of their great Shipping besides 50. or 60. of their smaller Vessels And that in the sight and vnder the Fauour of their Forts And almost vnder the Eye of their great Admirall the best Commander of Spaine by Sea the Marquis de Santa Cruz without euer being disputed with by any fight of importance I remember Drake in the vaunting stile of a Souldier would call this Enterprise The Câ—ngeing of the King of Spaines Beard The Enterprise of 88. deserueth to bee stood vpon a little more fully being a Miracle of Time There armed from Spaine in the yeare 1588. the greatest Nauy that euer swam vpon the Sea For though there haue beene farre greater Fleets for Number yet for the Bulke and Building of the Ships with the Furniture of great Ordnance and Prouisions neuer the like The Designe was to make not an Inuasion only but an vtter Conquest of this Kingdome The Number of Vessels were 130. whereof Galliasses and Gallions 72 goodly Ships like floating Towers or Castles manned with 30000. Souldiers and Mariners This Nauy was the Preparation of fiue whole yeares at the least It bare it selfe also vpon Diuine Assistance For it receiued speciall Blessing from Pope Zistus and was assigned as an Apostolicall Mission for the reducement of this Kingdome to the obedience of the See of Rome And in further token of this holy Warfare there were amongst the rest of these Ships Twelue called by the names of the Twelue Apostles But it was truly conceiued that this Kingdome of England could neuer be ouer-whelmed except the Land-Waters came in to the Sea-Tides Therefore was there also in readinesse in Flanders a mightie strong Army of Land-Forces to the number of 50000. veterane Souldiers vnder the Conduct of the Duke of Parma the best Commander next the French King Henrie the fourth of his time These were designed to ioyne with the forces at Sea There being prepared a Number of flat bottomed boats to transport the Land-Forces vnder the Wing and Protection of the Great Nauy For they made no account but that the Nauy should be absolutely Master of the Seas Against these Forces there were prepared on our part â—o the number of neare 100. Ships Not so great of Bulke indeed but of a more nimble Motion and more seruiceable Besides a lesse Fleet of 30. Ships for the Custody of the Narrow Seas There were also in readinesse at Land two Armies besides other Forces to the number of 10000 dispersed amongst the Coast Townes in the Southerne Parts The two Armies were appointed One of them consisting of 25000. Horse and Foot for the Repulsing of the Enemy at their landing And the other of 25000. for safeguard and attendance about the Court and the Queenes Person There were also other Dormant Musters of Souldiers thorowout all Parts of the Realme that were put in readinesse but not drawne together The two Armies were assigned to the Leading of two Generals Noble Persons but both of them rather Courtiers and Assured to the State than Martiall Men yet lined and assisted with Subordinate Commanders of great Experience Valour The Fortune of the Warre made this enterprise at first a Play at Base The Spanish Nauy set forth out of the Groyne in May and was dispersed and driuen backe by Weather Our Nauy set forth somewhat later out of Plimouth and bare vp towards the Coast of Spaine to haue fought with the Spanish Nauy And partly by reason of contrary Winds partly vpon aduertisement that the Spaniards were gone backe and vpon some doubt also that they might passe by towards the Coast of England whilest wee were seeking them a farre off returned likewise into Plimouth about the Middle of Iuly At that time came more confident Aduertisement though false not only to the Lord Admirall but to the Court that the Spaniards could not possibly come forward that yeare Whereupon our Nauy was vpon the point of disbanding and many of our Men gone ashore At which very time the Inuincible Armada for so it was called in a Spanish ostentation thorowout Europe was discouered vpon the Westerne Coast It was a kinde of Surprise For that as was said many of our Men were gone to Land and our Ships ready to depart Neuerthelesse the Admirall with such Ships only as could suddenly bee put in readinesse made forth towards them In somuch as of 100. Ships there came scarce thirty to worke Howbeit with them and such as came dayly in we set vpon them and gaue them the chase But the Spaniards for want of