of causes in his minde with equitie and puritie in his affections and yet wanting authoritie his sentence hath no weight nor his worke any efficacie But God hath joyned all these three in this Kinglie gift as their place is aboue privacie so are their eyes to see and their heartes aboue these base and perverting Passions and they are cled with supreme authoritie to giue life and power to their words They haue both a Mouth to pronounce and an Hand to doe for where the word of the King is there is power Iethros counsell to Moses hath all these Chuse said he men of courage and that because their administration will encounter many rubs of miscontent humours which they cannot through without Courage Next men that feare God because that is a Bridle to keepe them from ill and a Cordiall for faintnesse Thirdlie men that loue the Truth that is haue Veritie in their minde Veraoitie in their word and Sinceritie in their actions that Heart Tongue and Hand goe all one way And lastlie men that are not greedie because it is impossible for an avaricious man either to bee iust in private Bargans or righteous in Iudgement God hath stablished that Soveraigne power amongst men for three speciall reasons The first is the vniust and selfish disposition of man Wee are all in societies ought to seeke the good of the common and of our Neighbours but selfe-loue turneth euery man into himselfe It killeth in vs the loue of the common and of our Neighbour and suckes in our owne particular good with the hurt of them both God hath written this law in our hearts and in his word Doe to other as thou would be done to and hath given vs a Conscience to checke vs for the breach of that law But the violence of selfe-loue caries vs away against both Law and Conscience Therefore there must be without vs an Iustice clad with a coactiue power to represse that corruption that Conscience cannot mend This correcting Iustice God hath primelie seated in Princes So there is a necessitie of a living Law armed with authoritie to vrge the Observation of the written Law This is Gods arrest on mans corruption For the power of Kings and the force of the Sword and the instruments of the Burrio the Armes of Souldiers all the Discipline of Rulers are not appointed for nought For when men feare these thinges both the wicked are dauntoned and the Godlie liue more peaceablie among the wicked Innocen cie is safe among the vnrighteous that while their desires are bridled by the feare of punishment their will may bee healed by calling vpon God The second Reason is from our Lotte God hath given everie man his Lotte and fenced everie part of it from the Iniurie of his Neighbour with commands Hee hath fenced our Honour with the fift Command Thou shalt honour thy Father and Mother Our life with the fixt Thou shalt not kill Our Chastitie with the sevent Thou shalt not commit adulterie And our Goods by the eight Thou shalt not steale c. These Commands are like Marches in a field divyded to a Commonalitie whereof everie one hath his portion designed vnto him But man who can never bee content with Gods appointment is given to passe these Marches and incroacheth vpon his Neighbour to hurt him in his goods name c. Therefore God hath set Princes as Wardens of these Marches to see that they bee keeped as his Providence hath fixed them and everie mans Lotte secured by the ministration of iustice which is nothing else but a perambulation vpon the Lottes and Marches of people What are Kingdomes without Iustice but great robberies And by the iust governement of Kings wee possesse and brooke peaceablie our possession This is Gods Guarde on everie mans Lotte The third Reason is for settling inumerable and endlesse questions for everie calling hath the owne gift for it's worke and righteousnesse is the gift and accomplishment of Kings and God hath given them power as an Usher of that righteousnesse to make way for it through the bodie of their Kingdomes Right and Equitie are a straight Line and beeing rightlie applyed make a cleare difference in mens causes betweene Contentment and miscontentment Peace and oppression c. But mans affaires furnish many questions to his contentious humour and the least circumstance maketh a new case and every case altereth the state of the Question It is impossible to write such Lawes as can either meete with all cases or decide all questions That same question the day may bee diverse the morne by the smallest change of place Person or Time For this cause God hath sette Kings as living Lawes in respect of the habite of Iustice in them and speaking Lawes to expresse that Iustice by word Edicts And doing Lawes to apply the generalitie of the Law to everie particular by execution It was said of olde That the Common-wealth could not bee governed without wrongs so natiue to man is iniquitie And therefore the best Remeed is Iustice without which said an other Proverbe Iupiter himselfe can not reigne Iudgement is justlie put in the hand of Princes because their place setteth them aboue outward things that may corrupt or passions within that may bee corrupted They are aboue honour riches c. And so neede not be ambitious of honour nor greedie of goods And within foure things especiallie pervert Iudgement feare of Hurt hope of Gaine hatred of Boes loue of Friends Where these rule the Ballance is deceitfull persons causes are confounded together They see the right of their Foe as a wrong and the wrong of their Friende as a right What ever Iudge puttethon the person of a â—riend or Fâ—e in Iudgement hee layes aside both the person and Conscience of a Iudge But righteousnesse seated in the heart of Princes purgeth them of these base affections within and secureth them from these temptations without There is no temper nor disposition of it selfe more capable of Equity or more able to pronounce execute Iudgement aâ—ight Of Princes care of Religion THis much for the necessitie of Iustice The extent of it is not to bee restrained to civill things alone as though Princes might not meddle with Religion but God hath given them an interesse therein For if the proper worke of Iustice giue everie one his due then surelie that must bee her first taske to see God get his due and so Religion commeth within her compasse as the first and maine taske The Kings of the Earth serue Christ when they make Lawes for Christ and heerein they serue God if in their Kingdomes they command good and forbid evill and that not onelie in things pertaining to humane Societie but also in divine Religion In matters of Religion three parties haue interesse First GOD hath absolute power as Hee is the onelie Author and Obiect
power and vigour of grace and holinesse may be diffused throgh all the members of his most sacred bodie And to this sâ—mâ— sens Bellarmine affirmeth that no man although â—ee would can bee subiect to Christ and communicate with the heavenlie Church except hee bee subiect to the Pope this is more than Boniface his extravagant forâ— that did onely tye men to bee subiect to the Pope but this bindeth Christ also that hee cannot communicate his Grace but by the Popes Mediation And in a word an exalting of the Pope aboue God and man But since hee sayeth that Christ the Head of the Chruch is sanctus sanctorum I demand what necessitie hath hee of the Mediation of an vsurping Pope who is profanus profanorum But Becane is more circumspect than Salianus and Bellermine while hee draweth the influence of that Head no further than the externall governement Their flatterie of the Pope is cleare for they know his wickednesse should bee abhorred and yet they will defend it And Canus otherwise modest will tell vs that they haue learned eyes and cover the Popes faults as Shem and Cham did Noahs nakednesse But that is impudencie and not modestie For Noahs nakednesse came of infirmitie and was private within the Tent but the Popes wickednesse is affected and scandalouslie open to the World It were good for the Pope and them both to vse Bernards libertie in not sparing the Pope but telling him his faults freely that God might spare him but heerein they are more like Varro who dissembled the vallenies of the gods lest he should beleeue thinges vnseemelie to them But if they must bee called holy let them haue it in that sense as Paul the fourth called sanctissimum officium inquisitionis most holy office of the inquisition Or as Tertullian scornefully calleth Archi Gallus Cybelâ— Priest sanctissimus whose service was so abhominable that reason was ashamed to expresse it because that goddesse was great not in the greatnesse of goodnesse but of wickednesse Or shall wee say that they make that title sanctissimus to signifie contrare things both most holy and most profaine as the Hebrew Kadosh is holy and Kadesh is scortum mus culum All holds in the Pope safe only that contrate significations in the Hebrew are of diverse things buâ— heere both agree in him the good notion putatiuely but the ill both really and properly They might haue lurked long vnder this ambiguitie had not their Analist discovered all for where as others haue made reall profainesse and titular holinesse compatible in the Pope he hath set them as two extremes and contâ—ares and ascryved true holinesse to Dunstane and profainesse to the Pope to tell that holinesse is more to bee found in others than in Popes yea that Popes compared to them are but Monsters To close this point their holinesse is the Court holines of Rome which as Bernard speaketh giveth all to honour but nothing to holinesse and so they fall vnder his just censure in another place That it is a monstruous thing to see in one the highest degree of the Church and lewdest life And I would advise them to follow Ambrose direction to shew what they are rather by action than profession that their Name agree with their life and their life answere to their Name least it bee a vaine name and an odious cryme Least it bee an high honour and a deformed life least it bee a divine profession and an vnlawfull action because as there is nothing more excellent than a good Bishop so there is nothing more miserable than a scandalous Bishop for great sublimitie should haue great circumspectnesse Let him reade his dittay and doome from Aponius If hee neither liue holily nor teach right hee shall drinke the bitter fruits of his wickednesse And I must say of his Church with Bernard O miserable Church committed to such a Paranymph and with Cardinal Aliaco It is lamentable when the Church of God is come to this estate that it is not worthie to bee ruled but by reprobates The second furtherance of their tyrannie was excommunicatioÌ„ of Princes It had a shew to cut them off from the Church but was more terrible by the consequence in loosing people from their obedience The olde Romaines were not so cruell for when their Lawes of twelue tables appointed punishment to everie cryme yet to impretie they appointed none but referred the guiltie to the revenge of the Gods The greatest force it had was from Princes themselues For as everie one was ambitious or greedie of his neighbours Kingdome hee sought no more but to bee an executioner of the Popes curse for so hee found a title to the Kingdome that was exposed to prey and to conquere it by the Subiects who were readie either to forsake their natiue Lord or take armes against him As the Subiects of Navarre beyond the Pyrenes at the excommunication of Iulius the second deserted their natiue King and tooke them to the King of Castile So Princes for their private ends gaue strength to that blow of excommunication and made it a matter of ruine to them all This was his policie to beare downe Kings by yoaking them by the eares and making them breake one another Hee overthrew them whom hee hated and ingaged the other who was his instrument to himselfe for the benefite of an ill conquered Kingdome Heere were both craft and crueltie they not only stirred vp other Kings against the excommunicate King but also his owne Subiects who should haue beene his guard They possessed their superstitious credulitie to make them thinke him execrable and that it was good service to GOD to cutte him off Heerein the Pope proved a Monster in blowing at once both hote and cold cursing good Kings and with an Apostolicke benediction conferring their Kingdome on some other King This is to haue the hornes of the Lambe but to speake like the Dragon Thus Hildebrand verifieth what was said of him That hee was terrore potâ—â— quà m Religione magnus Great by terrour rather than Pietie The third part of the Treatise concerning their crooked courses to vphold this Vsurpation CHAP. XIII And first of their Professions institute to defend it FOr vpholding their Vsurpation they vse foure speciall things First Professions for defending it Secondlie Recrimination charging vs with their owne crimes Thirdlie Tergiversation in contesting Fourthlie Ludification of Kings For the first Sathan knew this Monster could not subsist alone and that truth could never countenance errour therefore as hee begot it on mans fleshlie wisedome hee sette that same wisedome to foster it when it was brought foorth and so according to the severall times made that Antichristian Church to erect such professions as could best maintaine it These are Schoole-men Canonists Casuists The Hypocrisie of Orders And lastlie the Iesuits The first are Schoole-men a sort of Theologues slavishlie addicted to the Pope For after
56. Pietie and Prudence the Remeâ—de of their Difficulties 59. 2. People the Subject of Government 62. Man is most obliged and most disobedient 64. Gods Church most easily governed 66. Kingâ— governing of themselues 67. Of their Courts 69. 3. The fruite of good Government Peace 73. Of the fruits of Peace 74. Of Warres 78. The Puritie and peace of true Religion their greatest task 81 It is the greatest blessing of Mankinde 82. No Mixture with a true Religion 84. Reconciliation with a false religion is impossible 85. Confusions of Holland 86. Domage of schisâ—â—es 89. Three sorts of Kings 1. Of Gods King 90. 2. Machiavells Tyrant 91. 3. Of the Popes Vassall 97. The pourtrate of â— perfect King 98. Tyrants both affright and are affrighted 102. Peoples hearts a Kings greatest conquest 102. Their loue his best Guard 103. An happie land 105. Scotlands happinesse 106. Great Brittaines Happinesse 107. Speach to the Nobilitie 108. To the colledge of Iustice. 108. To Edenburgh 108. Aprayer for the King 109. For the Queene 109. For the Prince 110. For the Subiects 110. True Thanksgiving is true oâ—â—dience 111. ERRATA Pag. Lin. â—ault Mend. â— in Marg. Peremptores Paâ—eicidâ—â— 44. â— doe more Doe no more 47. 2. the their â—â— â—1 is best is most 76. 21. more dele 86. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A LOOKING GLASSE for Princes and people Deliuered first in a Sermon of thanksgiuing for the Birth of our hopefull PRINCE CHARLES c. In the great Church of EDINBVRGH c. The Preface REIOYCE in the LORD yee righteous saith the Prophet for praise is comelie for the vpright I presume so farre of your Christian affection Dearly beloued in the Lord that I need not exhort you to joy The cheerefulnesse of your Countenance testifies the great joy of your heart so that it shall onely be necessar to direct you in the vse and expressing of so just and great a ioy The Lord hath blessed vs in great mercie with the birth of a Prince on Saturnday last and refreshed vs yesternight with these good tydings That blessing hath manie blessings in it A Child a Male Child and a first borne Male Child that came to perfection A Sonne to a Father that hath no Brother the apparent Heire of all these three Kingdomes and I may say The first borre Heire that euer They had Some Histories wrongouslie affirme that some Kings were Monarchs of this whole Yle and that same errour did creepe in the Councels speaking of Primats But the first spake as they affected and the other followed that errour in simplicitie They borrowed that style of a Monarch of the whole Yle from Severus time and tooke the march of it from his wall Some haue beene borne Heires of seuerall Kingdomes in it but till now wee finde none borne Heires of them altogether and that to a King standing in the iust title and peaceable possession of them all These are Gods great mercies to vs and the greater if wee consider what our sinnes deserue They cry for judgement and our Conscience tells that wee deserue it more than other Nations that are scourged beyond Sea but behold when hee might showre downe deserued plagues Hee sendeth vs vndeserued Blessings Gods worship hath two odde solemnities of Fasting and Thankesgiuing but it is more pleasant to haue the occasion of solemne thankes for Blessing receiued than of mourning for plagues imminent or incumbent And better to heare now our Drummes in the streete and Canons in the Castle by their sound calling vs to these joyfull meetings than to heare them in the feates of Warre There is no Affection so pleasant to the heart as Ioy it was created in vs as a power to make vse of good When the heart hath desired and hoped for good it cannot but rejoyce at the obtaining of it and in all these actions about good it abydeth most gladly in it selfe Wee brought euill in the World by sinne and so a necessitie of sorrow In griefe the heart is closed within it selfe and hath a selfe-consumption for its owne folie No temporall good entreth into our heart but the joy for it filleth it and then it delyts to dwell in that Ioy as the owne Element and dilateth it selfe to vtter that joy conceiued As the Eare is opened wyde to heare good and the Eye to see it so the Heart to enjoy it and the Mouth to expresse that Ioy. And what better expressing than to powre out our heartes on GOD by thankesgiuing That as Hee is the Author of our joy so it may returne to Him againe A well expressed Ioy maketh a sweete Sacrifice to GOD and bringeth downe a new blessing but excesse of joy eâ—anishing in fleshlie insolencies and not reflecting on GOD prouokes him whom we should please Such was the rejoycing of Pagans in their solemnities but Gods Word directeth vs better Wee ought therefore to praise Him for the Blessing receiued and pray for a blessing to that Blessing that his Mercie there in may euery way appeare And because of our selues wee cannot doe this as wee ought let vs call on the Author of the Blessing and craue such direction from his Word that in this solemne and publicke Ioy wee may approue our selues to Him The Text. Psal. 72. 1. Giue the King thy judgements O GOD and thy righteousnesse vnto the Kings Sonne 2. Hee shall judge thy people with righteousnesse and thy poore with judgement 3. The Mountaines shall bring peace to the people and the little hills by righteousnesse The first part K. DAVID a Suter LOOKE not Beloued in the Lord for a ful explication of euery part of this Text with their doctrines and vses as wee doe in Sermons but onely for such points as this occasion craueth In summe it containeth a prayer of King Dauid for his Sonne Solomon and offereth three things to our consideration The Suter who prayeth is King Dauid Next for whom hee prayeth it is for Solomon And thirdlie the thinges that hee suteth which are three First the Gift of Kinglie wisedome verse 1. 2. The vse of that Gift in righteous Iudgement verse 2. And thirdlie the fruite of that Gift so vsed Peace and Tranquillitie verse 3. For the first the Suter is King Dauid a Father for his Childe a King for his succeeding Sonne and a Prophet for one that GOD was to blesse Nature might moue him as a Father to seeke the good of his Sonne and Civilitie as a King a greater Father of a Kingdome to seeke the good of his Successour But as a Prophet hee is moued diuinly to sute that which GOD had showne him hee was purposed to doe In the first two respects hee had an ordinary grace as a Father and a King to seeke this Blessing In the thrid hee had an extraordinarie gift to augment the former two beeing priuie to Gods mind in this particular Therefore it is not onelie a Prayer but a Blessing The one suting
