would otherwise have been imputed for a Defect that he was not able or for a Crime as if he thought himself too great to speak to his people and secondly it put the Commons on a â—og of following the Kings example not onely in making long speeches but of printing them also of which more hereafter Ibid. His place being 〈…〉 of King William Rufus where he is to 〈◊〉 totius Regni 〈◊〉 Our 〈◊〉 speaks this of the Speaker of the house 〈…〉 but he speaks without Book the Commons noâ— being called to Parliament in the time of Rusus as all our 〈…〉 agree â—oyntly He that was called 〈◊〉 〈…〉 might be a speaker of the Parliament though not of 〈…〉 in regard hâ— delivered the kings minde to the 〈◊〉 and Peers of that great Counsil and theirs 〈◊〉 to him Which office was commonly performed by the lord Chancellor of the Kingdom who is therefore 〈◊〉 the Speaker of the house of Peers And when the Commons had the Honour to be called to Parliaments they also had their Spâ—akâ— to perform the same Offices betwixâ— the King and them as the Lord Chancellor performed between the King and the Peers who theâ—forâ— was as still he is at the Kings Nomination and appointment admitted rather then elected on that nomination by the house of Commons It was not properly and Originally the Speakers Office to sit still in the Chair and â—earken to those trim Oratioâ—s which the Gentlemen of the House were pleased to entertain the time and themselves with all but to signifie to the people the Command 〈◊〉 thâ— King and to present unto the King the desire of his people It â—s from speaking not from hearing that he takeâ— his name though none have spoken lesse in thaâ— House since the time of King Iames then the Speaker himself as if he were called Speaker by that figure in Rhetorick by which Lucus is said to take its name a non lucenâ—â— Fo◠◠〈…〉 in the Prince Elector to 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Bohemia so no â—ustice in the House of 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 Palatinate from him Neither so not so 〈…〉 Prince Elector had no coulour to accept of thâ— Kingdom of 〈◊〉 at our Author plainly saies he had not then was iâ— no inâ—ustice in the House of Austâ—â—a to â—ade conquer and detain the 〈◊〉 from him as our Author plainly saies it was In the last of these two propositions the Author shall confute himself and save me the Labour he telling us within few lines after that an 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Then for the first of the two propositions I must needs tell him that the Prince Elector had not only some colour to accept the Crown of â—â—mia but a fair one too The kingdom of Bohemia according to the fundamental constitutions of it was elective meerly And though the Electoâ—â—used constantly to keep them selves to the royal family except onely in the case of George Pogibrachio yet they reserved a latitude unto themselves of chusing one rather then another many times pretermitting the eldest son of the former King and pitching on a younger brother and sometimes on some other more remote from the Crown But Mathias the Emperor being childlesse adopted Ferdinand of Gâ—ats the next Heir male of the House of Austria for his Son and successor and caused him without any formal election as the Bohemâ—ans did pretend to be Crowned King of that Kingdom and put him into the actual possession of it in his own life time But after his decease the Bohemians rejecting Ferdinand as not lawfully chosen elected Frederick the fift Prince Palatine of the Rhene for their King and Soveraign as lineally deâ—cended from Ladislaus 2. King of Poland and Bohemiâ— from whom the House of Astria also do derive their Claim â—o that his Action was not so precipitae and his ground more justifiable in accepting that Crown then our Author hath been pleased to make it Fol. 163. And had King Iames espoused that quarrel as all generally did expect he would have done he might with far lesse charges have assured the possession of that Crown or at the least have preserved the 〈◊〉 from the hand of Ruin then he did put himself unto by sending Embassadors to excuse the one and mediate the restitution of the other In which last point I grant him to have been for some years deluded not onely by the Emperour but the K. of Spain but that he was deluded by the Spaniards also in the businesse and treaty of the Match I by no means grant and could sufficiently prove the contrary if it had not been already done in the Observations on the former History But our Author hath not yet done with the Spaniard telling us that Ibid The Crown of Spain hath enlarged her bounds these last 60. years more than the Ottoman Not so neither The House of Austria within sixty years from the time that our Author writ this part of the History hath been upon the losing hand the Kingdom of Portugal with all the appendixes thereof being revolted from that Crown as also are the Countries of Catalonia and Rousillon in the Continent of Spain it self the lower Palatinate surrendred to its lawful Prince according to the Treaty at Munster and many of his best Towns if not entire provinces in the Netherlands extorted from him by the French besides the seven united Provinces which within the compasse of that time have made themselves a free state and are now rather confederates with that King then Subjects to him whereas upon the other side the Ottomans within that compasse of time have regained Babylon and all the Countrey there about from the hands of the Persians and conquered a great part of the Isle of Candy from the State of Venice Ibid. The Kings Mercer infected and fled no purple velvet to be had on the suddain and so the colour of his Robes was changed by necessity This passage is brought in out of season as not relating to the Parliament but the Coronation The Author of the former History had told us out of Mr. Prinne that the King upon the day of his Coronation was arraied in white Sattin contrary to the custom of his Predecessors who were clothed in purple which change although the King affected to declare the innocency of his heart or to expresse that Virgin purity wherewith he came unto the marriage betwixt him and his Kingdoms yet our Author would fain have it to be done upon necessity and not upon designe or choice How so Because saies he the Kings Mercer being infected and fled there was no purple velvet to be had on the suddain But first though the Kings Mercer was infected and fled yet there were other Mercers in the City who could have supplied the King with that commodity Secondly at the time of the Coronation the infection had been much abated the Air of London being generally corrected by a very sharp winter and most of the Citizens returned again to their former dwellings amongst
resolved to joyn them with the rest of his members Fryers Monks and Cardinals and our Author being a great favourer of the Presbyterians must not take notice of this scandal especially considering that Papacy and Praelacy are joyn'd together in the language of the present times and therefore fit to go together in this Annotation Fol. 68. In this Parliament Dr. Harsnet Bishop of Chichester gave offence in a Sermon preached at Court pressing the word Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris as if all that was levied by Subsidies or paid by Custom to the Crown was but a redditum of what was the Kings before This Parâ—â—ament is placâ—â— by our Author in the year 1613. but 〈◊〉 Parliament in the sitting whereof Bishop Haâ—â—â—et 〈◊〉 the Sermon above mentioned was held by Proâ—ogation in the year 1609. and afterwards dissolved by Proclâ—mation in December of the year next following Concerning which Sermon King Iames gives this account to the Lords and Commons assembled before him at White-hall March 23. and therefore sâ—ith he That Reverend Bâ—shop here amongst you though I hear by divers he was miâ—â—aken or not well understood yet did he preach both learnedly and 〈◊〉 ancient this point concerning the power oâ— a King for what he spake of a Kings power in abstracto is most true in Divinity for to Emperors or Kings that are Monarchs their Subjects bodies and goods are due for their defence and maintenance But if I had been in his place I would only have added two words which would have cleared all for after I had told as a Divine what was due by the Subjects to their Kings in general I would then have concluded as an English man shewing this people that as in general all subâ—ects were bound to relieve their King so to exhort them that as we lived in a setled state of a Kingdom that was governed by his own fundamental Laws and Orders that according thereunto they were now being assembled for this purpose in Parliament to consider how to help such a King as now they had and that according to the antient form and order established in this Kingdom putting so a difference between the general power of a King in Divinity and the setled and established state of this Crown and Kingdom and I am sure that the Bishop meant to have have done the same if he had not been straiâ—ned by time which in respect of the greatness of the present Preaching befoâ—e us and such an Auditory he durst not presume upon 〈◊〉 that the doctrine of the Bishop being thus justified and explained by King Iames and the Parliament continuing undissolved till December following we have no reason to believe that the Parliament was dissolved upon this occasion and much less on the occasion of some words spoken in that Parliament by Bishop 〈◊〉 of which thus our Author Ibid. Likewise Dr. Neile Bishop of Rochester uttered words in the House of Lords interpreted to the disparagement of some reputed zealous Patriot in the House of Commons â— In this passage I have many things to excepâ— against As 1. That this Patriot is not nam'd to whoâ—e disparagement the words are pretended to be uttered And 2. that the words themselves are not here laid down and yet are made to be so hainously taken that to sâ—ve the Bishop from the storm which was coming â—owards him the King should principally be occasion'd to â—â—ssolve that Parliament 3. That Dr. Neile is here call'd Bishop of Rochester whom twice before viz. sel. 64. 67. he makes to be Bishop of Coventry and Leiâ—hfield And 4. That the words here intimated should be spoken in Parliament Anno 1613. whereas by giving Dr. Neile the Title of Rochester it should rather be referred to the Parliament holden by prorogation till the last of December Anno 1610. when it was dissolved and then dissolved as appears by the Kings Proclamation for not supplying his necessities and other reasons there expressed whereof this was none Fol. 70. Some conceive that in revengâ— Mr. John Selden soon after set forth his Book of Tithes wherein he Historically proveth that they were payable jure humano and not â—therwise Whether the acting of the Comedy called Ignoramus might move Mr. Selden at the first to take this revenge I enquire not here though it be probable it might that Comedy being acted before King Iames Anno 1614. and this Book coming out about two years after Anno 1616. But here I shall observe in the first place our Authors partiality in telling us that Mr. Selden in that book hath proved Historically that Tithes are payable 〈◊〉 humano and not otherwise whereas indeed he undertook to prove that point but proved it not as will â—ppear to any which have read the Answers set out against him I observe secondly our Authors ignorance in the Book it self telling us within few lines after that the first part of it is a meer Iew of the practice of Tithing amongst the Hebrews the second a Christian and chiefly an English man whereas indeed that part thereof which precedes the manner of Tithing amongst Christians hath as much of the Gentil as of the Iew as much time spent upon examining of the Tithes paid by the Greeks and Romans as was in that amongst the Hebrews Thirdly I must observe the prejudice which he hath put upon the Cause by telling us in the next place that though many Divines undertook the Answer of that Book yet sure it is that never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barn since the Reformation then what this Treatise raised up And so our Author leaves this matter without more ado telling us of the Churches danger but not acquainting us at all with her deliverance from the present storm neither so violent not so great nor of such continuance as to blow off any one Tile or to blow aside so much as one Load of Corn from any Parsonage barn in England For though this History gave some Countrey Gentlemen occasion and matter of discourse against paying Tithes yet it gave none of them the audaciousness to deny the payment So safe and speedy a course was took to prevent the mischief which since our Author hath not told us as had he plaid the part of a good Historian he was bound to do I will do it for him No sooner was the Churches Patrimony thus called in question but it pleased God to stir up some industrious and learned men to undertake the answering of that History which at the first made so much noise amongst the people Dr. Tillesly Archdeacon of Rochester first appeared in the Lists managing that part of the Controversie which our Author cals a Christian and an English-man relating to old Chartularies and Infeodations The three first Chapters which Dr. Tillesly had omitted concerning the payment of Tithes by the Iews and Gentiles were solidly but very smartly examined and confuted by Mr. Mâ—ntague at that time Fellow of Eaton Colledge and afterwards Lord
