lawfull spoils after victory over the Enemies is a ready means to alienate their affections and cause a defection from them to their Opposites 18. That when God hath designed a perjured Vsurpers or Nations ruine for their crying sins he suddenly stirs up unexpected Enemies and Instruments to effect occasions to facilitate it and so infatuates them that they become altogether uncapable of any good advice and reject all Propositions and Accommodations that might prevent the sâ—me as Harold obstinately did 19. That none are more forward publikely to appeal to God himself for to judge and decide the Justice of their cause and proceedings than the most perjurious and unrighteous Vsurpers That when such presumptuously and atheistically dare openly appeal to God himself for justice against their Opposites or Competitors he usually cuts them off by exemplary deaths and fatal Overthrows as he did Harold both to manifest his severe Justice and Indignation against such Atheistical and hypocritical Apellants and Appeals and to deterr all others from such practices 20. That all sacred Oathes and sworn Contracts solemnly made to others in things lawfull or indifferent be it through fear or voluntarily upon premeditation ought religiously and inviolably to be observed and not wilfully infringed or eluded by shifts and pretences as here by Harold 21. That God sooner or later doth usually avenge in an exemplary manner the perjurious wilfull breach of solemn Oathes even in Kings themselves and the greatest persons whose detestable perjury oft brings sudden destruction both upon themselves their kinred Posterity and whole Armies and Kingdoms too as in the case of Harold 22 That perjured persons fighting in a cause directly against their corporal Oaths can expect no other successe in battel but either flight or death And that one Battel may both lose and win a whole kingdom so unstable are even kingdoms themselves 23. That the barbarous murders the cruel oppressions of Innocent people are apt to stirrup a universal Insurrection against their Governors and Instruments and uâ—ually end in the dethroning expulsion death and destruction of the Authors of them of which Tosti yields us a notable president And that people when once justly enraged against such bloudy tyrannical Oppressors become altogether implacable and will never brook their future Government over them 24. That base carnal fears in times of imminent danger usually dis-joynt those persons councels forces whom the Common danger should more unite and make them desert the probablest means of their publike preservation liberty peace settlement by setting up the Right heir of the Crown as Edgar here against the Intrusions and Pretences of all usurping Invaders of the Soveraign power 25. That a few timorous Counsellors Great Persons or Clergy-men in times of danger are apt to disappoint the magnanimous resolutions and daunt the heroical Spirits of such who are most cordially affected both to their Native Countries Lawes Liberties and right heir to the Crown and to draw them to unworthy compliances with them against both 26. That stout resolute real Patrons of their Native Countries Laws and Liberties will then appear most cordially zealous to protect own and fight for them when they are in greatest danger to be lost and most disowned deserted betrayed by other timorouâ— and time-serving persons witnesse the example of Abbot Fredâ—rick Stigand Egâ—lsine and the Kentish men 27. That true heroick English Freemen preferr their old Native Liberties Laws Customs bâ—fore their Lives and would rather die fighting for them in the field than depart with them upon any Terms to a victorious Soveraign or subject themselves to the leâ—st publike Servitude the name whereof hath been ever odious to them much more the thing it self 28. That the best means to preserve our publike Laws Liberties Customs against all Invaders of them is manfully resolutely and unanimously to stand up in their defence both by words and deeds when they are most indangered That such persons Counties places who have appeared most stout and resolute in their defence when others have generally deâ—erted surrendered or betrayed them have thereby preserved secured perpetuated them to themselves and their posterities when all else have lost and been deprived of them yea gained immortal honour and precedency of all others to boot Witnesse the Kenâ—ish-men 29. That the Stoutest Maintainers of their Countries Laws and Liberties are commonly most odious to most injured oppressed by tyrannical Soveraigns though upon other pretences witnesse Archbishop Stigand Abbot Frederick and Egelsine Yet this must not deterâ— them from their duties 30. That no age or person ever yet reputed Conquest a just safe prudent Title or Pretext to the Crown of England but ever disclaimed it as most absurd and dangerous to their interests 31. That the murdering or disinheriting of the right heir to the Crown hath been the Principal occasion and ground-work of all the great sad revolutions of Government in this Island and of the translations of the Crown and Kingdom from the Britons to the Saxons from the Saxons to