Providence rule the matter Or they who haue voycetherein were so iust as to giue it where they see God hath given worth surelie it were a good way to enter to a Kingdome But since all men are corrupt and the most vn worthie are most ambitious they supplie that want of worth by the purchase of voyces They also who haue suffrage are vsuallic caried more with Hope and Feare than with Conscience therefore it commeth to passe that Election makes oft-times Butcheries in Kingdomes and what difference is there betweene foreraine invasion by Cōquest factions within by Election but that the one is from without and the other at home Election is both the occasion and matter of tumults And it is as hard to finde manie Electors agree in one as it is to finde their agreement in good But Succession is ruled of God who provydeth himselfe of Princes in the wombe and thereafter blesseth them with a more princelie Education than if they were elected It is not so much free election that caries the matter as the force of a prevailing Faction Even as in the factious choosing of Popes hee is not inrolled as an lawfull Pope who was Canonicallie elected but hee who had the strongest faction And his Competitor though both more worthie and chosen Canonicallie if hee could not make his cause good by force is called the Anti-Pope They giue vs the reason heereof that though they came by tyrannie yet it was better to tolerate them than to rent the Church with a Schisme This also brought on the ruine of the Impyre for Augustus invented a Praetorian band of 1200 olde Souldiours in shew to strengthen the Impyre but indeede it ruined it and that by the occasion of Election making themselues master of Armies Senate Emperour For after that Iulius race ended they took too much on them and afterward caried the matter absolutelie and set vp and cast downe Emperours at their pleasure In so much that they cared not to change Emperours everie day that they might finde daylie Donatiues and Rewards So the way to come to the Impyre was neither mens worthinesse nor the Election of the Senate but the violence of the Pretorian band who beeing altogether saleable preferred them who gaue largest money In like manner doe the Ianisars the Turkes Pretorian band and so will the Iesuits the Popes Iamsars doe when they haue hanked vp the affaires of Poperie in their hands But Succession is better than either Conquest or Election It wants the tumults of Election and the violence of Conquest and is most acceptable to people beginning with birth and confirmed by education It burieth the seeds of changes but Election keepes them greene and fresh as a tusked wall in building makes more way for building It relieveth Kings of many cares how to come to a Kingdome and how to gaine the loue of their people Their birth prevents these cares and at once possesseth them both in their Kingdome and their peoples heart It is also most pleasant to people because it secures them from feare of changes that come of Conquest or Election and settleth their Affections sweetely on their natiue Prince They delight rather to bee vnder a knowne Lord than a stranger The Sons of their Kings are brought vp amongst their they know their dispossion and manners and how to deale with them in their afaires They neede neither an Interpreter for language a great band of humane Societie nor a Mediator to the loue of a natiue Prince They count them their Fosters and Consorts in a manner and from the verie wombe their hearts imbrace them as their desired Heads What is the great Ioy at the birth of Princes such as blessed bee God I see in you all this day bot the hand of God wedding the hearts of people to their new borne Princes and the earnest ingaging of a constant loue to them heereafter That bond is natiue and strong that beginneth at the Birth yea and sooner in the great desire that people haue of natiue Princes before their Birth and God who beginneth so soone confirmes it by time to the mutuall comfort of Prince and people Moreover both Election and Conquest yeeld to Succession as the best way to come to a Kingdome For Conquerors beeing settled doe labour to stablish it to their Posteritie by Succession And many Kingdomes sometimes Electiue are turned to Succession and it is likelie that the remanent will doe so be times And so both Conquest and Election by an open consent doe acknowledge Succession to bee the best way in that they affect to be changed in it Some good men otherwise haue spoken harshlie of womens Governement as an inconvenient of Succession But that was more from some particular than the matter it selfe They distinguished not betwixt the faults of some persons the equitie of Gods ordinance They wrested the These to their owne Hypothese and in a preiudicate manner determined the cause by some badde accidents of their time as though the matter were so in itselfe and had ever been so as they saw it practised in some This was to giue Lawes to God and not to expone his Providence as it runs in the owne libertie and latitude but to force vpon it such a construction as pleased them But others speak more moderatly that there was nothing more vniust than the Law of the Romans that discharged men to mak their Daughters their Heires And God giues this Law in the case of Zelophehads Daughters that they succeede in their fathers portion of Canaan as they were Sonnes If a man die and haue no Sonnes then hee shall cause his inheritance to passe to his Daughter This Yland in our time hath seene two great instances in the right of Succession The first in the Reigne of Queene Elizabeth of happie memorie in whom God refuted reallie that Objection that is taken from womens governement Hee blessed her fourtie fiue yeares Reigne with such prosperitie both spirituall and worldly as few Kings could equall Of former times onely Zenobia seemes to striue with her but shee is nothing like for what shee did was by borrowed forces and after shee had proven valorous for a time was taken captiue to Rome led in triumph and died private But Elizabeth did all vnder God with her owne Forces shee lent Armies to others as this Land France and the Low-Countries can testifie and after a long prosperous Reigne dyed in her owne Palace in a true Religion in peace with God loue of her Subiects commendation of her enemies and admiration of the world The other was in the succeeding of K. Iames of happy memorie In his Youth Papists fedde themselues with a conceit of the possibilitie of his turning and that without any occasion of that fansie offred by him But when hee expressed his loue to the Truth by his Letters to Q Elizabeth and by the
righteousnesse amongst themselues and yet for all this they haue neede of civill Governement The best man hath some remanent Corruption and in the best particular Churches are some who haue not the power of Religion nor are disposed for righteousnes Herein appeareth mans vnrulines Gods mercy supplying it with Governement And the happinesse of such Kings as rule the people of God This is mans vnrulinesse that though hee bee reasonable and of one stocke in Adam and of one condition in sinne which should make him to loue his Neighbour yet wee are most vnreasonable and inhumane to other Neither the bands of common nature nor common miserie no not of Religion can make vs liue in righteousnesse It was truelie said That the necessitis of many Physitians in a Citie argued great intemperance in a people So the necessity of Magistrates argueth great vnrighteousnes amoÌ„gst men If we had stood in Innocency as wee were created wee had beene to others as harmelesse Lambes and gallesse Doues our pure minde tooke light of God fully our Will followed that Light freelie and our Affections and the whole man went one way to obey him But by our fall that furnishing is lost and that harmonie broken our mynde taketh not Gods Light our will and affections miscarie the whole man violently wee breake to God and so cannot doe a duety to man That fansie of some Schoole-men of a meere and pure Nature is a pernitious errour that ignorance and concupiscence were the conditions of that Nature and that man in his first estate would haue beene caried to the desire of sinfull things This obseureth the integritie of our creation the miserie of our fall and Gods mercie restoring vs In our innocencie we had no disposition to sin our originall righteousnesse was a sweete applying of everie power in vs to another and all of them to God But now beeing voyde of that originall iustice and full of iniquitie wee are like vnreasonable creatures Man is in honour and vnderstandeth not hee is like a beast that perisheth As the greater Beastes devour the smaller and ravening fowles prey vpon the weaker and greater fishes eat vp the lesser So everie man as hee hath a gift aboue his Neighbours vseth it to their hurt The wise man turneth his wisedome to intrappe the simple the mightie man his power to oppresse the weaker and the rich man maketh his riches as feete and hands to fulfill his evill purpose against the poore So though it would seeme an easie thing for a King to rule a multitude of reasonable men brought vp in civilitie and Religion yet it is a matter of great difficultie Therefore one said right That Kings ought to bee Pastours and that because they rule men who are led by brutâ—sh affections This is a Glasse for mans infirmitie That hee is the most disobedient creature the will of God is an eternall Law the cause and rule of all equitie and reason thereby hee disposeth his owne actions and giveth the extract of it respectiuely to creatures and all of them except man obey that Law according to their power This power is specified in their essentiall formes and these formes are the immediate cause of their working and Character of their worke Mans disobedience is the greater because he hath the most excellent forme is best obliged and best furnished he hath a reasonable Soule and the greatest extract of Gods eternall Law both wriâ—en in his heart and revealed to him in Scripture Hee alone hath a Conscience to charge him with obedience in the Name of God As a Center hee is compassed with obedient creatures If he looke aboue hee seeth the Angels keepe their celestiall Law in loving adoring and imitating God if beneath hee seeth all creatures keepe their Law the fruite of their obedience is his comfort and if they altered their course but a short space hee would perish And yet notwithstanding of the excellencie of his forme the riches of his furniture and his compassing with a cloud of so many obedient witnesses hee remaineth still vntractabâ—e Secondly herein is Gods great mercie to man that hee leaveth him not in this disorder Hee knoweth that hee would be as a beast pushing and goaring other therefore he hath set vp Magistracie as a soveraigne remeede of that furie and given it power to secure the weake from the injuries of the mightie wisedome to saue the simple from the snares of the craftie That if the great sort will abuse their power in tyrannizing over the weake they may finde in Kings a power to controll them The greatnesse of Kings aboue their Subjects is both a staffe to the weaker to leane to and a bridle to restraine the outrages of the mightie as the Prophet expresseth Defend the poore and fatherlesse doe Iustice to the afflicted and needie deliver the poore and needie ridde them out of the hand of the wicked This vindicating power of Princes is as great a blessing to the oppressours whom it restraineth as to the poore who are rescued Thirdly this is the happinesse of Kings that rule over Gods people that their lotte is fallen pleasantly in Gods inheritance They who reigne over Barbarians are Kings over beastes rather than men and they who rule over civill Countries where true Religion is not are Kings but of men but they whose Kingdome is a particular Church to God are Kings over Kings or Christians more than men and their common Subjects by grace haue more true worth than such Kings as are over Barbarians because wee are a royall Priest-hood The one reignâ—th in a Paradise the other as in a barren Wildernesse This excellencie hath also an easinesse with it to overcome mans natiue vnrulinesse for Gods Scepter bringeth people to obedience as this Prophet acknowledgeth It is God that subdueth my people vnder mee When mans rudenesse is broken with a true Religion it is most plyable to authoritie as to the ordinance of God hee both commands and alloweth that obedience and disposeth people thereto willinglie Numa by Religion plyed his rude Romans more to the offices of Warre and peace than Romulus austere governement If a false Religion did this in Pagans what shall the true Religion and the grace that accompanieth it worke in Christians It is farre more easie to rule good people than badde because there is none so rebellious to Authoritie as those who rebell against their own reason a good man is more obsequious to Princes than a Russian The godly doe feare Princes more than they are to bee feared of Princes but no bands can keepe the wicked in order True Religion binds vs to God and the grace of it is our greatest perfection in this life and that partaking of the divine Nature maketh vs the more respectuous to Gods ordinance Where that is not Lawes Rewards and Punishments are but weake motiues but where it is they neede not a Law The
circle of the Subjects neerest to them It is a proofe of the Governement of their persons an Image of the ruling of their Estates If every house be a beginning and part of a citie and every beginning ought to bee referred to the owne end much more the Families of Princes which are not simplie parts but rather compends extracts of their Kingdomes People cannot alwayes see the person of their Kings but they may guesse at their disposition by the manners of their Court As is the Prince so is his Court because they seeke by his imitation to procure and keepe his favour and as the Court is so will the Countrie bee Such as his servants are such is hee counted For men can hardly thinke but they are such by his command or connivence or example If therefore they bee godly and righteous they win the hearts of people to the King But if they bee profaine and godlesse they procure his contempt This care ought not onely to be of his neerest Attendents but also of these whom he intrusteth with his affaires abroad If they minister Iustice defend the people exact no more than is due then the people ascryue all that goodnesse to the King commanding his Officers to handle his people tenderly But if they be violent and outragious the contrare followeth as if all that severity were commanded of the King A good king by doing good maketh his Subjects good is as eminet in example before them as in dignity aboue them The Roman Impyre had a great proofe of the force of their example both in their Court and people when in fiftie foure yeeres space it found fiue changes First DiocletiaÌ„ like his Predecessours was a Pagan Next Constantine turned himselfe the Impyre to Christianity 3. Constantius his sonne turned all Arrian 4. Iulian the Apostate went backe to Paganisme And fiftlie Iovinian following Constantines zeale brought them back againe to Christianitie So important is the example of Princes either in good or evill and so changeable are the people to follow them The Kings of Iudah were not vnâ—â—k Achaz an idolater Ezekiah a zealous worshipper of God Amon and Manasseh restorers of idolatrie Iosiah a destroyer of idolatrie c. And their Courts and Countries followed their steppes Constantius the father of Constantine tryed his Courteours wisely hee offered preferment to such as would worship Pagan gods and when some for feare and desire of honour did so others layed downe their honour rather than that they would quite Christ hâ—ereby hee saw the ground of his Courtiers hearts he degraded such as had forsaken Christ and said They would never bee true to him that were false to God but he honoured such as were readie to losse all for adhering to God he made them his Guard and Governours of his Kingdome saying That such men were to bee numbered as his speciall Friends and Familiars And Theodoricke the Goth an Arrian King had some like practise but with a more summar censure for when one of his Court willing to please him forsooke the faith of Christ and turned Arrian hee was so offended that hee killed him with his owne hand affirming that hee would not bee trusty to him that was a traytour to Christ. To close this point the fruite of Davids prayer is manifest in Solomons extraordinary wisedome and that both in speculation and practice For the first hee knew all mysteries and wrote of the nature of all things from the Cedar of Lebanon to the Hysope on the wall Beside his heavenly Doctrine in his Song whereof none of all the wise men of the earth could so much as dreame in his moralities in the Proverbs and Ecclesiastes he passed them all Thogh they came long after him and had the benefite of his Writs by some two Greeke translations before the Septuagints yet they are no more to his wisedome than a aram of vnfined silver-vre to a talent of pure gold As for his practice his first tryall proved an excellent practicall gift It was a plea betwixt two Harlots both of them clamed the living Child no doubt with the like boldnes cursing execration the vsuall companions of passionat pleading Heere God offred a fit purpose to proue the truth of his promise to Solomon The question was not of civill things but naturall to finde out the mother of the living Childe and there was no witnesse but both parties alike peremptory in their alledgeance His wisedome leadeth him to find out the truth by naturall affection Hee layed this sure ground that the Mothers affection is tender and the bowels that bredde the Child would never agree to see him killed On the other part that the cruell affection agreeing to the division of the Childe was but a strange and stepmotherly affection On these grounds hee pronounceth That the living Babe shall bee cut in two It might seeme a cruell sentence to kill the Babe but some equitie in the just division but the truth was hee found the decision of the matter in the show of division and adiudged the living Babe to her who in a sparing affection choosed rather to want her Babe than the Babe should want his life Hee saw in the tender affection of the one the equity of her cause and in crueltie of the other the iniquity of her clame This was a proofe of deepe wisedome The people heard of it and were both glad of such a King because the wisedome of God was in him and yet feared him because they saw hee was such a one as could discover the secrets of their hearts and counter-mine their deeepest policies 3. The fruite of their Governement Of PEACE Vers. 3. The Mountaines shall bring foorth peace c. THis is the third thing he craveth the fruite of kinglie Governement in the blessing of peace whither we take the Mountaines hills figuratiuelie for the estate in generall or for the degrees of power in greater and lesser Princes c. all is to this end that Iustice well ministered brings peace to a Countrie for the mighty who are as mountaines when they shall see Iustice reigne in the King are stayed from oppressing the poore and become a shadow to them So Iustice is both the mother to bring foorth and a Nurce to foster peace Peace is the desired and sweete end of all blessings and prosperitie it selfe without it is but adversity All our labours are for Peace and Warres the wrake of mankind and brâ—ake of Peace are vndertaken tâ— purchase and keepe Peace And God the Authour of all hath contempered the variâ—tie and disâ—rds of creatures to bring them all to a purposed peace All men are of him he summeth them all vp in Governement and peace is the beautie of all This Peace may bee considered in foure sorts The first is Peace with God which commeth of a true Religion When men are led by the truth to belieue