severally chalenged that Trial against the French King and by Charles of Arragon and Peter de Taâ—â—acone for the 〈◊〉 of Sicilie Either the Author or the Printer is much mistaken here The title to the Realm of Sicilie was once indeed intended to be tried by Combat not between Charles of Arragon and Peter of Tarracone as is here affirmed but between Peter King of Arragon and Charles Earl of Anâ—ou pretending severally to that Kingdom 10. Such another mistake we have Fol. 55. Where it is said that there were some preparations in King James his time intended betwen two Scotch mâ—n the Lord Ree and David Ramsey Whereas indeed those preparations were not made in King Iames but King 〈◊〉 his time Robert Lord Willoughby Earl of 〈◊〉 and Lord great Chamberlain of England being made Lord Constable pro tempore to deside that Controversie Fol. 83. Katherine de Medices Pope Clements Brothers Daughter and Mother of King Charles c. 11 Katheriâ—e de medices was indeed wife to Henry the second and mother to Charles the ninth Frâ—nch Kings but by no means a â—â—â—thers daughter to Pope Clement the seventh For first Pope Clement being the natural son of 〈…〉 who was killed young and unmarried had nâ— brother at all And secondly Katherine de Medeces was Daughter of 〈◊〉 Duke of Vrbin son of Peter de Medeâ—es and Grâ—ndson of Laurence de Medicâ—s the brother of 〈◊〉 before mentioned By which account the father of that Pope and the great Grandfather of that Queen were Brothers and so that Queeu not Broâ—hers Daughter to the Pope Of nearer kiâ— she was to Pope Leo the tenth though not his Brothers Daughter neither Pâ—pe Leo being Brother to Peter de Medices this great Ladies Grand-father Fol. 84. This yâ—â—r took away James Hamilton Earl of Arran and Duke of Castle-herauld at Poictures a Province in France The name of the Province is Poictou of which Poictires is the pâ—â—â—cipal City accounted the third City next to Paris and 〈◊〉 â—ll that Kingdom And such anothâ—r slight mistake we have fol. 96. where we finde mention of the absâ—nce of the Duke of Arran Whereas indeed the chief of the Hamiltons was but Earl of Arrar as he after calls him the Title of Duke being first confâ—â—'d by King Charls upon Iames Marquess of Hâ—milâ—on created Duke Hâ—milâ—on of Arran Anno 1643. The like mâ—â—nomers we have after fol. 139. Where we finde mention of the History of Q. Elizabeth writ by 〈◊〉 whereas 〈◊〉 writ no further then King Henry 8. the rest which follows being clapt to by the publisher of it and possibly may be no other then Camdeâ—s Annals of that Queen in the English Tongue The like I frequently observe in the name of Metallan Metellanus he is called by their Latine Writers whom afterward he rightly calleth by the name of 〈◊〉 fol. 149. Fol. 156. The Leagures with some iustice in Rebellion elect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a degree nearer to the Crown then Navar. Not so but one degree at the least further off the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 called â—harls being the yongest Son of â—harls Duke of 〈◊〉 whereas Henry King of Navar was the onely Son and Heir of Anâ—hoâ—y the eldest Brother So that not oâ—ely the King of Navar but the Princes of the Hâ—use of 〈◊〉 deriv'd from Francis Duke of Anghein the second Brother had the precedency in Title before this 〈◊〉 But being of the Catholick party and of the Royal Hâ—use of Bourbon in which the Rights of the Crown remained and withal a man of great Age and small Abilities he was set up to serve the turn and screen'd the main Plot of the Lâ—aguers from the eyes of the people Fol. 161. Sir Thomas Randolph bred a Civilian was taken from Pembroke Colledge in Oxford Not otherwise to be made good in case he were of that House in Oxford which is now called Pembroke Colledge but by Anticipation Lavinaqueveâ—t Littora as in the like case the Poet has it that which is now called Pembroke Colledge was in those times call'd Broadgates Hâ—ll not changed into a Colledge till the latter end of the Reign of King Iames and then in Honor of William Earl of Pembroke Chancellor of that University and in hope of some endowment from him called Pembroke Colledge Fol. 189. The other Title was of the Iâ—â—ant of Spain In laying down whose several Titles the Author leaves out that which is most material that is to say the direct and lineal Succession of the Kings of Spain from the Lady Katherine Daughter of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster marryed to Henry the third King of Castile and Mother to King Iohn the second from whom descend the Kings of Castile to this very day Fol. 191. Hawkins Drake Baskervile c. Fiâ—e sâ—ne Towns in the Isle Dominica in the West Indies They fired indeed some Towns in Hispanâ—olâ— and amongst others that of Dominica or St. Domâ—ngo But they attempted nothing on the Isle of Dominica which is one of the Châ—rybes and they had no reason that Island being governed by a King of its own at deadly enmity with the 〈◊〉 anâ— conseqâ—ently more likely to be aydâ—d then annâ—yed by those Sea Adventurers A like mistake we had before in the name of Câ—â—mâ—rdin fol. 157. That party who discovered unto Queen Elizabeth the Estate of the Customs not being named 〈◊〉 but Carwâ—rdin Fol. 229. Sr. Thomas Erskin created Earl of Kelly and by degrees Knight of the Garter Not so Knight of the Garter first by the name of Thomas Viscount Fenton as appeares by the Registers of the Order and then Earl of Kelly Thus afterwards we finde Sr. Iohn Danvers for Sr. Charles Dâ—nvers fol. 238. And Iohn Lord Norris for Sr. Iohn Norris fol. 243. And some mistakes of this nature we finde in the short story of the Earle of Essex in which it is said first that Fol. 233. He was eldest son to Waltar Devereux c. created by Queen Elizabeth Earl of Essex and Ewe Not so but Earl of Essex onely as appears by Camden in his Britannia fol 454. If either he or any of his Descendants have taken to themselves the Tittle of Earl's of Ewe they take it not by vertue of this last Creation but in right of their descent from William Boâ—rchier created Earl of Ewe in Normandy by King Henry the fift and father of Henry Bourchier created Earl of Essex by King Edward the fourth Secondly it is said of Robert Earl of Essex the son of this Walâ—er that in 89. he went Commander in chief in the expedition into Portugal Fol. 233. whereas indeed he went but as a Voluntier in that expedition and had no command And so much our Author hath acknowledged in another place saying that Ambitious of common fame he put himself to Sea and got aboard the Fleet conceiting that their respect to his biâ—th and quâ—liâ—y would receive him their chief but was mistaken in that honouâ— Fol. 155. Thirdly it is said of this
Earl of Essex that he went Deputy into Ireland Fol. 234. Whereas indeed he was not sent over into Ireland with the Title of Deputy but by the more honourable Title of Lord Leviâ—enant having power to create a Lord Deputy under him when his occasions or the the necessities of the state should require his absence Fol. 2â—1 The 26. of February 1â—00 was born the Kings third son and Christnâ—â— Charles at Dunferling The Kings third son and afterwards his Successor in the Crown of England was not born on the 26. of February but on the 19. of Noveâ—â—er as is averred by all others who have written of it and publickly attested by the annual ringing of Bells upon that day in the City of London during the whole time of his pâ—wer and prosperity The like mistake we finde in the tiâ—e and day of the Birth of Queen Elizabeth of whom it is â—â—id Fol. 261. 25. That she gave up the Ghost to Gâ—d oâ— that day of her Birth from whom she had it intimating thaâ— she died on the Eve of the same Lady-day on which she was born But the truth is that she was born on the Eve of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary being the seventh day of September and died on the Eve of the Annuntiation being the 24. of March And so much for the History of the Reign of Queen Mary and King Iames her Son as to the Realm of Scotland onely both of them Crowned as Iames the fift had also been in their tenderest infancy But whereas our Author tells us Fol. 8. that Q Mary 〈◊〉 the kingdom to her son who was born a King I can by no means yeild to that I finde indeed that our Saâ—iour Christ was born King of the Iews and so proclaimed to be by the Angel Gabriel at the very time of his Conception And I have read that Sapores one of the Kings of Persia was not onely born a King but crowned King too before his birth for his Father dying withouâ—â—â—ue as the story saith left his wife with child which child the Magi having signified by their Art to be a Male the Persian Princes caused the Crown and Royal Ornaments to be set upon his Mothers Belly acknowledging him there by for their King and Sovaraign But so it was not with King Iames who was born on the 19 of Iune Anno. 1566. and Crowned King on the 24. of Iuly being the 5. day after his Mothers resignation of the Crown and Government Anno. 1567. ADVERTISEMENTS ON THE REIGN DEATH OF KING IAMES Of GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE and IRELAND the first WE are now come unto the Reign of King Iames as King of England or rather as King of England and Scotland under the notion of Great Britain of whose reception as he passed through Godmanchestâ—r the Historian telleth us that Fol. 270. At Godmanchester in the Counâ—y of Notthamptonshire they presented him with 70 Teem of Horses c. beâ—â—g his Tenants and holding their Land by that Tenure But first Godâ—aâ—chester is not in Northampton but in Huntiâ—gtonshire And secondly Though it be a custom for those in Godmanchâ—ster to shew their Bravery to the Kings of England in that rustical Pomp yet I conceive it not to be the Tenure which they hold their Lands by For Camden who is very punctual in observing Tenures mentions not this as a Tenure but a Custom onely adding withal that they make their boast That they have in former time received the Kings of England as they passed in their progress this way with ninescore Ploughs brought forth in a rustical kinde of Pomp for a gallant shew If onely for a gallant shew or a rustical Pomp then not observed by them as their Tenure or if a Tenure not 〈◊〉 from ninescore to 70. all Tenures being â—ixt not variable at the will of the Tenants Fol. 273. This most honorable Order of the Garter was instituted by King Edward the third c. So far our Author right enough as unto the â—ounder and rigâ—â— enough as to the time of the institution which he placeth in the year 1350. But whereas he telleth us withal that this Order was founded by King Edward the third 〈◊〉 John of France and King James of Scotland being then Prisâ—ners in the Tower of London and King Henry of Castile the Bastard expulst and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales called the Black Prince in that he is very much mistaken For first It was David King of the Scots not Iames who had been taken Prisoner by this Kings Forces there being no Iames King of the Scots in above fifty years after Secondly Iohn of France was not taken Prisoner till the year 1356. nor Henry of Castile expulsed by the Prince of Wales till ten years after Anno 1366. By consequence neither of those two great Actions could precede the Order But worse is he mistaken in the Patron Saint of whom he tells us that Fol. 273. Among sundry men of valor in ancient days was Geo. born at Coventry in England c. This with the rest that follows touching the Actions and Atchievements of Sir George of Coventry is borrowed from no better Author then the doughty History of the Seven Châ—mpions of Christendom of all that trade in Knighthood-errant the most empty Bable â—But had our Author look'd so high as the Records of the Order the titles of Honor writ by Selden the Catalogue of Honor publisht by Mills of Canterbury Camdens Britannia or any other less knowing Antiquary he might have found that this most noble Order was not dedicated to that fabulous Knight Sâ—â— George of Coventry but to the famous Saint and Soldier of Christ Jesus St. George of Cappadocia A Saint so universally received in all parts of Christendom so generally attested to by the Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages from the time of his Martyrdom till this day that no one Saint in all the Calender those mentioned in the holy Scriptures excepted onely can be better evidenced Nor doth he finde in Matthew Parts that St. George fought in the air at Antioch in behalf of the English the English having at that time no such iâ—â—eress in him but that he was thought to have been seen figâ—ting in behalf of the Christians Fol. 275. Earldoms without any place are likewise of two kindes either in respect of Office as Earl-Morshal of England or by Birth and so are all the Kings Sons In the Authority and truth of this I am much unsatisfied as never having met with any such thing in the course of my reading and I behold it as a diminution to the Sons of Kings to be born but Earls whereby they are put in an equal rank with the eldest sons of Dukes in England who commonly have the Title of their Fathers Earldoms since it is plain they are born Princes which is the highest civil Dignity next to that of Kings It was indeed usual with the Kings of England to bestow upon