the Danes and since from both of them to the Normans by the murther of Prince Alfred and rejection of Prince Edgar 32. That when Treachery Perjury Oppression Murder Violence and other sins forementioned have generally overspread the Kingdomâ— and infected all sorts and degrees of men then National Judgments Forein invasions publike Revolutions of Governours and Government yea all sorts of Calamities Warrs Troubles may be justly feared expected inflicted as the fruits punishments of these epidemical crying Transgressions 33. That Crowns and Kingdoms have their Periods and Revolutions as well as private possessions Families and that by the secret Justice and wise disposing Providence of God who disposeth translateth dissipateth dissolveth Kingdoms at his pleasure and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth 34. From the whole we may observe with the Chronicle of Bromton and Mr. Fox That as the English-Saxons had most unjustly against their Oathes and Trusts formerly subdued and expelled the Britons by the just judgement of God upon them for their sins out of the possession of the Throne and Kingdom of Britain by the power of the sword so God himself by divine retaliation for the like Sinnes of the English-Saxons after many years bloudy intestine warrs between themselves wherein many of their Kings multitudes of their Nobles and Millions of the Common Souldiers and people were slain and lost their lives first plagued infested them for many years and at last totally subdued and dispossessed them of the Crown and Kingdom for some years space by the bloudy Danes after that subjected them to the Normans yoke who possessed themselves of the Crown and Realm of England instrumentally by the Sword and put by both the Saxon Invader Harold and his Posterity with Edgar the Saxon heir in such sort as here you have read The Lord sanctifie all these Collections and Observations to the greatest publike good and settlement of our unsetled distracted English Nation and the private benefit of all who shall peruse them that they may aim only at that kingdom which cannot be shaken and that Crown of glory which fadeth not away not at temporal Crowns and kingdoms which are so fading transitoryâ— full of Thorns Crosses Cares Fears Vexations Tortures Perils Deaths FINIS Omissions and Errataes Kinde Reader I present thee with some Historical Passages casually omitted in their due places and such Errors as have hapned at the Pâ—ess which I desire thee to correct PAge 10. line 8. One Thunder maliciously accused Aethelbert and Aethelred two kinsmen of Egbert King of Kent educated and brought up in his Court that they intended some time or other to take away his kingdom from him and thereupon advised the King either to banish them both into some farr Country or to deliver them unto him to destroy and murder without any legal Trial or conviction of their guilt Which Thunder often instigating the King to doe and he but coldly prohibiting or disliking thereupon Thunder in the Kings absence rashly presumed ignominiously to murder them in the Kings Palace and then buried them under his Royal Chair in a Village called Estria The King returning to his Court in the dead of the night there appeared a bright pillar sent from heaven which filled his whole royal Palace with an unspeakable brightnesse which the Kings servants beholding were so terrified that they fell down to the ground and became almost distracted The King being awaked with the tumult of his Guard and being ignorant of the cause thereof arose that he might go and hear Mattens as he was accustomed And going out of his house he saw the City shining with the beams of the new splendor Upon which missing his Kinsmen he sent for Thunder and demanded of him where they were who answered him like Cain Am I thy Kinsmens keeper To which the King replied Thou hast always sinisterly accused them unto me and therefore most wicked wretch thou oughtest to shew me where they are Whereupon he informed him of their murder and burial whereat the King was very angry with him But returning at last to himself he refunded the Crime whole wickednesse on himself and being confounded beyond measure spent the residue of the night in tears When the day appeared