owne mountaines And thus you see what necessity there is that the French be kept within bounds and consequently that the ballance of Europe be both brought and held in a greater equality For intrests changing continually with the revolution of times and Kingdoms and Commonwealths Cities and places having their youth strength and old age as well as particular persons If lesser Powers combine not together they singly become like the smaller fishes easily swallowed up and devoured by the greater Thus the league between the King of Naples Lib. 1. Duke of Millain and Florence A. D. 1480. secured Italy against the power of the Venctians and the Confederacy of the Italians at Venice in 95 preserved them from being all ruind by the French under Charles the 8 who had in a small time conquered severall and got the Kingdome of Naples he came for Lib. 2. as that wise Historian Guicciardine shews in his excellent Historie of the Wars of Italie Nor let any thinke to obstruct my passage with saying that Wars to bring downe the growing greatnes of others are unlawfull For though very many both Lawiers and Historians are of the opinion they are De jure belli l. 1. c. 14. as may be seene in Gentilis and some Divines allso yea the whole Colledge of Sorben gave their determination for this and the Learned Bacon * Essay or sermo fidelis 19. saies plainely that the contrary opinion is not to be received and many other moderne Authors concur heerein besides the many Precedents of States that have made preventive Wars as the Lacedemonians against the Arhenians of old and many especially of later times and the Arguments for it are not contemptible yet notwithstanding I am rather of Grotius's opinion De jure belli pac l. 2. c. 1. §. 17. c. 22. §. 5. that neither our owne feares and jealousies nor the growing greatnes of others are sufficient causes of warring against them But indeed neither of these is the cause we plead but the following which we will maintaine jure gentium or by the law of Nations to be just and equitable 1. Let any Kingdome or Common-wealth grow as great as they can by Gods blessing yet so long as they keep themselves within the bounds of justice and equity with others there is no just cause of breaking downe their power by War For jealousie that we may thereby suffer is no sufficient ground for us to fight them It being with publick as wel as private safety as Physitians say it is with our health tollerably well but never absolute and perfect And therefore against such force as we may feare we must trust the Providence of God and use lawfull meanes cautiously to prevent dangers our Saviour having taught all Christians to use the wisdome of the Serpent with the innocencie of the dove and cursed be they that seperates what Christ hath joyned together 2. When Neighbor Nations see the growing power of any whence they have just cause of jealousie they ought to combine together that so they may prevent the dangers they feare And if any of the Confederates be unjustly invaded they have all a just cause of War against the Agressor As the Italians being jealous of the Venetians Power Guicciardine's Hist of Ital. l. 1. leagued themselves for their owne defence so that though the Republick of Venice was too strong for any of them singly yet being far too weake for them all was kept within bounds and they thereby wisely secured themselves 3. When any Potentate that is stronger then his Neighbors aggresses any of them the rest ought to Confederate and if his cause be just compell him to accept of due satisfaction and if he will not his cause then becoming unjust and much more if it was so originally to make War against him As the Italians did against the French when they under Charles the 8 were invaded And the Triple Alliance of late when the same nation had taken the County of Burgundie commonly called the French Comté and invaded Flanders both which belong to the Crowne of Spaine Thus our Neighbors allso should now allie with us in point of honest intrest that so we may reduce France to keepe within bounds lest we should all be ruind by them I shall make these things plaine by familiar example The ballancing of Nations is like to that of boats they that by an even poize might all sit safe in a boate on a rough Sea by the rising up of some are all in danger to be drowned In such case therefore the company perceiving a quarrel likely to arise amongst some of them must either agree before hand to keepe them quiet or if the contest come suddenly afterwards resolve together to compel those that are injurious to keepe their place and if they will not throw them over-board And this ballancing of powers I shall defend by the Fundamentall Law of Nature selfe-preservation and from the Law of Nations as well as from the Word of God and back the same by many approved examples if any one hath a mind to contest with me heerein Le ts see a litle how and by whom stronger powers must be ballanced and I shall give a release to your patience 1. By the Confederacy of weaker Nations that are their Neighbors and are in danger thereby of being overcome as we have allready shewne 2. Or by a Neutrall Nation that reserve themselves free to league with the weaker when they see them injured by the stronger powers And this was the Ancient policy of England Memoires de Ribier T. 1. l. 2. l. 347. Memoires de du Plessis Memoire du Duc de Sulli T. 2. c. 4. p. 14. Ambassades du Cardinal Ossat part 1. p. 180. Annales Eliz. A. 1577. since France and Spaine became the two great ballances in Europe Which as I have said begun to be so under Charles the 5 and Francis the first whom Henry the 8 of England still kept even as the many Histories of those times shew as well as other writers of State affaires engraving this motto upon his Gold Cui adhaereo praeest From this maxim of State Q. Elizabeth allso his Daughter first assisted Henry the 4 which Mornay strongly pleaded to Walsingham and after when France was growne great assisted these Provinces lest they should fall into the hands of France as we have before shewne out of the best Historians of those times Thuanus and Cambden the latter whereof after his declaring this reason of State in the place formentioned A. 1575 afterwards shews how this noble Heroine sate as the honourable Arbitratrix holding the ballance in her hands between Spaine France and these Low Countries Sect. 13. The Conclusion of the whole Discourse I Have now done and it is high time having been much larger then I intended at first allthough not so large by far as I found being once entred upon the Argument I might be And yet I hope
rather than inches who matters no more engagements dispensed with by his Holines than we doe our Almanacks out of date I should be glad to be informed what we could doe in the case more then cry and complaine to God Allmighty For I doubt they will seldome doe that which Maximilian the first did frequently Deus aeterne nisi vigilares quà m malè esse mundo Morn Myster Iniquit quem regimus nos ego miser venator ebriosus illè ac sceleratus Julius Nay if Governors thinke themselves obliged in conscience and honour to keepe conditions yet it is well known how generally they are influenced by their Clergy so that in all dubious cases and the application of generall rules to particular practises it cannot be exspected but judgement should be given on the Papists side and that the Grandees of the Church should beare them out in it and Jesuits and others Zelots applaude their practises 4. The Papists must have publique places for their Worship not only in all Cities but Villages as we may see in the Articles propounded by the French Now there being by far too few Churches or places for publique Worship in most of our populous and enlarged Cities allready it will not be possible for a great part of our Religion to enjoy the publique Ordinances of God but many will run into profane courses most grow ignorant and careles what Religion they are of and their posterity absolute Papists By which meanes the number of the Reformed decreasing and Papists increasing where at first there was but onely one Church for popery they shall then take more and so continue to inlarge themselves and straten us Nor let any judge these as onely jealousies and feares For if they begin allready to incroach as it is credibly reported from severall places they command and breake Articles heerein when not onely the commands of superiors but common policy requires a most religious observance thereof what shall we thinke they will doe hereafter If they will not now out of hopes to win those to them which yet stand out much les will they when there is no more hope of gaining thereby 5. When popery is the Religion of our Governors who have the disposall of preferments and profits to allure men to their Religion We shall find by wofull experience what by education converse marriages dignities and other worthy advantages many of the ignoranter and looser sort of Protestants will change their profession I say not Religion for that such never had and turne Papists Who is such a stranger in the world as knowes not that by such artifices they have more weakened the Protestants in France than by all their wars and contests with them In so much that of late yeares some wise men of the Reformed Religion there have bene so fear full of its being utterly supplanted that they have required their children by their last will and Testament to leave that Kingdome and setle themselves in these Countries 6. Let the best he supposed that any rationall man can imagine yet will it be bad enough For if the Papists have the Civill power to back them allthough the wiser and better sort it is not to be doubted will be civill yet the the ruder sort will be intollerably insolent And this begins to appear in some places allready where the Popish Inhabitants are more insufferably insulting spightfull and injurious than the French themselves And if they doe this so early while things are doubifull and the issue of the War dubious what may we expect when they are in their high Meridian of succes and glory 7. And lastly if any one thinkes that these are onely needles feares and groundles surmises I shall desire them to peruse the French Embassadors Speech to the Emperors Council Gremonville where he will find this Argument of Religion insisted on to divert the Emperor from our assistance which is well retorted by the ingenious Answerer thereof And inform themselves how fast the Jesuits and other Zealots for the Romish Religion fall off from the House of Austria and Spaint to France in regard of their inability to carry on their designs of the Universall Popish Monarchy and the hopes they have of France's potency to effect it And then let them judge if there be not sufficient ground for all that I have said and much more that might be said upon this Subject Sect. 4 Objections from the danger of losing our Religion under England from the Kings being a Papist designing to set up Popery the increase countenance and tolleration of Papists as also from his joyning with France against us and Church Governement by Bishops all answered But now on the other hand it is by some objected against the English 1. That the King is a Papist in heart and designes to set up the Popish Religion First what the King is in his heart and what he designes is onely knowne to God Almighty who is the searcher of hearts That he is a profest protestant is well knowne And allthough I will not sweare for him nor any man alive that he will not change his Religion yet to me it seems very improbable upon the following grounds 1. He that would not in his minority when under his Mothers education in France K. Charles I. Letters but followed his Fathers instructions of being obedient to her in all things excepting the matter of her Religion I cannot thinke will now in his maturity 2. His withstanding so many temptations wherewith he was environed so long a time together during those many years of his exile wherein neither the friendship of Papists nor unkindness and hard measure he met withal from Protestants could move him Militiere's Victory of the Truth and Bp. Bramhalls Answer makes me think him much more immovable now he is free from those Who that knows those times knows not what designs the Papists had upon him What Perswasions and Arguments they used both by word and writing What Promises they made him of assistance to recover his Kingdoms What Arguments of Interest they prest him with which are usually more prevalent with Princes than the intrinsick Arguments of Religion And if he stood unshaken in all those boysterous blasts shall we thinke he will fall in a calme 3. His rescuing his youngest Brother the Duke of Glocester out of his Mothers hands when her designes appeared for perverting him in his Religion is an evident proofe of the realty of his Profession If any one say it was his Interest for regaining his Kingdoms I say 4. And is it not his Interest also for keeping them Did he gaine them so quickly or are his three Kingdoms so little worth that he should easily hazard them Kings are wiser then to venture their Crownes upon every idle Priests pratles If there were any stronger Arguments now then formerly either for the Popish Religion or from his Interest we had some reason to be jealous that he might change
But 5. It is apparently against his Interest not onely in regard of the danger he might incur of losing his Crownes but the great loss which would inevitably accrew to him by this change The danger we cannot imagine to be small if we rightly consider those Kingdoms I have had an accompt having been a little curious in those enquiries of 1100000 of his Subjects that by Interest and Inclination were carried counter to the Court. Under these five Heads 1. The Purchasers of Crowne and Church Lands that are now restored and they outed 2. Soldiers and Seamen that had fought against him by Sea and Land 3. Magistrates and Ministers that were removed and turned out of their places 4. Commonwealths Men that were Anti-monarchicall in their judgments 5. Fanaticks properly so called as Anabaptists Fifth Monarchy Men Quakers c. And though I could perhaps give as good a guess as another at the rest of the Substantiall Protestants that are of the Episcopall perswasion yet that needs not now These you must thinke however divided in their Interests Judgments and Affections and many of them no doubt very Loyal to his Majesty yet without all doubt would joyne against Popery and never willingly submit themselves to that yoke of bondage Nay some perhaps would be glad of such an Argument and Plea to the people and the Demagogues gaine thereby no small number of Proselytes to their Party if his Majesty was once a declared Papist And as his danger you see is great so his loss I am sure could not be small 1. Of his Honour not onely in changing that Religion he hath now so long profest and blurring the faire copy which his Father hath set him but in admitting the Popes Supremacy which hath beene so Injurious to the dignities of Emperors Kings and Princes that their complaints how they have beene plagued by the Popes are infinite 2. Of his profit and revenues Vid. Bodin de Rep. l. 1 c. 9. in regard that the Peter-pence or Tenths of Livings and other Contributions paid formerly to the Pope are by Law annexed to the Crowne and paid accordingly to the King 3. Of his Subjects affections wherein his safety especially consists For a Prince that hath the hearts of his people hath their purses and persons at his service and raignes more happily by their love then all his owne power though never so great If we therefore consider his education in and his long profession of the protestant Religion his honour and intrest ingaging him to persevere therein I should thinke no man need feare his changing it for the Popish the fopperies whereof he hath so fully both seen and knowne I might ad to these that which further satisfies me that having been at Bruxels Colen and most of those places where his Majesty during his exile did reside I can say bona fide that in all the variety of companies and converse I was ever in I never heard any probable grounds from any one intelligent person that toucht much les stain'd his Majesties reputation in this particular But I will not impose this upon others though it moves me to say the more because I am not willing to annex my name to what I have written Not that I am ashamed to owne what I conceive to be the reall truth which I have published in this treatise to the world and can make good much more largely but because I know who I am and that my name can ad no estimation