which the Kings mercer might be one for any thing which our Author can assure us to the contrary Thirdly it appears by another passage in our Author himself that there was Purple velvet enough to be had for this occasion he telling us out of Mr. Fullers Church History out of whom he borrows his description of the Coronation that the train of the Kings vest or Royal Robe consisted of six yards of purple velvet Some purple velvet then was to be had at the Coronation though the Kings Mercer were infected and had left the City And finally there was no such need that any such provision should be made on a suddain neither there being ten moneths from the Kings coming to the Crown and his Coronation and as much time for providing a few yards of purple as for preparing all the other royal necessaries which concerned that day Fol. 11. And so accounting to them the disbursmenâ— of his Land and Naval Forces with a clear and even auâ—â—c of the charge and expence to come they were so candid that the Laâ—y gave him without Conditions two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists And candid they had been indeed if on so fair an auditing of the Kings Account for all expences as well past as to come they had given unto him such a present supply as would have equalled that account toward the carrying on of the War which themselves projected and given those two Subsidies over and above as a Testimony of their good Affections to his sacred Person But these two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists were so short from carrying on that work that there was nothing of â—ngenuity or Candor in it The particular of the Kings Account stood thus viz. 32000 l. for securing of Lâ—eland 47000 l. for strengthning the Forts 37000 l. for the repair of the Navy 99000 l. upon the four English Regiments in the States Countrey 62000 l. laid out for Count Mansfield total 287000 l. Besides which he sent in a Demand of 200000 l. and upwards upon the Navy 48000 l. upon the Ordnance 45000 l. in charges of the Land-men 20000 l. a moneth to Count Mansfield and 46000 l. to bring down the King of Denmark the total of which latter sum amounts to 339000 l. both sums make no less then 626000 l. to which the grant of two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists hold but small proportion especially considering to how low a pitch the Book of Subsidies was fallen Our Author tells us somewhere in this present History that in Queen Elizabeths time a single Subsidy amounted to Ninety thousand pound and that in these times whereof he writes a single subsidy of four shillings in the pound amounts but to fifty six thousand only and I am able to tel our Author that in the time of King Henry the eighth a single Subsidy of four shillings in the pound amounted to eight hundred thousand pound sterling as appears by this passage in I. Stowâ— In which we find that the Cardinal he means Cardinal Wolseâ— accompanied with divers Lords both Spiritual and Temporal acquainted the House of Commons with the Kings necessity of waging war against the Emperor Charls the fifth thereupon required a Subsidy of 800000 l. to be raised by 4â— in the pound out of every mans Estate throughout the Kingdome and that it was accorded by the Commons after a long and serious debate upon the matter to give two shillings in the pound which by his calculation did amount to 400000 l. But then he is to know with all that in the raising of Subsidies in that Kings time there was not onely an oath prescribed to the Assessors to give a perfect valuation of all mens estates as far as they could understand them but an oath imposed also on the subjects who were to pay it to bring in a true and just account of their Estates and several penalties injoyn'd if they did the contrary as of late times upon Delinquents as they call them when they were admitted to compound at Goldsmiths and Haberdashers Halls which course held also all the time of King Edwards Reign but being intermitted in Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeths time on good reasons of State the Subsidies were brought so low by little and little that before the death of the last Queen they came not up to an hundred thousand and sunk so sensibly in the time of King Iames that they came not to above sixty thousand or thereabouts so that although the Parliament in the one and twentieth of that King bestowed upon him three Subsidies and three Fifteens when they first ingaged him in this War yet King Charls told them in his first Speech to this very Parliament that those supplies held no Symmetry or proportion with the charge of so great an enterprize And though the charges of the Enterprize which he was in hand with much exceeded his Fathers as much as the addition of a Navy of an hundred and twenty sail could amount unto and that he prest them earnestly at Oxford to a further grant yet nothing more could be obtained but that sorry pittance sufficient onely for advance money for ingaging those Sea and Land Forces which he had provided by means whereof the Expedition proved dishonorable to the King and Kingdom Nor came these two Subsidies so clearly and so candidly from them but that the King was fain to gratifie them in two points which they mainly drove at that 〈◊〉 to say the granting them a publick Fast to begin their Parliament and laying some restraints on the Lords Day which never could be obtain'd from any of his Predecessoâ—s For when such Fasts had first been moved in Queen Elizabeths time and afterwards in all the Parliaments of King Iames till the 21 of his Reign it was answered that there were soâ—many ordinary Fasting-days appointed by the Laws of the Land on which they might humble themselves before the Lord that there was no necessity or use of any such extraordinary Fasts as they desired Such Fasts in those times were conceiv'd to have too much in them of Aerius an old branded Hereâ—ick by whom it was held forth for good Catholick Doctrine Non celebrand esse jejunia Statuta sed cum quisque voluerit jejunandâ—m And when the Commons in the 23 of Elizabeth finding no hopes of gaining any such Fast by the Queens Authothority had voted one to be solemniz'd at the Temple Church for such of their own Members as could conveniently be present at it upon notice thereof the Queen sent a Message to them by Sir Thomas Henneage then Vice-Chamberlain declaring with what admiration she beheld that incroachment on her Royal Authority in committing such an apparent innovation without her privity or pleasure first known On the receit of which sharp Message the House desired Mr. Vice-Chamberlain to present their submission to the Queen and to crave her pardon for which Consult the Book entituled The
Religious Predecessors and namely the Laws Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the glorious King St. Edward your Predecessor according to the Laws of God the true profession of the Gospel establiâ—hed in this Kingdom and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof and the ancient Customs of this Land The King answers I grant and promise to keep them Arch-Bishop Sir Will you keep Peace and godly agreement entirely according to your power both to God the holy Church the Clergy and the People Rex I will keep it Arch-Bishop Sir Will you to your power cause Iustice Law and discretion in Mercy and Truth to be executed in all your Iudgements Rex I will Arch-Bishop Sir Will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and rightful Customs which the Commonalty of this your Kingdom have and will you defend and uphold them to the Hâ—nor of God so much as in you lieth Rex I grant and promise so to do Then one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the King before the People with a loud voice Our Lord and King we beseech you to pardon and to grant and to preserve unto us and to the Churches committed to our charge all Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that you would protect and defend us as every good King in his Kingdom ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops and the Churches under their Government The King answereth With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my Pardon and that I will preserve and maintain to you and the Churches committed to your charge All Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my power by the assistance of God as every good King ought in his Kingdom in right to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their Government Then the King ariseth and is led to the Communion Table where he makes a solemn Oath in sight of all the People to observe the premises and laying his hand upon the Book saith The things which I have before promised I shall perform and keep So help me God and the contents of this Book Such was the Oath taken by the King at his Coronation against which I finde these two Objections First That it was not the same Oath which anciently had been taken by his Predecessors and for the proof thereof an Antiquated Oath was found out and publisht in a Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons bearing date the twenty sixth of May 1642. And secondly It was objected in some of the Pamphlets of that time that the Oath was falsified by D. Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to make it more to the Kings advantage and less to the benefit of the Subject then it had been formerly For answer whereunto the King remits the Lords and Commons to the Records of the Exchequer by which it might be easily prov'd that the Oath was the very same verbatim which had before been taken by his Predecessors Kings and Queens of this Realm And to the Pamphleters it is answered by Mr. H. L. the Author of the former History That there was no variation from the old forms but the addition of a clause to a Prayer there mentioned and that this varâ—ation was not the solitary act of Laud alone but of a Committee And this saith he I positively assert as minding the reformation of a vulgar Error thrown abroad in loose Pamphlets that Bishop Laud altered the Coronation Oath whereas the Oath it self was precisely the same with former precedents More candidly in this then the Author of the present History how great a Royalist soever he desires to be reckoned Fol. 31. This necessary Message produced no other supply then this insolency from a Member Mr. Clement Cook It is better says he to dye by a foreign Enemy then to be destroyed at home And this seditious speech of his was as seditiously seconded by one Dr. Turner of whom the King complain'd to the House of Commons but could finde no remedy nor was it likely that he should He that devests himself of a Natural and Original power to right the injuries which are done him in hope to finde relief from others especially from such as are parcel-guilty of the wrong may put up all his gettings in a Semtress thimble and yet never fill it But thus King Iames had done before him one Piggot a Member of the House of Commons had spoken disgracefully of the Scots for their importunity in begging and no less scornfully of the King for his extream profuseness in giving adding withal that it would never be well with England till a Sicilian Vesper was made of the Scotish Nation For which seditious Speech when that King might have took the Law into his own hands and punisht him as severely by his own Authority as he had deserv'd yet he past it over and thought that he had done enough in giving a hint of it in a Speech made to both Houses at White-Hall on the last of March Anno 1607. I know saith he that there are many Pigots amongst them I mean a number of Seditious and discontented particular persons as must be in all Commonwealths that where they dare may peradventure talk lewdly enough but no Scotish man ever spoke dishonorably of England in Parliament It being the custom of those Parliaments that no man was to speak without leave from the Chancellor for the Lords and Commons made but one House in that Kingdom and if any man do propound or utter any seditious Speeches he is straightly interrupted and silenced by the Chancellors Authority This said there was an end of that business for ought I can learn and this gave a sufficient encouragement to the Commons in the time of King Charls to expect the like From whence they came at last to this resolution not to suffer one of theirs to be questioned till themselves had considered of his crimes Which as our Author truly notes kept them close together imboldned thus to preserve themselves to the last fol. 35. This Maxim as they made use of in this present Parliament in behalf of Cook Diggs and Eliot which two last had been Imprisoned by the Kings command so was it more violently and pertinaciously insisted on in the case of the five Members Impeacht of High Treason by the Kings Attorney on the fourth of Ianuary Anno 1641. the miserable effects whereof we still feel too sensibly Fol. 40 And though the matter of the Prologue may be spared being made up with Elegancy yet rather then it shall be lost you may please to read it at this length Our Author speaks this of the Eloquent Oration made by Sir Dudly Diggs to usher in the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham which being amplified and prest in six tedious Speeches by Glanvil Pim Selden Wansford Herbert and Sherland was Epilogued by Sir Iohn Eliot A vein of Oratory not to be found in the Body