Courage which they called Commission declined the Fight casting themselues continually into Roundels their strongest Ships walling in the rest and in that manner they made a flying march towards Callis Our Men by the space of fiue or six dayes followed them close fought with them continually made great Slaughter of their Men tooke two of their great Ships and gaue diuers others of their Ships their Deaths wounds whereof soone after they sanke and perished And in a word distressed them almost in the nature of a Defeat We our selues in the meane time receiuing little or no hurt Neere Callis the Spaniards anchored expecting their Land-forces which came not It was afterwards alledged that the Duke of Parma did artificially delay his Comming But this was but an Inuention and Pretension giuen out by the Spaniards Partly vpon a Spanish Enuie against that Duke being an Italian and his Sonne a Competitor to Portugall But chiefly to saue the Monstrous Scorne and Disreputation which they and their Nation receiued by the Successe of that Enterprise Therefore their Colours and Excuses forsooth were that their Generall by Sea had a limitted Commission not to fight vntill the Land-forces were come in to them And that the Duke of Parma had particular Reaches and Ends of his owne vnderhand to crosse the Designe But it was both a strange Commission and a strange obedience to a Commission for Men in the middest of their owne Bloud and being so furiously assailed to hold their hands contrary to the Lawes of Nature and Necessity And as for the Duke of Parma he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that Enterprise by no lesse Promise than to be made a Feudatary or Beneficiary King of England vnder the Seignorie in chiefe of the Pope and the Protection of the King of Spaine Besides it appeared that the Duke of Parma held his place long after in the Fauour and Trust of the King of Spaine by the great Employments and Seruices that he performed in France And againe it is manifest that the Duke did his best to come downe and to put to Sea The Truth was that the Spanish Nauy vpon those proofes of Fight which they had with the English finding how much hurt they receiued and how little hurt they did by reason of the Actiuity and low building of our Ships and skill of our Sea-men And being also commanded by a Generall of small Courage and Experience And hauing lost
years And as Tacitus noteth well That the Capitoll though built in the beginnings of Rome yet was fit for the great Monarchy that came after So that Building of Lawes sufficeth the Greatnesse of the Empire of Spaine which since hath ensued Lewis the eleuenth had it in his minde though he performed it not to haue made one constant Law of France Extracted out of the Ciuill Roman Law and the Customes of Prouinces which are Various and the Kings Edicts which with the French are Statutes Surely he mought haue done well if like as he brought the Crowne as he said himselfe from Page So he had brought his People from Lacquay Not to runne vp and downe for their Lawes to the Ciuill Law and the Ordinances and the Customes the Discretions of Courts discourses of Philosophers as they vse to doe King Henry the Eighth in the twenty seuenth yeare of his Reigne was authorized by Parliament to nominate 32. Commissioners part Ecclesiasticall and part Temporall To purge the Canon Law and to make it agreeable to the Law of God and the Law of the Land But it tooke not effect For the Acts of that King were commonly rather Proffers and Fames than either well grounded or well pursued But I doubt I erre in producing so many examples For as Cicero said to Caesar so may I say to your Maiestie Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit Though indeed this well vnderstood is farre from Vulgar For that the Lawes of the most Kingdomes and States haue beene like Buildings of many peeces patched vp from time to time according to occasions without Frame or Modell Now for the Lawes of England if I shall speake my Opinion of them without partiality either to my Profession or Country for the Matter and Nature of them I hold them Wise lust and Moderate Lawes They giue to God they giue to Caesar they giue to the Subiect what appertaineth It is true they are as mixt as our Language compounded of Brittish Roman Saxon Danish Norman Customes And surely as our Language is thereby so much the richer So our