to this politicall discourse but rather perhaps prejudice some who knowes me not and are used to judge of writings by their authors whereas those that will impartially search after truth must have regard to things not persons and to what is written and not the writers thereof As for his setting up popery I neither thinke that he will for the foregoing reasons nor if he would that he can for these following especially 1. The Protestant Religion is setled in all his Kingdomes by their fundamentall lawes which the King cannot repeale It is true he hath the executive power of the lawes and so can suspend the execution of penalties but cannot rescind any one law much lesse make new ones without the consent of Parliament in his respective Kingdomes And absolute Soveraingty is not there in use For power paramount to all lawes carries too great a top-saile for an English bottom wherein the Subjects liberties are shipt as well as Coesar and his fortunes 2. The lands and revenues formerly supporting the Romish Religion which are many and great are in the possession of the nobility and gentry for the most part and have beene bought by them of the Crowne at the dissolution of Abbies Monasteries c. And the purchases confirmed by law And can we thinke that they will be ever induced to part with them againe or enact any such lawes as shall tend to their owne ruine and the utter undoing of their families If there was so much danger and difficulty to wrest them out of the hands of the poore Votaries as the Histories of those times tell us What will there be to recover them from the powerfull Nobility and Gentry who legally possessing them will doubtless defend them so that none shall deprive them thereof that have not better courage and sharper Swords then they 3. The great disparity in the number of Protestants and Papists There being not one family of a hundred in England and Scotland Popish and in many and great Parishes not a Papist Now what greater madness can we imagine than that his Majesty should adventure to rely upon the Papists alone against all the Protestants of the three Nations Though their numbers are greater then formerly yet are they comparatively small as we have said to those that profes the Reformed Religion So that it can never enter into my braine that such folly should enter into any Princes brest much les one who hath suffered so much by the former divisions of his Kingdoms 4. The vast difference between a people enlightned by the Gospel and well grounded in their Religion and an ignorant and unprincipled people For the generality of the common people brought up in ignorance as they usually are under Popery are more subject to receive impressions from their Teachers and so by degrees change their Profession Whereas those who are assured from the Word of God that they are in the right will by no means be induced to the same And usually the more force is used the more obstinate they are For a setled Conscience despises dainger and defies all the terrors and torments that their cruellest adversaries can invent If in lesser differences of Church-government the King hath found it so difficult that after all the coercive Lawes and other meanes he hath used he tells the world 't is evident by the sad experience of twelve yeares that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses Declar. March 15. 1672. what shall we think
anew than repair the old So I think I am able to demonstrate that we had better make a new defence for these inferior Provinces than that of the superior But it must be well considered of lâ—st we find inconveniences therein afterwards And as in Architecture I pleasantly play with dice and cards alone which others do in company making my walls of the former and floors and covering of the latter to see the convenâ—ences and inconveniences therein better than in plain figures and especially to demonstrate the same to others that will advise with me therein and are no Mathematicians so here I must confess I have seriously palled down and set up several defences for us which are too long to relate But I will briefly touch of some things which are sufficient I think to silence mine Adversaries There are 5 or six ways of Natural Fortification and defence of a Country Seas for Islands which are the best For though they are thereby incapacitated to enlarge their Empire abroad being by the Sea as it were confined to home yet have they great advantages thereby not only of Maritime Negotiation but also security from Invasion So that they are at small charges for maintaining Armies which those that live on Continents must constantly do for their defence otherwise the door stands open for the first that comes to enter in and take possession Great Mountains that are unpassible for Armies or such passes as the famous Thermopyles which are easily defended and these are next to Seas the best defence Vast Wildernesses where Armies can have no Provision to march but what they carry along with them as in Africa Peninsular Countries which are easily retrencht within lines of security as the famous Wall in the North of England first made by Agricola Nero's General there repaired by Hadrian and after by Severus against the Picts the ruines whereof are still apparent And Scotland often also against England hath thus retrencht themselves even in our days with great safety against the English Army which if they had had the wisdom to have kept within they had saved themselves and the Kingdom but their adventurous folly in forsaking them was dearly paid for by the loss of both Great Rivers which cannot easily be past As Euphrates in the East and the Rhyne in the West defended those Nations beyond them from the great power of the Romans And lastly inundations by Water marish and boggy grounds c. I might be large in examples of all these in several Kingdoms of the World and also in the wonderful Providence of God who hereby sets bounds and limits to the mighty Nimrod's of the World saying unto them by the voice of Nature as to the great Seas and Waters hitherto shall ye go and no further but I will confine my self to our own Country Now these Provinces if we consider them aright are naturally fortified most of these ways Not by Mountains for we live in a level Country nor by Desarts and barren Wildernesses for we have a fruitful Land like Canaan flowing with milk and honey But all the other ways we are defensible so that if we can but defend our selves by Sea and keep that for our Commerce we need not fear all our Enemies by Land We have the Sea to guard us below mighty Rivers not only within but on both sides these Provinces to defend us we are either Islands as Zeeland or Peninsular as Friesland and Groeningen together and Holland and Vtrecht by reason of the Sea and great Rivers that almost surround them And let it come to the utmost extremity we can by Water drown our Enemies and save our selves in our Cities So that they that talk of conquering us must either be fools or ignorant of the Country and those that fear to be conquered pusillanimous and frighted with vain bravadoes But we will be a little more particular in running over briesly the several Provinces Zeeland consisting wholly of Islands is thereby well fortified and the Inhabitants so used to the Water that they are not easily mastered therein Friesland and Groningen together are almost surrounded with the North and South Seas together with the River Emes and scarce accessible by Land in regard of the marish or boggy grounds if Coeverden and some other strong places on the passes be kept Holland will prove the greatest difficulty and of most consequence that Province being the Head and Heart of this Republick For this end I must suppose that we must have part of the Province of Vtrecht which we must either regain by Treaty or by strength let it cost what it will both for our communication and future safety And then we have these two again almost environed with the North and South Seas and several branches of the Rhyme and Maes Only one neck of ground between the Leck and South Sea of 5 or 6 miles where a River might be cut to carry water from the former as something higher into the latter from between Viana and Twael from whence downwards the River is deep and hath the Tyde flowing up by Houten Heer Melis waert Melaeten and so along the low grounds to Pynenborch into the Râ—â—â—â— Eem to the South Sea Which will make the whole adjacent Country being low stagnate with water and so defend these two Provinces from their enemies incursions And the rest are done to our hands by the several foldings of the Arms of those two great Rivers the Rhyne and the Mase whose several denominations I need not mention nor the places where these being sufficiently known to those that know these Countries But oh Vtrecht Vtrecht I foresee there will so much depend upon that one City that I fear the greatest Affairs of Europe will hang and turn upon that single hinge I know we flatter our selves they will part with it and I wish we may not be deceived but I fear far other things not so much from what I have said as from other reasons of State But if any will ask what those are I say Ho-la I am so far from publishing them that if the shirt on my back knew the thoughts of my heart herein it should be my first work to burn it But our Adversaries will fight it out to the stumps both of their strength and weapons They say the French in the Superior Provinces hath the command of our Rivers and so will be able to ruine our Trade Truly I am tired with this long discourse of Trade and therefore for a divertisement I will tell you a short and pleasant story Upon a time King James of Great Britain was angry with the City of London and sent for some of the Aldermen and Common Council whom he first chid and then threatned that he would take away their Charters spoil them of their Priviledges and ruine the City that he would An old Fox that stood behind perceiving the King in a passion and the rest of the Ruffs in a silent fright pretended
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself
shall be able to pursue them And indeed such is the growing greatnes of that Kingdome that it is become formidable to all Europe I need not insist on this the World is sufficiently sensible of it but it may be worth our pains to enquire into the causes thereof France formerly had severall boundaries to their Ambition which by degrees they have broken downe Severall Dukes on the one side that of Normandie Comines 1 6. c. 3. and the English after who for 400 years together latè dominati sunt in Gallia till Charles the 7. his time and that of Bretagnie till Charles the 8 gained it to the Crowne of France by the marriage of Anne Daughter of Francis the 2. the last Duke thereof and on the other side the Dukes of Bungundie till Lewis the 11. who after the death of Charles the last Duke slaine at the Battell of Nancey seized thereon and united it to the Crowne of France These three Potentates kept the French Kings continually under by their Confederations and Wars against that Kingdome Which Bands they having once broke they became at liberty to get more elbow-room in the World and become the largest compactest and strongest Kingdom of Europe were it not that their owne intestine Divisions and frequent Civil Wars hath often weakned them After France had arrived at this greatnes the following Kings Charles the 8. Lewis the 12. and Francis the first fruitlesly spent the Kingdoms strength in their Wars in Italy till Francis and Charles the 5. became competitors for the Empire and Spaine and France a fit match for each other in power Since which time such mighty contests have been betwixt those two Kingdoms as have filled all Europe with terror and amazement and all Historians with their Actions But how France hath so far prevailed as we see at present is partly by our owne and partly by the English fault we by Commission and they by Omission as we shall with what brevity we can make apparent in regard it may be usefull to us both During the reigne of Charles the 5. and Francis aforesaid the Reformation of Religion begun which occasioned great alterations to the Kingdom of France and to the Kings of Spaine in these Low Countries Wherein the Crowne of Spaine continued to prosecute their intrest in breaking downe the power of France by all means possible and especially by joyning with the Guisian faction which stiled themselves the Holy-League under pretense of opposing the Protestants Those great contests which the severall factions in France clothed with the glorious mantle of Religion are well knowne to those that are conversant in their Histories and are particularly declared by many but best in my judgement on the Protestants side by Beza the Author though not named of those 15 Bookes he stiles Commentariorum de Statu Religionis Reip. in Regno Galliae sub Henrico 2. Franciso 2. Carolo 9. Henrico 3. And on the Papists by Davila in his excellent Historie of the Civil Wars of France In which Contests in the Reigns of the four forementioned Kings the Successors of Francis the 1 and in the times of Henry the 4. who succeded them the Protestants called there Hugonots got into their Possession above 300 Garrisons and Forts in that Kingdome On the otherhand France was not asleep or awanting to prosecute their intrest in fomenting promoting and carrying on those divisions in these Low Countries to breake downe the power of Spaine into whose hands they had fallen by marriage as we have said and to remove the obstacle which these Provinces constantly were to their advancing their designes For which end they continually assisted us and whilst they pretended to fight our Battells at our charges they really fought their owne And lest the House of Austria so nearly allied to Spaine should afford them further assistance they ingage Sweden to invade the Empire and give the Emperor worke at home allowing A. D. 1631. Gustavus Adolphus 300000. Franks for levying an Army and a Million yearly for paying them every Frank being two Shillings sterling as in the years 1625. and 1635. they fathering all the Empire did on Spaine engaged us allso in more firme and constant Leagues against them This being the true State of those times between those two Crownes we therein thus doubly miscarried and erred both in our Civil and Religious Intrest First in that we thought we could never bring Spaine low enough nor assist France sufficiently against them In this blind zeale we went a great deale too far though nothing the length that France desired For had we listned to their suggestions we had to this day continued our Wars with Spaine and so have done their worke for them What arts France used to disswade us from peace with Spaine may be seen in their Historian Priol De Rebus Gallicis L. 10. as well as our owne concerning the Treaty of Munster But the States seeing the successes of France of whose greatnes they now at last and indeed too late became jealous to which they were the more awakened by the French approaches towards us in Flanders and taking of Dunkirke it being their owne proverb Aye le Francois pour ton Amy non pas pour ton voisin they resolve to take the opportunity which was put into their hands by Spaine who despairing of peace with France sought nothing more then to take off their confederates the Swede and these united Provinces especially by concluding a peace with us and procuring one allso between the Empire and Sweden For knowing their owne weaknes and great worke on their hands by the revolt of Portugall Rebellion in Catalonia the doubtfull condition of Naples the frequent losses they had received and their want of men and money to war every where they offerd us equall conditiors and we privately without the knowledge either of the French Plenipotentiaries or the Mediators Chigie from the Pope and Contaren from the State of Venice except them at last and a peace is made betwixt us at Munster January 30. 1648. and quickly after between the Empire and Sueden at Osnaburg August the 6. in the same yeare By which meanes Spaine was freed from our Wars had opportunity of Prosecuting theirs against Portugall and of creating France trouble at home by joyning with the Condean fact on in the greatnes of Mazarine and the minoritie of his present Majesty This peace so stuck on the Cardinals stomack that neither He nor that Kingdome have ever digested it but because we would not war for them any longer resolved they would war against us at last though if we had not done that too long they had never done this so succesfully Secondly we help forward France's greatnes and our owne destruction by helping to destroy the Protestant Intrest in that Kingdome For as France had the power of Spaine to keep them in on every side so they had allso a curb of the Protestants at home to check them