for no affection either deserveth or findeth more recompence than loue Thereby hee is Master of their bodies and goods and Constantius iustlie boasted that hee had more money in his Treasures than Diocletian because hee had his peoples favour Princes are oft-times vniustlie hated yet not loved except they loue their Subiects but if they hate them and be terrible they are repayed in the same kind VVhosoever affrighteth many is affrighted of many againe for so God by nature hath appointed that what is great by feare of others is full of feare it selfe The Lyon that affrighteth all Beasts is affrighted at the crowing of a Cocke and cruell Beasts are amazed with cryes and sounds in the Forrest so what ever terrifieth others doeth tremble it selfe A tyrants government râ—steth not and the feare hee worketh on others returneth on himselfe and maketh him a Center both of their hatred and feares who are affrayed of him Hee is in a continuall and dangerous warre and neither sure before nor behind nor on either fide neither hath hee peace within because hee is ever affrayed But wheÌ„ Princes exerce their power in loue are easie for accesse readie to heare the plaints of the poore they are loued of all defended and honoured as Gods Vice-gerents All men will desire a long life to them bestow their owne lives for their preservatioÌ„ So he dwelleth in great safty who dwelleth in the hearts of his Subiects As many loving hatrs so many open eares to heare eyes to see and hands to avoyde his griefe and procure his good The Bees defend their King and count it their glorie to die for him so are loving and beloved Subiects to a loving and beloved King Hee is as a Center in his Kingdome and all giftes and callings as a circle about him hee sendeth out a royall influence to everie part of that large Circle which is augmented by his loue And that influence and loue doeth civilic perfect the gifts of his Subiects This is recompensed with the loue and service of millions of the people who the more cheerefully bestow themselues their gifts for him because of his loue It is pleasant to see this mutuall respect betwixt such an Head and such a Bodie but more ioyfull for themselues to find it betwixt them His loue and royall vertues procure both the good-will of his people and Authoritie The first is their strongest Affection the other a great Opinion of their Kings excellencie composed of reverence and feare of his offence All these preserue both the Persons and Maiestie of Kings aâ—d barre contempt which vndermines the authoritie of Maiestie and Empyres Conspiracies are the most fearefull convulsions of a Kingdome and there is no better humane guard against them than the loue of people for Traitors seeke this as a speciall ground if their treason can bee acceptable to Subiects But where Princes are loued of their people none dare conspire against them because they will finde as many severe Avengers as loving Subiects But wee may take more briefelie the description of a good King from S. Austine after his long discourse of providence over Kingdomes VVee doe not count Christian Emperours happie saith hee because they did reigne long or left their Sons heires of their Empyre For such common blessings some worshippers of idoles haue received who pertaine not to the Kingdome of God to which these Christians appertaine And this was done of Gods great mercie least the faithfull should count thâ—se worldlie dignities the chiefe good But wee call them happie if they governe iustlie if they bee not puffed vp with flattering tongues and base attendents but remember that they are men if they make that power a servant to God to enlarge his worshippe If in their owne persons they feare loue and worship God and loue that Kingdome of Heaven most wherein they will haue no Competitours If they revenge slowlie and pardon hastily If Leacherie and other lusts bee so much the more restrained in them as they haue the greater libertie if they had rather rule their owne lust than Nations And if they doe these things not for loâ—e of vaine glory but the loue of eternall happinesse If for their sins they offer to the true God a sacrifice of humility pietie and prayer Such Christian Kings wee say are must happie An happie Land WEe may also raise heereof the description of an happie Land that happinesse is not in the situation lying convenientlie to the Sunne or to haue rich Mines of gold and silver with all sort of rare fruites commodities c. The best soyles for the most part are inhabite by worse people Turkes and Mahumetanes dwell in that Land which God gaue as a blessing to Israel and Pagans haue the choise parts of the world to tell vs that the happinesse of people is not in the goodnesse of a soyle and that the godlie haue not their byding Citie on Earth But that is the happinesse of a Kingdome where the Sunne of righteousnesse shineth and the Mynes and Treasures of the grace of Christ are discovered where Christ the desire of Nations and the glorie of Israel doth gather and rule his Church where hee setteth vp his Throne in the heartes of their Rulers and maketh them to authorize by Law and professe and practise in their owne person the true Religion VVhere the people ladened with these mercies know their time and the things that concerne their Peace The glorie of Canaan was not for that it flowed with milk and honey but for the Arke of God that abode in it and the glorie of Ierusalem was not in statelie buildings but because God was knowne in it and said heere will I dwell This is the estate of everie Kingdome where Christ ruleth by his Gospel Behold a King shall rule in righteousnes and Princes shall rule in Iudgement And what shall be the fruite The worke of righteousnesse shall be peace and the effect of righteousnesse quietnesse and assurednesse for ever And my people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation and in sure dwellings and in quiet resting places The eyes of the Lord is on such a Land from the beginning of the yeare to the end Happie is that people that is in such a case yea happie is that people whose God is the Lord. The Conclusion I Close with the two maine vses of this Exercise to wit Praise Prayer Of Praise to thank God that he hath given to the King his hearts Desire and hath not with-holden the request of his lippes That he hath prevented him with the blessings of his goodnesse and made him exceeding glad with the light of his Countenance That hee hath blessed these Kingdomes with a Prince and apparant Heire to these Thrones God hath verifyed on this I land that which Fables fained of the happie or fortunate Isles though we lye in a cold Climate farre from the Line yet for our
bee given to the crosse of Christ and not to him That is but a scoffing for the foote is not a place to put the crosse on and the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinian were more religious who discharged to paint the crosse on the ground least it should bee trod vpon Hee admitteth men to three kisses pedis pectoris oris of the feete the breast and his face If therefore hee would honour the Crosse why putteth hee it on his foote and not on his breast to tell his loue to it or on his face to tell his account of it And the Greeks are more religious than he for though they take not that Adoration yet they set it on their face or Breast His second reason is a mocking of men as his first is of Christ That since the Popes office is to teach the world and the feete of Preachers are beautifull they cannot beautifie them better than by put putting the crosse on them for the spirit and grace descends to the feete and to make their steppes stay in the way This is a fiction for neither hath the Pope that office of vniversal preaching neither dischargeth hee it in any one Church and the beautie of the feete of Preachers is not by the signe of the Crosse but by their heavenly commission their fruitefull discharge of it and a godly life But the secret of all this businesse is this hee is an enemie to the crosse of Christ and by that seeming honouring of it vpon his foote is tredding it vnder foote indeede But hee commeth nearer the poynt at length that whereas the Popes received white shooes from Constantine they haue taken purpour or skarlet shooes in their place And what is this but to tell the world that Rome is the scarlet coloured Beast drunke with the blood of the Saintes and this is the more because they acknowledge such kissing of his feete to come of Diocletian who thought himselfe a god craved divine honours And thogh that his wickednes was a damnable sayeth hee in craving of it yet the custome is not to bee damned that gaue it This is all one as to condemne Herod who took divine honours but not the people that gaue them Diocletian then is the father of this pride and it is worse in them than in him for hee beeing an Emperour tooke it of his Subjectes but they being Church-men exact it of Emperours They should remember their owne glosse The Pope is successour to Peter the Fisher but not to Augustus the Emperour If not to Augustus farre lesse should they succeed Diocletian Beside reason Scripture must also bee abused to colour this wickednesse that thy foote may bee dipped in blood and the tongues of thy Dogges in the same Then the feete are dipped in blood say they when they are decored with a crosse of Christ then the tongues of Dogges are dipped therein when Heretickes like dogges licke the Popes feete But Augustine exponeth that blood of Martyrs and these Dogges of painefull Pastours which pertaine nothing to the Pope for hee massacres Martyres and doeth not preach at all To this same ende they abuse that Prophecie Kings shall bee thy nourcing fathers and Queenes thy nourcing mothers they shall bow downe to thee with their faces towards the Earth and licke the dust of thy feete This Prophecie according to the Letter is fulfilled in the Emperours and Kings kissing the Popes feete with their faces toward the ground The like hath Eudaemon Ioannes the Iesuite But this is a great change and farre from that which Leo the third did after he had crowned Charles and made him Emperour hee would worship him before the people that they might know the greatnesse of the imperiall Maiestie Haymon apud Bozium de signis This is proper to Heretickes who steale the glorie of God to pervert Scripture for colouring that sacriledge But Marta helpeth him and would proue the lawfulnesse of it from the Iaylors falling downe at Paul and Silas feete and Cornelius falling downe before Peter but there is nothing for kissing of his feete in these Texts and it is a weak proofe to alledge Abdias Babylonius a fabler whom he grantes is ab Ecclesia reprobatus reiected of the Church And the antiquitie of the practice hee findeth no sooner then Pipine and Charle-maine Fables and the colour of antiquitie serue these men who are destitute of auncient truth But we shall help them in fathering of this adoration aright on Darius who called himselfe King of kings and cousing of the gods and Cleopatra who would bee called the Queene of queenes These are the parents of their pride and would bee adored Thirdlie they vse greatest degree of their prid in trodding on the neckes of Emperours as Alexander the third did to Fridricke Barbarosa at Venice That is a more commendable fact sayeth one and more iust than the trodding of Ecebolius because it was against a most cruell enemie of the Church and Alexander b did well that hee insulted with his heeles against that horrible Beast While heaven and earth are astonished at that pride they glorie in it And of this sort was that pride of Celestine the third who did cast the Crowne off the heade of Henrie the sixe with his foote as though the Crownes of Emperours served for none other vse but to bee foote-bals to Popes It is good for Kings who kisse his foote that they are able againe to rise or walke For the trees of the wood of Loretto inclined so low to welcome the Virgins Chamber comming over the Hadriaticke Sea that they neither raise againe nor inclined to the House when it was settled behind them Tyrannie in Barbarians cannot exerce greater indignities against Princes then this humilitie of the Servant of servants CHAP. V. Of their third vsurpation over Princes In their Lawes THeir third vsurpatiō over Princes is in their Lawes God hath invested Kings with a Nomo-theticke power to make lawes within their Kingdomes but the Pope taketh on him to Expone Mend Alter and Repeale them at his pleasure and that is the common doctrine of the Schoole-men As for their Execution hee may stay their vse or set it to some profitable end for the good of the Church and he power of both resideth in the Pope And for this end absolutely he taketh on him to direct and command Kings in the vse of their power against Protestants If they obey him hee casteth them in danger and hatred of their people If they disobey hee hath a cause of Censure against them to suspend or depose them for if the secular power bee denyed or neglected the Seculars may bee excommunicate This is also injoyned to their Inquisitours to compell Kings and Princes to recall their lawes that are against the Inquisition And because Eymericus is too generall in his decision therefore Pegna is more particular in his Commentar that commoun and fundamentall
Lawes and Customes what-so-ever of that kinde are null and of no effect So Bellarmine Although the Pope bee not a politicke Prince yet hee may confirme or infirme the lawes of Kings So then Princes can haue no Lawes in force if the Pope mislike them neither dar they refuse to make such lawes as hee thinketh good for the Church that is to say for the vpholding of his tyranny though it were with the ruine of their Kingdome Their Analist giveth this in a word Potest Papa in Regesius dicere hee is set vp with full power to iudge them and their lawes And though hee bee that lawlesse Man yet hee taketh the Lawes of Countries the raines of governement in his hand as though hee were the Law of Lawes and Reason of Reasons for so Hildebrand professeth that it is leasume to the Pope onely to make new lawes according to the necessitie of Tyme But no wonder hee vse such power over the Lawes of Princes since hee hath no constancie in his owne lawes for neither Canons of Councels nor of his Predecessours or his owne can bind him but vpon any occasion he will alter As it is said of the stile of the Court of Rome that it varyeth every yeare so wee may say of the Popes lawes that they are changed and priviledges destroyed diminished and augmented at their pleasure The Apostolicke sea may make all these alterations according to their custome This is the libertie they take over the opinions of others The like Uigilius tooke of his owne opinion and that in fundamentall points concerning Nestorianisme For as hee saw either danger or peace he changed his sentence and Baronius whose taske amongst other things is to defend the Popes greatest faults and proue them to bee perfections sayeth that Uigilius after great consideration stroue diversly Et cur ei non licuit mutato rerum statis mutare sententiam This is their constancie even when they define out of Peters Chaire This vsurping over Kings concerning lawes is crossed by Pope Nicolaus wryting to Michael the Emperour that Christ distinguished the acts offices and dignities of the Pope and Emperour that the Emperour should not presume to vsurpe vpon the Iurisdiction of the Pope or the Pope vpon the Emperours iurisdiction When that Pope did so ridde these merches it is manifest there was no such vsurpation as hee condemneth in tearmes and that the latter Popes in their vsurping are gone as farre from the modestie of their Ancestours as from reason and conscience Princes may be cōtent with that tyrannie over their lawes seing he doeth so to the lawes of God He dispenseth aboue and contrare the Apostle and selleth pardons of the notour breaches of the morall law because no canon can binde the Pope sayeth their Canonists This proveth him to be that lawlesse Man And another Phalaris boasting that he can not be subiect to lawes This is the loosing of the sinewes of Governement that as a Beast hee may rage a◠randome CHAP. VI. Of their fourth Vsurpation In censuring Kings THeir fourth Vsurpation over Princes is in Censures They are not content with a directiue power but will haue a coactiue also to compell Princes to doe what they will because the one power without the other is of no effect And because that the Christian Church were not conveniently furnished neither were it sufficiently provyded if it had not a power to compell Rebels that will not obey censures This is in effect Bertrandus blasphemie who said that the Lord would not seeme discreete enough except hee had left a Vicar behind him who might doe all things And Rodericus hath the like that Christ had not provyded well enough for the World nor for the Church if hee had not left so eminent a Vicar on the Earth This is no discretion to speake so blasphemously of the wisdome of Christ they choose rather to blaspheme than recall their errours This coactiue power hath two branches The one to depriue Kings of the vse of their Authoritie by suspension The other to depriue them of the propertie of it by Deposition But Deposition is no Ecclesiasticke punishment but an Imperiall as when Traian tooke the Crowne from the King of Armenia And they know that excommunication a censure merelie Ecclesiasticke can not extend it selfe to the deposing of Kings Yet the Pope say they by his transcendent power hath annexed Deposition to Excommunication as a convenient punishment for though it exceede the Nature of Excommunication yet it exceedeth not the bounds of the Popes power His exorbitant power then findeth a right where no right is And prian affirmeth and Erasmus marketh it out of him That by Church censures none is so noted as to bee destroyed The Church should censure Ecclesiasticklie and leaue civill censures such as is deprivation of Kings vnto the Magistrate Vpon these grounds come the absolving of people from their Natiue alledgeance to Princes and their rebellion against them The giving of their Kingdome vp to bee invaded by neighbour Princes or such as haue any Title to it or power to conquer it So Suarez If the Pope depose a King hee may bee expelled or killed by them who haue commission of the Pope And if hee command the execution of it to none then it pertaines to the lawfull Successour c. And againe After the sentence pronounced hee is deprived of his Kingdome so that hee cannot possesse it by a iust Title Therefore thereafter hee may bee handled like a Tyrant and consequently killed by any privat man These positions are more bloodie than Dracoes Lawes And wee shall haue the Pope himselfe saying by Bellarmine I shall make him who was thy King to bee no King to thee And though absolution from excommunication should relieue them of all things that follow therevpon yet they haue forged that distinction to absolue reconceale the person to the Church yet hee shall not bee restored to his Kingdome So Franciscus Veronensis Albeit the King were absolved by the Pope yet hee cannot bee a King This they haue learned of Hildebrand who after hee had absolved the Emperour from his excommunication hee held him still as deposed from the Impyre and caused choose Rudolph in his place c I haue received said hee that man in favour and given him onely the Communion but haue not restoreed him to the Kingdome out of the which I threw him in the Synod of Rome This is a taste of Popish wrath to keepe hatred after reconciliation and deposition after Communion he is as voyde of the meeknesse of Christ in the first as he is full of the Serpents crueltie in the second But may not humanitie and Mediation of other Princes plead favour for him that is censured No surelie For neither the Emperour nor King of Spaine may meddle say their Cardinals with the restitution of Prince Palatine to the Electorate and his
