absolute ruine to his hopes For though here hee heard first the comfort of his being father to a sonne yet was this sonne borne poorely in Sanctuary and christned without the ceremonies belonging to a Prince and if fortune beyond expectation alterd not heire apparent onely to his fathers misery Neither did that wild insurrection of the men of Kent which ensued presently upon his flight effect any thing or so much as openly pretend for King Edward But some disorder'd companies gathering into one hoped to fish faire in the troubled streame of the Kingdome and by the advantage of the present distraction of state to purchase treasure to themselves Whereupon they directed their march if such straglers can bee said to march towards London where by the Earle of Warwick and the Lord Major they were soone supprest and some for the generall terror made examples in their punishment But after this all things tended presently to quiet and King Henry set at libertie went in solemne procession to Pauls Church the Clergy Nobility and Commonalty reacknowledging all obedience to him And as if there were left no memory of King Edward or hope to re-establish his title every man addrest himselfe to King Henry and all his former servants recover'd their lost honours and places But that this might not appeare to be the act of faction but the universall consent of the Kingdome a Parliament was summond wherein nothing was denied which the prevailing partie thought fit to be authoriz'd King Edward therefore and all his adherents were attainted of high treason their lands and goods confiscated He and his posterity for ever disabled to inherit not onely the Crowne but any other hereditary estate His claime to the kingdome rejected as a most unjust pretention and his former government condemn'd as of tirannous usurper And that there might be a great example of their justice John Tiptoft Earle of Worcester Lord high Constable of England having beene apprehended in the Forrest of Waibrige on the top of a high tree which exprest the precipice of his fortune was on the Tower bill beheaded Next they proceeded to intaile the Crowne upon King Henry and his beires males for default of which to George Duke of Clarence and his heires forever By which inâ—â—ile the â—arle of Warwicke showed not onely the extent but the insolency of his greatnesse iâ—â—â— if the title of the kingdome appertained to them who were nearest in alliance to him not next in blood to the Crowne For if the justice of Lancasters claime had the preheminence for wâ—â—t of issue of King Henry why should not the soveâ—â—inty fall to the Duke of Soâ—â—â—inerâ—set Or iâ—â—haâ— line were crooked in respect of baâ—â—idie why not to the house of Portugall without any blemish desâ—ending from John of Gâ—int Or if the house of Yorke bad the better title why was George Duke of Clarence thâ—â— set downe but second in the liâ—â—â—ile Or if the right were in Was wick himselfe for his power order'd and disorder'd all why was the kingdome to descend first of all to the younger daughter But preposterous ambition never knew how to give an account to reason Their were â—he â—â—â—leâ— of Oxford Pâ—â—brooke and mâ—â—y otherâ— restored to their â—states and â—ilâ—s and â—he Duke of Clarence that greater hopes â—â—ight â—â—â— invite him to reâ—â—â—â—st to his brother possest of the Dutchy of Yorke And lastly the government of the King and kingdome â—o â—â—mitted to the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Warwick so that King Henry in whose best of fortune it was never to possesse more then the name of King seem'd not to be set at libertie but onely to have changed his keeper and get his prison somewhat more enlarged But Queene Margaret and Prince Edward though by the Earle recald found their fate anâ— the winds so adverse that they could not land in England to taste this running banquet to which fortune had invted them And stayd so long by necessity that disâ—â—â—tion instructed them in the end there was no hope of felicitie scarce of safetiâ— in then returne The re-establishment of King Henry in the kingdome by the universall acclamation of the Parliament and the generall silence of â—â—â— other â—â—â—â—ion â— no man so much as mentioâ—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â— of Yorke to â—â—led â—hâ—â— servour of respect with which the Duke of Burgundy had aâ—â—â—â—st imbraced â—â—â—â—g Edward Especially which the tâ—â—ison'd â—â— Mouâ—siâ—ur â—â—itleere was apparens for of â—â—â—iceâ—â—â—â— â—â—â—â— the King and the Duke ever thought themselves secure he having declared himself â—â— for faithfully they rewarded him so liberally But â—ow the â—â—aytor turn'd his iâ—â—â—â—â— outward and with the loudest proclay â—â—â—â—â—â—â— joy for the prosperitie of Warwicke And so farre did vanitie of his former services betray him that he boasted even hiâ— treason for merit And what ev 〈…〉 ageâ— the King sent to him he rejected with sâ—â—â—â—e to â—â—â—â—se 〈…〉 ne â—â—iable affront hee wore enamel'd iâ—â— hisâ— hâ—â— the Beare and raggeâ—â— staffe the Earles â—â—â—â—â—zance The neglect which accompanied his adversitie made the King weaâ—y of any â—uither dependaâ—â—â—eâ— and urge the Duke to have licence for departing For although the Dutchesse neglected no duty of a sister and wooed him most passionately to a longer stay yet so little had his fortune instructed him to patience that neither love nor fright of danger could detaine him longer For the Duke was distemperd with such an ague of discurtesie that those fits which before came but every third or fourth day became now quotidian neither knew the King to how high and dangerous a malice the disease in time might rise His importunitie therefore in the end prevail'd and underhand obtain'd a large supply of money and some men Foure great Shippes of Holland and foureteene of the Easterlings men