in their exorbitant designes Who from the beginning of the Reformation under Francis the first Henry the 2d and Francis the 2d had growne to that strength and greatnes that they grew formidable to the Crowne of France And notwithstanding the Massacre of Merindel and Chabries A. D. 1545. and the 8 several civill Wars that was made against them by Charles the 9 and 3 by Henry the 3 the great Massacre at Paris 1572. yet God so blest them and multiplied them that in the yeare 1560 there was reckoned above 1250 Churches of them and by their severall capitulations with the two forementioned Kings at the end of their civill Wars and the Connivance of Henry the 4 formerly Head of their party they got 300 at least Garrisons and forts for their defense which he used to call the Common-wealth of Rochel that and Montauban being their principall places of strength From whom they obteined severall immunities but especially that of the liberty of their Religion which he confirmed to them by the ratification of the severall concessions of his Predecessors in the Edict of Nantes 1598 passed in the Parliament of Paris February the 25 in the following yeare Allthough the promulgation thereof out of respect to Cardinal Medices was deferd till March the 2. 1599. Which he then vehemently prest begining his speech with a strange prodigie that had fallen out betwixt Himselfe and the Duke of Guise 26 yeares before who being about to play at tables in the presence of many Nobles there appeard drops of blood which though once and againe wiped off yet new still were perceived and none knew whence there being not any in the roome that bled which he then declared for a sad omen of much blood that should be shed betwixt them two which having accordingly happend to his great grief he desired to take away all further occasions of their civill Wars by publishing that edict c. which may be seen in Thuanus Lib. 122. This great King by name and merit having fought 140 battels and skirmishes with his owne hands beleagured 300 Cities and forts was no sooner shine by the dagger of that Rascally villane Ravillac in the midst of his greatest glory and designes But his Son and Successor Lewis the 13. confirmes the same May the 22. 1610 wherein he acknowledges that Experience having taught the Kings his Predecessors that the fury and violence of Armes had not onely been unprofitable to draw their subjects to the Romane Church but was rather hurtfull which made them have recourse by a more happy Counsel to mildnes granting them the exercise of the Reformed Religion they professed in whose imitation his father Henry the 4 had made the Edict of Nantes to reconcile all his loving subjects the observation whereof had setled and assured quiet amongst them which had ever since continued without interruption And declares that though that Edict be perpotual and irrevocable and by that meanes hath no need to be confirmed by any new declarations yet to the end his subjects may be assured of his love and intention to have the said Edict inviolably kept being made for the good and quiet of his subjects therefore it is ordained by him with the advice of the Queen Regent Princes of the blood c. that the same be kept inviolably and those that shall infringe it severely punished as troublers of the publick peace of the Kingdome c. Yet notwithstanding all this the King being provoked by them is induced much against his inclination to War against them whom he declared Rebels 1621. and tooke many of their cautionary Townes from them yet this was at last composed and they reserved Rochel and severall other places still for their defence But afterwards at the instigation of Cardinal Richelieu not out of any zeale for his Religion being called the Hugonot Cardinal but of Policy to free France from their feares of the Protestant party at home with much regret the King makes War against them againe 1625. and sent to the States for Twenty sayle of Men of War according to the late Treaty which was assented unto though with great reluctancy and they was sent under Admiral Hauthain which were especially instrumentall of ruining the Protestants power at Sea and of Rochel aftewards and consequently all the power that party had left under the Duke of Rohan with nere 50 places for their Protection All their Cautionary Townes being dismantled and they having no other shelter but the shaddow of the Almighty and their Kings clemency left them to flie unto for their defence So that as I wish we had otherwise imployed our power so I pray as Schookius * Imperium maritimum c. 27. in our first War with England Deum rego fillis nepotibus non imputet quae a parentibus facta fuerunt that God may not lay this sin to our charge The Protestants having thus made their last will and Testament whereby the Crowne became sole heir and executor of all they had Lewis the last thereby became the greatest Monarch since Charles the Great his predecessors having reduced the many Provinces dismemberd from France by Hugh Capet into one entire body and he all the parts thereof to the entire subjection of the Crowne and that Kingdome at liberty to look abroad and carry on their designes where they please having for this end gained 3 keys to their neighbor Kingdoms Pignerol to enter Italy Brisack Germany and Perpignan Spaine We have seene how we have gon against our intrest in overdoing our worke le ts now see how England have been no les guilty in not doing their duty wherein they have not onely been greatly awanting to themselves but more to the Protestant intrest in Europe The Protestants in France having by Armes Treaties Concessions and Confirmations of severall Kings obteined that strength which we have declared There could be nothing more clearly the intrest of all those of the Reformed Religion and especially their Neighbors then to support them in their just rights Which Queen Elizabeth and her Council so well understood that though she had assisted these Provinces both with money and men considerably whereby she had drawne upon her a War with Spaine which was very costly to her and allso occasioned the Rebellion in Ireland which to reduce stood Her and her Kingdom of England in 4 yeares time no les if we take Morisons accompt then 1198000 L. Sterling yet she neglects not to supply Henry of Navar against the Guisian league and faction for the support of the Protestants with 101560 franks for the Baron of of Donna to raise an Army in Germany A. D. 1587 for his service and 71165 besides 20000 she spent in sending 4000 men under the conduct and command of the Lord Willoughby A. 1589. and 33333 to levy an Army under the Prince of Anhalt Camdeni Annales 1590. for the service and as much money she lent Navar himselfe the following yeare
1590 and continually upon all occasions supported him and the intrest of the Reformed Religion in those Kingdoms so that she was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoresse No sooner was this great Princesse dead whose glory yet will never dye Lib. 129. being accounted by her very enemies the Guisians the most glorious that ever swayed Scepter gloriosissima omnium quoe unquam sceptrum gestarunt foelicissima famina as Thuanus tells us adding many great elogiums of her and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that sex and King James called in to succeed in that Crowne but the French though they had underhand opposed the conjunction of those two Kingdoms all they could having still made use of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diversion to them by setting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them and as loath allso that such an accession of power should accrew to their old enemies the English yet now they are the first that come with a splendid Embassage to welcome him to his new Crownes This King if he had had as much of the Lions courage as he had of the soxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it how happy had it bene both for his owne family and his Kingdoms But as he was the occasion of the sad disasters that happend to both as is shewne not only by the Historians but particular Authors in the English tongue Rushworth Welden Osburne c. so I shall now briefly shew how he occasioned many and great irreparable losses to the Protestant intrest abroad especially by his pusillanimity How he perswaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine and how prejudiciall it was to these Provinces is well knowne How earnestly he was prest to assist his son the Palsgrave both by forreigne Princes abroad and his Parliaments at home I need not mention nor how he spent more in Embassies their traines and Treaties then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery I shall onely speak of that relating to the French Protestants as the proper subject of my discourse When Lewis the 13 set upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Protestants had in his Kingdome by the grants of severall Kings as we have said and the distressed sought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe K. James according to his usuall custom onely imployes Embassadors the Lord Herbert once and againe whom the French delayd with words till they had done their worke For knowing King James's temper too well Luynes the High Constable of France Howels Hist of Lewis 13. A. 1621. being appointed to give Herbert audience first sets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings that being an eare-witness of what past might relate to the Reformists what small grounds of hope they had of having succors from the Crowne of England and then in stead of hearkning to his Embassage in a most insolent manner affronted both his Master and himself with menaces which when he could not brooke but roundly replyed His Master then knew what he had to doe and offered the Constable who was chollerick thereat the satisfaction of his Sword the French Embassador misrepresents what past to K. James and procures Herbert to be called home and the Earle of Carlile is sent in his place to as little purpose as before Nor was this the worst for the Duke of Guise obteined 8 English sayle of men of War to joyne with him against the Rochellers and them of the Religion to distres them by Sea as the Count of Soissons did by Land for which the Duke of Buckingham was after questioned in Parliament and thus the greatest part of the Protestants power was broke downe and had been wholy but that the French had not then time by reason of the Spanish worke in the Valtolin so that a peace was skind over for a small time till they had leisure to open the wound againe and make the poore Patients bleed their last These things caused great complaints of England every where amongst them of the Reformed Religion and occasioned Deodate's saying that King Jame's sins of omission were greater then all his Predecessors sins of Commission Though the pacification was published at Montpellier yet Richelieu being made Minister of State and chief Director of affaires in France A. 1624 he made it his first worke to go on with the designe of destroying the Protestants power in that Kingdome and though the King was against it at first yet the Cardinal carried it on at last so that afterwards he said He had taken Rochel in spight of three Kings meaning his owne England and Spaine For the accomplishing this worke the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreseeing that England and these States might stand in his way and obstruct him he resolves to charme us both to a compliance For which end France makes a stricter league with these Vnited Provinces affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain agrees for ships for their service c. And for England though they knew K. James would not disturb their designes yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe there were meanes used to ingage him by a Match with Henriette the onely Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was desirous to match his onely son Considerably had for 9 or 10 year beene Courting of Spaine to this purpose that so with one he might have the Palatinate restored to the Palsgrave and the Prince of Wales having past through France incognito into Spaine to make love personally to the Infanta and see with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty and being there still delayed but not denyed the Spanish desiring to see all the Daughters of France first matcht to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome and the busines of the Palatinate still kept in suspence he is commanded home by his Father K. James But having seen the Lady Henriette at a maske in his passage through France under the notion of an English Gentleman and being taken with her beauty more then the Infanta's overtures are made of a Marriage with her and though some in the French Council were rather for her matching to Lorraigne that so those Territories might be gained to France which had been long troublesom to them yet this reason of State of obliging him not to interrupt their designe of ruining the Protestants and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded Richelieu thinking France secure of these two they most feared falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles his Father K. Iames being then dead his assistance This good King thinks himselfe obliged in conscience and honour notwithstanding his marriage with the King of
change the Water and Weather may be our Walls of Defence Difficulties Dissentions and Distractions may befal our Enemies One thing or other may fall out so far to our advantage that we may retrench our selves in safety though we should not recover our former Greatness 4. Nor can it reasonably be thought that any will give themselves over to another so as to part with their Religious and Civil Interests and be in no better a capacity then a conquered people who though they are not made absolute slaves yet are usually sore opprest by the Conqueror But onely to part with their Supremacy and the Appendixes thereunto under which they may live as free Protestant Subjects If any object this is not practicable in regard of the Treaty betwixt the two Crowns of England and France I answer 1. Who knows that except a few of their Cabinet Counsel 2. This supposes that they have divided the Lions Skin before he be slain which to me is very doubtful For although two such mighty Potentates might upon rational grounds think themselves able to master this Commonwealth before they began the War yet so many are the unexpected accidents and the events of War so doubtfull that few have bene knowne to divide the spoile before they had won the battell or the Country before they had triumphed in the War lest they being frustrated of their hoped succes should becom a scorne and contempt to the world We have sufficient reason to thinke that neither England will permit France nor France England to have these Countries entirely and can we then thinke that they should agree upon this before hand if others will ghues I have the same liberty whereby I thinke that when time which is the revealer of secrets brings the Treaty to light it will appeare that the French should hold us in by Land and the English by Sea till they had brought us to their owne termes of France keeping such places above as may be thought most conducible to the inlarging his Conquests and keeping us under and England by Sea as may secure his desired Trade and Navall expences and that neither of them should have these Maritime Provinces entirely for that was for the one to make the other his Master and absolute Soveraigne at Sea by such an accession of strength nor yet divided for that would be a continuall bone of contention betwixt them 3. Those that suppose this repertition generally say that Zeeland is to be English and if so the objection is answered For if each must conquer their part by their owne Armes as many imagine who can thinke that any will be at the expence of so much blood and treasure besides the hazard of succes for that which they can have upon honourable termes Or if they proceed joyntly with their Armes to obtaine their designes we cannot thinke the one will obstruct the other in that which is agreed upon by them both And this way I suppose they take because in a joynt War the succes is common to both and the advantage redounds to each according to their former accord and was it otherwise here England attacquing us onely by Sea might get nothing by Land and France all Which I cannot imagine to be so agreed upon whatsoever the issue may be For I cannot thinke the English such fooles to fight onely for blowes and to set up the French to their owne destruction But let their agreement be what it will for the places they conquer yet it cannot bind or determine us how to dispose of our selves before we are conquered All free States and Cities v. Grot. de Jare bel pac l. 1. c. 3. §. 