over to the King when he was at Oxford about the latter end of the year 1643. But finding his sufferings unregarded and his Person neglected as not being suffered to appear as a Member of the House of Commons when the Parliament was summoned thither he retired again into France to his Wife and Children And secondly He dyed not a profest Catholick but continued to the last a true Son of the Church of England reproacht in his best fortunes by the name of a Papist because preferr'd by the Arch-Bishop a faithful servant to the Queen and a profest enemy to the Puritan Faction For which last reason the Earl of Arundel must be given out to be a Papist though I have seen him often at Divine Service in the Kings Chappel and is so declared to be by our Author also who tells us further That finding his native Countrey too hot for him to hold out he went with the Queen Mother unto Colen fol. 428. as if the Land had been hotter for him or his Zeal hotter then the place had he been a Papist as he was not then for any other Noble Man of that Religion Fol. 320. The English proposed a Cessation of Arms but the Scots as they would obey his Majesties command not to advance so they could not return till they had the effects of their Errand And all this while I would fain know what became of the Irish Army which had been raised in so much haste by the Earl of Strafford with the beginning of the Spring An Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse kept ever since in constant pay and continual Exercise by which the King might have reduced the Scots to their due obedience as the Earl of Strafford declared openly at the Councel Table immediately on the dissolving of the former Parliament yet now this Army lies dormant without acting anything thing toward the suppressing of the Scots exprest in their invading England their wasting the Northern parts of the Kingdom and their bold Demands Which Army if it had been put over into Cumberland to which from the Port of Carick-Fergus in Ireland is but a short and easie passage they might have got upon the back of the Scots and caught that wretched People in a pretty Pit-fall so that having the English Army before them and the Irish behinde them they could not but be ground to powder as between two Mill-stones But there was some fatality in it or rather some over-ruling providence which so dulled our Councels that this Design was never thought of for ought I can learn but sure I am that it was never put into Execution An Army of which the prevailing Members in both Houses stood in so much fear that they never left troubling the King with their importunities till they had caus'd him to Disband it the Scots in the mean time nesting in the Northern Counties and kept at most excessive charges to awe the King and countenance their own proceedings Fol. 334. The Book whilst in loose Papers â—re it was compleat and secured into his Cabinet and that being lost was seized by the enemy at Naseby fight c. Our Author here upon occasion of his Majesties most excellent Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he hath wholly Incorporated part per part in this present History gives a very strange Pedigree of it that being composed before Naseby fight it was there taken with the rest of the Kings Papers and coming to his hands again was by the King committed to the hands of one Mr. Symonds and by him to the Press In all which there is nothing true but the last particular For first That Book and the Meditations therein contained were not composed before Naseby fight many of them relating to subsequent Passages which the King without a very hâ—gh measure of the Spirit of Prophecy was not able to look so far intoâ— as if past already Besides that Book being called The Porâ—raiâ—ure of his Maâ—esty in his Solitudes and Sufferings must needs relate unto the times of his Solitude and therefore could not be digested before Naseby fight when he had been continually exercised in Camp or Counsel and not reduc'd to any such Solitude as that Title intimateth Secondly These Papers were not found with the rest in the Kings Cabinet or if they were there must be somewhat in it above a miracle that he should get them again into his hands Assuredly those men who used so much diligence to suppress this Book when it was published in print and many thousand Copies disperst abroad would either have burnt it in the fire or use some other means to prevent the printing of it to their great trouble and disadvantage Thirdly These papers were not delivered by the King to Mr. Symonds who had no such near access to him at that time For the truth is that the King having not finisht his Conceptions on the several Subjects therein contained till he was ready to be carried away from Carisbrook Castle committed those papers at the time of his going thence to the hands of one of his trusty Servants to be so disposed of as might most conduce to the advancement of his Honor Interest By which trusty Servant whosoever he was those papers were committed to the care of the said Mr. Symons who had shewed himself exceeding zealous in the Kings Affairs by whom there was care taken for the publishing of them to the infinite contentment of all those well affected Subjects who could get a â—ight of them Fol. 372. The loss of his place viz. the City of Arras animated the Portugueses to revolt from the Spanish Yoke and to submit themselvesâ— to the right Heir Duke John of Braganza Our Author is out of this also For first it was not the loss of the City of Arras but the secret practices and sollicitations of Cardinal Richelieu which made the Portuguez to revolt And secondly if the King of Spains Title were not good as the best Lawyers of Portugal in the Reign of the Cardinal King Don Henry did affirm it was yet could not the Duke of Braganza be the right Heir of that Kingdom the Children of Mary Dutchess of Parma the eldest Daughter of Prince Edward the third Son of Emmanuel being to be preferr'd before the Children of Katherine Dutchess of Braganza her younger Sister He tells next of Charls That Fol. 373. The Soveraignty of Utrick and Dutchy of Gelders he bought that of William he won by Arms with some pretence of right But first the Soveraignty of Vtreckt came not to him by purchase but was resigned by Henry of Bavaria the then Bishop thereof who being then warred on by the Duke of Gelders and driven out of the City by his own Subjects was not able to hold it Which resignation notwithstanding he was fain to take the City by force and to obtain a confirmation of the Grant not onely from Pope Ciement the 7. but also from the Estates of the Countrey
amount unto commanded the Officers of the late Army before-mentioned to attend his pleasure till he saw some issue of the practices which were held against him On which command they followed him to Hampton Court Ianuary the tenth 1641. at his Removall from Whitehall for avoiding such fresh Insolencies as the people in their triumphant conducting of the accused Members to the Houses of Parliament might have put upon him These Officers now known by the Name of Cavaliers were lodged at Kingston and upon them the Lord Digby accompanied with Col. Lunâ—â—ord in a Coach with six Horses intended to bestow a visit no Troops of Horse being raised by him nor any other appearance of Horse at all except those six only His Majesties Declaration of the 12. of August hath so cleared this businesse that I marvell our Authour could let it passe by without Observation Fol. 485. And so the breach between the King and Parliament was stitcht up That is to say that great breach of pretended priviledge in the Kings coming to the House of Commons to demand the five impeached Members And yet this breach was not stitcht up now nor in a long time after For fol. 495. we finde the Parliament again at their five Members insisted on in the preamble to the Ordinance about the Militia fol. 498. and prest in their Petition delivered to the King at Royston fol. 501. and finally made one of the Propositions presented to the King at Oxford fol. 599. So far was this breach from being stitcht up in the end of Ianuary Anno 1641. that it was not made up in the Ianuary following at what time those Propositions were brought to Oxford From the five Members passe we to the Militia of which he telleth us That Fol. 496. The Parliament having now the Militia the security of the Tower and City of London Trained Bands of the Kingdom and all the Forces out of the Kings hands Our Authour placeth this immediatly after the Kings coming back from Dover whither he went with the Queen and the Princesse Mary there shipped for Holland at what time the Parliament had neither the command of the Tower nor of the Trained Bands in the Countrey or of any Forces whatsoever but their City-guards For fol. 498. we finde his Majesty sticking at it especially as to the Militia of London or of Towns incorporate and after fol. 502. when they petitioned him about it being then at New-Market and not as our Authour saith at Royston he answered more resolutely then before that he would not part with it for a minute no not unto his Wife and Children After which time finding the King too well resolved not to part with such a principall flower of his prerogative they past an Ordinance for entituling themselves unto it and did accordingly make use of it in the following war against the King Nor was the Petition any thing the better welcome for the men that brought it viz. the Earls of Pembroke and Holland both of them sworn Servants to him both of them of his Privy Councell both in great favour with him when he was in Prosperity and both perâ—idiously forsaking him when his Fortunes changed unto the worse Particularly our Authour tels us of the Earl of Holland That Fol. 501. He was raised and created to become his most secret Counsellour the most intimate in affection the first of his Bed-chamber his constant companion in all his Sports and Recreations Yet notwithstanding all these favours this Earl as much promoted the Puritan affairs of the Court but secretly and under-hand as his Brother the Earl of Warwick more openly and professedly did in the Countrey Of which thus Viscount Conway in a Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury dated at Newcastle Iune 8. 1640. I assure my self saith he that there is not any lesse your friend then my Lord of Holland and I beleeve that at all times you ought to take heed to your self with him c. My Lord of Warwick is the temporal head of the Puritans and my Lord of Holland is their spirituall Head or rather the one is their visible Head the other their invisible Head Peradventure not because he means to do either good or hurt but because he thinks it is a Gallantry to be the principall pillar on which a whole Caball must rely Fol. 511. And taking only a guard for his person of his Domesticks and Neighbour Gentry went in person the 23. of April but contrary to his expectation the Gates were shut upon him the Bridges drawn up and Hotham from the Wals flatly denies him entrance Of this Affront Hotham being first proclaimed Traitor under the Wals of the Town the King complains to the Houses of Parliament but he had more reason to complain of some about him For in his Answer to their Petitition about the Magazine of Hull delivered to him in the beginning of April he had let them know how confident he was that place whatsoever discourse there was of private or publick Instructions to the contrary should be speedily given up if he should require it Being thus forewarn'd it was no wonder that they were fore-arm'd also against his Intentions or that he was â—epulst by Hotham at his coming thither For which good Service as Hotham was highly magnified for the present so he had his Wages not long after For being suspected to hold intelligence with the Marquess of Newcastle he was knockt down on that very place on which he stood when he refused the King admittance into the Town sent Prisoner unto London together with his eldest Son and there both beheaded the Son confessing that he had deserv'd that untimely death for his Disloyalty to the King the Father whining out his good affections to the Parliament and still expecting that reprieve which was never intended Fol. 512. All which that is to say the Kings going to Hull being by the King a high breach of Priviledge and violation of Parliaâ—ent they think fit to clear by voting it and Hotham justifâ—ea and send a Committee of Lords and Commons to reside there for the better securing Hull and him April 28. The breach of priviledge objected was the Kings endeavor to possess himself of the Town of Hull his own Town and to get into his hands a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition which he had bought with his own money To hinder which and to justifie Hotham the Lord Fairfax Sir Philip Stapleton Sir Henry Cholmnâ—y and Sir Hugh Cholmnly were sent by the House of Commons as a standing Committee to reside at York And had they come thither on no other business then what was openly pretended it had been such an extent of Priviledge making the House of Commons as wide as the Kingdom as never was challenged before But they were sent on another errand that is to say to be as Spies on all the Kings Actions to undermine all his Proceedings and to insinuate into the people that all their hopes of Peace