Lawes are likewise by that Mixture the more compleat Neither doth this attribute lesse to them than those that would haue them to haue stood out the same in all Mutations For no Tree is so good first set as by transplanting and Grafting I remember what happened to Callisthenes that followed Alexanders Court and was growne into some displeasure with him because he could not well brooke the Persian Adoration At a Supper which with the Grecians was a great part Talke he was desired the King being present because he was an Eloquent Man to speake of some Theme Which he did And chose for his Theme the praise of the Macedonian Nation Which though it were but a filling Thing to praise Men to their Faces yet he performed it with such aduantage of Truth and auoidance of Flattery and with such Life as was much applauded by the Hearers The King was the lesse pleased with it not louing the Man and by way of discountenance said It was easie to be a good Oratour in a pleasing Theme But saith he to him Turne your stile And tell vs now of our faults that we may haue the profit and not you the praise onely Which he presently did with such Quicknesse that Alexander said That Malice made him Eloquent then as the Theme had done before I shall not fall into either of these Extremes in this Subiect of the Lawes of England I haue commended them before for the Matter but surely they aske much Amendment for the Forme Which to reduce and perfect I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries that can be confer'd vpon this Kingdome Which Worke for the Excellency as it is worthy your Maiesties Act and Times So it hath some circumstance of Propriety agreeable to your Person God hath blessed your Maiesty with Posterity And I am not of opinion that Kings that are barren are fittest to supply Perpetuity of Generations by perpetuity of Noble Acts But contrariwise that they that leaue Posterity are the more interessed in the Care of Future Times That as well their Progeny as their People may participate of their Merit Your Maiesty is a great Master in Iustice and Iudicature And it were pity the fruit of that your Vertue should not bee transmitted to the Ages to come Your Maiestie also reigneth in learned times the more no doubt in regard of your owne Perfection in Learning and your Patronage thereof And it hath beene the Mishap of Works of this nature that the lesse Learned Time hath sometimes wrought vpon the more Learned Which now will not be so As for my selfe the Law was my Profession to which I am a Debter Some little Helps I haue of other Arts which may giue Forme to Matter And I haue now by Gods mercifull Chastisement and by his speciall Prouidence time and leisure to put my Talent or halfe-Talent or what it is to such Exchanges as may perhaps exceed the Interest of an Actiue Life Therefore as in the beginning of my Troubles I made offer to your Maiestie to take paines in the Story of England and in compiling a Method and Digest of your Lawes So haue I performed the first which rested but vpon my selfe in some part And I doe in all humblenesse renew the offer of this latter which will require Helpe and Assistance to your Maiestie if it shall stand with your good pleasure to imploy my Seruice therein THE HISTORY OF THE REIGNE OF KING Henry the Eighth LONDON ¶ Printed by IOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson 1629. THE HISTORY OF THE REIGNE OF King HENRIE The Eighth AFter the Decease of that Wise Fortunate King King Henry the 7 who died in the Height of his Prosperity there followed as vseth to doe when the Sun setteth so exceeding cleare one of the fairest Mornings of a Kingdome that hath beene knowne in this Land or any where else A young King about 18. yeares of Age for Stature Strength Making and Beauty one of the goodliest Persons of his time And though he were giuen to Pleasure yet he was likewise desirous of Glory So that there was a passage open in his Minde by Glory for Vertue Neither was he vn-adorned with Learning though therein he came short of his Brother Arthur He had neuer any the least pique Difference or Iealousie with the King his Father which might giue any occasion of altering Court or Counsell vpon the change but all things passed in a Still He was the first Heire of the White and the Red Rose So that there was no discontented Party now left in the Kingdome but all Mens Hearts turned towards him