8. l. 2. c. 6. l. 3 c. 20. §. 5. may upon what conditions they please yeeld the Soverainty over them and their owne subjection to whom they please And allthough such proffers have sometimes been refused in regard of Wars and other evill consequences which might attend them yet here the acceptance is not to be doubted of seeing this is the Helena for which they fight If any shall ask how this is to be effected I answer Non est deliberandum de modo priusquam constat de re If any grant that it is to be done it is as much as I undertake If God in his all-wise and righteous Providence suffer us to be brought so low that we cannot longer withstand our enemies let those in supreme authority take care for the manner of performance as to the time in which treating whereby and conditions whereupon they will yield their Supremacy and Government It being my work only to shew that it is our Interest in such a case to make choice of England rather then France or any other Potentate whatsoever Sect. 2. Arguments to prove the Hypothesis the first whereof is from our Religious Concernments wherein is shewn how great a support Religion is to a State and how greatly it concern us to secure our Religion HAving now truly related Matter of Fact and clearly stated the Question I shall proceed to prove the same viz. That in case of inability to defend our selves it is our Interest to be under the English rather than the French First in regard of Religion Which as it is of cheifest concernment so deserves to have the precedence of all other considerations The very Heathens accounted this their cheif Interest and therefore above all to be secured and defended The Romans saying was Pro aris focis therein giving Religion the preference of all their civil concernments And if we Christians do not the more is our sin and the greater our shame It is so well known how the Heathens of old and Turks of later times have valued their several false Religions how their first Founders Legislators and Magistrates have made Religion both the Basis upon which they founded their Kingdoms and Commonwealths and the cheif Pillars to support them and how zealous the common people have been for their Superstitions That I cannot but wonder that Christians should be such Gallices for the true Religion and Gospel of Christ and fear that Turks and Heathens will rise up in judgment against us and condemn us for our indifferency herein But if examples would either sway us or shame us I need not go so far for them our own Ancestors are abundantly sufficient I am sure if the History of former times deceive me not Religion was the cheif inducement to them to begin that hazardous War with Spain And had such an impression upon them that they freely ventured their lives and estates for this especially although I know there were many other grievances insisted on to justifie that War Had they thought that their Posterity should have made so light of Religion and Liberty which cost them so dear as many we see in those places over who have so lightly parted with both in a great measure I perswade my self they would never have commenced such a War but the sincerer
changes times and seasons and makes friends become enimies and enimâ—es Friends Would not this have been thought incredible to our Ancestors that France and England who raised us should endeavour our ruine And that Spaine and Austria who sought our destruction should ever seek our preservation And all this out of Intrest as I shall shew hereafter those formerly to ballance Spaine's and these now France's greatnes and neither Religion or affection For whosoever thinkes that Spaine and Austria have any kindness for us more than themselves hath a faith far larger than my fancy There is another Objection against our closing with England for Religions-sake from their Episcopall Church-Government which if it were not mentioned by some to the prejudice of my assertion I should have passed over as inconsiderable For. 1. This is onely an accidentall difference in the same Religion and not a different kinde of Religion as Popery is And a difference in the externall forme of Government onely not in the substantialls and vitalls of Religion For we both agree in the same Confession of Faith and in all the essentialls of the Reformed Religion 2. A very great part of the King of England's Subjects are Presbyterians as is well knowne 3. Although Episcopacy be the Church Government setled by Law in the three Kingdoms yet his-Majesty indulges publique liberty to Presbyterians and other Non-conformists So that we need not doubt but he will much more to us that Church Government which is setled amongst us 4. New-England and several other Plantations belonging to his Majesty of great Brittaine have allwayes enjoyed and still do their own Church-Governement freely and therefore we need not feare that ours should be denied us 5. Allthough the Church Governement of these Provinces be Presbyterian yet as to its vitall power and administration in severall places it hath for sundry yeares last past rather been Erastian The Magistrates frequently assuming that power here which the Bishops do there In so much that I question whether the Presbyterians may not have more hopes that their discipline should be raised then feares that it should be ruined under England Gralloe contra Apollodium 1646. Lucti Antistii de Jure Ecclesiasticor l. 1665. Politike discoursen l. 4. over Kerkelike Sacken What crying up the Magistrates power circa sacra and what decrying the Ministers both by word and writing Antistius tells us in the frontispece of his booke that whatever right divine or humane is attributed to the Ministers or they assume to themselves is either falsely and impiously ascribed to them or is onely from the Rulers of the Republique or city where they are setled What applauding of Hobs's Leviathan now translated into Latin and Dutch What frequent interposing in Ecclesiasticall affaires and how miserably the honest Minister in the Hague was handled may be seen in Aitzma Many were afraid of a storme falling upon the. Ministers if our enemies had not faln upon us What crossing the Churches in the Election of their Pastors and exercise of their Governement hath been at Rotterdam and other places is too well knowne and being reformed I wish what 's past might be buried in oblivion And thus I have vindicated my first Argument from Religion and shall endeavour to compensate my prolixity heerein with more brevity in the rest Concluding that if we cannot defend the true reformed Religion we profes nor will not secure it the best we can we may call our Country Ichabod for the glory is departed from these Netherlands Sect. 5. The second Argument taken from Liberty Wherein the different kinds and degrees of Liberty under all sorts of Governement are declared and the probability of our enjoying greater freedome under England than France argued IT will further appeare our interest to be under England rather than France in regard of our Liberty Which next to true Religion and life is the greatest blessing bestowed on man-kind Now for our clearer proceeding herein we must 1. Shew what kind of Liberty is here meant 2. Wherein it consists and the measures thereof 3. Accommodate these to the matter in hand For the first We meane not here Personall Liberty either morally considered in opposition to coaction or civilly either in opposition to confinement as we usually take it or to slavery as the Civilians 2. Nor Civil Liberty as opposed to Monarchie Institut l. 1. tit 32 as the Greeke and Latin Historians frequently with which Tacitus begins his Annals Vrbem Romam à Principio Reges habuere libertatem consulatum L. Brutus instituit For I well know that to whomsoever we submit this liberty is lost Much less 3. For Licentiousness For subjection to Lawes and Government is so far from being inconsistent with liberty that it is the onely means of its preservation For without this what are Kingdoms and States but great butcheries of men and publick robberies of propriety where the strongest arme and longest sword sweeps away all So boundless is mans villany and his lusts so ragingly restless that we have no other choyce left us but either be subject to Law or slaves to licentiousness As Tully sayes well Pro Cluent Legum ideirco omnes servi sumus ut liberiesse possimus But 4. That publick liberty which a people have under their Government of what kind soever it is as it is taken in opposition to publick oppression Which is of divers sorts and different degrees in regard of our persons priviledges and proprieties When a people are neither oppressed by usurpation without colour of Law nor by extortion under pretext thereof Which is an invaluable mercy to those that injoy it though rightly valued by few except those that want it And hath been so highly praised by all sorts of writers hat it is better to be silent then briefe in its commendations Now Secondly wherein this consists and how to measure the same is harder to discover and determine in regard we can meet with no guides that have gone this way For the Civil Law which is copious concerning all other Dominions is silent in this of Soveraignty and being calculated for the Meridian of Monarchs leaves them free to make their Subjects so more or less at their pleasure Historians onely relate what freedom such and such people had under such and such Rulers and the Writers of Policy and particular Republicks compare the peoples liberty under the several forms of Government and commend this or that State for the same And these are all the helps we have which are in the next degree to nothing We will therefore pass them all by and freely follow our own judgment in shewing joyntly both the nature of liberty and the measures thereof But we must necessarily here premise 1. That though all ought to pay the homage of subjection to that lawful government under which they live yet none ought so to be wedded to any forme as to think the subjects of all others not free Which Aristotle long since
freedom is accordingly to be accounted of And here liberty is come to maturity and if she be modest and keep within her bounds and fall not into wanton licentiousness ravishes the eyes of all spectators filling their mouthes with her praises and their mindes with admiration But it is high time that we hasten unto the third particular proposed which is the accommodation of these to the subject matter we have in hand First then it is well known that there is a very vast difference in the liberty of the Subjects of these two Crowns The common people under the King of England have 1. A part in the legislative power which is the chief authority in all Governements For the Commons make a third State in all the three Kingdoms and have their representatives freely chosen by themselves in all Parliaments which are the true Conservatories of publique liberty and particular propriety Whereas the common people in France either never had this priviledge or if they had have long since lost it That they had it formerly Francogallioe c. 10.11.15 Derepubl l. 2. c. 6. §. 6. Hottoman endeavours to prove which Arnisoeus denies and answers his reasons nor that only but all mixture in the French Monarchy either with Princes of the Blood Peers or any other State whatsoever But whatever was the Governement under the two first lines of the Kings of France it is generally agreed that in the beginning of the third under Hugh Capet who cantond out France about the yeare 990 the peoples liberty was devoured by the Dukes and Earles of the Provinces and the Monarchie allmost turned into a Toparchie by reason of their hereditary right Which the after Kings soone perceiving to be too great a ballance to the Crowne broke down by degrees and so became the only Atlas's that have ever since sustan'd that Government For the Assembly of the three Estates which were the only bulwark of the publick liberty that was left undemolished by despotical powers if they ever had any share in the legislative lost it long before Capets time for from Charles the great the Kings Edicts have past for Laws and being discontinued in their Wars with England and their remaining power whatever it was broke down by the policy of Lewis the eleventh they were finally laid aside by Lewis the last And although Philip the fourth fixed that Court of Judicature at Paris that was formerly ambulatory and usually accompanied the Kings Court which became a pattern to the rest of their Provincial Parliaments yet both that and these have only the name and shadow not the nature and power of the Parliaments under the Crown of England The Members being neither chosen by the people nor representing them but Lawjers that usually either purchase these places of the Crown or pay an annual pension for the same having no legislative power nor indeed any other but derivative from the King and alterable at his pleasure They tell the Academy of Paris Guagnin in Ludovic 12. se à Rege jussos promulgare leges quas ipsi visum fuerit ferre Apud illum authoritatem esse c. But these things are so well known that I will not stand to alledge Authorities to prove them although if it were necessary I could bring as many as would fill the page even to ostentation But let us briesly run over the rest Those 2. under the Crown of England have the election of Magistrates generally in Corporations and some under Officers in the Country which cannot be removed without due process of Law 3. Have a share in the Judicature by the Juries in England for matter of fact together with the Kings Judges for matter of Law and their last appeal to Parliaments 4. The original power of raising Taxes For the proposal and grant must come from the Commons and the other two States only consent 5. The liberty of bearing Arms. Whereas in France all Promotions Governments Judicatures and Taxes are in the Kings power who permits not the vulgar use of Arms or a standing Militia in his Kingdom but only such as are in his pay and thereby entirely at his devotion So that there is no Communalty that lives more happily than that of England nor none more miserably than the poor paisantry of France 2. Hence we may infer a fair probability of enjoying more liberty under the Crown of England than France I know our freedom will not necessarily follow from the premises for that which is legal will depend upon such conditions as shall be either previously agreed upon or after consented unto yet I leave every one to judge which is likeliest to grant us the best not only for our Religion but liberty in our Persons Priviledges and Estates as also whose Government is most likely to defend the same and make us thereby also actually free If it be argued that the French King may give us more liberty than his other Subjects and the King of England less The reply is easie that we reason not from the power of either or what they can and may do but what in all appearance they will do Although those that hold it for a fundamental in the French Government that whatever is conquered by them or acquired must be incorporated with the Kingdom of France and that this is as indispensable for the body politick as the Salick Law is for the head scruple much whether the King de jure can make us freer than the rest of his Subjects But we neither desire to dispute the Prerogative of Princes much less of such a mighty Monarch nor indeed are we of their opinion herein and therefore take it for granted that he as well as the King of England may grant us as full and ample liberty as He shall think fit in His Royal pleasure We only profess our fears what he will do and such as are rational and becoming men not groundless fancies or frivolous reports which are the usual Bugbears that affright only fearful women and children 1. We cannot flatter our selves into hopes that our condition should be better than either of those two Kings which soever we submit unto natural Sujects If it be equal it is well and all that we can rationally expect And therefore we judge that England will easier be induced to this which is ordinary unto that Government than France to indulge us of extraordinary favour unless we had merited such a priviledge as to be made an exception from the general rule And that Governors under them will willingly and readily maintain that which they are accustomed unto but very hardly such immunities as transcend the bounds which are set to others 2. The many examples we have before us of such Countries as France hath gained keeps our fears continually waking For by whatever Title they have been acquired we find them all generally in the same condition Whether by right of donation as Daulphiny and Provence or purchase as Berry Montpelier