Monroe an old experienced Commander with his three thousand old and experienced Scots train'd up for five or six years then last past in the Wars of Ireland By whose assistance it is possible enough that he might not have lost his first Battle not long after his Head which was took from him on the same day with the Earl of Hollands But God owed him and that Nation both shame and punishment for all their â—reacheries and Rebellions against their King and now he doth begin to pay them continuing payment after payment till they had lost the Command of their own Countrey and being reduced unto the form of a Province under the Commonwealth of England live in as great a Vassalage under their new Masters as a conquered Nation could expect or be subject to Fol. 1078. This while the Prince was put aboard the revolted Ships c. and with him his Brother the Duke of York c. the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen the Lord Cuâ—pepper c. In the recital of which names we finde two Earls that is to say the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen which are not to be found in any Records amongst our Heralds in either Kingdom Had he said General Ruthen Earl of Brentford he had hit it right And that both he and his Reader also may the better understand the Risings and Honors of this Man I shall sum them thus Having served some time in the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden he was Knighted by him in his Camp before Darsaw a Town of Pomerella commonly counted part of Prussia and belonging to the King of Poland Anno 1627. at what time the said King received the Order of the Garter with which he was invested by Mr. Peter Yong one of his Majesties Gentlemen Huishers and Mr. Henry St. George one of the Heralds at Arms whom he also Kinghted In the long course of the German Wars this Colonel Sir Patrick Ruthen obtain'd such a Command as gave him the title of a General and by that title he attended in a gallant Equipage on the Earl of Morton then riding in great pomp towards Windsor to be installed Knight of the Garter At the first breaking out of the Scots Rebellion he was made a Baron of that Kingdom and Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh which he defended very bravely till the Springs which fed his Well were broken and diverted by continual Batteries Not long ater he was made Earl of Forth and on the death of the Earl of Lindsey was made Lord General of his Majesties Army and finally created Earl of Brentford by Letters Patents dated the 27 of May Anno 1644. with reference to the good Service which he had done in that Town for the fiâ—st hanselling of his Office So then we have an Earl of Brentford but no Earl of Ruthen either as joyn'd in the same Person or distinct in two Not much unlike is that which follows Ibid. His Commissions to his Commanders were thus stiled Charls Prince of great Britain Duke of Cornwal and Albany Here have we two distinct Titles conferred upon one Person in which I do very much suspect our Authors Intelligence For though the Prince might Legally stile himself Duke of Cornwal yet I cannot easily believe that he took upon himself the Title of Duke of Albany He was Duke of Cornwal from his Birth as all the eldest Sons of the Kings of England have also been since the Reign of King Edward the third who on the death of his Uncle Iohn of Eltham E. of Cornwal invested his eldest Son Edw. the Black Prince into the Dukedom of Cornwal by a Coronet on his head a ring on his finger and a silver Verge in his hand Since which time as our learned Camden hath observed the King of Englands eldest Son is reputed Duke of Cornwal by Birth and by vertue of a special Act the first day of his Nativity is presumed and taken to be of full and perfect age so that on that day he may sue for his Livery of the said Dukedom and ought by right to obtain the same as well as if he had been one and twenty years old And he hath his Royalties in certain Actions and Stannery Matters in Wracks at Sea Customs c. yea and Divers Officers or Ministers assigned unto him for these or such like matters And as for the Title of Duke of albany King Charls as the second Son of Scotland receiv'd it from King Iames his Father and therefore was not like to give it from his second Son the eldest Son of Scotland being Duke of Rothsay from his Birth but none of them Dukes of Albany for ought ever I could understand either by Birth or by Creation Fol. 1094. And so the dignity of Arch-Bishops to fall Episcopal Iurisdiction also Our Author concludes this from the general words of the Kings Answer related to in the words foregoing viz. That whatsoever in Episcopacy did appear not to have clearly proceeded from Divine Institution he gives way to be totally abolished But granting that the Dignity of Arch-Bishops was to fall by this Concession yet the same cannot be affirmed of the Episcopal Iurisdiction which hath as good Authority in the holy Scripture as the calling it self For it appears by holy Scripture that unto Timothy the first Bishop of Ephâ—sus St. Paul committed the power of Ordination where he requires him to lay hands hastily on no man 1 Tim. 5 22 And unto Titus the first Bishop of Crete the like Authority for ordaining Presbyters or Elders as our English reads it in every City Tit. 1. v. 5. Next he commands them to take care for the ordering of Gods publick Service viz. That Supplications Prayers Intercessions and giving of Thanks be made for all men 1 Tim. 2. 1. which words relate not to the private Devotions of particular persons but to the Divine Service of the Church as it is affirmed not onely by St Chrysostom Theophylact and Oâ—cumenius amongst the Ancients and by Estius for the Church of Rome but also by Calvin for the Protestant or Reformed Churches Next he requires them to take care that such as painfully labor in the Word and Doctrine receive the honor or recompence which is due unto them 1 Tim. 5. 17. as also to censure and put to silence all such Presbyters as preached any strange Doctrine contrary unto that which they had received from the Apostles 1 Tim 1. 3. And if that failed of the effect and that from Preaching Heterodoxies or strange Doctrines they went on to Heresies then to proceed to Admonition and from thence if no amendment followed to a rejection from his place and deprivation from his Function 1 Tit. 3. 10. as both the Fathers and late Writers understand the Text. Finally for correction in point of Manners as well in the Presbyter as the people St. Paul commits it wholly to the care of his Bishop where he adviseth Timothy not to receive an Accusâ—ation against
on their 〈…〉 Our Author tells us in his Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise then our Author doth letting us know That the first Countrey in Christendom whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return was our Countrey of England whence they were banished Anno 1290. by King Edward the first and not long after out of France Anno 1307. by Phiâ—ippus Pulcher. Not out of France first out of England afterwards as our Author would have it Fol. 100. Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before An observation true enough but not well applyed The two Spenâ—â—rs whom he speaks this of were not men of yesterday or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament whether the Baronesse de Spencer or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency it was adjudg'd unto de Spencer thereby declar'd the antientest Barony of the Kingdom at that time then being These two Spencers Hugh the Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and co-heirs of Gilbert dt Clâ—re became Earl of Gloster Men more to be commended for their Loyalty then accused for their pride but that the King was now declining and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him as they after did Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most commonly or for the most part he is right enough but then it will not stand with the following words viz. as if it had been against equity to employ any other 〈◊〉 〈…〉 he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office he doth not only misinform the Reader but confute himself he having told us fol. 31. of this present book that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury was made Lord Chancellor and that as soon as he was made Archbishop he resign'd that office But the truth is that not only men in holy Orders but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity as will appear to any who will take the pains to 〈◊〉 the Catalogue of the Chancellors and 〈◊〉 of the Grâ—at Seal in the Glossary of Sir Henry 〈◊〉 in which appear not only some of inferior dignity as Deans Archdeacons House-hold Chaplains but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiasticall â—â—â—â—or Notification and therefore in all probability to be looked on as meer Laymen Counsellors and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived or otherwise studied in the Lawes and of good affectionâ— and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power Fol. 116. This yearâ— viz. 1350. as Authors generally agree King Edward instituted are Order of the Garter Right enough as unto the time but much mistaken in some things which relate unto that antient and most noble Order our Author taking up his Commodities at the second hand neither consulting the Records noâ— dealing in this business with men of credit For first there are not 〈◊〉 Canons resident in the Church of Winâ—or but thirteen only with the Dean it being King Edwards purpoâ—e when he founded that Oâ—deâ— consisting of twenty 〈◊〉 Knights himself being one to 〈◊〉 as many greater and lesser Canons and as many old Souldiers commonly called poor Knightsâ— to be pensioned there Though in this last the number was 〈…〉 up to his first intention He tels us secondly that if he be not mistaken as indeed he is Sir Thomas Row was the last Chancellor of the Order whereas Sir Iames Palmer one of the Gentlemen Huishers of the Privy Chamber succeeded him in the place of Chancellor after his decease Anno 1644. He tels us thirdly that there belongs unto it one Register being alwayes the Dean of Winsor which is nothing so For though the Deans of late times have been Registers also yet ab initio non suit sic it was not so from the beginning The first Dean who was also Register being Iohn Boxul Anno 1557. Before which time beginning at the year 1414. there had been nine Registers which were not Deans but how many more before that time I am not able to say their names not being on Record And soâ—â—thly he tels us that the Garter is one of the extraordinary Habiliments of the Knights of this Order their ordinary being only the blew Ribbon about their necks with the picture of St. George appendant and the Sun in his glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak whereas indeed the Garter is of common wearing and of such necessary use that the Knights are not to be seen abroad without it upon pain of paying two Crowns to any Officer of the Order who shall first claim it unless they be to take a journey in which case it is sufficient to wear a blew Ribbon under their Boots to denote the Garter Lastly whereas our Author tels us that the Knights heâ—eof do wear on the left shoulder of their Cloaks a Sun in his glory and attributes this wearing as some say to King Charles I will first put him out of doubt that this addition was King Charles his then shew him his mistake in the matter it self And first in the first year of that King Ap. 26 1626. it was thus enacted at a publick Chapter of the Oâ—der viz. That all Knights and Companions of the Order shall wear upon the left part of their Cloaks Coats and riding Cassacks at all times when they shall not wear their Roabs and in all places of Assembly an Escocheon of the Armes of St. George id est a Crosse within a Garter not enriched with Pearls or Stones in token of the honour which they hold from the said most noble Order instituted and ordained for persons of the highest worth and honour Our Authour secondly may perceive by this Act of the Kings that St. Georges Crosse within the Garter is the main device injoyned to be worn by all the Knights of that noble Order to which the adding of the Sun in his glory served but for ornament and imbellishing and might be either used or not used but only for conformities sake as they would themselves So many errors in so few lines one shall hardly meet with The Fourth Book From the first Preaching of Wickliffe to the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth OUR Author begins this Book with the Story of Wickliffe and continueth it in relating the successes of him and his followers to which he seems so much addicted as to Christen their Opinions by the name of the Gospel For speaking of such incouragements and helps as were given to Wickliffe by the Duke of Lancaster with other advantages which