sive ab una Rege sive a paucis optimatibus sive ab universo populo August de Civiâ— Deilib 2. cap 20. Their practise is Monarchie Monarchie is the end of all 1. Errour in Princes affectation of Divinitie That conceate is a great frensie Ante â—mnes Deos super â—mnes Deos. Tertul. Apol. Cap. 30. It is Sathans policie August civit lib. 9. cap. 10 Gentium numina scelerum nomin â— Iovem non magis regno quam vitijs principem Cypr. Epist. 2 Portenta non numina Cyp de vaâ—t idol sect 2. The Pope is taken with that frensie Pontificale de Consecratione Imaginum Minor est si tune Deus dicitur Tertul. Apol. Maledictum est ante Apothensim Caesarem Deum nuncupare Tertul. Apol. 34. Nec Deus es nec bomo 1 Anabapenemies to Magistracie a Si quis putat quoniam Christianus est c. Aug. propos 72. ex Epist ad Rom. b Iudai non peccarunt dicendo non habemus Regem nisi CaesareÌ„ sed quia abnegarunt Christum Aug. Ps. 55. c Singulare Dei opus est rectum in mundo princiâ— patum erigere ac tueri Calvin in hunc locum Rom. 13. Grace and Magistracie agree Prov. 8. Rom. 13. 1. d Potes officio â—urisaictionis tuae fungi humanitatis meminisse Tertul ad â—cap cap. 4. e Ambros. Hexam lib. 5 passim f Secundum istas vestras fallacissimas â—anissimasq rationes habenis laxatis Aug. contr epist. Gaud lib. 2. cap. 1â— 2. A popular errour that Princes get good but giues none to their people â—ivius Decâ—d 1. lib. 2 Ambros. Hex lib. 5. cap. 21 People should 1. pray for Princes Nos pro salute imperatoris Deum in vocamus a ternum Ter. cap. 30. 1 Tim. 2. 1. Such prayers are our profite 1. Tim. 2. 1. Ier. 29. 7. 1 Kings 24. g Si quis de populo deviat soluâ— perit Verum Principis error multos involvit Bernard Epist. 1â—7 h Regunâ— lapsus pâ—na populorum est Amb. Apo Davâ—d Quapropter utile est ut bonâ— diu lateq regnent Aug. Civ Dei lib. 4. cap. 3. 2 Obey them in the Lord. Rom. 13. 1. Gods designation of Solomon 1. Chro. 22. 8 9. 2. Sam. 7 13. 1. Chro. 28. 5 Three ways to come to a Kingdome 1. Conquest is violent Machiavell de principe Conquerors abuse Providence Esa. 10. 5. 6. Prescription alone is not sufficient Inferre bella â—in timis quâ—d aliud quam grande latro einium nomiâ— nandum est Aug. de Câ—â— lib. cap. 4. 6. a Eleganteâ— enum veraciter Alexandro Magno Pirata respondit Aug. Câ—vit 4 c. 4 b Impunt â—itatem sceleribus ac quirit c Cyp. ad Dâ—na Prescription the maine ground of the Popes Vsurpation over Princes Dur and spe cul lib. 4. 2. 25 marta de lurisdict part 1. cap. 33. num 13. Election to Kingdomes is tumultuous Satiut esse existâ—mabant eos intrusot qualescunq tolerandos Baron An. 897. num 1. It hastened the ruine of the Impyre Tertul apol 3. Succession is the best way Election and Conquest yeelde to succession Womens governement lawfull Scripseram cum resinter nos turbulentissima essent b Lata est illa Lex Voconâ—a nequis haeredem faeminam faceret nec unicam siliam c. Aug. Ciâ—it lib. 3. cap. 21 Numb 7. 8. Q. Elizabeths instance Thuan. K. Iames his instance Gods determination Deut. 17. 26 2 Sam. 7. 12. David rests on Gods designation Barbarous Princes cruel against their Children A Kings Sonne is a great Blessing The Line of this Kingdome Hector Boeth Lesâ—â—ns A Zorius Tom 2 lib. 10 1. Quoniam Gaudium sem per properat c Cyp. Ep. 33. Praevenit omnia verba mea vester affectus Aug. Psal. 147. Dicemus breâ—â—iter Bern. de resurrect serm 2. Spiritu rectitudinis c. Calv. in hunc locum 1 Chro 29. 19. ibid. 22 12. 28. 9. 1 The nature of Iustice. Eccles. 8. 4. Exod. 18. 2. Necessitie of iustice 1. It is the bridle of mans corruption Luk. 6. Nec sane frustra institutae sunt potestates Aug Epist. 54 2. It is the Guarde of our Lotte Exod. 20. a Remotá iustitià quid sunt regna nis si magna la trocinia Aug. â—ivit lib. 4. cap. 4. b Per iura Regum possidentur possessiones Tract 6. in Ioh. Noli dicere quid nihi Regi 3 Decyding questions Summum in Regibus bonum c. Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 120 Rex est lex viâ— va Lex est Rex iustissimus Philo. de vita Mosis lib. 2. Rempub. sine iniuria regi non posse Au. Civ 2 ca. 21. Princes fittest for to Iudge Qui perso nam amici induit exuit personaÌ„ conscienti â—â—â— iudicis Aug. 3 The extent of Iustice. Reges terrae serviuÌ„t Christo c Aug. Epist 48. In hoc enim Reges c. Aug. con Cresconium Three haue enteresse in Religion Constantins exact distinction Vos eorum quae intra Ecclesia geruntur Episcopi estiâ— c. Euseb vit Const. â— 24. Synods for Religion 2 Ch. 29. 25 1 Chro. 17. 9. Popes debarred Princes a Bellar de Laicis cap. 1. Pet Thy. les de Eccl Thes. 3 b Francise Boz de Monarchia c Pla. Gre. 7 Canonizing of Kings the popes baite to gul them Bella de offiâ— Principis lib. 3 à cap. 3. ad finem And the popes discover a In Cathedra Petrâ— solio Christi erant homines monstruosi vitá turpissimi c. Barron Ann. 897. Bern. Ep. 96. 1 Politicke abuse of Religion 2 King 10. 16. 1. Kin. 12. 26 28. Animian Marcellinus a Memini enim me â—e communiter aliquando c. Basil Ep. admirand 4. Iusia desert b Quam quod Deo religioni c. Cusan Crib Alcâ—r lib. 3. cap. 8. c Leo 10. P. Beâ—b 2. Superstitiouslie abused themselues in it Prateolus lib. 2. hares 8. Durand Rat. lib. 2. cap. 8. num 6. Hilar. lib. 3. contr Const. 3. Neglect of Religion Et nune Reges entelligite id est nâ—lite tristes esse c. Aug. psa 2. Non auferet mortalia qui Regna dat caleâ—â—ia Sedul True Religion makes people more obedient to Princes Princes owe their liberty from the pops tyrannie to reformation vnder God Truth an vsher of loyaltie Kinglie prudence is the gift of God Prov. 8. 15. 16 Nam si propria virtute satis instructi essent Reget c. Calvin in hunc locuÌ„ The popes tye God to their Chaire but not themselues to God Ceremonial lib. 1. 6. 2. a Non Cathedra facit Sacerdotem Chry hom Matth. 43. b In sedem Apostolicam horenda c. Barr. 900 n. 3 Per Aâ—nos ferè centum c. Genebr lib. 4. sect 10 Barron An. 897. num 4. Stertentibus omnibus quibus fuerat vigilandum Idem Anno 899. â— 3â— Idem Anno 900. n. 1. The work of the royall gift is good Governement Exod. 31. 30. 1.
A LOOKING GLASSE For Princes and People Delivered in a Sermon of Thankesgiving for the Birth of the hopefull Prince CHARLES And since augmented with Allegations and Historicall Remarkes Together with a Vindication of Princes c. By M. WILLIAM STRVTHER Preacher at Edinburgh Psal. 2. Bee wise O Kings Printed at Edinburgh by the Heires of Andro Hart. 1632. TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY KING CHARLES OF GREAT Britaine Defender of the Faith c. Most Dread Soveraigne BOth these Arguments craue your Ma. kyndlie patrocinie as Father of that Prince whose birth occasioned the Thanksgiving And Sonne of that King who went before all Kings in vindicating royall Authoritie Gods Providence over Man his last Creature in time but first in Loue is so great that his care of other Creatures comparatiuely seemeth a Neglect Hee hath distinguished him in Order and Degrees Gathered him in Societies And perfited these Societies with an supereminent power That Head giveth a natiue influence to its Bodie and the Bodie subiecteth it selfe to that Head Wee bring this Law from the Wombe written in our Hearts and Christ confirmed it by Word and Example Hee disposed so his Birth at Bethlehem that at once hee fulfilled his Fathers promise and obeyed Augustus Edict beeing taxed in his Mother The Church for ten Ages followed her Head in that Obedience Though her Worke bee Heavenly by the Keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven to winne Soules â—o Goâ—t and her Reward bee to sit on Thrones and judge the Tribes of Israel Yet shee gaue to Caesar the things that are Caesars And though Ambrose say that Sublimitas Episcopalis nullis potest comparationibus aequari And nihil esse in hoc sâ—câ—do sublimiius sacerdote yet hee both practised and perswaded obedience to Princes But Babâ—l confounded all And Antichrist in a more fearefull Collision of the Civill and Ecclesiastick Powers then the two Hills in Marius Sylaes time trod the honor of Princes in the dust he thought it greater to divide Lands than remit sins and thurst himselfe in their Thrones Hee exposed their Kingdomes to violence and their sacred Persons and Authoritie to contempt These insolencies might seeme tolerable in times of blindnesse as S. Austine speaketh of Romulus Apotheosing But now after so long contest they maintaine them Their Advocate affirmeth Paul the fifth approved it That he is the onelie Emperour and King the Superiour of all Kings from whom all Iurisdiction floweth What ever in danger they deny or in necesitie they mitigate this is the just Modell of their Pope and the prime Article of their faith That Luciferian pride was so eminent in Popes that it is hard to know whether to wonder more at the Impudencie of Christs Vicar vsurping or the patience of Princes suffering Poperie was never further from the Truth and meeknesse of Iesus then since it was Iesuited That name is not a denomination of a new Zeale or goodnesse but the maske of exquisite craft and crueltie and the tincture of impenitencie And as the Apostle maketh the opposition of Christus and Antichristus and Cyprian of Spiritus and Antispiritus somay wee of Iesus and Anti-Iesus But God by Reformation hath mended that confusion The light of the Gospel hath at once revealed his heresie in Doctrine and tyrannie in Vsurpation This is a tryall of Princes for they are free and happie Princes who haue shaken off his Yoak and reformed themselues and their Kingdomes to the Gospel of Christ But thrise miserable are they who lye still drunke in her fornications God in mercie hath put your Ma. in the first ranke The Titles of Defender of the Church from King William of Scotland and of Defender of the Faith from Henrie 8. of England are both Ensignes of your profession and remembrancers of your royall Duetie to defend the true Church and the true Faith your Ma. devotion testifies the peaceable part of the discharge And doth promise the other part by the Sword when GOD shall honour Kings to execute his will on the Whore And in GODS time they who now adhere to her shall count it their happinesse to follow your Ma. Example Behold now your Ma. Happinesse in their miserie Their common end to destroy Protestants hath made them Confederats But God hath divided them by their privat ends like Sechem and Abimelech And juggling Proteâ—s of a bloodie Dragon it turned a craftie Serpent and seeketh his saftie by wynding betwixt the Iealousies of these great Princes Hee is carried violentlie as hope and feare canvasse him Rut fire will breake out from Abimelech and devoure Sechem And these Princes shall dwell in brotherlie loue when they receiue the Gospel of peace This private offering is a fruit and testimonie of a commoun joy the Flowre of the States of this land present in this Citie at the glad newes of the Princes birth were overjoyed And this citie expressed their loyaltie in all significations so that no place of these three Kingdomes could exceede It was S. Austines discretion to Macedonius a Iudge taken vp with publick affaires not to deteine him with long Epistles What shall wee doe to so great a KING Almightie GOD who hath set your Ma. on these three Thrones multiplee royall gifts on your sacred person and make You a King of many Royall blessings That great Britaine vnder you and your clement Name may more and more be a terrour to Anti-christ a comfort to the Saints and a Land wherein GOD delighteth to dwell AMEN Your Ma. most humble Subject and Servant M. WILLIAM STUTHER The Table of the Thanksgiving THE Preface of the Princes Birth Pag. 1 1. The first part King David a Supplicant 4. 2. The second part Of a Monarchie 6. The Author of it 7. 2. The Necessitie 8. The Excellencie 11. The Character of K. 12. Their Limitation 13. Monarchie the best Government 15. Affectation of Divinitie is a frensie 16 The PoPe taken with that frenesie 17. Errours about Magistracie 19. 20. Wee should pray for Kings 21. And obey them in the Lord. 21. Three wayes to come to a Kingdome 1. Conquest 24. 2. Election 26. 3. Succession is better than both 28. Womens Governement lawfull 29 Queene Elizabeths instance determineth the question 30. King IAMES instance 30. A new borne Prince a great blessing 31. 3. The third part of the Royall Gift 1. The habite of Iustice. 33. Religion falleth vnder the care of Kings 37. Popes debarred them from it 38. Hee gulled them by Cannonizing 39. Some Princes abused Religion Reformation a blessing to Princes and People 40. Popes tye God to themselues and loose themselues from God 43. 2. The worke of the royall Gift is Government 44. 1. The rule of it good Lawes 45. Difficultie of iudgement in cause parties witnesse 46. The necessitie and danger of Forture 50. Princes Difficulties and Dangers 52. Flatterers of Princes are Pests 54. It is faintnesse to lay downe their Crownes
much to themselues as to these they rule For their Pietie and goodnes which are the Lords great gifts suffice them to true happinesse but the blessings of their good governement commeth downe to their Subjects The next duety required of Subjects is to obey them in the Lord and that not of feare but of Conscienâ—e If it bee of feare onely then their subjection is servitude and themselues are Slaues but when it is of Conscience their obedience is Sonlie and they themselues loyall Subiects Then they obey for Conscience when they reverence Gods ordinance in Princes and haue reference to God the Author of their power and the Iudge and Rewarder of obedience Let everie Soule bee subiect to Superiour Powers for the powers that are are ordained of God And that not for wrath but for Conscience Of Succession in a Monarchie THE KINGS SONNE THis is King Solomon For David was a King but not a Kings Sonne and Absolon and Adonijah were Kings Sonnes but not Kings so according to the Letter this Text is proper to Solomon and his Posteritie whereof two things arise Gods designation appointing him to be King and the Prophets acquiescing thereto Gods designation was that Solomon among all Davids Sons should succeed him in the Throne Behold a Sonne shall bee borne vnto thee who shall bee a man of rest Hee shall bee my Sonne and I shall bee his Father and I will establish the â—hrone of his Kingdome over Israel for ever Wherevpon King David said to his people The Lord hath chosen my Sonne Solomon among all my Sons to sit on the Throne Hee was not a stranger but knowne and neere to David not a friend or Cousing but his Sonne whereby God established the Kingdome in Davids Line by Succession Herein we haue a cleare Doctrine for Succession in Kingdomes Great disputs haue beene made about these three wayes of comming to a Kingdome Election Succession and Conquest but God here concludeth for Succession Everie one of these hath both the owne good and ill but that is best which hath least ill and most good and that is Succession Man by nature is desirous to reigne and oftimes the least worthy are most ambitious to conquer Therefore the ordinarie remeeds against Conquest are Election and Succession Conquest is nothing but violence and a formall tyrannie it beginneth with blood it growes and is keeped with blood Pride and feare in the Conquerour and Hatred in them that are conquered are the due relations of it Their subiection is not of loue but constraint and while their bodies are awed their wills rebell with a continuall wishing and waiting of oportunitie to oppresse their oppressours As it beginneth with violence so it must stand and the vsuall â—illers for that standing are the destroying of the Race of former Rulers and the making of new Lawes that their new Bodie may haue a new life and new sinews and may liue by the death of former Lawes and Races But two things seeme to warrand Conquest Providence and Prescription Providence putteth such a people vnder the Conquest of such a King and Prescription in civill matters seemeth to mend the errour of a faultie right But concerning Providence mens faults should not bee fathered on it GOD is ever just in punishing a Nation by oppressing her liberties when the cup of their sinne is full And vet the Instruments of that oppression doe sinne grieuouslie for while God is in the worke of his Iustice they are serving their owne ambition They haue neither Gods end before them nor the disposition that hee requireth but in their Conquest are like Nimrods mightie Hunters and oppressers while GOD is a iust Iudge So hee speakes of Ashur O Assyrian the rod of mine anger and the staffe in their hand is my indignation I will send him against an hypocriticall Nation and against the people