of warre well arm'd he hired for the transportation of his Forces Which consisted of the English who accompanied him in his flight and had escaped over after him and two thousand Dutch men With the Shippes hee convenanted that they should serve him till fifteene dayes after his landing and to the Dutch Souldiers hee gave such large promises that they vowed their lives to the greatest crueltie of his Fortune At Ravenspur in Yorke-shire he landed where the people naturally devoted to the house of Lancaster showed in the malice of their lookes what evill lucke they wisht him though they wanted courage with their armes to oppose him Which so dismall aspect made him more wary in his march to Yorke fearing it might presage the generall rising of the Countrey But when hee came thither and found the Citizens so well pleas'd with the present state and so in their opinion confirm'd for King Henry hee began to despaire the recovery of the Crowne And in that resolution perceiving them obstinate beyond any hope of remove fashion'd his behaviour to a new art Whereupon since he could not move them to obedience by the authority of his unquestion'd right to the Crowne by
the direction of their Generall Both Armies therefore had equall justice which made them with equall fiercenesse begin and continue the fight Six houres the victory was doubtfull advantages and disadvantages indifferent on both sides â—ill at length errour brought disorder to Warwicks Army and that a finall overthrow For the Earle of Oxford giving his men a star with streames for his device begot in the Army a mistake that they were part of the enemy whose badge was the Sunne and which mistake might easily happen by the thicke mist that morning wherefore being in the right wing and pressing forward they were thought King Edwards men flying which made their owne maine battaile fall fiercely on them in the backe Whereupon Oxford suspecting treason in Warwicke whose haughtie and reserved wayes were ever lyable to suspition fled away with eight hundred men and King Edward with certaine fresh troopes of Rutters for some such purpose reserv'd perceiving disorder in the enemy violently assaulted them and soone forc'd them to shrinke backe Warwicke opposed against their feare both with language and example but when nothing could prevaile hee rusht into the thickest of the enemies hoping either his whole Army would bravely follow or otherwise by death to prevent the misery of seeâ—ng himselfe overthrowne Mountague perceiving how farre into danger his brother was engaged ran violently after to his rescue and both presently opprest with number fell and with them the spirit of the Army In their deaths they both cleard those calumnies with which they were blemisht Warwicke of having still a swift horse in readines by flight to escape from any apparent danger in battaile Mountague of holding intelligence with King Edward or betraying at Pomfret the quarrell of his great brother For it is to be rejected as a fable forged by malice that history which reports the Marquesse having put on King Edwards livery slaine by one of Warwicks men and the Earle labouring to escape at a Woods side where was no passage kild and spoild to the naked skin by two of King Edwards souldiers Yet both of them in their deaths partaking with the common condition of men the poore being ever esteemed as vicious the overthrowne as cowards By which judgement wee impiously subject the Almighty disposer of humane bussinesse to our depraved affections as if felicity or in felicity were the touchstone by which we might discerne the true value of the inward man King Edward soone as he saw the discomfiture of the enemy and certainly understood the death of the two brothers that himselfe might bee the first reporter of his owne fortune with King Henry in his company poasted up to London He came into Saint Pauls Church at even Song and there offered up his owne banner and the standard of the Earle of Warwicke the trophies of his morning service where waited on him an universall acclamation the flattering shadow which never forsakes victory To the Duke of Clarence and the Duke of Glocester was left the care to quarter the Souldiers whose enquiry soone found that on both sides that day were slaine foure thousand six hundred and odâ—e On the Kings side of eminency onely the Lords Burcher and Barnes hee sonne and heire to the Earle of Essex this to the Lord Say On the other side were kild the Earle of Warwicke and the Marquesse Mountague attended with three and twenty Knights The Duke of Exeter who by his many wounds was reported dead recoverd life but was never more seene in action his body after some length of time being cast upon the shore of Kent as if he had perisht by shipwracke the manner of his after life and death left uncertaine in story To this violent end came the Earle of Warwick the greatest and busiest subject our later age hath brought forth And indeed how was it possible such a stormie life could expect a calmer death In his Spirit birth marriage and revenue he was mighty which raised his thoughts above proportion For all these benefits of nature and fortune serv'd him onely as instruments to execute his rage into which every small displeasure taken or mistaken from his Prince threw him head-long His bounty extended it selfe most in hospitality which was dangerous to the guest for his meate was infected with the poyson of Faction The open ayme of all his actions was at the Publicke good which made his power still recover strength though so often weakend by evill Fortune but his secret intention was to advance his owne greatnesse which he resolv'd to purchase though with sale of the publicke safety He was questionlesse valiant for a coward durst not have thought those dangers into which he entred upon the slightest quarrels His soule was never quiet distasted still