thereof in the main body of it not far from a little dore which openeth into one of the Prebends houses This I can say on certain knowledge being casually invited to his Funeral when I thought not of it though since his Statua hath been set up in the other place which our Author speaks of Fol. 153. The Right to the Crown lay not in this Henry but in Edmund Mortimer Earl of March descended by his Mother Philippa from Lionel Duke of Clarence elder son to Edward the third I shall not now dispute the Title of the House of Lancaster though I think it no hard matter to defend it and much less shall I venture on the other controversie viz. whether a King may Legally be depos'd as is insinuated by our Author in the words foregoing But I dare grapple with him in a point of Heraldry though I finde him better studied in it then in matter of History And certainly our Author is here out in his own dear Element Edmund Mortimer Earl of March not being the Son but Husband of the Lady Philippa Daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence and Mother of Roger Mortimer Earl of March whom Richard the second to despite the House of Lancaster declared Heir apparent to the Kingdom of England 'T is true this Edmond was the son of another Philippa that is to say of Philip Montacute wife of a former Roger Earl of March one of the founders of the Garter So that in whomsoever the best Title lay if lay not in this Edmond Mortimer as our Author makes it 〈◊〉 154. This is one of the clearest distinguishing 〈…〉 the Temporaâ—â— and Spiritual Lordsâ— that 〈…〉 be tryed per pares by their Peers being 〈…〉 Noâ— shall I here dispute the point 〈…〉 may not challenge to be tryed by his 〈…〉 wheâ—â—er the Bishops were not Barons and 〈◊〉 of the Realm Our Author intimates that they were not but I think they were and this I think on the authority of the learned Selden in whom we finde that at a Parliament at Northampton 〈◊〉 Henry the 2. the Bishops thus challenge their own â—ee age viz. Non sedemus hiâ— Episcopi sed Barones Nos â—â—â—â—nes vâ—s Barones Pares hiâ— sumus that is to 〈◊〉 We 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 as Bishops only but as Barons We are Barons and you are Barons here we sit as Peers Which last is also 〈…〉 in terminis by the words of a Statuâ—e 〈◊〉 Act of Parliament wherein the Bishops are acknowledged to â—e Peers of the Land And for further proof heâ— eoâ— Ihon â—tratford Archbishop of Canterbury if I remember it aright being fallen into the displeâ—sure of King Edward the third and denyed entrance into the House of 〈◊〉 made his Protest that he was Primus 〈◊〉 Regni the 〈◊〉 Peer of the Realm and therefoâ—e not to be 〈…〉 from his place and Suffrage But of this Argument enough iâ— not too much as the case now stands 〈…〉 thing to consider what they have 〈…〉 what they are at this preâ—ent 〈…〉 Reign theâ—e paâ—â— an Act of Paâ—liament by which it was enacted That the Countrey of Wales should be stand and continue for ever from thenceforth incorpoâ—aâ—ed united and annexed to and with this Realm of England And that all and singular person and persons born and to be born in the said principality countrey or dominion of Wales shall have inâ—oy and inhe â—it all and singular Freedoms Liberties Rights Priviledges and Lawes within this Realm and other the Kings Dominions as other the Kings Subjects naturally boâ—n within the same have and injoy and inheâ—â—it And thirdly between the time which our Author speaks of being the 14 year of King Henry the fourth and the making of this Act by King Henry the eighth there passed boâ—e an hundâ—ed and twenty years which intimates a longer time then some years after as out Author words it Fol. 168. I will not complain of the dearness of this Univeâ—sity where seventeen weeks cost me more then seventeen years in Cambridge even all that I had The oâ—dinary and unwary Reâ—der might collect from hence that Oxford is a chargeable place and that all commodities there are exceeding dear but that our Author lets him know that it was on some occasion of distâ—â—bance By which it seems our Author doth 〈◊〉 to the time of the War when men from all 〈◊〉 did repair to Oxford not as a University but a place of safety and the fear Royall of the King at 〈◊〉 time notwithstanding all provisions were so plenâ—â—ull and at such cheap rates as no man had reason to complain of the 〈◊〉 of them No better argument of the 〈◊〉 of the soil and richness of the 〈◊〉 in which Oxford standeth then that the 〈…〉 on the accession of such 〈…〉 at that 〈◊〉 and on that occasion 〈◊〉 Author therefoâ—e 〈◊〉 be thought to relate unto somewhat else then is here expâ—essed and possibly may be that his being at Oxford at that time 〈◊〉 him within the compass of Delinquency and consequently of Sequestration And 〈…〉 hath 〈…〉 son to complain of the Vniversity or the dearness of it but rather of himself for coming to a place so chargeable and destructive to him He might have tarryed where he was for I never heard that he was sent foâ— and then this great complaint against the dearness of that Vniversity would have found no place Fol. 175. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the City of Florence that it is pity 〈◊〉 should be seen save only on holy-dayes c. Our Author is somewhat out in this in fachering that saying on Charles the fifth Emperor and King of Spain which Boterus and all other Authors ascribe to Charles Archduke of Austria that is to say to Charles of Inspruch one of the younger sons of the Emperor Ferdinand the first and consequently Nephew to Charles the fifth Not is oâ—r Author very right in taking Aquensis for Aix in Provence Fol. 178. Especially â—aith he if as I take it by Aquensis Aix be meantâ— scited in the fâ—rthermost parts of Provence though even now the English power in France was a waning For first the English never had any power in Provence no interest at all therein nor pretentions to it as neither had the French Kings in the times our Author speaks of Provence in thoâ—e dayes was independent of that Crown an absolute Estate and held immediately of the Empire as being a part and member of the Realm of Burgundy and in the actual possession of the Dukes of â—njou on the expiring of which House by the last will and Testament of Duke Rene the second it was bequeathed to Lewis the eleventh of France by him and his successors to be enjoyed upon the death of Charles Earl of Maine as it was accordingly And secondly that Bernard whom the Latine cals Episcopus Aquensis is very ill taken by our Author to be Bishop of Aix He was indeed Bishop of Acqus or
whom he thus upbraideth had been left by their Fatheâ—s From the first part of which calumny the Bishops freed themselves well enough as appears by our Author And from the second since they were too modest to speak in their own commendations our Author might have freed them with one of the old tales which are in his budget And the tale is of a Nobleman in King Harry the eighths time who told Mr. Pacâ— one of the Kings Secretaries in contempt of Learning that it was enough for Noblemens sons to winde their horn and carry their Hauk fair and to leave study and learning to the children of mean men to whom the aforesaid Mr. Pace replyed then you and other Noblemen must be content that your children may winde their horns and keep their Hauks while the children of mean men do mannage matters of Estate And certainly there can be no reason why men that have been verst in Books studied in Histories and thereby made acquainted with the chief occurrences of most States and Kingdomes should not be thought as fit to manage the affairs of State as those who spend their time in Hauking and Hunting if not upon some worse employments For that a Superinduction of holy Orders should prove a Supersedeas to all civil prudence is such a wilde extravagant fancy as no man of judgement can allow of Fol. 188. The next day the 12 Subscribers were voted to be committed to the Tower save that Bishop Morton of Durham and Hall of Norwich found some favour Our Author speaks this of those twelve Bishops who had subscrib'd a Protestation for preserving their Rights and Votes in the House of Peers during the time of their involuntary absence to which they were compelled by threats menaces and some open acts of violence committed on them But in the name of one of the Bishops who found the favour of not being sent unto the Tower he is much mistaken it not being Dr. Hall Bishop of Norwich but Dr. Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield who found that favour at their hands The like Misnomer I finde after fol. 193. where he speaks of William Earl of Bath the Earl of Bath of whom he speaks being nam'd Henry and not William unless he chang'd his name when he succeeded in that Earldom as I think he did not I am sure our Author will not say he did As much he is mistaken also in point of time leaving the Bishops in prison for eighteen weeks whereas they were scarce detained there for half that time For being committed to the Tower in the end of December they were released by an Order of the House of Peers on the fifteenth of February being the next day after the Bill for taking away their Votes had passed in Parliament But then the Commons looking on them as devested of their Right of Peerage and consequently as they thought in the same rank with themselves return'd them to the Tower again and having kept them there some few weeks long enough to declare their power discharged them upon Bail and so sent them home Fol. 195. About this time the word Malignant was 〈◊〉 born as to common use in England and first as a nâ—te â—f disgrace on the Kings Party and because one had had as good be dumb as not speak with the volge possibly in that sense it may occur in our ensuing History Nothing more possible then that our Author should make use of any word of disgrace with which the Kings party was râ—proached And if he calls them formerly by the name of Royalists and High Royalists as he â—ometimes 〈◊〉 it was not because he thought them worthy of no woâ—â—e a Title but because the name of Malignant hâ—d not then been born He cannot chuse but know that the name of Round-head was born at the same time also and that it was as common in the Kings Party to call the Parliamentarians by the name of Round-heads as it was with those of the Parliament Party to call the Kings Adherents by the name of Malignants And yet I 〈◊〉 〈…〉 that the word Round-head as it was fixed as a 〈◊〉 of disgrace on the Parliament party doth not occur on any occasion whatsoever in our Authors History But kissing goes by favour as the saying is and therefore let him â—avour whom he pleases and kiss where he favouâ—eth Fol. 196. By this time ten of the eleven Bishops formerly 〈◊〉 their Protestation to the Parliament were after sâ—me moneths durance upon good Bail given released c. Of the releasing of these Bishops we have spoke already We aâ—e now only to observe such mistakes and errors as relate unto it And first they were not released at or about the time which our Author speaks of that is to say after sâ—ch time as the word plunder had begun to be us'd amongst us Plunder both name and thing was unknown in England till the beginning of the war and the war began not till September Anno 1642. which was some moneths after the releasing of the Bishops Secondly he telleth us that ten of the eleven which had subscribed were released whereas theâ—e were twelve which had subscrib'd as appears fol. 187. whereof ten were sent unto the Tower and the other two committed to the cusâ—ody of the Black-Rod fâ—l 188. And if ten only were releast the other two must be kept in custody for a longer time whereas we finde the Bishop of Norwich at home in his Diocess and the Bishop of Durham at liberty in London they being the two whom he makes so far favour'd by the Parliament as they sâ—apt the Tower Thirdly he telleth us that when all others were releast Bishop Wren 〈…〉 detain'd in the Tower which is nothing so That Bishop was releast upon bail when the other were return'd into his 〈◊〉 as the otheâ—s did and there continued for a time when on a sudden he was snatched 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 in the Isle of Ely carryed 〈◊〉 the Tower and there imprisoned never being brought unto a hearing nor any cause shewn 〈◊〉 his imprisonment to this very day Fourthly Aâ—chbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty went not into the Kings Quarters as our Authoâ— saith but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Oxâ—â—rd not that he found the North too cold for him oâ— the 〈◊〉 but to solicit for renewing of his Câ—mmâ—ndam in the Deaâ—ry of Westminster the time for which he wâ—s to hold it drawing towards an end Fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate that more then once they ran on that reputed Rock in their speâ—ches for which they were publickly sâ—enâ— and enjoyned an acknowledgement of their mistake By whom they were so publickly shent and who they were thâ—t so ingenrously acknowledged their mistake as my Author telleth us not so neither can I say whether it be 〈◊〉 or