of my wrath will I giue him a charge to take the spoile to take the prey and to treade them downe like the myre in the streetes Howbeit hee meaneth not so neither doeth his heart think so but it is in his heart to destroy and cut off Nations not afew They looke neither to Gods glorie nor mans good but to the satisfying of their owne humour Prescription is not a full and iust right it can neither denude the lawfull Possessour of his right nor invest the Vsurper with a sufficient right before God or in conscience It is rather tolerate for eschewing endlesse plâ—aâ—s then allowed Though it make a fashion of right before men yet with GOD it is nothing but a long vsurpation except consent of people follow for what is not valide from the beginning cannot bee made valide by processe of time GOD indeede hath ever iust cause to punish Nations for sinne but if wee aske Conquerours wherefore they trouble peaceable people and destroy men women Children we shall finde no other thing written in their heart but Pride in a burning desire of reigning They trouble the peace of mankinde and shed blood for this onely end that they may bee called Conquerours whereas more iustly they may bee called the Pests of mankinde To make warre on Neighbour Nations and tread downe innocent people for no other end but desire of reigning what should it bee called else but a great Robberie Therefore that Pyrate is â—ustlie commended for his wittie answere hee gaue Alexander who den anded Why hee troubled the Seas with Pyracie Hee answered And why doest thou robbe the world for there is no difference betweene vs but that I doe it with a little Shippe and thou doest it with a Navie So slaugh er committed by one is counted a Crime but don by Armies is counted Courage And the greatnesse of the cruelâ—ie and not Innocencie makes great sinnes vnpunished There is no difference betweene a Brigand and such Conquerours but that the one is lyable to the Lawes and is punished because hee is weake the other is counted a Conquerour and makes Lawes of his owne because hee is strong This Prescription is now the maine ground wherby the Pope maintaines his vsurpation over Kings He sees that Reason hath beaten him from his three olde pretended grounds of divine right Tradition of the Apostles and Donation of Princes Therefore hee is come now to this fourth ground of prescription the last refuge of oppressours But it is as weake as it is new and kindlie to such a new Vsurper They should remember their owne lawes He who alledgeth PrescriptioÌ„ ought also to prooue a iust Title because Prescription without a title is but corruption They could never as yet proue a Title but a late Vsurpation as is manifest in their vsuall sophistrie for when we require a reason from Scripture and antiquitie of their vsurpation over Princes they giue vs the fact or deede of some vsurping Pope Concerning Election to Kingdomes if men were patient to suffer
Monuments of his ingrne and speciallie in that Basilicon Doron they turned their hopes in dispaire took them to plot his debarring from England and when the Pope had written Brieues for that end and all men looked for wars God in mercie according to the right of Succession gaue him a peaceable entrie to that Kingdome and keeped this Yland from the invasion of strangers and factions within They found their former peace continued when God had provyded him one who could as well by his Tongue and Pen mainetaine the Truth as by his Sword But wee neede not dispute where God hath determined hee promised to the King of Israel that if hee would adhere to him in his governement hee should prolong his dayes and the dayes of his Sonnes in the midst of Israel And when hee had sette David on the Throne hee stablished the Crowne in his Line by Succession put it in a promise as a blessing When thy dayes shall bee fulfilled and thou shalt sleepe with thy Fathers I will set vp thy Seede after thee which shall proceede out of thy Bowels and I will establish his Kingdome Therefore all things beeing duelie considered Succession is the best way to come to a Kingdome The next point is Davids acquiescing to Gods designation testified by this prayer for his Sonne Heerein hee found sure grounds for rest Hee had obtained a great blessing hee reioyced and prayed for the continuance of it and thankes God for giving him such a Sonne as was able for so great a Kingdome Shall not a soule rest in the sense of Gods mercie in a ioyfull praising and confident praying for moe It is kindlie to a Father to reioyce in his Sons succeeding and a worke both of sound Nature and of grace Nature maketh them loue the Child who is another themselues and Grace maketh them reioyce in Gods ordinance Where can it fall more pleasantlie to them then in their Sonne who is not so much another person as themselues and that not decaying or dying but waxing and surviving Some Kings haue beene so vnnaturall as to cut off their Sonnes in â—ealousie as Solyman did to Mustapha and some write that Constantine moved with Calumnies killed Crispus his Sonne though other deny it but let that crueltie byde with Barbarians Barbaritie is the dreg and vre of Humanitie till it bee refined by Letters and Sustition and false Religion makes them more vnnaturall So soone as the father dyes the most powerfull Brother embrues his Funerals in the blood of all the rest of his Brethren but there the father bathed himselfe in the funerall of his sonne Gods feare teacheth Christian Kings to rejoyce when they see their Sonnes in their Thrones but Tyrants as they desire none to reigne with them so they wish that the Kingdome and world ended with them Of all this second point is manifest that a Kings Son is a great blessing hee is a pledge of Gods loue both to his Parents and people and a band to tye all their hearts to God and amongst themselues Kings are the more bound vnto God that giues them that fruite of their Body and the more tyed to their people also because a Sonne is the best Pawne of their loue to people Hee is also a strong motiue to moue them to a loving peaceable Governement that thereby they may endeare him in the peoples affection The Sonne of a good King is pretious to a good people and what ever loue his personall worthinesse deserues it is doubled for his Fathers cause There is no such Rhetorick to perswad a people to loue the Kings Sonne as the good governement of his Father Their loue to the Sonne diminishes not their loue to the Father but rather augments it and the increase of the Obiect increaseth loyalty It was the error of some to worship rather the Sunne rysing than going to But Christian Subiects are taught of God not to make them opposite Obiects of their affection but in a Christian loyaltie to loue each of them the more because of other Our new borne Prince then is Gods great Blessing to this Yland Hee is a Guarde to his Father and a comfort to the Subiects in stopping their perplexities about Succession and the plots of factious and ambitious men This Land for almost eleven Ages was ruled by electiue Kings Thereafter for some eight Ages it hath beene ruled by Succession And the race of Stewarts aboue two hundreth yeeres hath succeeded one another and the new borne Prince whom God preserue is the eleventh of that Name and the hundreth and ninth of the never interrupted Line of Fergus the first The third part Of the royall Gift And first of Iustice. Thy Righteousnesse and Iudgements THe third thing in this Text is the Blessing that hee craâ—es to Solomon and that in three thinges The Gift the worke of the Gift and the Fruite of that worke The gift is Righteousnesse and Iudgement wherein wee shall consider the Nature the Necessitie and the Extent of it I will not trouble you with Schoole distinctions of these words because the excesse of Affection is impatient of Subtiltie For Ioy ever hasteneth neither can Gladnesse suffer delayes And I must say with one that your Affection hath preveened my words so that I cannot satisfie you yet with another I promise to speake briefely least in such a solemnitie the length of speach burden your Devotion In a word heere is meaned the gift of Kingly governement in the Spirit of righteousnes prudence So David exponeth it in his prayer to God for Solomon O Lord giue Solomon a perfect heart And in his Blessing of him The Lord giue thee Wisedome Vnderstanding And Solomon cleareth it by his desire when God â—ade him chuse what he would he chused not Riches or honour but a wise heart even the heart of a good King Giue thy Servant an vnderstanding heart to iudge thy people that I may discerne betwixt good and bad and this is iustice an habite of the minde keeped for the good of the common giving everie man his due It looketh to Ius or Right as the obiect to Iustice the Habite or Vertue and to iudgement the sentence or fact flowing from both containeth three things The first is a discerning knowledge to vnderstand exactly and judge betweene right wrong together with a conscience to temper the rigour of right with equity in some coÌ„siderable cases This is as the Eye of the Iudge The second is puritie of the Will and Affections flowing from that knowledge that they loue the knowne Right though it were in cause of their enemie and hate the knowne wrong though in the cause of their Friends This keepeth the Heart free from the base affections of feare or hope The third is Courage cled with Authoritie both to pronounce and execute according to that knowledge A private man may haue exact knowledge
his affaires made the hearers beholders astonished Lawes are not made for Theorie but for Practice and the best practice on the part of the people is Obedience and on the part of the Magistrate execution And the best execution is when rewards and punishments the pases of the worlds Clocke are applyed as men deserue the god lie rewarded the wicked punished It hath bene an olde coÌ„plaint that Lawes haue bene well made but evill observed And he cannot be innocent who either spareth him that should bee punished or punisheth him that should bee spared By just punishment three things are procured First the amendement of the offender for so the evill of punishment layde vpon the evill of his disobedience will curbe that corrupâ—ion in him since it bringeth vpon him a worse evill in his account Next a bettering of other who seeing iniquitie punished will feâ—re to doe the like least they incurre the like punishment Thirdlie the peace of the whole Bodie when such as trouble it with their wrongous dealing are condignelie punished for their wrongâ— On the other part when righteousnesse is rewarded three answerable fruites doe follow First the righteous are made better when the good of their righteousnes is augmented by the good of their reward Next others are provoked to righteousnesse when they see it rewarded Thirdlie the whole body is reioyced to see the good honoured for when the godly are exalted the people reioyce and so publicke peace is keeped by the vniversall care and study of well-doing But when the application of these things goe contrare both to the meaning of the Law and the deserving of the persons then fearefull confusions follow All men are discouraged from righteousnesse which they see neglected and punished And none sleeth from evill but rather followeth it when they see it honoured with the reward of good The wicked are both imboldened to committe sinne and proud of their reward The godly are grieved that matters goe so crosse and lament to see good men cled in the liveray of the wicked and the wicked in the liveray of the godly It is a shame for the sonnes of men when the wicked are exalted In such a case Lawes are without life their execution is contrare to their direction and their direction serveth for no other end but as a shining light to discover the iniquitie of such application Impyres and Kingdomes are no lesse mortall than a man they haue their owne Infancie Adolescence and Vigour and from that their inclination decay death and others arise of their fall Their greatest high is in Pietie and Iustice and their deadlie disease is in profainesse and vnrighteousnesse As the heate decaying in the heart so is profainnesse in a Kingdome and injustice is as a palsie that dissolveth the whole Bodie It was one of Solomons remarkes of vanitie I saw vnder the Sunne the place of Iudgement that wickednesse was there and the place of righteousnesse that iniquitie was there It is grievous to see iniquitie any where but most in the seate of Iustice and it is great boldnesse in iniquitie to out-face Iustice in her owne seate and great presumption in the vnrighteous when they darre either prosecute or defend iniquitie in Iudgement The case of that â—and is lamentable where Iustice â—eats are â—ade seates of injustice and the remeede of inquitie turned in the disease there is no hope that Iustice can reigne where iniquitie vsurpeth so vpon her as to thrust her out of her place and from thence vnder her name maintaineth wrong That case seemeth so desperate to Solomon that hee putteth it amongst these cases reserved to Gods owne cure and the great appellations to be discussed at the last day I said in mine heart God shall iudge the righteous and the wicked for there is a time for everie purpose and for everie worke God hath established Iustice amongst men to doe them right but when shee is so oppressed as to bee displaced and her name borrowed to colour iniquitie then of a Iudge shee turned a Plaintiue compleaning to God of that violence Though Lawes were wrong exponed in their meaning and their rewards wrong applyed yet supreme reason the life of the law liueth with God and will vindicate the owne true sense and apply rewards aright This is the law of Lawes abyding in God which wee may know and ought to follow â—ut may not iudge so that wee may say THAT THE LAVV OF THE COVRT OF HEAVEN AND OF REPVBLICKS IS THE VVILL OF GOD. Hee hath appointed Indicatories to keepe men in order but when they are abused to maintaine wrong and oppresse right hee hath the last Iudgement for a remeede to call all proceedings to a new tryall and to discusse the appeales of the distressed Kings indeede haue long eares to heare and long hands to doe many things yet they cannot heare and doe all by themselues Therefore Iethroes counsell to Moses was good to divide his burthen and set vp Iudges and Magistrates with authoritie vnder him But that work is full of difficulty that in respect of the Lawes the parties Witnesses Lawes are many yet short for all incident and daylie emergent causes Iustinian thought hee had put out a perfect bodie of the Lawes when hee caused digest the Roman Lawes for twelue hundreth yeare and yet these many Volumes may be called short for so vniversall a purpose and the matter appointed to end Pleas is turned a seminarie of pleas because of briefnesse Though all Lawes and Decisions were gathered together they cannot meete with everie new circumstance Mans corruption is ever devysing new wrongs and new colours to colour them withall â—he diverse interpretation of Lawes increaseth this difficultie and that Emperour misseth his end of the hastie decision of pleas when after long disputing the question is more doubtfull than when it was first stated albeit the small brookes of Lawes before Lotharius time are turned since in Mare magnum a great ocean of Lawes The parties vsuallie whither of simplicitie or purpose are bold to bring the evill cause to Iudgement they are confident of their cause and oft times the worst cause hath most diligence to supplie the want of equitie by the excesse of businesse If righteousnesse ruled men Iudges would haue little to doe and if Truth were in their words questions were soone decided But the Clients information to their Advocats is so badde that it is hard either for them to know or the Iudge to discerne where the Truth is Witnesses also helpe this difficultie They are subiect to their own corruptions and may deceiue the best Iudges who by their office are bound to judge according to things alledged and proven If the religion of one Oath had force the matter were easie for God hath ordained it to put an end to controversies but mans wickednesse hath turned it in a
fretteth against them God hath fenced them indeede against briares and thornes with their supreme authoritie and yet sometime they feele their sharpnesse It is impossible to them to please all yea not to curbe many in execuâ—ing Iustice and their danger is not so much from open Enemies and secret male-contents as from their friends and Attendants The force of the one is not so fearefull as the treason of the other Their guards are to keepe them safe and yet are they often in greatest danger in the midst of them So both solitarinesse and Societie are dangerous to Princes They reigne over the multitude wherein are moe vniust than iust and moe that will bee offended than pleased And in every Kingdome the mightie and the people are as two factions and Princes saile betwixt them as two extreames but the vpright ministration of Iustice is the best waâ— Private men can hardlie please both parties but Princes cled with authority neede not sticke in these straiâ—es but to giue everie man his due This is the great benefite of Iustice that beside the natiue intrinsecall goodnesse it hath also this accessorie good to make a safe way for Princes betwixt contrarie factions When a Iudge inflicteth punishment the cause of punishment is not the Iustice of the Iudge but the merite of the Crime a Greatest Princes haue greatest cares and the largenesse of their Dominion enlargeth their labour as great hollow Statues overlayed with gold are full of wormes and Spiders so the greatest Monarchs vnder show of worldly glorie are full of noysome cares All these cares should indeere them in the hearts of their people because they are not for themselues but for their people A good Princes wakerifenesse keepes the sleepe of his Subiects His labour their idlenesse His businesse their vacancie and his care maketh them carelesse The greatnesse of a Prince is as much for his peoples good as it is aboue them Great businesse with dangers and difficulties are their ordinarie dyet vnder which they would succumbe if God supported them not with as great a Spirit to dispatch businesse contemne dangers and expede difficulties So that though their Crownes bee of Gold yet they may bee called Crownes of thornes and their just â—mbleme is a man sitting in a Chaire of state with a naked Sword hinging by a small haire over his head But God the King of kings hath a speciall care over them and guardeth their persons by a particular providence lâ—st his sacred image in supreme authoritie should bee violat by everie miscontent humour These are their seene dangers but they haue another enemie lesse hated but more hurtfull and that is Flatterie the bane of greatnesse it followeth it as the shadow doth the bodie and lookes not to truth but to acceptance and putteth a visorne on the natiue face Sathan durst thereby assault Christ though hee despaired of successe how much more will he assault sinfull man where he is sure of victorie Hee knoweth