with the present and his pride like a foolish builder so delighted to pull downe and set up that at length part of the â—rame himselfe had raised fell upon him and crusht him to death He was a passionate extoller of continencie in a Prince which proceeded rather from spleene than zeale because in that he tacitely made the King contemptible for his volupâ—uous life Being bred up from a child in Armes the worst schoole to learne Religion in hee had certainely no tender sence of justice and his varying so in approving contrary titles shewed either a strange levity in judgement or else that ambition not conscience ruled his actions The pretences of his revolt from King Edward were neither to the world politicke nor to himselfe honest For what greater hopes could he conceive by restoring a family himselfe had ruind since injuries make so deepe an impression that no after curtesie can take it away Or how could any violence offer'd to his Daughters honour by the King for that was then by him pretended licence him to war since no injustice in a Soveraigne can authorize the subject to Rebellion But who will give a true account of his latter attempts must looke backe upon his first familiarity with Lewis the eleventh For never had France such a Merchant to vent discord in forraigne Kingdomes and buy up the faith of all the greatest Officers to neighboring Princes But when by the most powerfull engins of pollicie and warre he had screwed up his intentions to the highest by making himselfe King in Authority though not in title the Crown being entailed upon the two Princes who had married his Daughters Almighty God in one overthrow ruin'd him and permitted his Sonnes in Law with their wives not long after to end by strange deathes none of them answering his hope but the younger Daughter and that preposterously to his designe For she indeede by marrying Richard Duke of Glocester the butcher of her husband Prince Edward became Queene to an Vsurper and soone after by poyson as it was justly suspected made resignation of her Crown His Grand-children by Clarence who arriv'd to any age dyed by the Axe upon a Scaffold and all that greatnesse he so violently labor'd to confirme in
title to the Crowne of England be just as man did alwayes allow in judgement and Almightie God hath approved in the successe The same title is good to the Crowne of France Both having beene united into one ever since the usurpation of Philip de Valois The peoples affection to Princes of their owne nation enacted an injurious Law that authoriz'd injustice and confirm'd the Soveraigntie in the heires Male The Female were excluded as if the distinction of kind could make a difference in right and the being borne a woman were to bee borne illigitimate for the Law Salique in a manner bastardizeth the whole Sex Your great Ancestor Edward the third whose name and magnanimity you inherit with his Sword abrogated this Law And call'd the Lawmakers to a severe acacount at Crecie and Poitiers where more veines of France were opened and more blood issued then any time records Considering the small numbers of the English In the later of the two battels John Sonne to Philip of Ualois laboring to make good the pretentions of his Father was taken prisoner and so continued lesse then a free Subject by endeavouring unjustly to be a Soveraigne The little handfull of men with which the English then opposed the vast armies of the French not onely showing the high advantage the Nation hath in courage But the miraculous justice of the Almighty who delights to make the destruction of Vsurpers his owne Worke and not to permit man by his power to rivall heaven in the punishment Your Majesty needes not History to perswade you to the quarrell or example to assure you of the successe The justice of the claime will easily prevaile with you to draw againe your sword which hath beene hitherto almost still unsheathed in vindication of your right And that with so much prosperity that they who admire your valour and direction applaud your fortune But if the nature of man delighted in the felicities of peace should advise your Majesty to satisfie your mind with the triumph of those victories you have already purchast Yet neither a just revenge nor discreet pollicy will admit it For how can England remaine safe from future injuries and acquit her selfe in honour against those who have heretofore affronted her if France where all the late combustions were first conceived remaine unpunished The huge body of the civill Warre lies now a dead trunke wounded to death by your arme but yet Lewys of France the head of that monster though contrary to the ordinary course of Nature retaines still a life and quickens mischiefe hourely against this Kingdome least otherwise his owne be not secure And should your Majesty out of desire to avoid the further effusion of Christian blood permit him to continue in the unjust possession of a Kingdome he would interpret his safety and your mercy to be either a blind ignorance or a degenerate feare And from your lenity draw the boldnesse to prepare new troubles against your quiet And if it be not an over much care in a confederate and an allye to make so narrow a scrutinie into your Majesties affaires Our Master beleeves that this warre will not be unnecessary for the present state of England In regard this way those many evill humours gathered in the body of the Kingdome by the late disorders will be easily purged away or at least diverted Seeing experience teacheth us how impossible it is for a Nation nurst in civill war suddenly to embrace a peace and endure a severe government And should the discontented not vent themselves thus abroad how dangerous it might make the disease at home is easie to be conjectured But all this showes only the justice and necessity of your warre Preparations great enough to oppose a King of France yet