And not onely their Hearts but their Eyes also For he was the onely Sonne Of the Kingdome He had no Brother which though it be a comfortable thing for Kings to haue yet it draweth the subiects Eyes a little aside And yet being a married Man in those young yeares it promised hope of speedy Issue to succeed in the Crowne Neither was there any Queene Mother who might share any way in the Gouernment or clash with his Counsellours for Authority while the King intended his pleasure No such thing as any Great and Mighty Subiect who might any way eclipse or ouershade the Imperiall Power And for the people and State in generall they were in such lownesse of obedience as Subiects were like to yeeld who had liued almost foure and twenty yeares vnder so politique a King as his Father Being also one who came partly in by the sword And had so high a Courage in all points of Regalitie And was euer victorious in Rebellions and Seditions of the People The Crowne extremely rich and full of Treasure and the Kingdome like to be so in short time For there was no War no Dearth no Stop of Trade or Commerce it was onely the Crowne which had sucked too hard and now being full and vpon the head of a young King was like to Draw lesse Lastly he was Inheritour 〈◊〉 Fathers Reputation which was great 〈◊〉 ouâ— the World He had streight â—â—â—nceâ— with the two Neighbour States 〈…〉 Enemy in 〈◊〉 to times and an 〈…〉 Friâ—â—d Scotland and Burgundy He had Peace and Amitie with France vnder the Assuâ—â—â—â— not only of Treatie and League but of Necessâ—â—e and Inhabilitie in the French to doe him hurt in respect that the French Kings Designes were wholly bent vpon Italy So that it may be truly said there had scarcely beene seene or knowne in many Ages such a rare Concurrence of Signes and Promises of a happy and flourishing Reigne to ensue as were now met in this young King called after his Fathers name HENRY the Eighth c. FINIS
CERTAINE Miscellany Works OF THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE FRANCIS Lo. Verulam Viscount S. ALBAN PVBLISHED By WILLIAM RAWLEY Doctor of Diuinity one of his Maiesties Chaplaines LONDON ¶ Printed by I. Hauiland for Humphrey Robinson dwelling at the signe of the three Pigeons in Pauls Church-yard 1629. To the Reader I Haue thought good as a Seruant to the Labours and Memory of that Noble Lord the Lo. Viscount S. Alban to collect into one these few rather Parcells than lust Works of his excellent Pen. Which I haue done for these Causes First to vindicate the Wrong his Lordship suffered by a corrupt and surreptitious Edition of that Discourse of his Touching a Warre with Spaine lately set forth Secondly by way of Preuention to exempt from the like Iniury Defacements those other Discourses of his herein contained Lastly to satisfie the Desires of some who hold it vnreasonable that any the Delineations of that Pen though in neuer so small a Modell should not be shewen to the World I know it carries the Excuse with it after the Authors Death to publish Fragments Therefore I will make none These Works being all for the Argument Ciuill I cannot represent better than in Resemblance of Aristotles Parua Naturalia to account them as his Lordships Parua Politica Howsoeuer I doubt not but euery Iudicious Reader finding of his Lordships Spirit in them will know them to be his And will afford them a Place of Reputation amongst his Greater Works W. RAWLEY CONSIDERATIONS Touching a WARRE With SPAINE VVritten about fiue yeeres since and inscribed to his MAIESTIE At that time PRINCE OF WALES LONDON ¶ Printed by IOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson 1629. CONSIDERATIONS Touching a WARRE With SPAINE To the Prince YOur Highnesse hath an Imperiall Name It was a CHARLES that brought the Empire first into France A CHARLES that brought it first into Spaine Why should not Great Britaine haue his turne But to lay aside all that may seeme to haue a shew of Fumes and Fancies and to speake Solids A Warre with Spaine if the King shall enter into it is a mighty Worke It requireth strong Materialls and Actiue Motions He that saith not so is zealous but not according to knowledge But neuerthelesse Spaine is no such Giant And he that thinketh Spaine to be some great Ouermatch for this Estate assisted as it is and may be is no good Mint-man But takes greatnesse of Kingdomes according to their Bulke and Currency and not after