than the Devil himself and upon the first occasion tumultuously cry every man to your Tents whence open divisions lawless rapines bloody wars and all the miserable effects that follow them break in upon a Nation beyond controll But let us be frank in conceding as it becomes us when we speak of Kings that there shall never arise a Rehoboam out of Lewis's race yea that this is as impossible as for a Vulture to rise out of the Phoenix ashes yet we know the best of Kings may have bad Governors under them and that they must often both see with other eys and hear with other ears than their own Yea let us suppose that we shall never pay more Tribute to the fair Lillies of France than we have done to the Belgick Lion except that of respect which we acknowledge his due yet there still remains a vast difference betwixt a legal and a permissive exemption and of the same payments made by publick consent and those that are commanded by absolute power though not in regard of the money yet in regard both of the authority that requires it which if absolute and arbitrary is alterable although it should not be altered and the different impressions which they make and effects that follow in the minds and affections of men For when a people know the necessities of State and freely vote their own Contributions they account themselves free and uninjured though the Taxations be never so great according to the rule that volenti non fit injuria and look upon them as a gift rather than a debt and therefore pay them willingly and generously bear their parting with their share Whereas on the contrary when they are ignorant of the grounds of such impositions they are always jealous that they are not so great as is pretended and when they have no suffrage therein look upon themselves as wronged and oppressed and though they pay them yet it is with reluctancy and because they must and cannot withstand it their minds are dejected and their spirit and courage strangely deprest as I could shew by many examples The difference of these two authorities and their various and different effects is well observed by two Noble Lords Bacon of Verulam and Comines of Argenton both of them famous for their wisdom one in the Theory and the other in the Practice thereof so that if the former had had the latters Prudence and the latter the formers Learning no Age could have paralel'd them That of publick consent the Learned Bacon observes doth not so dispirit a people and diminish their Martial courage and instances in these very Provinces Essay or Sermofidelis 29. shewing how cheerfully they have born the grean burthen of Excise because it came from themselves and their own authority And that of arbitrary power is shewn of France by that great States-man Comines Counsellor to Lewis the eleventh whose History is so much esteemed by the French Hist Franc. l. 13. as Bussieres the Jesuite tells us that they neither envy the Greeks their Thueydides nor the Romans their Livy or Tacitus Wherein he so frequently inveys against these impositions and complains of the peoples miseries thereby so freely expostulates with the Kings and Governors and is so honest an Advocate for their Subjects that I wish all Princes would make this excellent Historian as familiar to them as did Charles the fifth that great and wise Emperour Et Bodin de rep l. 6. c. 2. In the 18. Chapter l. 5. He saith that neither the King of France nor any other hath power to exact of their Subjects without their own consent except they will tyrannically use their power contrary to all right both divine and humane And chapter the seventh l. 6. that Charles the seventh who in the English wars had introduced this imperious way of taxing the people without the consent of the States had burdened both his own Conscience and the successive Kings with great guilt and most cruelly wounded the Kingdom of which it was like a long time to bleed Nor doth he only thus declame against the unlawfulness thereof but also shews how ungrateful it is to the people as well as injurious And on the contrary how readily and unanimously without tumult or contradiction even in the Kingdoms greatest poverty the States consented and people paid to Charles the eighth But if Princes will forget the good advise this Historian there gives them yet I wish they would remember at least old Pythagoras's Symbol Sudorem ferro abstergere tetrum facinus Which Plutarch as a learned man tells us expounds That none should take away that with the sword Gyrald Symb. Pythagar which others have earned with the sweat of their brows If they will only use their own absolute power yet let it be so attempered with equity and moderation that the cries of the poor and the curses of the people may never bring Gods vengeance upon them But if we should speak the sense of our Souls we must needs alas say that moderation is so rare a jewel in the Crown of absolute Monarchs and the Governors under them so used to hunt and hawk at all game to enrich themselves that though we may all hope to escape yet we have more reason to fear that if the fate of the other Provinces befal us we shall all as the beasts said in the fable meet at last at the Furriers shop If any can flatter themselves with fancies that our Common-wealth shall under France become like Plato's Republick wherein violence and oppression shall not be known and that their Governors will be like those in Vtopia Fathers to our fortunes as much as their own I must confess that I am not so Mercurially made and do no more expect to see the world so happy than to see the great Platonick year But on the contrary that great Impositions will be added to the great Excise that is upon us already whereby the number of the Poor will certainly increase and the provisions for them daily decrease Yea it is well if the maintaining of the land against the water be not neglected and so our Eden be laid waste and that our rich and pompous Cities return not in time to their old condition of poor and despicable Fishers Villages However seeing the blessing of Judah and Issachar can never befal the same people as Bacon observes in the forementioned place if we and our Estates shall come under arbitrary power then let us deface the Lion Rampant that was the Arms of generous Judah which our Ancestors and we have hitherto born and set up luggish Issachar's of an Ass couchant between two burdens that is to say the Popes trumperies France's tribute 3. There is another consideration which is of great importance to the Inhabitants of these Countries and that is concerning their Debts For mentioning Estates we mean not only that in our own but also that in other mens hands As for Private debts
freedom that will to remove formerly and that hath made so small an alteration as to the ballance of Trade that it is inconsiderable For if I make my calculation right there is not much difference of the English here and the Dutch in England Others argue we are Corrivals for Trade that is the Mistress we both Court and therefore one must marry it But this is but a toyish Sophism when men will compare Commerce to a Mistress that one only can marry For 1. The world is wide enough and the Sea large enough for both Nations to exercise their skill and industry 2. If we think to betroth all Trade and ingross it to our selves alone other Nations will come in and forbid the banes as well as England as I shall shew hereafter 3. If we two could so happily agree and so settle Commerce as it might perhaps be setled we might bid fair for carrying it or at least for retaining it betwixt us And so far as my short sight can reach this seems to me the mark aimed at on both sides by those who have the direction of affairs which I do not despair to see effected Seeing then we are in as much danger that I say not more to lose that part of Trade we have as to gain more by our contesting I hope all rational men will grant it our Interest that England and we so compound for it that each of us may have what Gods blessing and justice and equity gives to eithers industry And this I am sure was the wisdom of former times I have shown it already in part on our side and could much more largely both for us and the English In Queen Elizabeths time we were not grown up to our present greatness In King James's time who all the world knows was no Martial man but in his temper as well as motto truly pacifick the Cautionary Towns that England possest in these Countries were A. 1616. ransomed and we grew up to that greatness of being an equal match for them in power at Sea And this the English account the great error of Political Interest although they must needs acknowledge it but fair and honest dealing King Charles the First that Prince of blessed and immortal memory seeing how he grew up not only kept a fair correspondency with us but having experience how cross Parliaments were to the Court so that no o War could be carried on did by a fair correspondence keep friendship with us and not only so but married his eldest Daughter to the Prince of Orange for this reason of State amongst others For being jealous of this Common-wealth's favouring that party in his Kingdoms which was then called by the Court Puritans and seeing the growing greatness of this State by Sea did for these two reasons of State engage the Prince and this Common-wealth by that Marriage And this was also the reason of State in Oliver's time when Peace was made that we must accord for our mutal Trade How it hath been since we all know and therefore I need not mention it And this is the first weapon our enimies use which you see if we measure rightly is too short to touch much less mortally to wound the truth of that cause that we maintain Yet we must do our Adversaries right the wiser sort of them upon the supposal of equal powers as we have formerly been and which is that I have hitherto spoke of are for peace and judge it the Interest of both Nations but they think our coming under France will render England so unequal and inferior a match for us that we cannot in all humane appearance miss of marrying our beloved Lady Trade and clearly carrying her from our Corrival And I confess ingenously if there be any thing of moment to be said for France 't is this 2. Therefore our Adversaries are for France because thereby we should be able to beat England out of their Trade and so become masters of the whole or the greatest part at least of the Sea negotiation Now because they so much triumph in this though before the victory we will examin it thorowly and see what probability there is of obtaining the greatest part of Trade by this means 1. We grant that England and this Republick being about an equal match at Sea the accession of France would clearly make us an overmatch for England if all was true which they suppose 2. But therein is their mistake that they take these two things for granted which are both false First that these Maritime Provinces should entirely become French And secondly that all other Nations will stand neutral so that we shall have no more to do but France and we entirely to deal with England alone Now how far this is from truth we shall make abundantly apparent and by ballancing of powers how little probability there is of these their designes becoming practicable and such as will effect their desires 1. Hereby they suppose a War and such a long and tedious one as perhaps we may not live to see ended For we cannot rationally imagine the English such tame animals that they will easily part with their Trade but must suppose they will set all at stake before that jewel of the Land be lost Now let us but calmly consider how destructive such a War will be to our Trade and what advantages they have above us of subsisting under a long War some of which we have before mentioned and I do believe no wise man will think this our Interest except there was a greater likelihood of a sudden subduing them then is rationally to be exspected as we shall presently make apparent Now on the contraty if we come under England there is no fear of a War with France at Sea that Kingdom being so much inferior in maritime power to either of us and much more to both And should we have a Land-war with France yet that is more eligible for us than one by Sea in the opinion of all wise men as we have formerly shown and shall have occasion hereafter more fully 2. A War with England being supposed as it must for we must either say we can and will have the Trade alone or the greatest part thereof invitis Anglis or we say nothing to the purpose the readiest way to see what probability there is for conquering them and consequently carrying the Trade will be first by ballancing of powers and then by some other Consideratitions The former of these we shall do with respect to Zeeland and then with respect to other Nations For the first it must be considered that Zeeland hath expresly decare that they will not come under France but that if they cannot defend themselves they will then submit to England It is true as I have said it is the interest of these maritime Provinces to keep their League but if their enemies Sword cuts it assunder and they will not venture the loss of their Religion and Liberty
be a way of paying of debts we may happily have Portugal so to pay us 3. Having thus ballance the apparent strength of both sides we shall proceed to some other considerations concerning the same For it is not enough to consider power absolutely but also the management thereof for less powers well managed are usually prevalent above greater And herein are many things which in my judgment were we an over-match for them which you see is not so would render our ruining their Naval power and consequently their Traffick impracticable As 1. Supposing we are under France shall their whole Fleet constantly be here and leave the French Coast naked or shall they from thence come to joyn with us for our Sea expeditions If the former France is subject continually to be molested and diverted from England and if the latter to be intercepted by reason of their situation 2. Who shall have the direction of Naval Affairs is to me very considerable Whether the French alone or conjoyntly with the Dutch for that the latter only should be intrusted is not to be imagined The former way is liable to miscarry through unskilfulness the latter through jealousies and dissentions 3. Where shall Mariners be had for our Fleets shall the French press here as in their own Kingdom If so I foresee we shall soon lose our Sea-men Or shall they only use Volunteers Then their number will be small because the French pay is not great I might mention other particulars as the French and Dutch Officers discord The manner of payments and from whence c. But these are enow to shew us that which way soever we look there 's nothing but difficulty and danger stares us in the face 4. But we have yet that which is more momentous and that is the situation of Great Britain For could we knock their men in the head as easily as our Borinne's their eggs and sink their Ships as if they were shells yet we cannot possibly remove the Island Which is 1. Not only nigh unto us but over against us so that we cannot look out but we are upon them 2. So situated that should we bear them and their Associates which is not easie in equal powers they can still manage a War destructive to us And what good will it do any but the envious to ruipe others if they be ruined themselves For with a few Ships in the Chanel wherein they have Harbours all along to go in and out at pleasure they will force us continually to sail with great Convoys or we shall be forced to fall into their hands And the like may be said of the Northern passage by the Orcades where a few Ships will obstruct our Trade Now how great a prejudice this is to Traffick I leave all knowing men to judge For by this means No single Ships nor small numbers can sail Restraint will be laid upon going out but in great Fleets and with sufficient Convoys Many will be necessitated to lie idle and at great expences to wait for their Company whilst they could sometimes have performed their