we have not toucht upon And that indeed is it our Master gave us in our instructions most to acquaint your Majesty withall As by which it will be most apparent how without any reflection upon his owne occasions he invites you to this undertaking For his Highnesse understands how farre this overture lyes open to a false interpretation considering his enmity with King Lewys did not the circumstance of the businesse show how your Majesty is rather desired to a triumph then a battle Never had France so many enemies so powerfully united and never so few friends if shee may be said to have any For except onely the poore Duke of Lorraine who happily may be a burthen never an aide to any Prince wee can hardly reckon a confederate For so trecherous have beene all King Lewys his arts so dissembling his nature that the world hath concluded it much safer to be at enmity with him then upon the fairest termes His friendship having ruined some his armes never any man In confederacy with our Master and in absolute resolution to invade France are the Duke of Brittaine and the Count Saint Paul Brittaine able of his owne Subjects to bring a powerfull army into the field Saint Paul by his kindred and intelligence to cause a generall revolt of all the nobility from the King And indeed such hath beene the carryage of that polliticke Prince for that epethite his poore shifts have got him that a continuall contempt hath beene throwne by him upon the great Lords and a most neere familiarity enter'd into with the basest people His barber being more acquainted with the affaires of state then the whole body of his Councell This preposterous course of favor hath made the greatest states of the Kingdome scorne their present King and reflect upon your Majesty whose comportment in warre and peace hath beene such as justly makes your triumph in the generall affections of your many friends and utter destruction of your enemies If it may therfore please your Majesty to admit of that greatnesse your high descent hath title to and your Predecessors ' have had possession of The armes of these great Princes are prepared to serve you Our Master first honoured your Majesty as a potent neighbour great in your selfe as in dominion Then by marryage he grew into the neerest degree of correspondence the title of Brothers a ceremony used betweene Princes being of due in alliance between you two Lastly he had the happinesse which Potentates seldome have though with some trouble to your Majesty to enjoy entire familiarity By which those other respects common among persons of like quality and which are often but weake tyes of amity converted into a perfect friendship So that this desire his Highnesse hath to advance your Majesties glory and command proceeds onely from love to the posterity of your person and iust claime With How powerfull forces he will concurre to this great action hath beene of purpose omitted Because the world hath had sufficient testimony how able his Highnesse hath beene to oppose if not oppresse King Lewys without borrowing aid from a confederate He therefore intreates to know your Majesties resolution whether you will passe over and personally make your
to us so likewise not dangerous And as for Brittaine if his weakenesse disable him to our ayde I am confident it will continue him a neutrall Neither is it to be forgot how securely now we may leave England rather then heretofore Considering our so entire friendship with the Scots whose hostilitie was alwayes sharpe upon us at home when wee attempted victorie abroad But I detaine you by my speech too longe from action I see the clouds of due revenge gatherd in your brow and the lightning of furie break from your eyes Which abodes thunder against our enemy Let us therefore loose no time but suddenly and severely scourge this perjured coward to a too late repentance and regaine honour to our Nation and his Kingdome to our Crovvne The Lords resented the affront with an indignation high as the Kings and desired that instant preparations might be made for the warre But above all the Duke of Glocester appeard zealous in the quarrell expressing aloud his desire that all his estate might be spent and all his veines emptied in revenge of this injury All the Court was presently for the designe and the whole Kingdom with a fierce appetite desired to arme So that no language was heard but martiall and all the gallantry in new armour or other conveniences for service The King most passionatly pursued his determination and that very spring resolved to begin the warre But he was diverted on the sudden from calling King Lewys to a reckoning for this crime and summond by death to give a strict account of all his owne Death arrested him and in the respect of not many houres instracted him in more then all the oratory from pulpits had done for fortie yeares For soone as he found himselfe mortally sicke he began to consider the vanitie of all his victories which with the expence of so much blood he had purchac'd and to the heart repented his too hard bargaine He looked backe upon the beautie of his sensuall pleasures and now discernd it was onely faire in the outside inwardly rotten and deform'd He cast up the accounts of his tribute both at home and abroad and all those treasures gather'd either by proscription of his enemies or exacting from his subjects and found himselfe a banckerout For till now hee wanted leasure to search into that which most concernd him and delighted too much in the pompe pleasure of the Inne where he was not to stay forgot he had a journey and unawares was overtaken by night an endlesse night which no day succeedes Perceiving his doome inevitable and no hope of the least reprive he began to order businesse as fully as the shortnesse of the time would licence The great affaire of his soule indeede the onely that is necessary he committed to the