their intrinsique Value Although therefore I had wholly sequestred my thoughts from Ciuill Affaires yet because it is a new Case and concerneth my Country infinitely I obtained of my selfe to set downe out of long continued experience in Businesse of Estate and much Conuersation in Bookes of Policie and Historie what I thought pertinent to this Businesse And in all humblenesse present it to your Highnesse Hoping that at least you will discerne the strength of my Affection through the weaknesse of my Abilities For the Spaniard hath a good Prouerbe Desuarió siempre con la Calentura There is no Heat of Affection but is ioyned with some Idlenesse of Braine To a Warre are required A Iust Quarrell Sufficient Forces and Prouisions And a prudent Choyce of the Designes So then I will first iustifie the Quarrell Secondly ballance the Forces and lastly propound variety of Designes for Choice but not aduise the Choice For that were not fit for a Writing of this Nature Neither is it a Subiect within the leuell of my Iudgement I being in effect a Stranger to the present Occurrences Warres I speake not of ambitious Predatory Warres are Suits of Appeale to the Tribunall of Gods Iustice where there are no Superiours on earth to determine the Cause And they are as ciuill pleas are Plaints or Defences There are therefore three iust Grounds of Warre with Spaine One Plaint Two vpon Defence SALOMON saith A Cord of three is not easily broken But especially when euery of the lines will hold single by it selfe They are these The Recouery of the Palatinate A iust Feare of the Subuersion of our Ciuill Estate A iust Feare of the Subuersion of our Church and Religion For in the handling of the two last Grounds of Warre I shall make it plaine That Warres Preuentiue vpon Iust Feares are true Defensiues as well as vpon Actuall Inuasions And againe that Warres Defensiue for Religion I speake not of Rebellion are most iust Though Offensiue Warres for Religion are seldome to be approued or neuer vnlesse they haue some Mixture of Ciuill Titles But all that I shall say in this whole Argument will be but â—ike Bottomes of Thred close wound vp which with a good Needle perhaps may be flourished into large Workes For the Asserting of the Iustice of the Quarrell for the Recouery of the Palatinate I shall not goe so high as to discusse the Right of the Warre of Bohemia Which if it be freed from doubt on our part then there is no Colour nor Shadow why the Palatinate should be retained The Rauishing whereof was a meere Excursion of the first Wrong and a Super-Iniustice But I doe not not take my selfe to be so perfect in the Customes Transactions and Priuiledges of that Kingdome of Bohemia as to be fit to handle that part And I will not offer at that I cannot master Yet this I will say in passage positiuely and resolutely That it is impossible an Electiue Monarchy should be so free and absolute as an Hereditary No more than it is possible for a Father to haue so full Power and Interest in an Adoptiue Sonne as in a Naturall Quia naturalis Obligatio fortior Ciuili And againe that Receiued Maxime is almost Vnshaken and Infallible Nil magis Naturae consentaneum est quà m vt iisdem modis Res dissoluantur quibus constituuntur So that if the part of the People or Estate be somewhat in the Election you cannot make them Nulls or Cyphers in the Priuation or Translation And if it bee said that this is a dangerous Opinion for the Pope Emperour and Electiue Kings It is true it is a dangerous Opinion and ought to be a dangerous Opinion to such personall Popes Emperours or Electiue Kings as shall transcend their limits and become Tyrannicall But it is a safe and sound Opinion for their Sees Empires and Kingdomes And for themselues also if they be wise Plenitudo Potestatis est plenitudo Tempestatis But the chiefe Cause why I doe not search into this point is because I need it nor And in handling the Right of a Warre I am not willing to intermix matter doubtfull with that which is out of doubt For as in Capitall Causes wherein but one Mans life is in question in fauorem vitae the Euidence ought to bee cleare So much more in a Iudgement vpon a Warre which is Capitall to Thousands I suppose therefore the worst That the Offensiue Warre vpon Bohemia had beene vniust And then make the Case Which is no