their yongest Sons some Earldom or other until the time of Edward the third after which time they were invested with the Title of Dukes as appears evidently to any who are studied in their Chronologies But that they or any of them were Earls by Birth is a new piece of learning for which if the Historian can give me any good proof I shall thank him for it Fol. 278. Henry the eight thus cousened into some kindness both by his own power and purse makes Charls Emperor and the French King his Prisoner 1519. Neither so nor so For first though King Henry did contribute both his power and purse to the taking of the French King Prisoner yet to the making of Charls Emperor he contributed neither the one nor the other And secondly though Charls were created Emperor Anno 1519 yet the French King was not taken Prisoner till six years after Anno 1525. Fol. 31â— Oswald united the Crowns of England and Scotland which were 〈◊〉 afterwards for many Ages 3â— That Oswald King of Northumberland here mentioned was a Puiâ—â—ant Prince as being the ninth Monarch of the English I shall easily grant but that he united the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland is not any where found Our Author therefore must be understood of his uniting the two Realms of Deâ—ra and Pernicia part of which last hath for long time been accounted part of Scotland which after his decease were again divided Fol. 317. Whose Results notwithstanding are not to be obtruded on the Sâ—culars to be obsâ—rved with the Authority of Laws until they be allowed by assent of the King and both Houses An error far more pardonable in our present Author to whom the concernments of the Church are not so necessary to be known or studied then in our Church Historian where before we had it and which hath had a full Conâ—utation in our Animadversions to which for brevity sake I shall now refer Fol. 320. Rory Duke of Solia from France Either the Printer or the Author are mistaken here The Ambassador who was sent from France was neither called Rory nor Duke of Solia but Marquess of Rhosney created afterward Duke of Sully and Lord High Treasurer of that Kingdom by King Henry 4. A Protestant and therefore purposely selected for that imployment Of whom it is reported in the conference at Hampton-Court that having observed the order and gravity of our Church Service in the Cathedral Chuâ—ch at Câ—nâ—erbury he was heard to say that if the like had been used in France there would have been many thousands of Protestants more then were at that present Fol. 329. Ceâ—il foâ— his good Service was created Earl of Salisbury That is to say for so it must be understood for his activity and diligence in discovering the Powder-Treason But he was Earl of Salisbury before that Discovery call'd so by the Historian himself in the course of thaâ— Naâ—rative and made so by King Iames in the Mâ—y foregoâ—ng at what time also his Brother Thomas Lord Burley was made Earl of EXCESTER The like mistake I finde in the advancement of Thomas Lord Buckhurst to the Earldom of Dorcet plac'd by the Author fol. 342. in the year 1605. whereas indeed he was created Earl of Dorcet in the first year of King Iames March 13. Anno 1603. Fol. 333. The Earl of Flanders c. being by Storm cast upon our Coast c. was fain to yield to all the Kings demands in delivering up the Countess of Warwick and other Fugitives resident in Flanders This story is well meant but not rightly told there being at that time no Earl of Flanders commonly so called to be cast upon the Coast of England nor any such Woman as a Countess of Warwick whom King Henry the seventh could be afraid of the truth is that the person here meant was Philip King of Castile Duke of Burgundy Earl of Flanders c. who in his return from Spain was driven by Tempest on the Coast of England and being Royally Feasted by King Henry the seventh was detained here till he had delivered into the Kings hands the Earl of Suffolk who had fled into the Nether-lands for protection and began to work new troubles against his Soveraign The story whereof we have at large in the History of King Henry the seventh writ by the Lord Viscount St. Alban from fol. 222. to 225. Fol. 334 The fate of that Family evermore false to the crown This spoken of the Piercies Earls of Northumberland too often false to the Crown though not always so For Henry the second Earl of this Family lost his life fighting for King Henry the sixth in the Battle of St. Albans as Henry his Son and Successor also did at the Battle of â—owton And so did Henry the fifth Earl in the time of King Henry the seventh for his Fidelity to that King in a tumultuous Insurrection of the Common People not to say any thing of his Son and Successor who dyed without any imputation of such disloyalty Fol. 362. Zutphen and Gelders did of right belong to the Dukâ— Arnold who being Prisoner with the last Duke of Burgundy who died before Nancy that Duke intruded upon his Possession c. 40. Not so it was not Arnold Duke of Gelders that was Imprisoned by Charls Duke of Burgundy but his Son Adolphus who having most ungratiously Imprison'd his aged Father was vanquished by Duke Charls and by him kept Prisoner and the old Duke restored again to his power and liberty In a grateful acknowledgement of which favor he made a Donation of his Estates to Duke Charls and his Heirs to commence after his decease though it took no effect till Conquered under that pretence by Charls the fifth uniting it unto the rest of his Belgick Provinces Anno 1538. Fol. 423. Sir William Seymour Grandchilde to the third Son and the Heir of the Earl of Hertford created by Henry the eighth whose sister he marryed c. And being thus near the Crown c. In this business of Sir William Seymer now Marquess of Hertford there are two mistakes For first the Earl of Hertford from whom he derived his discent married not any of the Sisters of King Henry the eighth he having but two Wives in all the first the Daughter of Filol of Woodland from whom comes Baronet Seymer of the West the second Anne Daughter of Sir Edward and Sister to Sir Michael Stanhop from whom discends the House of Hertford still in being It s true King Henry married a Sister of Sir Edward Seymer by him created Earl of Hertford but not é contra the Earl of Hertford married not with a sister of his Secondly The nearness of this House to the Crown of England came not from any such Marriage of this first Earl with that Kings Sister but from the Marriage of Edward the second Earl with a Neece of that Kings that is to say with 〈◊〉 Daughter of Henry Duke of Suffolk and of Fâ—aâ—ces his Wife
Free-holders grand Inquest pag. 57. No news of any such attempt in all the rest of her Reign nor of any Parliament Fasts as far as I can remember till the 21 of King Iames when they first engaged him in this War whose example followed by King Charls who indeed was not in a condition to dispute the point gave such incouragement to the Commons that no Parliament could begin without them and gave them such an head at last as to appoint and continue Fasts by their own Authority not onely without the Kings consent but against the very express words of his Proclamations How well this Fast was kept by some leading Members when they had procured it that is to say with a good neck of Mutton and broath in the Morning a Collation of sweet Meats between the Sermons and a Sabbatarian Supper in the Evening I could make known by a very memorable story had I list and leisure And what ill use was made of another in the Pulpits Prayers and Sermons of many seditious Lectures to stir up and continue the War rais'd against this King appears by his Proclamation of the fifth of October Anno 1643. by which he endeavored to translate the then Monethly Fast from the second Wednesday to the second Friday in every Moneth but without success Of this indulgence of the Kings our Author takes no notice as he doth of the other viz. the laying of such a restraint from Recreations on the Lords day as never had been known in this Kingdom since the Reformation Concerning which he telleth us that Fol. 13. These Lawes are enacted this Sessions viz against Abuses committed on Sundayes c. Now it appeareth by the Act that the Abuses as he calls them which were prohibited at that time were first the Concourse of people out of their own Parishes on the Lords-day for any sports or Pastims whatsoever and secondly the use of Bull-baiting Bear-baiting Enter ludes common plaies and other unlawful exercises and pastimes used by any person or persons within their own parishes In the composure of which Act the first clause made against the concourse of people out of their own Paâ—ishes on that day was purposely intended for a counterballance to the Declaration of King Iames about lawful sports and was afterwards made use of by some publick ministers of Justice to suppresse the Annual feasts of the dedication of Churches commonly called and known by the name of Wakes Such feasts of love and entertainments of good Neighbour-hood though they drew some People out of their own Parishes were no abuses in themselves though so called by our Author And as for Bull-baiting Bear-baiting and the rest there mentioned they had been all prohibited by a Proclamation of King Iames bearing date the 7. of May in the first year of his Reign Anno 1603. Nor were they used upon that day for ought that I am able to call to mind in all the time of my Boyage So that this Parliament by interdicting those rude Sports did but actum agere save that they gained unto themselves the reputation of more then ordinary Zeal to the day of worship and laid the first foundation of those many Rigorâ— which afterward they imposed upon it For in the next Parliament of this King they passed an Act that no Carrier with any horse or horses no Waggon men with any waggon or waggons nor Carmen with any Cart or Carts nor Wain-men with any wain or waines nor any Drovers with Cattle should fourty dayes next after the end of that Session by themselves or any others travel upon the said day upon pain that every person or persons so offending should forfeit 20 s for every such offence committed and that no Butcher after the said time should kill or sell any Flesh upon that day on the forfeiture of 6s 8 d. toties quoties Matters whith had been moved in Parliament in the 18 year of K. Iames but without success the Lords unanimously opposing the Bill when sent up by the Commons as tending to the disturbance of the Trade of the Kingdom and some inconveniencies to the Poor But having brought the King to a condition of denying nothing they obtain'd this also of him as they had done the other and at last became their own Carvers imposing since the first beginning of the long Parliament by their Orders and Ordinances so many several restraints on that day from all kindes of lawful pleasure and civil businesses that greater never were imposed on the Jews by the Scribes and Pharisees nor by some Casuits on the Papists nor by Dr. Bound the first Broacher of these Sabbath-speculations in the Church of England on his Puritan Proselytes But notwithstanding these condescensions of the King to the desires of the Commons the Commons were resolv'd to condescend in nothing to the desires of the King unless as they had moved the war so they might also be made acquainted with the Kings Design in the conduct of it which point they prest with such importunity that the King commanded M. Glanvil to serve as Secretary to the Navy for that Expedition that knowing all the secrets and intentions of it when he was at Sea he might acquaint the members with it at his coming back Fol. 20. For Mansel was vice-Admiral of the Narrow Seas that 's his Office and there indeed he succeeds to the Admiral Our Author is as much out in this particular as the Mariners had been in another The Mariners thought if Mr. H. L. report them rightly that Sr. Robert Mansel the then vice-Admiral had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of that Enterprise upon the Dukes default The Mariners in this point sailed without their compasse as is proved by the Observator And this our Author building upon the Observator calls a Monstrous Error although not half so Monstrous as that Error which himself committeth in making this Sr. Robert Mansel to be no other then the vice-Admiral of the Narrow seas and restraining his Office and Authority to those Seas alone But had he consulted with the Sailers as Mr. H. L. may be thought to have done they would have told him that Sr. Robert Mansel was vice Admiral of England and that it belonged unto his Office next under the Admiral to see the Royal Navie kept in good reparation the wages of the Mariners and shiprights to be duly paid and that the ships should be provided of all things necessary for any occasionall expedition They could have told him also that there is no such Officer as a Vice-Admiral of the narrow Seas but that those narrow Seas are commanded by two several Admirals which hold their places from the King and not by grant or patent from the Lord Admiral of England and that one of these Admirals commandeth in the East and the other in the Western partâ— of those Seas And finally that at the time of his Expedition Sr. Henry Palmer was Vice-Admiral of the Eastern parts of those