mercy of his redeemer and by the Sacraments then in use with the Church in England and a reall contrition hee labord a full expiation of the crimes and errours of his life And as his death is described to us by an excellent author who lived neere his time Almightie God seemes to have strucke water even from the Rocke as by Moses Wand hee did for the Israelites in touching this Prince to the heart and forcing a most religious penetence from a soule obdurate in sinne as wee may conjecture by his life The revenge of the injury hee receiv'd from King Lewys he refer'd to the judgement of heaven whose worke it is to punish perjury And Lewys suffered for it according to his demerit for that sonne in marrying whom hee so busied his imaginations and slighted all faith and religion lived but a short space and died issulesse Not one branch remaining of that great tree whose roote was in perjurie and dissimulation The protection of the King and Kingdome he left to the Lords nearest in kindred to his children advising them to amitie and concord By which the nation would flourish in greatnesse abroad and safetie at home The young King bee secured from flattery and instructed in the best discipline for government And they themselves live is much honour and felicitie i◠united to advance the Commonwealth and oppose all forraine danger Whereas discord would beget civill warre and that endanger ruine So that this Christian King like Christ himselfe when he departed bequeathd peace to the world And had this doctrine beene as zealously followed as it was uttered the succeeding time had not beene guiltie of so many sad confusions But for the present a perfect reconciliation appear'd both sides lovingly imbracing and protesting all amitie in the future So that with comfort hee forsooke the world and may well be said to have deserved a generall applause in this last sceane of his life Among his words of farewell at his death it is worthy observation that he solemnly protested his repentance for obtaining the Crowne with so much blood as the necessitie of the quarrell spilt Which certainly showes a most singular pietie considering the indubitable justice of his title And withall teacheth Princes a new lesson that the power of sway great men so superstitiously adore is but the Idoll of folly and ambition Whose oracles delude the living but on our death-beds we discerne the truth and hate the irreligion of our former errour Concerning the occasion of his death there is much varietie in opinion for by severall authors it is severally imputed to poison griefe and surfeit They who ascribe it to poyson are the passionate enemies of Richard Duke of Glocesters memory Who permit not nature at that time to have beene obnoxious to decay but make thè death of every Prince an act of violence or practise And in regard this cruell Lord was guiltie of much blood without any other argument condemne him for those crimes from which he was however actually most innocent The French affirme it to have proceeded from griefe conceiv'd upon repudiation of his daughter and detention of the tribute But they looking on our affaires a farre off mistake the shadow for the substance desirous perhaps that King Lewys should kill a King of England by a new weapon And certainly Lewys did perswade himselfe that King Edward was slaine this way and congratulated his wit much in the accident But this carries not the least apparence of probabilitie Great sorrowes kill for the most part suddenly else by a languishing decay of nature whereas King Edward dyed not presently upon the report nor yet drew melancholly from this injurie but a brave anger fierce to seeke revenge Moreover griefe hath the◠bin observed most powerfull over life when the disconsolate hath no eare to which hee may expresse himselfe and no hope left for remedy whereas King Edward breath'd forth passions to his Councell and found in them a simpathy both in the sorrow and the rage And as for revenge certainly the state of England was never better prepar'd to exact it The King being a valiant and fortunate leader the people inured heretofore to the exercise
intelligence the Queene with her triumphant forces directed her march moreover it concerned the pollicie of his affaires to retaine the possession of the capitall Cittie of the Kingdome which continued firme to his devotion and in which the Lords of his faction had custodie of King Henries person left to their faith when the Duke of Yorke went his last fatall expedition But in the way at Chipping Norton he met the Earle of Warwicke having lately fought and lost the field to the Queene at St. Albans In which beside the honour of the day and slaughter of two thousand of her enemies she recovered the person of her husband So that Warwicke brought with him onely a relation of his late overthrow but with such a courage as disdain'd misfortune and coveted nothing more than by the tryall of a new day to perswade or else to force backe victory to his side And oftentimes a small losse to an Armie like opening a veine to a body doth rather correct than any way impaire the health whereas too much prosperity like the worst surfet suddenly becomes incureable And so the two late obtain'd conquests wrought in the enemie onely insolencie and disorder For the Queene wanton with successe vainely imagined a securitie from future competition and either wanted power to restraine her souldiers or licenced them to a free spoyle by which unruly violence she untyed the affection of the Commons who by their quiet and profit measure the vertues of Princes And indeede they had title to their often complaints against the Northerne troopes who soone as they had past Trent as if there they had parted with all obedience to discipline made use of all kindes of licence that might serve their avarice or pleasure And having by the way left no Townes and in