at the first two of their brauest Commanders at Sea Petro de Valdez and Michael de Oquenda durst not put it to a Battell at Sea but set vp their rest wholly vpon the Land-Enterprise On the other side the Transporting of the Land-forces failed in the very Foundation For whereas the Counsell of Spaine made full account that their Nauy should be Master of the Sea and therefore able to guard and protect the Vessels of Transportation When it fell out to the contrary that the Great Nauy was distressed and had enough to doe to saue it selfe And againe that the Hollanders impounded their Land-forces with a braue Fleet of 30. Saile excellently well appointed Things I say being in this State it came to passe that the Duke of Parma must haue flowne if he would haue come into England for hee could get neither Barke nor Mariner to put to Sea Yet certaine it is that the Duke looked still for the comming backe of the Armada euen at that time when they were wandring and making their Perambulation vpon the Northerne Seas But to returne to the Armada which we left anchored at Callis From thence as Sir Walter Rawlegh was wont prettily to say they were suddenly driuen away with Squibs For it was no more but a Stratagem of Fire-boats Manlesse and sent vpon them by the fauour of the Wind in the night time that did put them in such terrour as they cut their Cables and left their Anchors in the Sea After they houered some 2 or 3 daies about Graueling there againe were beaten in a great Fight at what time our second Fleet which kept the narrow Seas was come in and ioyned to our maine Fleet. Thereupon the Spaniards entring into further terrour and finding also diuers of their Ships euery day to sinke lost all courage in stead of comming vp into the Thames Mouth for London as their Designe was fled on towards the North to seeke their Fortunes Being still chaced by the English Nauy at the heeles vntill we were faine to giue them ouer for want of Powder The Breath of Scotland the Spaniards could not endure Neither durst they as Inuaders land in Ireland But only ennobled some of the Coasts thereof with shipwracks And so going Northwards aloofe as long as they had any doubt of being pursued at last when they were out of reach they turned and crossed the Ocean to Spaine hauing lost fourescore of their Ships and the greater part of their Men. And this was the End of that Sea-Giant the Inuincible Armada Which hauing not so much as fired a Cottage of ours at Land nor taken a Cockboat of ours at Sea wandered thorow the Wildernesse of the Northerne Seas And according to the Curse in the Scripture Came out against vs one way and fled before vs seuen wayes Seruing only to make good the iudgement of an Astrologer long before giuen Octuagesimus octauus Mirabilis Annus Or rather to make good euen to the astonishment of all Posterity the wonderfull Iudgements of God powred downe commonly vpon vast and proud Aspirings In the yeare that followed of 1589. we gaue the Spaniards no breath but turned Challengers and inuaded the Maine of Spaine In which Enterprise although we failed of our End which was to settle Don Antonio in the Kingdome of Portugall yet a Man shall hardly meet with an Action that doth better reueale the great Secret of the Power of Spaine Which Power well sought into will be found rather to consist in a Veterane Army such as vpon seuerall Occasions and Pretensions they haue euer had on foot in one part or other of Christendome now by the space of almost six score yeares than in the strength of their Dominions and Prouinces For what can be more strange or more to the Disualuation of the Power of the Spaniard vpon the Continent than that with an Army of a 11000. English Land Souldiers and a Fleet of 26. Ships of warre besides some weake Vessells for Transportation we should within the Houre-glasse of two moneths haue wonne one Towne of importance by Escalada Battered and assaulted another Querthrowne great Forces in the Field that vpon the disaduantage of a Bridge strongly barracadoed Landed the Army in three seuerall Places of his Kingdome Marched seuen dayes in the Heart of his Countries Lodged three nights in the Suburbs of his principall City Beaten his Forces into the Gates thereof Possessed two of his Frontire Forts And come off after all this with small losse of Men otherwise than by Sicknesse And it was verily thought that had it not beene for foure great Disfauours of that Voyage That is to say The failing in sundry Prouisions