that even they who overcome vice are often corrupted with praise Scarcelie is there one who giveth not patent cares to flattery and as they will not patiently suffer evill to be spoken of them so if they liue well they would bee counted of And who is hee whole vertues breaking foorth desireth not to bee commended Or that contemneth the praise of men Princes therefore are most exposed to the praises of mankind both for their eminencie as an obiect and for their power to requyte with reward Flatterers haue suggested that poyson to Princes as to make them thinke their will is a law their power the measure of their will and that supreme Reason and their pleasure are all one They labour to possesse them with the opinion of compleate absolutenesse from dependance on any Author from limitation by any Law from errour in their doing and from reckoning for their doings to God All men by nature like to bee rubbed with this Combe and with a deceiving delight admitte that praise which their Reason and Conscience refuseth But the angrie countenance of a wise King will scatter these flies For expeding these difficulties some Princes haue vsed the faint remeede to lay downe their Governement Diocletian re signed his dignitie to Galerâ—us and turned privat It was not so much for saâ—ietie of honour as impatiencie of disappointment Hee had for eighteene yeares cruellie persecuted the Christians and not beeing able to roote them out as hee desired hee satisfied his miscontentment by retirednesse and privacie The Martyres courage made him a Coward and hee brake his owne spirit in despite because hee could not breake them the Name of Iesus was more glorious by his persecution and in end hee dyed miserablie This was the hand of God throwing him downe from the toppe of honour which he abused Hee would bee worshipped as a god but fell low from the Throne to a Garden and from the Scepter to a Spade more from an affected Godhead to a male-contentment but indeede that swelling conceate of a Godhead was a worse fall than when he turned private Lotharius also resigned his Kingdome to his Sonnes and beeing wearie of the imperiall Crowne hee would take on him the Monkish shaven Crown and render himselfe to a Monasterie This last age also saw some of it in Charles the fist so long as hee was zealous for God and earnestlie sought Reformation God blessed many great things in his hand But when the Pope fedde his ambition with the baite of the Impyre of Germanie and he had devoured it by hope a conceate where with his house is drunke vntill this day then hee persecuted the Protestants with an vniust and civill war After that never thing prospered in his hand but God cast him in such disastures as suffered him not to brooke the publicke and therefore choosing retearednesse to digest them hee was digested and overcome by them Such a dispositioÌ„ in Princes is a deserting of their place their gift themselues and on Gods part a just desertion dryving them in the straits of a private spirit who haue prevaricat in his publicke service The largenesse of the heart is the vprightnesse of it When it dilateth it selfe on God by Faith and affection but when men close their Heart vpon God by seeking themselues they are both separate from him and excluded from themselues in that selfe-respecting But the best remeede to overcome all these difficulties are Pietie and Prudence Pietie directeth them in all actions towards God maks them in their adoes to depend on him it holdeth them daylie with him to seeke both the gift and the vse of it in his assisting and blessing of their labours Though hee be high he must day lie doe homage to God who is higher than the highest as he wold haue his presence with his Governement The more hee pray ardently and looke on God he shall the more finde wisedome in that Fountaine haue a
tastlesse hee delighteth in his lame and pithlesse dilemmes and like a Con in a Cage moveth much but promoveth nothing c. If a man shall cast over their Volumes with Martiall hee shall offend at Homers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nothing but triviall iuffâ—ing a thousand tymes refuted by Protestants and as oft reponed by Papists Some new quirk of humane Invention and some new forme or lustre put vpon olde damned heresies and exsibilate Paradoxes Ther Expurging Indices are Evidencies of their evill conscience in an evill cause they distrust all and adde delete change in bookes what maketh against them They destroy genuine bookes as Bertrame calling it Oecolampadius forgerie And set out supposititious Treatises without number and rase Scripturall sentences out of the Indices of all Wryters Yet they stand not at these Purgations Sixtus did it with more iudgement Possevine with more diligence and yet they are not content with them The purging of Doway and Spaine are not enough but the Vaticane must bee added And when Angelus Rocha hath revised all Ioannes Maria must purge out more But Bellarmine latelie vrged a further purgation of Bookes against the Iesuits Their new faith is so ambulatorie that it knoweth not where to consist They are convicted by the testimonies of their owne writers and therefore reject them as Tertullian said of the Pagans But let them purge Bookes as they will their faith is damned and stobbed by so manie testimonies as they in revenge doe pearce with the Popes obeliske It were good service to God and his Church to gather in one all these sentences which they haue purged And a worke worthie of the Church of England who is most able for it How ever they deale with Authours wee say as S. Austine did to Donatists Constantinus quidem defunctus est sed eius Testimonium contra vos vivit These men are dead yet their Testimonie is quicke against you Men would thinke that with all this furniture they would bee bold to dispute But they are come now to shift disputs So Salmeron condemneth disputing with Protestants So Becan and Scioppius in the foundations of peace Iansenius giveth vs a floorish out of Tertullian Wee neede not to bee curious after Christ nor to inquire after the Gospel And Baronius before him abusing Ambrose That wee neede not accuse the Apostolicke faith of noveltie But this wee craue is not a curious inquiring after Christ but a tryall of their faith if it bee that Faith that Christ delivered to his Apostles They confesse reallie that it is not that same faith while they eschew the try all of Scripture This their shifting of Disputs is contrare to the auncients practice as may bee seene in Athanasius against the Arrians Cyrillus against the Nestorians Augustine against the Pelagians and Donatistis c. And most against their owne Practice for first when the Iesuits arose they made disputs their sacrum Asylum or sacram Anchoram and for this cause glutted themselues with humane learning But now in end they finde their furniture as stubble before the fire For one place of Scripture rightlie vrged against them burneth vp all their baggage This shift commeth first of experienced weaknesse in disputes and next of a confidence in bloodie massacring So Austine noted these two The first in the Donatists e Sed quia bonam causam c. Because they knew they had not a good cause they first did what they could that there should bee no Dispute and that their cause should not bee handled all The confidence in other meanes hee noteth in the Manicheans g Non enim disputare amant for they loue not to dispute but pertinatioustie to overcome any wayes In like manner Mahomet discharged all disputing in his Religion And the Iconolaters the Papists fathers refused to dispute with Orthodoxes But if they bee forced to dispute they fill all with clamours as Cyprian noteth of the Pagans and boast of victorie though they bee overcome as Pascentius and Maximus two Arrian Bishops did boast that they overcame Augustine in disputs Yet they like some sort of disputs such as they had with Iohn Hus and Ierome of Prage whom they burnt at Constance and the like latelie with Padre Fulgentio and Abbas Sylvius at Rome thogh incoÌ„stant Spalato could not be wise by their example This they haue learned of the Arrians For when King Hunnericus called a dispute at Carthage hee began it with burning an Orthodoxe Bishop Lactance shall close this point and lead mee to their last refuge Novi hominum pertinaciam I know the mens pertinacie They feare least they be convicted and forced to yeeld vn to vs Therefore they close their eyes least they should see the light wee offer to them Wherein they shew the diffidence of their damned reason while they will neither vnderstand neither dar dispute because they know they will bee easilie over-come Their seventh and last refuge is crueltie The Ignatian fierie temper of the Iesuits This Lactance a noteth Disceptatione sublatâ pelliturè medio sapieÌ„tia vigeriturres They lay aside all reasonable dealing and take them to violence And that because sententiam quam defendere nequeunt mutare erubâ—scunt they thinke shame to change that opinion which they cannot defend This they haue oâ— Mahumet and Cusane objecteth that the sword was his greatest argument wherein hee resolved all d And Baronius Macta and Manduca kill and eate So Paul the fifth at his death recommended the inquisition to the Cardinals quo vno niti affirmabat Apostolicae sedis authoritatem a bloody pillar of a bloodie Kingdome and not content to kill vs by Inquisitions they draw on Princes to be their Burrioes This is the fruite of their fornication with the whoore in giving their power to the beast against the Lambe France serveth them at turnes but when shee openeth her eyes to see the Butcheries of her owne to bee the vantage of Spaine shee relenteth till a new deceite set her on againe And yet because the trueth shineth greatlie in her they incline more to the Bigotisme of Austria and the wilfulnesse of Spaine as bloodie in zeale as pertinatious in errour Their rysing at the least in the Ambition of a fifth Monarchie is a fitte support for staggering Rome The Pertinacie of Heresie and furie of blind zeale can haue no other arguments of defence but Ureseca burne and cut as an absurde man wanting reason turneth to passion and furie This proues the Pope to bee his first-borne who was a lyar and murtherer from the beginning The credulitie of his pretended Omniscience hath long misled the world Now when they see and would refuse his lyes hee vseth the crueltie of his pretended Omnipotence to destroy them Hee is now Abaddon the authour of bloodshed in Europe for many ages Thus wee haue traced them in their degrees
and Papists Let these bee our praises while wee liue and after death our Titles vpon our gâ—aues that wee are called Romans and Papists But Nazianzen saith of himselfe Basile that they counted it their greatest honour to be called Christians And Chrysostome sayeth that Hereticks tak their name from the Haeresiarch This Name also distinguishâ—th them among themselues For a Papist properlie is hee who beside the superstition of Rome burneth in a blind zeale to maintaine the Popes authoritie And moderate men who are not zealous are called by them prophane and impious Politickes And in the time of the League France was cast in three factions The one was Hugonotes or Protestants the other Catholicks the third were Politicks who were neither Protestants nor Catholickes but moderate Papists and good Patriots But as Pâ—cianus said to the Novatians I accuse not the name in you but the Sect so we accuse not so much the name of Papists as their factious disposition and proceeding This vsurpation then being the worke and character of Rome as they are papalized let vs consider the Vsurpation it selfe CHAP. II. Of the matter of this Vsurpation And first at the entire of Princes IN the Usurpation it selfe foure things are to bee considered First the mater wherein it standeth Next the Noveltie of it Thirdlie their Defences And lastlie their folie and madnesse in their whole course and Fruites For the Matter of this Vsurpation it goes in two at the Entrie of Princes and in their Administration At their Entrie they clame an absolutehand over them as though Kingdomes were their gift and that because of their Election Unction Coronation and Oath Their Election they clame absolutely Though it goe now by Electors yet they will haue all depending on them so Iohn 8. in the Election of Carolus Calvus wee haue elected iustlie and approven c. And their Analist letteth in great Letters elegimus merito approbavimus and he putteth his glosse to it that the Impyre is given at the arbitriment of the Pope and Gregorie the seventh more clearelie Thou must acknowledge that thou hast the Scepter of the Kingdome by the benefite of the Apostolicke and not of the Kingly Maiestie And lest it bee ascryved to the Electors the Cardinals of the Consistorie haue latelie published that the Electors power to choose the Emperour flowes from the authoritie of the Apostolicke Sea And more clearely It is of vndoubted right that it appertaines to the Pope alone and not to the Colledge of Electors to cognosce and decerne of the affaires of the Impyre When the Authority of Gregorie presseth them to the contrair who sayth That power over all men was given to Maurice the Emperour and that the Priests were committed to him They gaue vs strange glosses That Imperatori potestas caelitus data est H. E. Ã Deo sed per Ecclesiam Romanum Pontificem that is from God by the Church and the Pope of Rome who confirmeth anoynteth consecrateth and crowneth him By this glosse the Emperour holdeth his Crowne of the Priestes committed to him Their next clame is from the Vnction and Coronation of Princes But that Ceremonie a conferreth not Authoritie vpon the person crowned and anoynted but declareth him to bee set a part for the office and is rather a Ministerie than an absolute Superioritie Vnction is not essentiall to Kings neither was it from the beginning for Iustine 2. is called the first anoynted Greeke Emperour and Pipine in France and Edgarus in Scotland and yet many good Princes were in these Thrones before them without that Ceremonie And the Impyre rightly inacted it to be laes-Majestie If any Man thought that a chosen Emperour was not an Emperour before his Coronation Albericus apud Martam de lurisdict 1. 17. Num. 30. They see that the Patriarchs of Constantinople haue crowned Emperours as well as the Pope and therefore lest the Pope lose his priviledge they make the Patriarks Coronation to be only a naked Ceremonie but the Popes to bee Operatiue and conferre authority wee haue no ground of this distinction but their naked assertion But Bellarmine speaketh more truely when hee is correcting the fervour of his Dispute Though Samuel anoynted Saul at the Commandement of GOD yet that anoynting was rather a praediction than a tradition of the royall power And againe Samuels anoynting of David was a designation and praediction but not a conferring of royall Authoritie Sure I am they can not ascriue more to the Popes anoynting of an Emperour than to Samuels anoynting of Saul and David at Gods expresse Command But if their Coronation Vnction give authoritie to Princes it is treason on their part to trode vnder foote these sacred Heads which they haue crowned and annoynted Thirdly they claime it by the Oath of Princes taken at their Coronation which is not of obedience to God but of Fealtie and Obedience to the Pope So saith Marta that it is manifest the Emperour is Feudatarie to the Church by the oath of fealtie which is a sort of servitude to the Pope And Vestanus testifieth that Princes are astricted by their oath of fidelitie and obedience whereby they may bee compelled to obey the Apostolicke Sea And more fullie hee sheweth both the ground and the end of this Oath When Religion decayed and Men inclyned to impietie it became the Pope by the Oath of Fidelitie and obedience to bind Kings vnto him both that hee might see for himselfe and that he might brydle their pryde and rashnesse For this end they blasphemously apply to the Pope these words that are proper to Christ per quem Reges regnant So in effect Princes are but the Popes Vassalls to reigne precario and no longer than he pleaseth or rather as they please him This Barclaius objecteth and Bellarmine would mitigate it but their practice sayeth the contrare And Suarez telleth that the Vicar of Christ hath Dominion over his Vassall And Baronius affirmeth that the King of Spaine is the Popes feudatarie for the Kingdome of Spaine and his Vassall for the Kingdome of Naples wherevpon hee maketh his long digression of the Monarchie of Sicile to proue this Superioritie But Innocent 4. speaketh like a Pope Doest thou not know that the King of England is our Vassall yea our Servant This exacting of the Emperours Oath was farre from Sergius the second who sware obedience to the Emperour Lotharius But of the Nature of this Oath wee shall speake heereafter in the Conclusion God willing In the meane tyme it is remarkable that the Maintainers of Equivocation and loosers of the Obligen ent of an Oath doe heere vrge the force of an Oath when it maketh for their vantage They boast also of the Translation of the Empâ—re as an vnanswerable argument to proue their Superioritie But the Pope had no other part therein but a consent as a speciall member of the Republicke of Rome For if hee