them no place how Sacred soever unspoyled after the flight of Warwicke they designed for London hoping to finde it abundantly stored for prey and utterly unable for defence But the Citizens perceiving hostility in their approach shut their gates and arm'd for resistance And with such valour and good order behaved themselves that the rude assailants were with losse repulst and the Queene perswaded to retire North-ward knowing the disorder of her men had begot her in the place where she then lay incamped nothing but ill aspects and worse wishes she therefore dislodged from St. Albans and every day as she marcht toward the North new relations came of the greatnesse and resolution of the Earle of Marches power who with the Earle of Warwicke was on his journey to London And doubtlesse the report of his approach confirmed the Cittie in her courage to resist the late assault which otherwise would without question have complied with the fortune of the more powerfull For presently after the departure of the Queene the Earle of March made his triumphant entry and was received with such acclamations as an over-joyed people could expresse who onely hoped for safety by the fortune of his side To encrease the glory of this entrie concurd beside his title to the Crowne his late victory at Mortimers Crosse the memory of a most glorious Father and great authority of his Confederate Warwicke the beauty of Marches person than which that age beheld not any more excellent Neither is the outward forme a small circumstance to induce the multitude or reverence since as deformitie in a Prince hath oftentimes occasioned contempt even to deprivation so on the contrary hath an amiable shape strengthend very weake pretentions and in Antoninus Heliogabalus was sufficient title to an Empire even in a military election But the Earle of Warwicke whose minde was still in labour and felt continually most violent throwes till it had brought forth a setled soveraignety to the house of Yorke contented not himselfe with this generall applause knowing how the least change of Fortune would create new affections He therefore resolved so to fasten the Citty to his designes that any alteration in Edward should be ruine to them and thereupon caused a generall muster of all his forces in St. Johns fields where when hee found an universall confluence of all men answerable to his expectation he cast his Armie into a Ring and with a loude voyce made to be reade the agreement which the last Parliament had accorded betweene Henry the sixt and Richard Duke of Yorke By which Henry out of compassion to a long possession was permitted to enjoy the Crowne during his naturall life the remainder to Richard and his heires in whom it was then apparently proved that the title to the Kingdome did remaine In which agreement was likewise manifested that Henry should make immediate forfeiture when soever either hee or any of his party should attempt to disaâ—all this Act. This reade and commented on with the best efficacie of Language to expresse the foule breach on King Henries side in the destruction of Richard Duke of Yorke Question ws proposed to them whether they would longer continue in obedience to Henries usurpation who so impiously had violated his Faith To which with an universall loude consent of voyces they cryed out No No. Then were they demanded whether they would admit Edward whose title to the Crowne was so apparent and whose sufferance had beene so great in a perfidious violent entry and a long injurious possession of the Kingdome by the family of Lancaster To which with acclamations of assent was answered Yea Yea. Thus by the Souldier and the people was Edwards title approved and he admitted King And happily did this ceremony then appeare needfull in regard the same voyces had vowed obedience to another Otherwise whosoever shall alleage that the suffrage of the multitude is necessary to confirme a Prince destroyes the right of succession and in that the Monarchie which so long and triumphantly hath ruled this Nation And to understand the incertainety and injustice of all popular election History instructs us that no Tyrant yet in England by what indirect practise soever he attaind or cruelty maintaind the government but entred in by a seeming approbation of the Common-wealth and setled his state by confirmation of the People For I know not by what universall distemper of humors it happens that generally when the head of this Kingdome hath beene sicke the whole body was diseased so farre that usurpation hath beene ligitimated and tyrannie applauded Which misfortune must have necessarily beene occasioned through Potencie of the prevailing faction and feare which possest all honest mindes who though they neither wanted knowledge to see the injury nor desire to redresse it yet private interest made them too cowardly to undertake the remedy But in Edwards first in trance on the Kingdome the popular suffrage which in the inauguration of Christian Princes is of ancient custome esteemed a convenient ceremonie met with a just title For he by his Grandmother daughter and heire of Mortuner sonne and heire to Philippa onely childe of Lionell Duke of Clarence third sonne to Edward