voyage And Merchants lose particular designs which are usually the greatest profit to such as are able rightly to manage them 3. In storms and tempests we shall be frequently forced into their Harbours and so fall as a prey into their mouths 5. Britain and Ireland being Islands are not easily invaded and so diverted by a Land War but that they may solely attend to a Maritime when they are once engaged therein Whereas France being on the Continent is subject to invasion from Spain on several sides Which was one reason why our Ancestors preferred the guardianship of England before that of France 6. Tangier in the mouth of the Streights will be no small prejudice to our Mediterranean Trade Which if the mould or harbour can be made firm will prove of great concernment to the English Crown and a strong curb to all their enemies Traffick And here I might adde Cadiz and all the Coast of Spain for if we be French no wise man I think will doubt but we shall have Spain our enemies again And these things I think are abundantly sufficient to dismount our Adversaries confidence of carrying away the Trade from England if we should come under the power of France 3. Another grand Argument against us is that we are more likely to enjoy Peace under France than England Peace I confess is an invaluable blessing How many and great miseries doth it free us from Bloodshed violence to our Persons and Estates unquietness and almost all manner of troubles How many and great mercies doth Peace bring along with it It is both the mother that bears and the nurse that brings up all our temporal blessings It gives us mercies the freedom of enjoying them and sweetens their enjoyment It contains liberty plenty equity tranquility pleasure and safety So that he was a mad man that should not chuse Peace But I fear our coming under France is neither the way to procure Peace nor the means to preserve it And that we by so doing shall but have Ixions fate in the Fable embrace a cloudy and tempestuous War instead of the fair and beloved Juno of Peace 1. Let it be considered that if we have Peace by Land we have War by Sea which is to leap out of the frying-pan into the fire It is an old and a good political axiom Ex duobus malis minus est eligendum Theological it was never for in Divinity Nullum malum est eligendum Now if we rightly measure our Interest we shall find a Land War much more eligible for us upon many accounts which I need not here to mention they being easily imagined by all wise men For should it be granted that for the present the two Crowns accord and we have Peace it will either be such a one as will ruine us or cannot be lasting to be sure but in a very few years will necessarily come to the ballance I have mentioned of Spain and England against France and Holland 2. Let us therefore examine their grounds that so we may see before us and not run our selves blindfold into destruction Which so far as I can discern are these four The power and prevalency of his Arms. His treasure to maintain them His nearness to us And his Allies First for the power and prevalency of his Arms. 1. It is true his numbers are great both in Arms and in the Kingdom of France The great advantages he hath by the largeness compactness situation and soil of his Dominions the infinite number of Nobility and Gentry for Cavalry and the populousness of his Cities and Provinces for Infantry which capcitate him above all the Princes of Europe to enlarge his Empire I well know and willingly grant But what relates to the Kingdom of France concerns not us Netherlanders in this case further than as to his Arms and power to defend us Now in my reason the greater
reason on my side I shall not now stand to do that though if any be obstinate I can do it sufficiently to convince him that though the States in times of Peace maintain 60000 and in this War above 100000 men by Land yet were they not half enow to defend all our Garrisons and keep an Army in the Field to relieve them And therefore I never expected any better success of the War than now we see though my judgment was entertained by many with merriment and of others with fears it might prove Prophetical For we must either have dismantled most of the weakest and supplied a few of most consequence for a strong resistance or it was never likely it should be otherwise than it is it being always found true by experience that multiplicity of weak powers prove none against strong for dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur And therefore we see our enemies had the wisdom to wave Maestricht that was provided with men to give them work and fell upon such places as they either knew their money had or their Swords could most easily conquer 5. Many of our outmost Garrisons lying in a champaign Country cannot be relieved without a powerful Army of Cavalry And these Countries are very uncapable many ways both for keeping and marching great numbers of Horse In these lower Provinces Land being so dear and more profitable for Cows than Horses and so many great Rivers which cannot be past with Bridges except we make them of Boats continually is sufficient demonstration that they cannot be here And in the upper Provinces there is not forrage for such a body of Horse as we must have if we will relieve our outmost Garrisons And this those that know them knows Let us from Bergen op Zoom pass along the coast of Brabant by Breda and our other Garrisons even as far as Maestricht and from thence back to the Buss which is the greatest part of the open Country we have for Gelderland Vtrecht and Overissel are full of Rivers and we shall find that which belongs to us inconsiderable for this purpose the greatest part of that Country being heath and barren ground I know well that most of the Cities lie upon Rivers but I know also and so do all of ordinary understanding that a Fort on either side commands them and so bars our passage by water to them But let us instance in one for all I wish mine adversaries would shew us any way to relieve Maestrecht if it should be assaulted and distressed by the French I mean that is practicable for we are not now discoursing of Mathematical powers which demonstrate motions as swift as the Sun 's and the plucking up Oaks with a single hair and such like curiosities that can never be done but of Martial powers which are not for speculative notions but practical performances 6. Let us but consider who hath paid those great Armies we have constantly kept and must pay many more both Foot and Horse which are much more chargeable that we must keep if we will defend these out-Provinces against powerful enemies and we shall soon see that we must pay very dear for their uncertain and weak defence of us For this purpose I shall satisfie the curious with inserting the proportion of Taxes which each Province pays to the Publick for the Armies and other expences whereby it will appear that the quota of these superior Provinces Gelderland Over-Issel and Vtrecht which the French now possess is very inconsiderable wherein also they have often been behind and will be much less able now to pay it being so much impoverished Gelderland 5 12 3 Vtrecht 5 16 7â…“ Over-Issel 3 11 5 Holland 58 6 2â…• Zeeland 9 3 8 Friesland 11 13 2â…“ Groening 5 16 7â…“ 7. If they be regained we must pay for it they being now under our enemies And what an infinite of blood and treasure that will cost if our enemy will not quit them on reasonable terms in treaty I leave any man to judge 8. If we rightly consider great Territories are for Kings small only fit for Common-wealths This we may observe in the Histories of former times in the Grecian Republicks and their neighbour Kingdoms For the Roman was mixt of Monarchy and Aristocracy by the great power of their Consuls ruling as Monarchs by their turns and especially in dangers by Dictators Yea our own experience hath shown us this in the neighbouring Kingdoms But what shall I say many men are like the Judges Statues at Thebes have their eyes blinded and hands lamed though not for Justice but for judgment they can neither see nor feel before them In 59 being then in England in some Gentlemens Company where there were some zealous Republicans and I from History and observation shewing them that in great Dominions especially where there are many Nobility a Common-wealth could never stand long that if there it must be from the City of London managing it as Rome had done and not as they went to work and several other things shewing the impracticableness of their notions which I have reason to remember for I was complained of to Lambert and was in danger of being called before the Council of State In the year 60. some of them took me for half a Prophet and so perhaps may some hereafter for what I shall now say That if we affect great Territories by Land we shall lose all It is our Sea affairs that we are set for by our Country made for by our genious and fit for especially by our imployment And we may as well think to turn our Rivers as change these things nay indeed if we could it would quickly turn to our destruction Traffick by Sea as I formerly have shown being our chief secular interest But I foresee what will here be said that a weak defence is better than none and how all these Inferior Provinces be otherwise secured And it is very true indeed better a weak wall than none at all And if we could not build a stronger and at less charges and with far less cost for reparation and defence against the violent storms of our Enemies for none can secure us against Heaven we should be ashamed to have thrown down the old which in my judgment is by the former Considerations levelled with the ground For as it is folly to pull down before we consider how to build better so we must take heed that therein we commit not those errors which many wise men though that was none of their wisdom have frequently as I have often observed fallen into in their building To bestow as much in piecing and patching an old house as would build a new one far stronger and better and when they have built either old or new to find several inconveniencies therein which a provident fore-sight might have prevented As the ingenious Mathematician Dr. Wren hath demonstrated as I hear in England that they had better build S. Paul's in London
Treasuries are exhausted in several places it is no wonder Yet if we consider the Riches of particular persons we have enough to hold out the War to weary our enemies out at the last as must as they do us at the present I will not now stand to shew the calculation of this though if necessary I think I can do it satisfactorily comprehending the disadvantages our enemies are under But the late Project printed so often of the Capitals of this Country for raising and maintaining so numerous an Army though the manner prescribed prove not practicable hath in part spared my pains herein And for food our Cities are generally so well furnished that if our enemies steal not supplies from us it is well we need neither seek to them nor fight with them for supplying our selves We have Bread Corn Fish and Oyl Butter and Cheese in abundance And if our liquorish Dames want their delicacies a while no great matter they will value peace and pay their Souldiers the better Now what can be added for the sufficient defence of any Nation to the particulars mentioned I cannot imagin and if my enumeration be insufficient I wish any wise man would shew wherein and then I shall thank them And therefore let us take courage to our selves and not be frighted with vain fears or scared with any vanting bravadoes like that great Rhodomontadoe of the grand Turk who when he heard of the long War such a great Prince as Spain made about this small Country said that before he would have kept such a pottering about a few petty Provinces he would have taken them and hurled them into the Sea at once though his successor kept no small pottering about the single City of Candia many years together to which some of our Cities all things considered seem not much inferior for strength although I well know what a difference there is betwixt the defence of one City alone without a Country and many at once contained therein But though this internal strength be so considerable and with us of greatest consequence yet this is not all we have also an external and accidental strength by the Interest of our Neighbours For this end it must be well considered that some Countries and Cities of small strength comparatively in themselves are yet very strong by their situation among and well secured by the Interest of other circumjacent Princes and States who will not suffer if they can possibly prevent it accession of strength to one another lest their own scale in the ballance of powers should become light and soon born down What is it but this under the shadow of the Almighties Protection that secures the smaller Republicks in Italy and the Empire What Geneva Stratsburg Colen Hamburg and the rest of the free Cities and Hans Towns but this God governing the World usually as both Comines and Cardan well observe by the passions of men in the ballancing of Powers that when any one will break out into rage and Wars others will oppose them with the like fury and so keep the World a little quiet otherwise the great Nimrods and hunters after Dominion would soon if let alone destroy and devour all before them Now if we look about us and see amongst whom our Land lies and well consider their interest this will be very apparent in our selves notwithstanding this War that is made against us that we are not devoted by any to destruction but only the French as I shall shew hereafter For Spain our next Neighbours on one hand in the rest of the Provinces they know this so well and are so sensible of their interest herein that they not only assist us what they can but I dare say were it not for England would rather break with France than see us endangered But those two Crowns as I have already hinted and shall more fully shew heareafter must not and therefore will not break For the Empire above us they also are frighted with our fears and if the Princes thereof had money to their might would willingly I doubt not assist the Emperor lest the Lillies of France should mount above the Roman Eagle In the year 15â—4 when the States upon the death of Prince William were a looking towards France for Protection the Princes of the Empire sent Malroy to admonish them ut à consilio Gallici patrocinii implorandi desisterent alioqui fore ut Germani Principes tantam domui Austriacae origine foedere arctis adeo cum Imperio vinculis conjunctae factam injuriam non negligant as Thuanus tells us l. 80. And if they were then jealous of France what shall we think they are now And if then zealous for the concernments of Spain shall we think they will now be wholly negligent both of theirs and their own And France to be sure will never see us entirely English for so he knows he should never be able to ballance Englands power at Sea which he doubtless both hopes and aims at by the accession of strength from these Netherlands Nor England suffer us if they can hinder it to be wholly French for this they know would clearly tend in a little time to their destruction This very Reason of State moved Q. Elizabeth at first to support us against Spain rather than to have us fall into the Arms of France by their becoming our Protectors Which that wise Historian Thuanus faithfully relates in several places A. 1575. she told Campaniach ne molestè ferat Philippus si ipsa securitatis suae causa Hollandiae Zelandiae patrocinium suscipiat antequam Galli perpetui Anglorum hostes cis potiantur L. 60. A. 1576. Elisabeth a verita ne aliorum ope destituti Belgae ex desperatione foedus nobiscum jecerent sique res suas Francis committerent eos pecunia adjuvit c. L. 26. A. 1577. she excuses her defence of us to Philip the 2. with this very Reason ne Belgae ex desperatione pernicio sum non solum sibi sid vicinis consilium caperent externi Principis patrocinio salute commissa Meaning the French L. 64. And A. 1584. shews the emulation between the French and English herein Ipsi sibi invicem suspecti erant Nam Rex veterem hostem Belgii accessione Galliae imminentem reformidabat Angli nostros Belgi-potentes minus aequos foederi quod Angliae cum Burgundica domo intercedit atque adeo commercio futuros verebantur L. 80. And is angry with the Ministers of State in France for neglecting this singular occasion of enlarging their Empire by taking these Provinces into the French protection And to say the truth this was the greatest error in Policy by way of omission and that of Charles the 8. concerning the Kingdom of Naples of commission that I think the Crown of France was ever guilty of And indeed there were many of the English Nation that judged it one of the greatest oversights that that wise Princess ever made not to take