to the other civillie the other spiritually Pastours are subiect to Princes Let everie soule bee subiect to superiour powers And Princes are subiect to Pastours spirituallie Obey them who haue the over-sight of you and submit your selues And yet not withstanding of the comparision of the callings GOD hath wiselie subiected Pastours to Princes First because the Kingdome of the Church is not in this World But principallitie hath the beginning vse and end in this life and therefore heere must they haue the preheminence or else never Next because of vniversalitie For the Church of God is not in everie place And yet these humane Societies without a Church haue both neede of and are governed by principalitie Thirdlie because of Ancietie for albeit God had a Church ever since hee called on Adam in Paradise yet ere the Church came to any greatnesse in number or conspicuousnesse in the vse and worke of spirituall power Principalitie had the own Governement and eminencie among men For this cause some haue pressed the name of secular power from the Ancietie as though it beganne cum saeculo Though more properlie it bee called a temporall power from the obiect and meanes This great blessing reformation bringeth vnto Kingdomes to ridde merches betweene these powers Amongst other things this inrageâ— Luther b that hee saw Princes mocked and abused as beasts Therefore hee vendicate their honour from the Popes tyrannie Wee teach according to Gods word that Princes and Preachers are mutually sheepe to other Princes to Preachers in respect of their spirituall office informing and counselling them out of the word of God And Preachers to Princes in respect of a temporall coactiue power to protect them or correct them if they offend If wee consider in Mankind a spirituall Sphere Preachers are aboue all In which sense Nazianzen sayeth that the Law of Christ hath subiected the Impire to the Priest But if wee consider it in the Sphere of Temporalitie then Princes are aboue all And so that same Nazianzen Wee are subiect to super eminent powers but they will haue Princes as Sheepe to Preachers simplie and their Priests to bee sheepe to none but to the Pope of whom they will bee ruled not onely in spirituall things but also in temporall When these two Powers keeped them within their boundes they were helpfull to others Pastors by religion wrought the consciences of people to the obedience of Princes and Princes by their coactiue power held people in the obedience of the Gospell And Leo commendeth this concurrance For humane things saith hee can not bee safe vnlesse both the Kingly and Priestly authoritie defend these things that pertaine to religion And our more royall Leo said that these two powers are so straitly conioyned that either of them dependeth vpon the safetie and incolumitie of the other And Isiodore Civile powers were not necessarie in the Church except to fulfill that by terrour which the Priest can not doe by his doctrine Oft-tymes the Kingdome of Heaven is furthered by the earthly Kingdome that such as doe contrare to the faith and discipline of the Church may bee broken by the rigour of Princes c. And Bernard sheweth both the possibilitie and expediencie of their agreement in his peaceable resolution Non veniat anima sayeth hee in concilium eorum non enim viris usque institutor Deus in destructionem ea connexuit sed in aedificationem Let not my Soule come in their counsell who say that the peace and libertie of the Churches will hurt the impyre or that the prosperitie and glorie of the impire will hurt the Churches for God the Author of both hath not conioyned them for destruction but for edification It had beene good for them if they had followed his advice that these two powers would ioyne their myndes together who were ioyned by Gods institution let them mutually cherish other and mutually defend other But where Princes and Pastors passe their boundes and incroached vpon other the exercise of their power was the Apple of strife The matter it selfe was two great powers in their kinde and the respects of mutuall subordination and subiection was a faire colour for ambition to vsurpe and for the rebellious to resist It cannot bee denyed but there were faults on both sides Some Princes haue given too much to Cleargie men as they who gaue homage to Popes This came of Superstition which first playeth the Iugler to blind and then the tyrant to force them to doe as that blindnes leadeth them When they were possessed with Superstition the Popes ambition could exact nothing of them which they thought not reasonable Some Princes againe haue fallen in the defect and given too little respect to Pastours They saw their persons base in worldly things and considered neither their calling nor their worke and so counted them baser than any of their Estats This misreguard was helped by some flatterers of authoritie who either of ignorance or Invy haue spoken and written disdainfullie of Pastours Calling and equalled it to the basest handie craft in Cities To let that passe in respect of personall subiection to outward Governement and of civill censure in case of breaking the common peace yet the comparison of these Callings is odious for both iudicious Princes and auncient Divines without passion or contest haue giuen it greater respect and casting these two powers in the Ballance Nazianzen compared the one to the Soule the other to the Bodie Chrisostome vse the comparison of the Heaven to the Earth And Ambrose the comparison of Gold and Lead We allow not the bad Consequences and Practise which Papists draw out of these popular comparisons yet there is a considerable Trueth in the things for the Pastours calling is only about things spirituall and eternall The Angels would thinke it no disparagement to dispense the mysteries of the bodie and blood of Christ to cleanse men in the Lawer of Regeneration and to stand betweene God and man in delyvering his will to them and presenting their prayers to him Beside that comparison of Callings the person of Pastors haue a great excellencie in respect of Gods chusing them to the worke his furnishing and assisting of them in it Mens greatest excellencie indeede is by the Grace of Christ as they are Christians renewed and sanctified But particular callings giue also some qualification to the persons that are cled with them and the Pastorall calling qualifyeth their persons with a spirituall respect because they are Gods instruments in a spirituall worke Their aptitude to a spirituall worke giveth them a spirituall habitude and Gods imployment therein giveth a sort of transcendent specification Second causes though of one kynde take a diverse respect both from the object and from the imployment of the first cause And it is greatest excellencie to bee Gods instrument in converting renewing and saving men For they that turne Soules shall shine
in the heate of that same dispute overthowes Martaes conceate affirming Sciendum est imperium tandem dividâ—ndum in 10 Reges quorum nullus erit vel dicetur Rex Romanorum that the Romane Impyre shall bee divided at last in ten Kings whereof none shall bee or can bee called the King of the Romans albeit they shall possesse the Provinces of the Romane Impyre As now the King of France the King of Spaine and the Queene of England c. Therefore thâ—se Kingdomes according to Bellarmine are not quotitatiue parts of the standing but the scattered parts of a dissolved Impyre Moreover both reason and their owne confession proue such a removall of the Impyre as maketh way to Antichrist The reason is taken both from Rome and her auncient respects For Rome it selfe It was the mother and seate of the Impyre and so long as they were Emperours indeede they either abode there or had it subiect to them But now the Emperour cannot doe so much in Rome as a Barron in a Village for though hee were â—rowned there yet it is expresselie provided that hee stay there but one Night after his Coronation and thereafter goe vp to Mount Maurus and shaking his hand say All that wee see are ours and at our command And thereafter hee sendeth through all the World summoning all Barrons and Christian Princes and Pagans who ought to answere to him c. This is a ridiculous â—â—tle of a â—owne that will not lodge him and the â—iâ—ing of Iustinians wordes concerning an vniversall Impyre fitteth him no more than Peters Name doeth the Pope for the Pope hath nothing of â—eter but his borrowed title and the Emperour hath nought but the shadow of the Impyre In first times the Pope non habuit potestatem in urbe ante tempora Vitaliani sayeth their owne Rolevinck fasâ— Temp 60â— But now wee may turne it Imperator non habet potestatem in urbe That the Emperour hath no power in the Towne There is a manifest change of the Emperour removed and the Pope seated in Rome And in the late Ages the Emperors came never to Rome but with great Armies some times they tooke it by force Other times they were surprysed in it as an evidente that they had no power of Rome Lastlie the wiser sort eschewed Rome as a snare So Rudolph the first being invited by the Pope to come to Rome for the Imperiall Crowne answered as Aesops Foxe did to the sicke Lyon who requested her to come in the Caue and visit him but shee refused because shee saw the foote-steppes of many beastes entring the Caue but none returned So many Emperours went to Rome with glorie but returned with shame Since Rome is now to Emperours as the Lyons Caue is to beastes they cannot rightlie bee called Emperours of Rome And Pope Iohn the thirteenth writting to the Emperour did not style him Romane Emperour which is sufficient to proue that they acknowledge no Emperour of Rome As for the auntient respects of the Impyre if wee follow Lipsii admirandae in its Forces Riches Works Men and Vertues it is weake for in none of these can it compare with the auntient Impyre The bounds also proue the same for the Impyre of the Orient is taken by the Turkes and the VVesterne Impyre destroyed by Odoazer in the time of Augstulus and restored againe by Charles the great is also turned to a shaddow Bellarmine b hazards the issue of the question vpon this instance affirming that God erected the VVesterne Impyre by Charles the great which Impyre sayeth hee indureth yet But this instance is sufficient to convict him for Charles Impyre was betweene the Meditarrane and Balticke Sea betweene Brittaine and Hungarie whereof the present Emperour hath but a small part And though in Maximilian the firsts time it was divided in tenne Provinces yet was it but a small part of the auncient Impyre In Constantines time the Impyre lay betweene Brittaine and Persia in length and in breadth betweene Caucasus and Syene and hee divided them in 94. Provinces whereof scarcelie one is within the present Impyre And how farre is it from the power of the old Emperours when Maximilian the second begging the Election to the Crowne of Pole was repulsed and taken in battell by an handfull of Polonians And when Ferdinand that now is ingaged the halfe of Austria to the Duke of Bavaria to assist him in the Bohemian warres hee was farre from the riches and forcs of Augustus and Constantine c. These and the like reasons haue forced from some of them a confession of the desolation of the Impyre Ubi nunc Romana Monarchia sayeth Faber quam obsecro Roma Regi suo Monarchiae praebet obedientiam Where is now the Romane Monarchie Where are they that rule the raines since wee see the head of the Monarchie make defection from them For what obedience I pray you giveth Rome to her owne King And Dominicus Soto affirmeth that the temporall Impyre of Rome is now ceased And Paulus Iovius entring in his Historie and recounting the Kings of Europe hee raiseth them all from the ruines of the Impyre for after that the power of the Emperours was dead which some times by cutting off Kings compelled all to obey one and when the most fierce people in the loue of their auncient libertie rebelled it is manifest that the most noble Romane Impyre beeing shaken and rent in pieces by the force of the Barbarians went in the possession of manie lesser Kingdomes And Salmeron sayeth Imperium illud Romanum iam diu eversum est quafi exstinctum tenuissima quaedam umbra est Imperii antiqui The Impyre is long since overthrowne and dissipate in many Kingdomes and in a sort extinguished For hee that now is and is called the Romane Emperour is but a small shaddow of the Impyre So that hee doeth not so much as possesse Rome it selfe from which it is named And Iustinianus another Iesuite The Romane Impyre is long since driven in these straites that scarcelie it retaines a light shadow of the Impyre This confession is enough against their Wranglers And they say no more but what was said long before by Lyra All Kingdomes are departed from the Romane Impyre and denyeth subiection and tribute and for many yeares that Impyre wants an Emperour And Eberhardus before him telleth that the Maiestie of the people of Rome whereby of olde the world was ruled is taken from the Earth And the Emperour is but a vaine title and a naked shaddow By this their discoverie we turne their demonstration against themselues and haue evicted both that Antichrist is come and that the Pope is that Antichrist For since the Impyre is removed out of the way first by Emperours then by Barbarians and thirdlie by the Pope who hath thrust himselfe in the desolate Impyre as the reward of his vsurpation What can follow but
that hee is that man of sin that exalteth himselfe aboue authoritie And this one point of Antichrist may resolue all the questions betweene them and vs. For it is an infinite labour to cast over all the Controversies but this one virtuallie hath all Some haue thought to bee resolved of all by the Question of Scripture because it containes the places of arguments Others from the question of the Church because of her authoritie c. But this one of the Pope hath all because hee is both Church Scripture and all to them and when it is clearlie proven that he is that Antichrist it will follow necessarlie that in all questions controverted they haue the worst part So that the point of Antichrist proponed by the Apostles mysticallie and knowne by the first Ages coniecturallie by the doctrine and practice of Rome is made now so cleare that wee may say with reverend Iuell Multi quidem loci de Antichristo obscuri erant iam verò Ecclesiae Romanae doctrina institutis effectum est ut quibus oculi non desunt ne Sol ipse clarior fiet Though many places of Scripture concerning Antichrist were of olde obscure and ambiguous because as then it appeared not to what policie they should apply them Yet now by the doctrine and practice of the Church of Rome it is come to passe that the Sunne himselfe is not clearer to such as want not eyes For which cause the Pope when hee saw that his person estimation was touched by the things that were spoken of Antichrist he discharged straitlie all Preachers that none of them should so much as surmise any thing of the comming of Antichrist This is nothing else but secret conviction that the notes of Antichrist appertaine to him And that same Leo the tenth more fullie in his Bull discharges that same the yeare preceeding Luthers kything Therefore it galleth them at the heart to call the Pope Antichrist and Maximilian Duke of Bavere tooke occasion thereof to dissolue a Dispute at Ratisbone betweene the Theologues of Saxonie and the Iesuits of Bavere Hee saw his Iesuits failing in the matter while they cryed continuallie ad formam ad formam and sought but a colour to breake the Dispute And when Hunnius occasionallie called the Pope Antichrist he fretted and discharged any further proceeding Baronius railes against vs in vaine for that same cause saying that the vile Novators vse reproachfull names and pictures to the disgrace of the Apostolicke Sea but they neede not for the Pope endeth the plea and bee vsurping on Princes exalting himselfe aboue them and putting them out of the way by excommunication and tyrannie giveth a iust Commentar of the Apostles words proclaimeth himselfe to be that great Antichrist hee expresseth more vyle lineaments than the Protestants can attribute vnto him And it was the prime question that the Emperours Commissioners for the reformation or rather the deformation of Germanie proponed to the Preachers of Augsburgh To declare if they counted the Bishop of Rome to bee Antichrist adhâ—ret capiti lethalis arundo The deadlie dart of their discoverie hath wounded their head grievouslie that they can not heare of it CHAP. XXV Of the fourth fruite of their folie Their just destruction THe fourth fruite of this vsurpation is their destruction The Apostle descryveth it in two degrees consumption and abolition The Lord will consume him by the Spirit of his mouth and abolish him by the brightnesse of his comming This consumption is by the word of God a most powerfull meanes to destroy poperie for it is a worke of darknesse begunne increased and perfected by the graduall obscuring and depressing of Scripture And therefore the graduall revealing and manifesting of Scripture is sufficient to banish that darknesse So the Waldenses began with a private vse of Scripture and thereby troubled Antichrists Kingdome VVicliffe brought it to Lectures in the Schoole and wrought them more harme Hus broght it to the Pulpit and made it shine clearer But Luther Calvine and other VVorthies of reformation made that Light to shine clearer in manie places at once and so brought a great destruction vpon Antichrists kingdome and made many Nations forsake him and turne to the Lord. The Light of the Gospell discovered two thinges at once the Popes heresie and tyrannie by the first discoverie it looseth the bands that formerly held people in awe Superstition so puddled their consciences that they indured his verie tyrannie as equitie But when the shining truth discovered him to bee an Antichristian seâ—ucer their irritation was doubled to avenge themselves on him both for his misleading of them and vsurpation Doubtlesse this is the secret cause why so farre they abuse Scripture they accuse it of insufficiencie and forbid the translating of it in vulgar tongues and reading of it to people because Sathan maketh them presagious of their destruction to come by it Their adoring of the Nailes the Speare and weapons that killed Christ argues their sympathie with Sathan the Iewes that crucified him And their abhorring of the Sword of Gods word argues their Antipathie to it as a malefactour abhorreth the Sword of the Magistrate And the three Bishops at Bononia who gaue advise to Paul the third for reformation besought him to put the Bible out of the way because it was the Booke that wrought them most woe This their consumption they acknowledge with griefe for who is ignorant sayeth Bellarmine That the Lutheran Trueth which hee calleth a Pest arose in Saxonie and thereafter occupyed almost all Germanie Thence it went to the North and to the East and consumed Denmarke Norraway Swaden Gothland Panonia and Hungarie Thereafter with the like swiftnesse to the West and the South and in a short time destroyed France England Scotland some time floorishing Kingdomes And lastlie that it passed over the Alpes and pearced into Italie it selfe The Gospel preached into these places was like the sounling of the Trumpets about Iericho to throw downe mightilie the abominations of Babel And Cotton confesseth further that the authoritie of the Pope is incomparablie lesse than it was and now the Romane Church is but a diminitiue of that it was as may bee seene in the ardidinals who were wont to meete oftner but now meete oneâ— onelie once a weeke because the businesse of the Court of Rome decressed The order of their consumption is verie considerable that such Nations for sooke the Pope first who were most abuâ— sed by his vsurpation They abused Germanie pittifullie in the dayes of the Henries and Fridericks No reason could content them the Emperors found more patience to suffer than the Popes tyrannie found measure to bound it selfe England also was to them a Paradise of delight and an inexhaustable fountaine at every occasion they sent Legats to presse that Kingdome for money as a sponge is pressed for water and imposed the