the third King of England of necessity must have where women are admitted to inherit better claime to the Crowne than Henry the sixt though in the fourth descent from Edward the third by John of Gaunt being but his fourth sonne For however Casuists may dispute or civill Lawyers argue The being removed one degree further can no way prejudice succession Whereby the younger brother may come to bee prefer'd before the elder brothers sonne if by chance the elder dye during his Fathers life An injustice so against reason and custome that whosoever yet attempted it was reputed to violate the lawes of Nature From St. Johns fields the principall of the armie and Common Councell of the Cittie brought newes of this Election to Edward Earle of March remaining at Baynards Castle Who soone as he understood the intention of their addresse with such modestie as some Clergie man may have used at his consecration who by simonaicall practise hath obtaind a Bishoprick refused that a while which most ambitiously he covered But soone the animation of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Earle of Warwicke the Bishops of London and Exeter and divers others of eminence prevail'd and he at their request tooke on him the Royaltie That night he rested the next morning with as much ceremonie and state as the shortnesse and unquietnesse of the time could licence in solemne procession he went to Paules whence after Te Deum sung and oblation made hee rod to Westminster there seated in the most perspicuous place of the great Hall with the Scepter of St. Edward the Confessor in his hand himselfe made declaration of his double title to the Crowne First by descent as heire to the third sonne of Edward the third the Line of whose eldest sonne Edward the blacke Prince extinguisht in the deposition and parâ—icide of Richard the second procured by Henry of Bullingbrooke first King of the house of Lancaster Edward the thirds second sonne dying without issue Secondly by authority of Parlament which upon examination of the Duke of Yorkes title confer'd the possession of the Kingdome immediately on him or his heires when Henry the sixth should make forfeiture of it by death resignation or breach of that Accord sworne there so solemnely by them And that this accord was broken the slaughter of the Duke opprest with unequall numbers on King Henries partie at the battell of Wakefield did sadly manifest Neverthelesse he protested himselfe ready to forgoe the justice of his claime ratherthan to enter upon it without their free vote At which unanimously the Assembly cryed King Edward King Edward Ioyfull that their voyces might confirme him King who had daign'd them so humble a complement as to professe that he would not receive the title without their suffrage The formalitie of this second Election thus past he went in Procession to the Abbie whence after much solemnitie and homage of all the Nobility there present he returned by water to the Bishop of Londons Pallace and was immediately proclaimed King throughout the City by the name of Edward the Fourth The first fortnight of his Raigne was died I will not say stain'd with the blood of Walter Walker a Grocer who keeping shop at the signe of the Crowne in Cheapeside sayd he would make his sonne heire to the Crowne a bold jest broke in an evill time yet doe I not side with them in opinion who taxe the King of severity in this execution unlesse I could cleere this man from being particularly factious for the house of Lancaster or know that these words were uttered in innocent mirth without any scorne to King Edwards Title And however perhaps the extraordinary punishment of such saucie language was not then unnecessary to beget authority and make men cautious to dispute the descent of Princes when the question was so nice and arguments not improbable on either side But here in her very first curtesie Fortune raisd King Edward higher than the endeavours of a long ambition had done his Father For now was he consecrated King in the Imperiall City of this Realme adornd with every circumstance of Soveraigntie and all his enterpises hitherto so flattered with successe that he could promise nothing but prosperity to his hopes Yet was the ground whereon he built uncertaine and his state brought into comparison with his Competitor fraile and obnoxious to ruine For Henry had equall dignity with the advantage of a long Raigne an uninterrupted descent in Majestie for threescore yeares a soveraigntie acknowledg'd abroad by all Christian Princes and obeyd at home by all Engilshmen without dispute a title according to the Law Salique indubitable and which had beene confirmed at the first entry of his Grandfather Henry the fourth into the Kingdome not onely by resignation of Richard the second by generall acknowledgement of all the Nobilitie and by authority of Parliament but even by approbation nay particular negotiation of Edmond Duke of Yorke Edward Duke of Aumerle Richard Earle of Cambridge Grandfather Great Vncle and Great Grandfather to the late anointed King Edward the Fourth Onely a feeble judgement and a long evill fortune rendred Henry the sixt inferiour to counterpoise which Queene Margaret and the Lords of her side were daring and vigilant omitting on stratagem or endeavor that might adde to the honour or safety of their designes Whereupon slie continued still in the North and oblieging that people every day more to her devotion labourd to prepare such an armie as might upon the worst of fortune be able enough for defence And soone she found how much her owne and the authoritie of the great Lords of her side prevail'd having rais'd threescore thousand fighting men and they all resolv'd with expence of their blood to buy backe that Majestie which the house of Lancaster by evill fate had lost An armie if arm'd and order'd well able to oppose the mightiest enemie or undertake the boldest enterprise On sight of which the Queene entertain'd a confidence easily to scatter the Forces of the new Mushrome King who in a night seem'd to have sprung up to Majestie Especially when she understood how with unequall power hee marcht Northward A clime not unlikely to prove as distastrous to him as to his Father For King Edward soone as the voyce of the people had saluted him Prince resolv'd with hazard of his new gain'd Soveraigntie to extirpate his great opposer For while the side of Lancaster was supported with the devotion of so large a portion of the Kingdome as yet adhear'd to Henry he could be King but at the curtesie of his Faction and the body of the Land must of necessitie grow monstrous being charg'd with two heads each of which look'd divers wayes He therefore while his men had yet the memorie of their late good fortune fresh in their courage marcht toward the Queene and chose rather as worthier his spirit to provoke than expect an enemie Of his arrivall at Pomfret Castle when it was understood and that