that were promised especially of Cannons for Battery The vaine Hopes of Don Antonio concerning the People of the Country to come in to his aid The Disappointment of the Fleet that was directed to come vp the Riuer of Lisbone And lastly the Diseases which spred in the Army by reason of the Heat of the Season and of the Souldiers Misrule in Diet the Enterprise had succeeded and Lisbone had beene carried But howsoeuer it makes proofe to the World that an Inuasion of a few English vpon Spaine may haue iust hope of Victory at least of Pasport to depart safely In the yeare 1591. was that Memorable Fight of an English Ship called the Reuenge vnder the Command of Sir Richard Greenuill Memorable I say euen beyond credit and to the Height of some Heroicall Fable And though it were a Defeat yet it exceeded a Victory Being like the Act of Sampson that killed more Men at his Deatly than he had done in the time of all his Life This Ship for the space of 15. hours sate like a Stagge amongst Hounds at the bay and was seiged and fought with in turne by 15. great Ships of Spaine Part of a Nauy of 55. Ships in all The rest like Abettors looking on a farre off And amongst the 15. Ships that fought the great Sant Philippo was one A Ship of 1500. tonne Prince of the twelue Sea Apostles Which was right glad when she was shifted off from the Reuenge This braue ship the Reuenge being manned only with 200. Souldiers and Mariners whereof 80. lay sicke yet neuerthelesse after a Fight maintained as was said of 15. houres and two Ships of the Enemy sunke by her side Besides many more torne and battered and great slaughter of Men neuer came to be entred but was taken by Composition The Enemies themselues hauing in admiration the Vertue of the Commander and the whole Tragedy of that Ship In the yeare 1596 was the Second Inuasion that we made vpon the Maine Territories of Spaine Prosperously atchieued by that Worthy and Famous Robert Earle of Essex in consort with the Noble Earle of Nottingham that now liueth then Admirall This Iourny was like Lightning For in the space of 14. hours the King of Spaines Nauy was destroyed the Town of Cadez taken The Nauy was no
's Owne that mought be better ended by Accord Some petty Acquests of a Towne or a Spot of Territory Like a Farmers Purchase of a Close or Nooke of Ground that lay fit for him And although the Warres had beene for a Naples or a Millaine or a Portugall or a Bohemia yet these Warres were but as the Warres of Heathen Of Athens or Sparta or Rome for Secular Interest or Ambition not worthy the Warfare of Christians The Church indeed maketh her Missions into the Extreme Parts of the Nations and Isles And it is well But this is Ecce Vnus Gladius hic The Christian Princes and Potentates are they that are wanting to the Propagation of the Faith by their Armes Yet our Lord that said on Eatrh to the Disciples Ite praedicate Said from Heauen to Constantine In hoc signo Vince What Christian Souldier is there that will not be touched with a Religious Emulation to see an Order of Iesus or of Saint Francis or of Saint Augustine doe such seruice for enlarging the Christian Borders And an Order of Saint Iago or Saint Michael or Saint George only to Roab and Feast and performe Rites and Obseruances Surely the Merchants themselues shall rise in iudgement against the Princes and Nobles of Europe For they haue made a great Path in the Seas vnto the Ends of the World And set forth Ships and Forces of Spanish English and Dutch enough to make China tremble And all this for Pearle or Stone or Spices But for the Pearle of the Kingdome of Heauen Or the Stones of the Heauenly Hierusalem Or the Spices of the Spouses Garden not a Mast hath beene set vp Nay they can make shift to shed Christian Bloud so farre off amongst themselues and not a Drop for the Cause of Christ But let me recall my selfe I must acknowledge that within the space of fifty yeares whereof I spake there haue beene three Noble and Memorable Actions vpon the Infidels wherein the Christian hath beene the Inuader For where it is vpon the Defensiue I reckon it a Warre of Nature and not of Piety The First was that Famous and Fortunate Warre by Sea that ended in the Victory of Lepanto Which hath put a Hooke into the Nosthrills of the Ottomans to this day Which was the Worke chiefly of that excellent Pope Pius Quintus whom I wonder his Successours haue not