absolute and govern only by an Army like the French Kings by an Army of French men is so ridiculous that I thought it not worthy of consideration Can any man in his wits imagine his Majesty of England so senseless as to give his Crown and Kingdoms to the French King For that is all one with this in effect As for that of Revenge either for Chattam or the affronts mentioned in his Declaration of this War or both I considered his Temper which hath so much Clemency that it rather inclines him to lenity than cruelty and revenge As is abundantly apparent not only by passing but even forcing as I know he did against some adicted to the latter extreme the Act of Indemnity or Oblivion for those many and great injuries he had suffered from his Subjects And his government since in conniving at the violation of such Laws as are thought severe in matters of Religion and indulging liberty therein which hath made some that have sufficiently heretofore cried up Parliaments now run into the other extreme and cry them down as fast and instead of the Parliaments formerly now magnifie the Kings favour and Clemency And yet Kings and Princes are men and men subject to like passions with others liable to suggestions from those about them and tender of their honour as the apple of their eye And therefore I will grant this might come in consideration but not so much I dare say as alone to make a War For the Prince of Orange there was not only near Relation and Affection but Interest also to be considered For the Lovesteyns party having been so cross to England upon his account and the correspondent friendship between us so uncertain without his Headship I verily believe that if what is now done therein had been done timously it had wholly prevented this unhappy War Yea besides the extraordinary affection which the people have for the Prince our very Bores had this Policy and were more than ordinary zealous for his promotion as the best means to procure their peace As to the further interest of the Kingdom of England in regard of their Trade and Naval expences I have expressed my thoughts before in the Preface It is true this War was always intricate and hath proved a Game at Hazard for England beyond not only theirs I believe but all the worlds expectation But yet if it be still notwithstanding cautiously played as they may and so far as I can possibly discern mean to play it they can many ways come to save their stakes at the least if not to win more than we imagine by the War and was far fairer at first than France for winning by the game in all humane appearance as I could manifest by many Arguments But because that concerns them two only and us not at all further than our sufferings I shall wave them at least for the present and proceed For I will not hearken to the curious enquiries of those who would here be asking how I think England will play their game for that let them look to it whom it concerns on all sides as doubtless they will for me to express my private thoughts might do more hurt than good which is the only thing I aim at and what I think the issue will be I shall declare hereafter in my Conjectures But here it will be asked seeing it is Englands interest that we fall not into the hands of France and that the Prince is now promoted will they not make peace with us this Winter I must needs say I fear they will not except we should give them such terms as I see we shall not we thinking our condition far better and they thinking it far worse than really it is For the cause of this as of most Wars is complex as I have shewn so that though two of those I assigned may be past yet the 3d of the Kingdoms interest not They are already too far ingaged in the War and with France The Kings Honour is at the stake and the Kingdoms expectation of another issae than the last War And besides all these how can any wise man imagine now that they are engaged with France and have an advantage against us as well as a Hazard from France that if they know how to secure themselves against the latter as I suppose they do they will let go the former For we must needs think they will be at a certainty on one side or the other and not part with France's friendship till they be sure of our satisfaction What it is they demand or how rightly is not now our design to discourse but only matter of Interest all along And yet I can easily foresee that the danger of our becoming French will be a singular advantage to us as an inducement to them for a more easie compliance with us But at present I see no probability of Peace but that they will go through with the War or continue it so long till they have tryed their utmost to obtain their ends I know there are many wise men amongst us that think the King cannot carry on this War as there was that thought he could not begin it The former they find themselves deceived in and will be so in the latter also I have discoursed this with several in Government who argue that the King hath not money of himself to go through with the War and that he will not convene the Parliament or if he do they will not supply him I grant the first but deny the others For if we rightly consider their defign the Parliament must meet and the representation that will be made thereof and the constitution of the Parliament they will grant him supplies though perhaps not with that facility that they did it with in the former War And therefore let us neither flatter nor deceive our selves with vain hopes herein but rather seek timely to accommodate differences before their preparations in the Spring for I fear the longer we delay and the worse it will be with us Sect. 10. Compliance with England the only means of the Common-wealths continuation HAving thus declared the condition that we are in and that there is no probability of peace we come now to shew the consequences thereof and what is to be done by us to preserve our selves from ruine and destruction And here to my understanding one of these three things must necessarily follow That we must either continue the War against them both or comply with them both or with one of them alone if possibly we can We shall first declare our thoughts concerning these briefly and then shew with which we both may and must comply 1. Then whether we should continue the War against them both And herein would we do as we might and should it may be this were better than to comply with either of them especially if they will impose upon us unreasonable conditions and much better than to comply with them
outwardly each for their own ends yet that it is not so cordiall and firme as many amongst us feare it is And to say the truth the consideration hereof was the first dawning of hopes I had for the Protestant Intrest and the good of these Countries Now allthough I could mention some more private expostulations and perhaps some of their Articles allthough I could by no means ever procure from either side the knowledge of them all yet I thinke it not fit to mention these but such things onely as are publick and others as well as my self may know if they use their eye-sight and observation Let us then omitting all secrets and mysteries of State which yet are the best grounds to make a judgement when certainely knowne we will onely mention such things as are publickly apparent but being not considered in subordination to Reasons of State were unusefull to the most for the end I have observed them When all Europe stood in doubt what England would doe and all men on their tiptoes with expectation to see whether War or Peace betwixt that Kingdome and these Countries upon the Smyrna's Fleet returne the doubts of many were then decided The Saturday morning early after the fight the Fiscale sent his footman to tell me they had fought with some generalls thereof and that the Fleet was before the Land I must confes I stood amazed at Holmes's furious folly who had orders onely to bring them up not to commence a War the Declaration thereof being not published allthough to those that would not submit to such orders it was all one in effect though not in formalities which are the greatest plea that I know of that the English have for that Action Upon this I began to consider the Reasons of State as to England both domestick and forreign For I reasoned thus if this friendship be so firme that England will goe through with France in all their great designes I must make other measures then I had formerly done But still finding all Reasons of State against this and those jealousies of changing Religion and the Government in those Kingdoms frivolous as I have demonstrated I found allso thereby stronger grounds of hope for the Protestant Religion and the common Intrest of Europe and that it was onely a temporary friendship out of some particular peake or designe against these Provinces which would have an end when satisfaction therein was given to that Crowne Whilst I am busy in ballancing all the Reasons of State for those Kingdoms and likewise for their Intrest abroad as comprehensively as I could the Protestants Intrest the Triple Alliance the greatnes of France the danger of England c. comes the English Declaration of War to mine hands but without a particular date contrary to practise but wisely to colour what Holmes had done Which having diligently perused what I desired first to see I found last to my great satisfaction and that is that they would support the peace made at Aix la Chappelle or Aken and notwithstanding the prosecution of this War will maintaine the true intent and scope of the said Treaty and that in all their Alliances which they have or shall make in the progres of this War they have and will take care to preserve the ends thereof inviolable unles provoked to the contrary Whereby I was fully confirmed in my former opinion so that I will now proceed to relate such things which have publickly past in the management of this War that are sufficient I thinke to enduce those that are unprejudiced though perhaps not to convince the obstinate to be of the same opinion with my selfe and that the friendship of England and France is not so firme as they have feared Premising that though all States as Gamesters must and will be cautious in their playing their parts yet there appeared still more then ordinary jealousies of each others friendship all along in the management of this War 1. It is observeable that though France is the Principall in the War yet they were so diffident of England that they would have them first to begin it that so they might see them certainly engaged against us 2. When they are both engaged they trust not one another without great Hostages as it were on both sides the French Squadron of Ships with the English and the Duke of Monmouth with the body of an Army with the French 3. That body of the English which doubtles should have remained together under their owne generall Officers conjoyned with the French Armie we know was not trusted by the French so to doe but were mingled here and there under the principall command of the French Generalls 4. The Fleet wherein the English had the principall share of power and command onely faced ours at first in point of Honour yet attacqued them not though they had the wind whereby they might easily have done it at their pleasure and also to their Advantage but stood over againe to the English coast Which fooles thought was want of valour but wise men will judge it reason of State that they might stay and observe what succes the French had by Land And had not we fallen upon them for Reasons of State in those circumstances and Government of these Provines that are well knowne I thinke they would have done as litle as they could for France to have fought us to this day 5. After that fight though they knew severall of our Ships were laid up and some thousands of men called out of the Fleet yet notwithstanding all the Summer after for many weeks they attempted nothing against us with their Fleet. Intending doubtles to doe their owne worke as they then saw France did theirs 6. How the English were startled at the French's coming to Vtrecht was very apparent which we have formerly mentioned 7. Why might not England as well as the rest of the World thinke that Wesel Rijnberg Skenker-sconse and the rest of our strong out Garrisons might give the French sufficient worke and the French on the contrary who had laid their traines before hand know that when they came to fire them there was no feare they would mis and they should faile of having those places Yea why may they not designe by this meanes to breake both our powers so by Sea that they may rise up to contend with either of us I am sure these things are very usuall with Princes and States and examples of this kind are infinite Why may we not then thinke that England might hereby designe to breake France's power by Land and France Englands power and ours also by Sea How often these two Crowns have played such like games with one another formerly when England had sooting in France is apparent from the Histories of both Nations But we will speake of that which more nearly concerns our selves and within our own knowledge In our first War with England I observed what influence Don Alonzo the Resident for Spaine at
London had to fomer those jealousies that that Common-wealth had of this that it was the Kings cause which this Republick by meanes of the Orange Family had espouses and what assistance Spaine which first publickly acknowledged that Common-weath would afford them c. And when we were both engaged how the Spanish drew their Forces towards our Frontiers as if they also would fall upon us and when we declined withdrew them againe to encourage us both to continue the War And in our second War if France had not a great hand both in contriving and continuing it wisemen are much deceived and the French misrepresented to the World By what inducements they perswaded both sides to a willingnes to that War I list not mention nor is there much necessity thereof they being so well knowne to severall of both Nations What a hand they had in its continuation we may easily perceive if we recollect but what passed therein When the English in the first Battel had bearen us France being onely a Spectator to ballance England becomes our Second and Monsieur the Kings onely Brother and his Lady Englands onely Sister were not permitted to use any publick expressions of joy by Bonefires or otherwise for their Brother the Duke of Yorks Victory over Opdam Their Fleet under de Duke of Bauford shall come to our assistance which occasiond the dividing of the Englishe's by which meanes and Monks precipitancy who would needs fight contrary to the advice of the cheif and best Commanders in the Fleet as Ascough told us in the Hague the English are beaten by us And to boye up England againe a private League is made betweene the two Crownes as I have formerly declared from an honourable Author So that these tricks of State are usuall though not discerned by every eye nor dare I censure them allwayes for sinfull except I see manifestly foule play because I know not the Reasons of State which are the Grounds of their proceedings Having thus shewne and I thinke sufficiently that the friendship of England and France is sick at heart I shall now proceed to shew that it cannot live long but if France goes on will and must die quickly 1. Englands intrest will perswade them to this which they cannot but discerne clearly prompts them to put a stop to France's progres If any think that they are so blinded with Passion That to be revenged of us they will ruin themselves I am not of their opinion for many Reasons which I think I am cleare in allthough I shall not mention them now but onely appeale to the issue whether they or I be in the darke and deceived 2. The many tricks that France playes them some whereof I have hinted and severall others might be mentioned That I know they have attempted but been disappointed in cannot but alienate the English from them 3. A Treaty being the game as I have said we shall play at which the sooner and better for us I foresee plainly that such Cards will be played as will make it apparent that the Pack was neither fairly shuffled nor delt and that the French meane to play at la bete with us both and if we continue to play shall come to losâ—ing loadam at last So that though the French have more of Clubs and Spades in their hands by which