if all the Issue of King Iames the sixth were utterly extinguisheâ— coâ—ld not serve the turn For first the Lady Katherine Stuart Daughter to Iames the second from whom and not immediately from Iames the first he must fetch his pedigree was first Marryed to Robert Lord Boide Earl of Arran from whom being forcibly taken by her brother King Iames the third and marryed in her said Husbands life time Sir Iames Hamilton the especial favorite of that Kiâ—g she carryed with her for her Dower the Earldom of Arran The Children born of this Adulterous bed could pretend no Title to that Crown if all the Issue of Iames the first second and third should have chanc'd to fail And yet there was another flaw as great as this For Iames the Grand childe of this Iames having first marryed a Wife of one of the Noble Houses of Scotland and afterwards considering that Cardinall Betâ—n Arch-Bishop of St. Andâ—ews was the only man who managed the affairs of that Kingdome put her away and married a Neece or Kinswoman of the Cardinals his first Wife still living by whom he was the Father of Iohn the first Marquesse of Hamilton whose Grandchilde Iames by vertue of this goodly Pedigree pretended to the Crown of Scotland Fol. 149. M. Rogers in his Preface to the 39. Articles saith That since the suppression of Pâ—ritâ—ns by the Arch-Bishops Parker Grindal and Whitgift none will seems to be such That Archbishop Grindal was a suppressor of the Puritan Faction is strange to me and so I think it is to any who are verst in the actions of those times it being the generall opinion of our Historians that he fell into the Queens displeasure for being a chief Patron and promoter of it Certain it is that he wrote a large Letter to the Queen in defence of their prophesyings then which there could be nothing more dangerous to Church and State Nor does M. Rogers in his Preface to the 39. Articles tell us that he had any hand in the suppression of the Puritans it being affirmed by him on the contrary that they continued multiplying their number and growing strong even head-strong in bâ—ldnesse and schism till the dying day of this most Reverend Archbishop Fol. 151. But wâ—y to a forreign Title and not at as easie a rate to English as in Ireland he had tâ— all Sees there Our Authour makes a Quaery Why the Bishop appointed by the Pope to govern his party here in England should rather take his Title from Chalcedon in Greece then from any one of the Episcopal Sees in this Kingdom as well as they do in that of Ireland In answer whereunto though he gives us a very satisfactory reason yet I shall adde something thereunto which perhaps may not be unworthy of the Readers knowledge And him I would have know that at such time as Prince â—â—arles was in Spain and the Dispensation passed in the Court of Rome it was concluded in the Conclave that some Bishops should be sent into England by the Name of the Bishops of Salisbury Glocester Chester Durham sic de caeteris the better to manage and improve their encreasing hopes Intelligence whereof being given unto the Iesuites here in England who feared nothing more then such a thing one of them who formerly had free accesse to the Lord Keeper Williams acquaints him with this mighty secret assuring him that he did it for no other reason but because he knew what a great exasperation it would give the King and consequently how much it must incense him against the Catholicks Away with this Intelligence goes the Lord Keeper to the King who took fire thereat as well as he and though it was somewhat late at night commanded him to go to the Spanish Embassadour and to require him to send unto the King his Master to take some course that those proceedings might be stopt in the Court of Rome or otherwise that the Trâ—aty of the Match should advance no further The Lord Keeper findes the Embassadour ready to send away his packets who upon hearing of the News commanded his Carrier to stay till he had represented the whole businesse in a Letter to the King his Master On the receiving of which Letter the King imparts the whole businesse to the Popes Nuncio in his Court who presently sends hiâ— dispatches to the Pope acquainting him with the great inconveniences and unavoidable dangers of this new designe which being stopt by this devise and the Treaty of the Match ending in a Rupture not long after the same Jesuite came again to the Lord Keepers Lodging and in a fair and facetious manner thanked him most humbly for the good office he had done for that Society for brâ—aking the bearing off which blow all the friends they bad in Rome could finde no Buckler which Story as I heard from his Lordships own mouth with no small contentment so seemed he to be very well pleased with the handsomenesse of the trick which was put upon him Fol. 162. The German war made by Gustavus a pretension and but a pretension for liberty to the oppressed Princes Which Proposition as it stands is both true and false with reference to the beginning progresse and successe of his war For when he first undertook the conduct of it on the sollicitation of the Kings of England France and Denmark and many of the afflicted and disinherited Princes he cannot be supposed to entertain any other thoughts then to restore the Princes and free Cities to their former Rights for doing whereof his Army was defraid by the joynt charges and expence of the Confederates In order whereunto he caused the Inhabitants of all the Towns and Provinces which he had forced from the Emperours Forces before the overthrow of Tilly at the valley of Lipsick to take an Oath to be true unto the Liberty and Empire of Germany And hitherto his intents were reall not pretentionall only But after that great victory and the reducing of all Franconia and the lower Palatinate under his absolute command though he continued his pretensions yet he changed his purpose swearing the people of all degrees and ranks which submitted to him to be true from thenceforth to the King and Crown of Sweden This as it first discovered his ambition of the first designe which brought him over so was it noted that his affairs never prospered after receiving first a check from Wallenstein at the Siege of Noremberg and not long after his deaths wound and the battel of Lutzen Fol. 174. And now they revive the Sabbatarian controversie which was begun five years since Bradburn on the Sabbath day and directed to the King In this Discourse about the Sabbatarian Quarrels our Authour hath mistook himself in several particulars The businesse first is not rightly limn'd the coming out of Bradburns Book being plac'd by him in the year 1628. whereas it was not publisht until five years after But being publisht at that time and directed to the
against their King had in the Court two Lords High Stewards and two Grooms of the Stool successively one after another And at their taking up of Arms they had a Master of the Horse a Captain of the Guard a Keeper of the privy Purse seven Grooms of eight in his Majesties Bed-Chamber and an equal number at the least of Gentlemen Ushers Quarter-Waiters Cup-Bearers Carvers Sewers and other Officers attending daily at the Table I speak not here of those which had places in the Stables or below the Stairs or of the Servants of those Lords and Gentlemen which either lived about the Court or had Offices in it All which together made up so considerable a number that the Court might well be called an Academy of the Scots Nation in which so many of all sorts had their Breeding Maintenance and Preferment Abroad they had a Lieutenant of the Tower a Fortress of the most consequence in all the Kingdom and a Master-â—unner of the Navy an Office of as great a trust as the other and more of those Monopolies Suits and Patents which were conceiv'd to be most grievous to the Subject then all the English of the Court. In the Church they had two Deanries divers Prebendaries and so many Excclesiastical Benefices as equalled all the Revenue of the Kirk of Scotland All which they lost like Aesops Dog catching after a shadow For what else were those empty hopes of ingrossing to themselves all the Bishops Lands and participating equally with both Houses in the Government of this Kingdom which drew them into England the second time but an airy shadow And yet by catching at that shadow they lost all those Advantages which before they had both in Court and Countrey and that not onely for the present but in all probability for the times to come The Presbyterians laid their Heads and Hands together to embroil the Realm out of a confidence that having alienated the greatest part of the Tribes from the House of David they might advance the golden Calves fo their Presbyteries in Dan and Bethel and all other places whatsoever within this Land And for the maintenance thereof they had devoured in conceit all Chapter Lands and parcelled them amongst themselves into Augmentations But no sooner had they driven this Bargain but a Vote passed for selling those Lands towards the payment of the Debts of the Commonwealth Nor have they lived to see their dear Presbytery setled or their Lay-Elders entertained in any one Parish of the Kingdom for the advancement whereof the Scots were first incouraged to begin at home and afterwards to pursue their work by invading England Others there were who labored for nothng more then the raising of a New Commonwealth out of the Ruins of the old Monarchy which Plot had been a carrying on from the first coming of this King to the Crown till they had gotten him into their hands these being like the Husbandmen in Saint Matthews Gospel who said among themselves this is the Heir come let us kill him and let us seize on his Inheritance Matth. 21. 38. A Commonwealth which they had so modelled in their Brains that neither Sir Thomas Moors Vtopia nor the Lord Verulams new Atlantis nor Plato's Platform nor any of the old Idaeas were equal to it the Honors and Offices whereof they had distributed amongst themselves and their own Dependents And in pursuance of this project they had no sooner brought the King to the end they aimed at but they pass an Act for so they called it prohibiting the Proclaiming of any Person to be King of England c. That done they passed another for the abolishing the Kingly Office in England c. dated the 17 of March One thousand six hundred forty eight A third for declaring and a constituting the People of England to be a Commonwealth and Free State dated May 19. 1649 which last they solemnly proclaimed by their Heralds and Serjeants in the most frequented parts of London and made themselves a new Great Seal with the Arms and Impress of their new Commonwealth ingraven on it And yet these men that had the purse of all the Kingdom at command and Armies raised for defence of their Authority within the space of six years were turned out of all And this was done so easily and with so little noise that the loss of that exorbitant Power did not cost so much as a broken Head or a Bloody Nose in purchasing whereof they had wasted so many Millions of Treasure and more then an Hundred thousand Lives So that all reckonings being cast up it will appear that all were losers by the Bargain as it happens commonly to such men as love to traffick in the buying and selling of prohibited Commodities and thereby make themselves obnoxious to all such forfeitures as the severity of the Laws and the King Displeasure shall impose upon them How he was carried by those Commissioners to Holdenbyâ—House â—House and from thence by a party of Horse to the Head-Quarters of the Army our Author hath inform'd us in the course of this History But being there he tells us that he was permitted to give a meeting to his Children Fol. 995. And accordingly they met at Maidstone where they dined together Well boul'd Vincent as our Authour knows who says in another place He gives us the Copy of a Letter in the very same fol. from the King to the Duke of York dated at Casam Iuly 4. 1647. in which he declares his hope that the Duke might be permitted with his Brother and Sister to come to some place betwixt that and London where he might see them adding withal that rather then hâ— might not see them he would be content they should come to some convenient place to dine and go back at night So then the place for this joyful meeting must be some convenient Town or other betwixt Casam and London But Casam is a Village of Berkshire distant about thirty Miles from London Westward and Maidstone one of the chief Townâ— of Kent is distant about thirty Miles from London towards the East so that London may be truly said to be in the middle betwixt Maidstone and Casam but Maidstone by no means to be in any position betwixt Casam and London Perhaps our Author in this place mistakes Maidstone for Madenhith from Reading ten and from London two and twenty miles distant and then he may do well to mend it in his second Edition And then he may correct also another passage about Judge Ienkins whom fol. 836. he makes to be taken Prisoner in the City of Hereford and fol. 976. at Castle in Wales So strangely does he forget himself that one might think this History had several Authors and was not written nor digested by any one man Fol. 96â— Nay did not Heraclius the Greek Emperor call for aid of theâ— Râ—ke-hell rabble of Scythians to assist him against the Saracens â— I believe he did not For as I remember not to