he sent for the Archbishop Adeo-datus et Magnates quos habere potuit convocari praecepit and causing the Nobles to be called together related the whole businesse to them The Archbishop gave counsel that the bodies of these Innocents should be removed to the Cathedral Church and there interred in a royal manner Thereupon putting their bodies with Saints reliques into Coffins and Carts they intended to carry them to Christs Church in Canterbury but in vain because they could not stirre their corps nor remove them out of the place although they attempted it with much endeavour and force Vpon this changing their counsel they intended to remove them to St. Augustines Church neither yet could they effect it At last they resolved they should be removed to the most famous Monastery of Waermen â—pon which the Carts presently removed with easâ— as if they had no burden and they were buried by the High Altar in this Monastery Kinewalchus King of the West-Saxons deceasing Anno 672. Regni arbitrium Uxori Sexburgae delegandum putavit nec deerat mulieri spiritus ad obeunda regia munia ipsa novos exercitus moâ—iri veteres tenere in officio ipsa subjectos clementer moderari hostibus minaciter infremere prorsus omnia facere ut nihil praeter sâ—xum diâ—cerneres Veruntamen plus quam animos foemineos anhelantem vita destituit viâ— annua potestate perfunctam When she had reigned thus one year Indignantibus Regni Magnatibus assembled most likely in a Parliamentary Council â—xpulsa est a Regno nolentes sub sexu Foemineo militare The Nobles thereupon made Eschwin King in her place being Regali prosapia proximus next of the royal bloud quo dâ—cedente vel morte sua vel vi aliena vacantem aulam successione legitima implevit Kentianus He being the next right heir Page 24. l. 24. About the year 783 Kenulph King of Mercia Cum Episcopis Ducâ—bus et omni sub nostra ditione dignitatis gradu with the Bishops Dukes and Nobles of every degrée of Honor under his Dominion assembled in a Parliamentary Council writ a Letter to Pope Leo the 3d. â—o reunite those Bishopricks to the Metropolitical See of Canterbury which King Offa out of his hatred to Archbishop Living had severed from it and united to a new-erected Archbishoprick at Licheâ—ield alleging in the Letter Uisum est cunctis gentis nostrae Sapientibus quatenus in illa Civitate Metropolitanus honor habâ—retur ubi corpus beatae recordationis Augustini qui verbum Dei imperante beato Gregorio Anglorum genti remonstrabat et gloriosissime Ecclesiae praefuit Saxoniae pansat qui his partibus fidei veritatem inseruit This Letter with Pope
in the world who publickly imbraced professed countenanced propagated the faith and Gospel of Iesus Christ and abolished Pagan Idolatry in their Dominions And of later times as our English Realm brought forth King Henry the 8th the first Christian King in the world who by Acts of Parliament abolished the Popes usurped power and jurisdiction out of his Dominions King Edward the sixth his son the first Christian King and Queen Elizabeth the first Christian Queen we read of in the world who totally abolished suppressed Popery banished it their kingdoms and established the publike Profession of the Protestant Religion by publike Statutes made in their Parliaments So during the reigns of our Saxon Kings after they turned Christians this Realm of England procreated more devout holy pious just and righteous Kings eminent for their piety justice excellent Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws transcendent bounty to the Church Clergy and Martyrdom for the defence of Religion and their Country against Pagan Invaders than any one Kingdom throughout the World There being no less then 15 or 16 of our Saxon Kings and 13 Queens within 200 years space who out of piety devotion and contempt of the world according to the piety of that age out of date in this voluntarily renounced their earthly Crowns and Kingdomâ— and became professed Monks Nuns to obtain an incorruptible Crown and Kingdom in Heaven 12 Kings crowned with Martyrdom being slain by Pagan invaders 10 of them being canonized for transcendent Saints and enrolled for such in all Martyrologies Liturgies of the Church which I doubt few of our new Republican Saints will be Yea the piety of our Kings in that age was generally so surpassing Ut mirum tunc fuerat Regem non Sanctum videre as John Capgrave informs us Whence Wernerus a forein Chronologer in his Fasciculus temporum records Plures se invenisse sanctos Reges in Anglia quam in alia mundi Provincia quanâ—umcunque populosa And Abbot Ailred long before him gives this memorable testimony of the Sanctity Martyrdom Iustice and study of the peoples publike we al before the