they hope to win the Diamonds we shall have more of the Hearts between us and so perhaps save some of our stock at the stake 4. If England come to receive satisfaction the spirit of the Nation will turne the scales For suppose that should be now Lib. 6. c. 2. that Comines tells us was heretofore which yet is sooner said than proved yet we must needs thinke that if France deales unfairely with them they will not onely have a faire occasion to desert them but the King and his Court the Parliament and People will be more irritated against them then they are now against us as is usuall in such cases and be readier to joyne with us and fall upon them then they were to joyne with them against us for the conservation both of their Religious and Civil Concernements 5. The Necessity of keeping up the ballance between France and Spaine will necessitate England to breake with France or at least hold them to keepe more within their bounds as we shall more fully shew hereafter 6. Nay the very defence of these Countries which we thinke they seeke to ruine will cause them either to bring France to a peace with us or themselves to help to defend us against them For they will never suffer France to have them all no nor the greatest part of these maritime Provinces nor the strongest as Holland if they can possibly hinder it though they may permit them some part of the Superior for having themselves a share of the Inferior as I have formerly shewne So that our intrest is so far Englands and is the greatest security we have next to Gods protection and our owne strength that we shall not be wholly overrun and brought under the French Yea this is so highly their concernement that I perswade my selfe if all the strength of the 3 Kingdoms under the Crowne of England and all the power of Spaine with them can hinder it France shall never gaine them or if he doe never quietly posses them And these things I thinke are sufficient to free us from our foolish feares of England and to perswade us to a compliance with them seeing we are both so greatly concerned to comply We shall now proceed to shew the quite contrary of the friendship between Spaine and England that it is sound at heart and will recover Wherein we need not be so large because that which shews that the friendship of France and England must die proves that of England and Spaine will live That this friendship is sound on the side of Spaine none questions this being the great motive though not the onely I confess that hath kept them from breaking with France And that it is allso so on the side of England I thinke is as cleare to those that considers 1. Their declared intention of maintaining the Treaty at Aix la Chapelle or Aken in their Declaration of this War 2. Allthough a provisionall clause unles provoked to the contrary in the close thereof gives them a latitude of breaking with Spaine yet notwithstanding they have been provoked severall wayes by them as all know that have observed the War yet they will not breake with them we see which is a cleare demonstration their friendship is firmer then we imagine 3. The importunities of France which we know have been great that England would engage with them against Spaine allso hitherto we see have prevailed nothing therein 4. The assurance we know England hath given the Court of Spaine both there and at Bruxels concerning the Spanish Netherlands makes us not doubt of their intentions allthough we doe of France's by reason both of
their preparations and opportunities as we have formerly shewne But if France should fall upon them as we have reason to feare that will prove both our Assertions the stronglier making the friendship of England and France die immediately and that of Spaine and England quickly recover And if this save not those Provinces for the present there 's nothing so far as I see under Heaven that can as I have formerly said We perceive then the pulse of this friendship beates both strong and orderly enough to secure us from all feares of its dying le ts visit the patient once more and we shall find no further need of such Physitians advise as the Author of la France Politique in his Avis important à l'Angleterre pag. 471. and that the distemper was onely a fit or two of an Ague the last Spring and therefore so far from being dangerous that it may prove rather physicall according to the Proverb An Ague in the Spring is Physick for a King And that the Body Politick of Spaine in their friendship with England is recovering as well as the King of Spaine personally is recovered 1. If we consider the Common intrest of Europe wherein the English not onely are but allso profes themselves concerned And for this I need not any other proofe but the Triple Alliance * Jan. 23. 1668. and the Declaration of this War both which whosoever reads must needs acknowledge this for truth 2. The great Intrest of Trade which the English have in the Spanish Dominions The very effects the Merchants had standing out there were computed at the beginning of this War at sixteen Millions And can we thinke the King will easily forgoe his Customs and the Kingdome their Commerce with those Dominions Which in my calculation is equall with that they have with all Europe besides 3. We know that they have lately made a peace in the West Indies and how peremptory they are in the observance thereof so that the Governor of Jamaica upon complaints of him was sent prisoner to London clapt up in the Tower c. And shall we thinke then that they will breake into War at home 4. England cannot but be sensible of the greatnes of France and cannot be so senseles but they must needs thinke that it is their concernement that he grow not so great that he become their Master allso at last And the whole World knowes that Spaine not onely hath been now for many yeares the ballance for them but still must be so upon the Continent or none The Princes of the Empire being now so divided between the Imperiall and French Crowne What wise man therefore can thinke now that Spaine declines but that the Empire and England are highly concernd to support them And shall we thinke then that in stead of this either should help forwards their downfall For my part were there no other reason of state but this I should not fear Englands breaking with Spaine and especially now that they see what progres France hath made amongst us 5. This hath been a fundamental Maxim in the Governement of England to keep the ballance even betwixt the two Crownes of Spaine and France ever since Lewis the Elevenths time who seised on Burgundy which was formerly the usual Confederate with England against France In place whereof Austria first and after Spaine obteining the rest of the Provinces that were under Charles last Duke of Burgundy by marriage of his daughter England after still had an eye to them in reference to France And when the Civil Wars in these Provinces broke out and England was jealous of France's being our Protector Q Elisabeth would not permit it still having respect to the House of Burgundy as Thuanus and Cambdâ—n in the forecited places shew And thus you have my Conjectures with such Reasons of State whereon they are grounded as are publick and may therefore be publâ—shed I having industriously declined all reflections on private Transactions Treaties and Articles whatsoever that so no side may have any just occasion of being offended with my writing Sect. 12. France's Ambition Crowing greatnes The cause thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be kept even and by whom To those that know the World the ambition of France cannot be unknown Le ts but look a litle about us and we shall see the French Intrest is every where driven on To set this forth in its right-colors would require Volums rather then Pages We shall therfore doe as the Painter that instead of drawing the Giant at length drew onely his Thumb or as Geographers that set forth great Countreys in small Maps And for this we shall not looke far backwards to former times but onely our owne since France recovered of those strong Convulsions by the Civil Wars and Dissentions in Mazarines time in the minority of his present Majesty And we shall find sufficient to awaken the most part of Princes and States in Europe to looke to themselves The Invasion of the Spanish Netherlands the taking the French Comte though after restored to the Spanish and Lorreigne which they still keepe the engageing a strong party of the Electors and Princes of the Empire for their Intrest the worke they have made in Poland and Hungary that that Crowne might be at their disposal and this diverted their taking the Swede off the Triple Alliance and obliging him to give the Emperor worke in Germany and Brandenburgh in Prussia with a great sum of Money some say and Print allso 60 Tun of Gold or 600000 l sterling the endeavours they have used with Portugal to give Spaine a diversion though that Kingdom is not in a capacity to serve their designes the worke allso they have made in Italy their intresting themselves in all Treaties allmost in Europe the Pensions they allow to Ministers of State in most Princes Courts and many other wayes they take to enlarge their Empire Those that are desirous to see their designes may consult the late Author of La France Politique ou ses desseins executez à executer And especially the ingenious discours of the Baron of Isola in 's Bouclier d'Estat de Justice Article 6. where he shows France's aspiring to the Vniversal Monarchy and by what maxims and means they advance apace towards it and as their ambition is great so their pretentions are boundles Who knows not how they pretend not onely to the Spanish Netherlands but the whole Empire Des justes pretentions du Roy sur l'Empire par le Sieur Aubery Advocat au Parliament aux conseils du Roy. Printed at Paris 1667. And there are Aubery's or at least Advocates enow in Paris to draw up pretensions to the Crowne of England and so of one Kingdome and State after another according as their Swords
challenge for him That if any Gentleman English or French pleases fairely to state this Question in hypothesi according to the circumstances of those times let him take which side thereof he pleases and use what weapons he will and I think that 's very faire and he shall not want an Antagonist that shall fight him fairely whether he pleases to appeare in Roman buf or in his halfe shirt made of his owne mothers language upon the publick Theater of the World And truly his designe is so honest I dare be his Compurgator and being a litle acquainted with it I shall tell you briefly It is to let men see how hard it is sometimes to discerne on which side the true intrest of State lies there being so many circumstances considerable which often in the Scale of Policy weigh heavier then that which by-standers think the maine and therby allso to check the sawcines of every shopkeeper who like the litle Spanish Dons will be censuring Princes Counsels and condemning Ministers of State though they are ignorant of the grounds of their Actions and much more of that which is true policy Having thus shewne the true State of France and its continuall growing greatnes downe to the times of his present Majesty who hath not onely got Dunkirke regained Lorraigne conquered a great part of Flanders from the Spanish but three Provinces allso entirely from the States It will clearely follow to be the Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France in their future progress except they meane to follow our fate I had thought to have been larger heerein then I shall in regard my paines is heerein in part prevented by the Authour of la France Politique from page 470 to 525 or the end And having been so long allready I may happily hereafter discourse this more largely in another language I shall therefore be bries in that which remaines The Empire though greatly concerned the French being not onely nigh them but among them and having got such places of the Rhyne capacitated to pas over all at their pleasure yet seeme a sleepe and are therefore to be roused and if no words will doe it yet let the alarmes of War raise them and the strength of their enimies make them combine lest fighting singly they be all foiled I shall not stand to particularize but surely the Duke of Newburgh and Prince of Liege that have been most guilty in letting the French have passage through and quarter in their Countries will have the first cause to repent except they meane to sell them to the Crowne of France which yet may happily beat them downe in price now they are so impoverished by them For though Gulick belonging to Newburg be strong the Castle especially which was the Patterne to that of Antwerp yet it is on dry ground easily approachable and in a champaigne Country and not relievable from a siege And if that small City once be taken all that pleasant corne Country may cry out Impius haec tam culta novalia miles habebit Barbarus has segetes And though Liege or Luyke be great and populous and the desperatest people in all times that I know in Europe yet vana est sine viribus ira the City hath such hills overhanging it that it is neither strong by its situation nor can hope of relief if they should be distressed except it be by a confederacy from others and if this single City be lost all their Country will be so quickly Yea not onely those on this side the Rhijne but even all the rest will quickly find that if the wings of the Roman Eagle be clipt and prove too short to shaddow her young Ones they will soone become a prey to the power of France and will be throwne out of their nests as spurious if they cannot stedfastly behold the rising sun and will not receive their warmth from his beames Spaine is sensible enough of their concernments knowing that not onely their Netherlands but their Indies and Italy lie at the stake for if France be Master of all these Provinces they will soone be so of the Indies allso and the Dutch fetch thence the Spanish Gold for the French Crowne and the Lilies of France be the Royall flower in all their Gardens both in Italia and Sicilia England though now their Confederate cannot but know what danger they are in for their Trade which is the best jewel in that Crowne and the greatest darling of that Kingdome And therefore it is high time surely that the Soveraigne straiten not his interest at home by espousing any particular party nor the subjects quarrel about Ceremonies when the substance of Religion is so endangered that so they may timously looke abroad before it be too late and all be lost and his Majesty in due time retire from France and make himself and successors as is much desired the Head of all the Protestant party in Europe Denmark surely knows that if the Empire fall they cannot stand but must lose both their toll in the Sound and what by Land the French pleases This Republick of all others is most immediately concerned for he is blind that sees not whatever some may flatter themselves that the French intend nothing les then reducing of us to their obedience And when this is done and they advance upwards in the Empire what are Stratsburg Colen Aken Breme Hamburg and the rest of the Hanse Townes and free Cities but as so many morsels easily eaten up and devoured Yea their constant friends and Allies may looke to themselves Sweden how they will save their Bishoprick of Breme Pomeren and what lies on this side the Baltick and how they will sell their Copper which is the Staple commodity of their owne Countrey And in stead of the French Crownes which is now their usuall money amongst them when that Kingdome hath no more neede of their service they may carry their owne Copper coyne on their backs to pay a collation or laden a horse when they travel to pay for 2 or 3 good nights lodging Savoy knows he is at France's mercy and therefore dances after their pipe endeavouring to save himselfe by his devotion But they may remember the Lamb in the Fable who when the Wolf above quarreld him because he troubled the water answered that could not be so in regard it descended to him not from him the Wolf then said he had reviled him 6 months before to which the Lamb replying he was not then borne But thy Father then did saith He and that 's cause enough for the sons suffering For Switzerland though their mountaines and Poverty may secure perhaps their Countrey yet what shall secure their liberty which consists in an equality amongst them or what shall secure the. Religion of the Protestant Cantons or the good pay which the Popish have long had for their service in the Wars of France They must then be content with what they can get or be turned to graze on their