Good Lawes the rule of Governement Populi nullis legibus tenebantur Aug. Covit 4. 6. Good lawes haue both direction sanction Good Lawes the sinews of societies The diverse respects of of Lawes They are both for direction and execution 1 King 9 3. 1 King 10. 4 2 Practise of Lawes Leges benè stabilitas sed sed malè observatas Ber-Non eris innocent Bern. Consid. lib. 2 The due application of Lawes is fruitfull Prov. 29 2. Their wroÌ„g application is hurtfull Prov. 29. 2. Psal. 12. 8. Vnrighteous nesse is the mortality of Kingdomes Ministration of Iustice. Eccle. 3. 16. â—nter leges ipsas delinqui tur inter iura peccatur Cyp. Epi st 2. Ecclc. 3. 17 Perverted Iustice is a case reserved to God It shall bee censured at ahe last day Lexcuria câ—â— lestis Reâ—pub est voluntaâ— Dei Aug. Difficulties of judgement 1. From the Lawes Ad citiorem litium decisionem Cod â—â— in it para hâ—c igitur 2 From the parties 3 From witnesses Heb. 6. 16. Psal. 116. 11. Remeedy of these difficuties Rev. 2. 17. Psal. 82 1. Necessitie of torture is a torture to the criminal Iudge It is as necessar amoÌ„g Christians as among Pegans The innocent sometimes punished Ideo torqueâ—â—ur confiten tes absolâ—imur negantes quia nominâ—s proelium est Tertu Apologet. The guiltie some times escape Psal. 25. 17. 2 Chro. 19. 6. 7. 3 Kings haue great difficulties Qui imperaÌ„t servâ—â—nt eis quibus videntur imperare Aug. Societati humanae dominando consulitur consulendo servitur Rom. 13. 1. 4 And great dangers Iustice irritateth vnrighteous men Causa supplicis non est iusticia iudicis c Aug. de Trin. lib. 4 cap. 10. God guardeth Princes by a speciall providence Flatterres are a snare to Kings It is faintnes to lay down their Crownes Nicephor Euseb. Ruffin Diocletianus post cruentam â—aedem in persecutione c Constan. apud Euseb. lib â— cap. 25. Barâ—n Annâ— 304. nuâ— â— Bell. Smalea 1 Pietie the first remeed of these difficulties Isa. 11. 2. Psal. 119. 164 The popes profainnesse in the Consistorie Palaot de consul Consist pag. 373. Mâ—rum nemini esse debebâ—t quod propâ— ter sactissimâ— Christs Vicarii praesentiam sed ad secretioris my sterii significationeâ—â— Dist. 40 cap. Convivia Recede a me non te â—abeâ— necessarium Hieron advers â—elag Nullum tibi venenuÌ„ nullum gladium magis formido quam c. Bern de consid lib. 3. Bellar. de officio Principis lib. 1. cap 22 Illius ergo â—â—bis virtus quaerenda est c. Gregor lib. 6. Epist. â—â— 9. 2. Prudence expedeth difficulties The multitude vntractable Psal. 78. 72. Moderat Governement is durable 2 King 12. Prov. 29. 4. Davids subjects are Gods people Man most vnrulie of all creatures No pure and meere Nature Psal. 49. Philo de â—ita mosis lib. 1. p. 475. Idem de Agricultura p. 150. Affectu bruto dâ—cuntur Man most obliged and best furnished is most disobedient God hath set Magistrats to curbe mens outrages Psal. 82. 3 4 Kings in Gods Church are most happy Psa. 16. 6. 1. Pet 2. 9. Psal 18. 47. Good people easilie ruled 2 Pet. 1 4. Best people most capable of equitie and disposable to obedience Kings ought to rule them selues Psal. 101. 1. vers 2 Quicâ—â—que proprium corpiâ—â— subegit c. Amb. in psal 118. ser. 14. Rege terram eris Rex terra c. Aug. Psal. 75. Selfe-governement is a safe governement b Xenophâ—n Cyr. a Seneca Ep. 37. c Greg psa penit 5. d Ambros. psal 47. e Greg. mor. lib. 11 cap. 12 f Nam etsi ha bet aculeum tamen eo non vtitur c. Amb. Hexa mer. lib. 5 c 21 Iustice beginneth at Kings Aug. civ 19. 4 Tot Dominorum quot viâ— tiorum servus civ 4. 3. Multae bestiae nobis sunt Basil exam hom 10. Qualiter alios corrigere poterit c. Aug. Abus grad 2. Malus etiam si regnet ser vus est Aug. civit 4 c 3. Kings are examplers Great power without grace is hurtfull Christian Kings are Kings over themselues Tune enim verè Regi Regum amplius placebit c. Gregor lib. 5. Epst. 106. The Governement of his Familie Psal. 101. Civit. 19. 16 Kings are as helmes sweying their Kingdomes 2. Chro. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 34. Constantius wise try all of his Court. a Itlos tan quam Dei proditores imperatoris servitio indignos censuit c. Eâ—seb in Vit. Constan. lib. 1 cap 9. 10. Baron Anno. 304 num 18. Proofe of Solomons wisedome 1 King 3 16 17. c. Maternus affectus parcens affectus sed novercalis affectus crudelis 1. King 3. 28 Peace the fruite of a good Governement 1 Peace with God Rom. 5. 1. Rom. 14. 17. Iustitia non est nisi in â—a Repub. c. Aug. 2 Peace civill Aug. â—â—vit 2. 21. 1 Cor. 10. 14. 3 peace particular Micah 4. 4. 4. Kinglie peace Luk. 2. 14. The harmonie of these peaces No Iustice no peace Levit. 26. Deut. 27 28. Saving severitie Cruell Clemencie Num. 35. 34 Iustice and peace goe in others haÌ„ds Deut. 32. 15. Solomon answereth to this peaceable name 1 Chro 22. 9. 10. 2 Chro. 1. â—5 Christ the true Solomon Multa de Solomone dicuntur quae eâ— conventre non possunt c. Aug. Civit. 17. 8. 1 Cor. 1. Esay 53. Num. 23. 1 Ioh. 1 9. Necessitie of warre a Tertul de Coroâ— militis Non enim militare delictum est sed pro praeda c Aug de verb. Dom. in Matth serm 19. Warre is for sinne Galat. 5. Rom. 7. It shaketh all Man cruell against man Neque enim vnquam inâ—er se Leones aut inter se Draâ— cones c. Aug. civit 12 22. Armies are men transported Aug. Civ 2. 25. True Religion the great care of princes and people True Religion is the health of Kingdomes Pagan kingdomes farre behind Christian Kingdomes Religio timor Dei est qui custodiâ— c. Lact de â—ra 12. 8. True Religion keepeth peace amoÌ„g Kingdomes Isa. 2. 4. Micah 4. 3. Regna in orbe ut domus in urbe c. Aug No mixture of Religion Religio veâ—â—eratio nulla alia quam vnius Dei c. Lactant. lib. 1 cap. 20. Istud omnium maximè vna fides c. Theod. l. 1. cap. 10. Such mixture is vnlawfull Qua est peior mors anima c. Aug. 2 King 17. 32 33 34. a Qua Divorum nostrâ—rum Apotheoses Cerem p. 1 b Ne Dâ—am ipsaÌ„ c. Leo. 10. lib. 8. Epist. 17. c Bellar recog p. 2. d Vives ad Aug. civit 8. cap. 27. e Civit. 4. 22 It is a fleshly policie Aug Epi. 146. It is impossible Baron Ann. 357. n. 12. Bin. Tom. 1. p. 519. 520. Basil. de Spir. Sanct. cap. 1. Confusions of Holland a Libertas prophetandâ— in Pastoribus c. Pareus b Theophil Epist. pasch 1 c
in loue they were comfortable to other as in Constantine and Sylvester Maurice and Gregorie c. But when they rubbed one other both Churches and Policie smarted They had sundrie other rubbes in former times but never one like that The Emperour thought that the question was no lesse than the standing or ruine of the Impire And Gregorie thought lykewise of the standing or ruine of the Church The Emperour pleaded Prescription because from the dayes of Charles the great vnder threescore Popes and moe it was in vse And Necessitie because by loosing the Investures hee would lose a great of the Impyre for when Charles the great gote that priviledge the Pope and Prelats were poore But thereafter both Kings and Emperours enriched the Church because they had the investiture in their owne hands Besides when Princes had investitures scarcely could Prelates be keeped in Subjection but if they were put in the Popes hands they would make many Enemyes in the Impire so Onuphrius stateth the question But in the multitude of so many Historians affected to one of the parties this much may bee gathered That the Emperour beside his personall faults gaue occasion to Hildebrand to make some sturre Hee abused the power of investiture in passing by the voice of the Church and giving Prelacies and Dignities to the vnworthie whom flatterie or bryberie or such by respects commended vnto him Hee gaue them as rewards for bygone service or ingagements for service to come And at his Court Church benefites were either saleable or exposed to prey Heereof Hildebrand tooke occasion to worke that hee had long desired hee made a strong faction both of Church men and Politicks against the Emperour and draue him in that strait to make such a foule agreement at Canusium as no man can patiently reade of and thereafter put all Europe in dissention and blood They divyded the trueth and each of them had both right and wrong on his side The Emperour had right to the Investitures but erred foully in their abuse and brought in ignorant and fleshlie men in the chiefe places of the Church who overthrew both Religion and State The Pope had iust cause to quarrell that abuse but no right to clame the investitures and farre lesse to oppose seditiously and trode downe the Emperour This was a consequent of too large dotations The Dotars were Patrons of the Church rent and some abusing the Patronage did marre the spiritualitie of the entrie of the Pastours So the Benefice drew the office after it and the Investiture the Daughter of Donations bred this strife and corrupt entrie in some But wise Princes haue made some provision against such corruption in giving the Church her place in election and it is best when Church and Patrons goe together The mysterie of iniquitie was then comming to rypenesse and Sathan had provyded one to hatch that egge of Antichrist whose seedes were layed in the Apostles times and that omnious accident in Rome of a Bird that layed an egge with a Serpent was so expounded by many that the Apostolicke Sea had hatched the Cokatrice egge and brought out a Serpent to destroy the Impyre Wee may passe the things imputed to him by his enemies As his fornication with Mathildis the great vrger of Chastitie to bee familiar with that Countesse lik Cremensis the Popes Legate vrging Chastity in a Synode at London was found at night in a Borthell Or his impietie in casting the Hostie in the fire Or his Nacromancie whereof hee gaue a proofe in that Response That an vnjust King would bee killed that yeare hee tooke this to be Henrie the Emperour but it fell on Rudolph the Vsurper But even his friends charge him with great sinnes As his dissimulation stirring vp Rudolph in Germanie while Henrie the Emperour was at Rome fulfilling his injoyned pennance His idolatrie in incalling the Apostles and blessed Virgine and commanding them speedilie to execute his decreete against the Emperour VVhen hee saw that this made him odious to men he devysed some courses to mitigate their hatred Hee sent Apologeticke Letters to excuse him to all men and pretended the zeale of God in defending the liberties of his Church which was nothing but a fleshlie pride of his owne broyling Nature Hee tooke the lesson from Stephanus who sat a little before him in the Chaire beeing a Brother of the house of Lorraine and offended with the Emperour for hurting of his House hee tooke that Gentilitious enimitie into Peters Chaire and made it Peters quarrell And his Successours finding it there followed it out as the cause of the Church Even as they tooke in the Armes and â—nsignes of their Families Next he pretended great puritie and holinesse and vrged the Chastitie of the Cleargie This was a faire colour both to cover his too â—reat homlinesse with the Countesse Machildis to make the world think that all was good that came from such an one but it was a libertie proclamed to Church men for sundrie of them yeelded to want one wife that they might meddle with many Hereby Europe was filled with troubles and the Sacraments ministred by married Priestes were trod vnder â—â—ote This was to vrge and promone the doctrine of divels But his third and most politick devyce was the holie warre which iustlie may bee called a profaine warre Hee made faire pretexts to recover these places where Christ was borne And lived and wrought our salvation And to make the matter more plausable they fained that Petrus Eremita got a Letter from Heaven written by Iesus Christ to stirre vp Christians to that warre though others are shamed of that fiction and said Hee got it by Revelation The motiues were as powerfull â—o a superstitious Age. They offered to all that would goe to that warre First Securitie from all troubles vnder the Apostolicke protection Secondly Exemption from all pennence Likwise the going to that warre shal be reputed for all Pennance Thirdlie Remâ—ssion of all their sinnes For their wages who are in that warre they shall receiue pardon of all their sinnes Lastlie Life eternall what ever their former life hath beene This hee learned of Mahumet who bade his fellowers defend his Religion by force promising Paradise to good warriours whether they were killed or not In all this businesse of the profaine holy warre they obtained their ends both over Church and Policie Over the Church they sought to establish their Monarchie over the Patriarkes of the East as they had done in the West Over the Policie because they diverted peoples mindes from prying in their tyrrannie over Princes and gaue them another matter of talking They found an errand to send away the most wise and valorous Spirits of whom they feared greatest opposition at home as Gottofred the chiefe Counceller and commander of the Empâ—rours Arâ—ies That emptying the land of such spirits they might securelie encroach on
emptie Kingdomes And all ranne to their maine purpose to proue their supperiority over Princes in that they vrged them to vow a iourney in Syria and forced them to obey vnder the feare of excommunication And so in this new devised fansiâ— of an holie warre vsurped an absolute dominion over their consciences and crownes At his death he repented the wickednesse of his course as Sigebert and others testifieth when hee was at the last gaspe hee called to him a Cardinall whom hee loved much and confessed to God that hee had sinned greatly in his pastor all charge and by Sathans instigation had stirred vp hatred and wrath against mankind And therefore sent the foresaid Confessour to the Emperour and Church to get pardon Not withstanding of this declaration yet they denie that Repentance saying That Sigeberts lie of Gregories repentance for persecuting of the Emperour is elided Comentum Sigeberti de paenitentia Gregorij de eo quod Henricum fuerit persecutus eliditur And they affirme that hee dyed ratifying his former violence This is the impâ—nitent pertinatious humour of the Roman Church they will neither repent themselues nor let it be knowne that their predecessiours repent their wickednesse least they should grant the Pope may erre and their Successours bee forced to forsake the wickednesse of their Ancestours As they cannot shew vs a Practice before Hildebrand so not any sanction of counsell before the Laterane in Innocent the thirds time Bellarmine calleth it maximum celeberrimum concilium because it was all for the Popes Monarchie But that statute proues the noveltie of vsurpation for if it was a constant practice before what needed it then a sanction But the truth is the practice was new and craved a confirmation by a posteriour sanction A lawlesse practice craved a lawlesse order first to doe and then by law to confirme it as right a direction which Machiavell giveth to his tyrant That Councell ought to be called as well as the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a councell of Brigands wherein they were both judge and partie to confirme their owne tyranie This was a fitte time to worke such wickednesse because great darknesse had over whelmed the Church in those Ages And their Cardinall cryeth out on these times Behold an vnhappie Age wherein are no famous Writters no Councells And Sigebert expresselie This noveltie was not as yet risen in the World And when Bardas had erected Schooles in Constantinople they could not finde so many learned men as to teach in them And in a conference betweene the Greeke and the Romane Church many things were done ignorantlie and confusedlie because there was but one Interpreter for all the Colloquutors The Histories then writteÌ„ were full of visions aparations of spirits translations of Relicts to tell that the Religion was dead in the living when the living were seeking pietie and devotion from the dead Therefore this doctrine is justie called by the iudicious Doctrina Hildebrandina an Hildebrandine doctrine because Hildebrand was the perfecter of it And though they would fetch it from former times yet they say as much as wee when they call him the most keene defender of Ecclesiasticke libertie And Onuphrius calleth him the onelie defender of all the Ecclesiasticke libertie And when as a Dictator hee set downe his Dictatus as a platforme of that tyrannie hee declared that it was his owne device Wee neede no more against them than Baronius arguments in his long digression against the Monarcâ—ie of Sicile From the weakenesse of the Charter From the noveltie that it was vnheard in the Church That the Authoritie of the Apostolick Sea was pretended against itselfe That there could not bee two Monarchs in the Church because of a deformitie of that bodie All those arguments doe militate more for vs against the Popes Monarchie But Tertulian his challenge is pertinent for vs. Where is Religion Where is Reverence aue to the Auncieunts You haue everie way renounced them You praise ever Antiquitie and yet yee liue newlie Whereby it is manifest while yee depart from your forefathers institutions that yee doe keepe the things which ye ought not since yee keepe not the things which yee ought I close this point of the Noveltie of their Vsurpation with Optatus Milevitanus as hee spake of the Donatists question Yee say it is leasome wee say it is not leasome betweene your leasome and our no leasome the mindes of people stagger so say wee to the Papists Yee say the Popes may depose Kings wee say hee may not Let Scripture bee Iudge betweene vs as the onelie Testament of our Father as that same Optatus speaketh And ex abundanti wee offer the challenge not for six hundreth yeares onelie as reverend Iewell did in Dogmaticke points but for a thousands yeares Ye haue neither Dogmatical positions nor assasinate practices before Hildebrands time Neither haue yee sanction of Councels before that Laterane Councell vnder Innocent the third This is farre from true Antiquitie for that is true that is first and that is first that is from the Apostles And that Martyre said right Christ is my Antiquitie But least they bee thrust from all notion of Antiquitie wee shall grant them such as the â—esuite Turselline clames to the transporting of the Virgines Chamber from Nazareth to Dalmatia and from thence to Loretto Hee calleth that fablous miracle an auncient faith And yet when hee commeth to the proofe hee findeth nothing of that transport in the first aâ—d thirtteenth hundreth yeares Such Antiquitie is but Noveltie We haue proved our proscription against this Noveltie that ab initio non fuit sic It was not so from the beginning If Panciroll had medled with divine remarkes hee might haue put among his Vetera deperdita the humble obedience to Princes lately left off by Popes and their proude Usurpation over Princes among his nova reperta CHAP. XII Of the causes of this Vsurpation IT is a matter of astonishment to judicious men to consider either the insolencie of Popes in affecting or the weakenesse of Princes in suffering such Vsurpation and some â—esuites also haue professed no lesse that olde Emperours and states of the Impyre were foolish Who suffered their mouths to bee wyped by Popes By this wondering they make a greater wonder to the world because they maintaine and pursue that same quarrell at whose iniquitie they wonder But the reasons of it are these especiallie First an universall corruption in all Estates and everie one winking at the sinnes of other Princes preferred ignorant and wicked men to bee Popes and Prelates And winked at the corruptions they brought in the Church in Doctrine worshippe and manners And Popes on the other hand winked at the grievous sinnes of Princes The Popes to make them strong against Princes gained their Cleargie not onelie by pleading their Immunitie from Princes but likewise giving