declared a Saint The Second was the Noble though Vnfortunate Expedition of Sebastian King of Portugall vpon Africke which was atchieued by him alone So alone as left somewhat for others to Excuse The last was the Braue Incursions of Sigismund the Transiluanian Prince The Thred of whose Prosperity was cut off by the Christians themselues Contrary to the Worthy and Paternall Monitories of Pope Clement the Eight More than these I doe not remember POL. No! what say you to the Extirpation of the Moores of Valentia At which sudden Question Martius was a little at a stop and Gamaliel preuented him and said GAMALIEL I thinke Martius did well in omitting that Action for I for my part neuer approued it And it seemes God was not well pleased with that Deed For you see the King in whose time it passed whom you Catholikes count a Saint-like and Immaculate Prince was taken away in the Flower of his Age And the Author and great Counsellour of that Rigour whose Fortunes seemed to be built vpon the rocke is ruined And it is thought by some that the Reckonings of that Businesse are not yet clear'd with Spaine For that Numbers of those supposed Moores being tried now by their Exile continue constant in the Faith and true Christians in all points saue in the Thirst of Reuenge ZEBED Make not hasty Iudgement Gamaliel of that great action Which was as Christs Fanne in those Countries Except you could shew some such Couenant from the Crown of Spain as Iosuah made with the Gibeonites That that Cursed Seed should continue in the Land And you see it was done by Edict not tumultuously The Sword was not put into the Peoples Hand EVPOL I thinke Martius did omit it not as making any Iudgement of it either way But because it sorted not aptly with Actions of Warre being vpon Subiects and without resistance But let vs if you thinke good giue Martius leaue to proceed in his Discourse For me thought he spake like a Diuine in Armour MARTIVS It is true Eupolis that the Principall Obiect which I haue before mine Eyes in that whereof I speake is Piety and Religion But neuerthelesse if I should speake only as a Naturall Man I should perswade the same thing For there is no such Enterprise at this day for secular Greatnesse and terrene Honour as a Warre vpon Infidels Neither doe I in this propound a Nouelty or Imagination but that which is proued by late Examples of the same kinde though perhaps of lesse difficulty The Castilians the age before that wherein we liue opened the New World And subdued and planted Mexico Peru Chile and other Parts of the West Indies We see what Flouds of Treasure haue flowed into Europe by that Action So that the Cense or Rates of Christendome are raised since ten times yea twenty times told Of this Treasure it is true the Gold was Accumulate and Store Treasure for the most part But the Siluer is still growing Besides infinite is the Accesse of Territory and Empire by the same Enterprise For there was neuer an Hand drawen that did double the Rest of the Habitable World before this For so a Man may truly terme it if he shall put to account as well that that is as that which may be hereafter by the further Occupation and Colonizing of those Countries And yet it cannot be affirmed if one speake ingenuously that it was the Propagation of the Christian Faith that was the Adamant of that Discouery Entry and Plantation But Gold and Siluer and Temporall Profit and Glory So that what was first in Gods Prouidence was but second in Mans Appetite and Intention The like may be said of the famous Nauigations and Conquests of Emanuel King of Portugall whose Armes beganne to circle Africke and Asia and to acquire not onely the Trade of Spices and Stones and Muske and Drugges but Footing and places in those extreme Parts of the East For neither in this was Religion the Principall but Amplification and Enlargement of Riches and Dominion And the Effect of these two Enterprises is now such that both the East and the West Indies being met in the Crowne of Spaine it is come to passe that as one saith in a braue kinde of Expression The Sunne neuer sets in the Spanish Dominions but euer shines vpon one part or other of them Which to say truly is a beame of Glory though I cannot say it is so Solide a Body of Glory wherein the Crowne of Spaine surpasseth all the former Monarchies So as to conclude we may see that in these Actions vpon Gentiles or Infidels onely