private shining forth in our Saxon Kings more than in any other kings throughout the world Verum prae cunctis civitatibus Regnisve terrarum de sanctitate Regum suorum Anglia gloriatur quorum alii coronati martyrio de terreno ad caeleste Regnum migraverunt alii exilium patriae praeferentes mori pro Christo peregre deligerunt nonnulli posito diademate disciplicinis se monasticis subdederunt quidam in justitia et sanctitate regnantes prodesse subditis quam praeesse maluerunt whose footsteps with the pretending self-denying antimonarchical domineâ—ring Saints over us would now imitate inter quos istud Sydus eximium gloriosus Rex Edwardus emicuit quem cernimus in divitiis egenum in deliciis sobrium in purpura humilem sub corona aurea seculi contemptorem So as the Prophesies of Psal. 72 2 6. Isay. 42 4 10 12. c. 49.1 23. c. 51 5. c. 60 9 10 11. c. 66.19 seem to be principally intended and verified of our Kings Isle above alâ—others in the world No wonder then that these ages of theirs afford us notwithstanding all the wars tumults combustions therein sundry memorable Presidents of great Parliamentary Councils Synods Civil and Ecclesiastical excelleut Laws aud Canons made in royal Charters confirmed by them with divers memorable Mouuments both of our Parliamentary Councils Kings Princes Nobles Peoples constant care diligence prudence fortitude in defending preserving vindicating and perpetuating to posterity the good old Laws Liberties Franchises Rights Customs Government publike justice and Propriety of the Nation to suppress abolish all ill Law tyrannical unjust Proceedings Oppressions Exactions Imposts Grievances Taxes repugnant thereunto to advance Religion Piety Learning the free course of Iustice and the peoples welfare Which I have here in a Chronological method for the most part faithfully collected out of our antientest best Historians and Antiquaries of all sorts where they ly confused scattered and many of them being almost quite buried in oblivion and so far forgotten that they were never so much as once remembred or inâ—isted on either in our late Parliaments aud Great Courts of Iustice in any late publike Arguments or Debates touching the violation or preservation of the fundamental Laws Liberties Properties Rights Franchises of the Nation now almost quite forgotten and trampled under foot after all our late contests for their defence I have throughout these Collections strictly confined my self to the very words and expressions of those Historians I cite coupling their relations together where they accord in one citing them severally where they vary and could not aptly be conjoyned transcribing their most pertinent passages in the language they penned them omitted by our vulgar English Chronologers and annexing some brief observations to them for Explanation or Information where there is occasion The whole undertaking I here humbly submit to the favourable acceptation and censure of every judicious Reader who if upon his perusal thereof shall esteem it worthy of such an Encomium as William Thorne a Monk of Canterbury hath by way of Prologue praefixed to his own Chronicle Valens labor laude dignus per quem ignota noscuntur occulta ad noticiam patescunt praeterita in lucem praesentia in experientiam futura temporibus non omittantur quia labilis est humana memoria necesse constat scriptis inseri memoranda ne humanae fragilitatis contingens oblivio fieret posteris inopinata confusio It will somewhat incourage me to proceed from these remote obscure times to ages next ensuing in the like or some other Chronological method But if any out of disaffection to the work or diversity from me in opinion shall deem these Collections useless or superfluous I hope they will give me leave to make the selfsame Apology for my self and them as our most judidious Historian William of Malmesbury long since made for himself and his Historical collections Et quidem erunt multi fortassis in diversis Regionibus Anglâ—ae qui quaedam aliter ac ego dixi se dicant audisse vel legisse Veruntamen si recto aguntur judicio non ideo me censorio expungent stilo Ego enim veram Legem secutus Historiae nihil unquam posui nisi quod à sidelibus relatoribus vel scriptoribus addidici Porro quoquo modo haec se habeant privatim ipse mihi sub ope Christi gratulor quod continuam Anglorum Historiam ordinaveram vel solus vel primus at least wise in this kind Si quis igitur post me scribendi de talibus munus attentaverit mihi debeat collectionis gratiam sibi habeat electionis materiam Quod superest munus meum dignanter suscipite ut gaudeam grato â—ognitoris arbitrio qui non erravi eligendi judicio Thus craving the Benefit of thy Prayers for Gods Blesâ—sing on these my