to Duke Philip his Father first made his addresse Who bearing an implacable hatred to Lewis of France desired to gaine so potent a neighbour to his party and that he might secure the friendship against all vacillation he by his Embassadors entreated a marriage with the Lady Margaret the Kings sister A motion heard in England with much acceptance and which every circumstance well weigh'd brought both honour and securitie But it was thought by some intimate with the Earle in his most inward counsells that really he never intended this marriage having from his mother neece to John of Oaunt Duke of Lancaster deriv'd an irreconcilable malice against the house of Yorke And that this negotiation aim'd onely to temporize with England in case the Duke of Brittaine and the French Kings brother should desert him and make their peace with Lewis against whom these three were then in confederacie but this I beleeve an overcunning in conjecture since marriage among Princes as it seldome confirmes a sound friendship so doth it never extirpate an ancient hatred the proofe of our and all times shewing how false a love is created by alliance But the thoughts of Princes are so unknowne to Posterity that they are beyond the â—orâ—tiâ—â—e of the present time I will not therefore dispute what the Earles inward designes were but certainely both according to reason of state and the â—vâ—oâ—â— which is the best light Historians can discerne by as it vvas pretended so vvas it intended The marriage of his sister thus far advanc'd he began to advise with Counsell concerning his owne A strong alliance abroad was soone resolved most necessary both for the dignity and safety of his Crowne and among all the Princesses that time gloried in the Lady Bona was thought worthyest his bed In respect of the excellencie of her beauty greatnesse of birth as being daughter to Lewis Duke of Savoy and the mighty marriage of her other sister with Lewis the Eleventh of France This last consideration being a maine inducement as by which all feare might bee taken away of a tempest from that coast whence Queene Margaret seem'd to prepare a storme To this negotiation the Earle of Warwicke was deputed as the fittest person both for his great faith to the King and authority in the Kingdome Who no sooner arriv'd at the French Court where the young Lady then resided in company of her sister but was withall triumph entertain'd and his motion heard with joy and acceptation The ambition of the French Queene to have her sister married to so great a Prince prevailing against many politique respects which might else have overswayd King Lewis And soone after for an absolute conclusion of all businesses Mounsiur D'ampmartin was design'd Embassador for England These two Kings equally solliciting the perfection of this marriage Edward that hee might without feare of more danger enjoy the glory of a late recover'd Kingdome Lewis that freed from the danger of an English invader he might give a period to his busie projects at home by laying the deuill of civill warre rais'd by a tumultuous Nobility But while policie acted severall parts abroade love on the suddaine chang'd the whole Sceane at home For the Young King after hunting comming to visite the Duches of Bedford at her Mannor of Grafton neere Sâ—ony Stratford was sollicited by a faire petitioner the Duchesses daughter widow of Sir John Gray â—â—â—â—e on King Henries part at the battaile of S â— Albans The King could not but yeeld to any request made by â—â— conquering a beauty and presently himselfe glew as earnest in solliciting her but in a more unlawfull suite But she arm'd her â—oule with a modesty able to breake the hottest battery of lust and though on every side assaulted by the engines of temptation shee repulst her enemie so nobly that he offer'd party upon honorable tearmes For when the King perceiv'd her adorn'd with a chastitie strong enough to resist him who had scarce ever beene but victorious in those attempts he grew enamor'd on the beauty of her minde and resolv'd her vertue was dowre enough to marry her to the highest Throne Reason of state argued sharpely against a marriage so unequall to Majestie by alleaging the perill of irritating so potent a neighbour as King Lewis and so dangerous a subject as Warwick as likewise the inconvenience of raising a widdow to his bed who could bring nothing with her but her poverty and an unprovided issue Who if not advanc'd by him would bee a scorne to his children if advanc'd a ruinous charge to his Exchequer and an envie both to the Princes of his blood and the Nobility of his Kingdome But Love like a cunning Sophister easily refell'd all pollitique arguments and perswaded reason her selfe almost to be of his side For he repeated to the King his owne prerogative which being so large why should he then be denyed the liberty of a free choyce which is allowed the meanest subject Why might not he wooe with his owne eyes and make election where his fancie best delighted As for the Lady her selfe he found her in the treasures of her minde most abundant and in the perfections of her body excellent to please him who and not the state was to marry For her birth she was by the father Noble in descent at home by her mother of the house of Luxenbourge a family with which the greatest Princes of Christendome had neere alliance As for marrying a subject and the widdow of his enemie the later argued more charity and the former could not but tye the affection of his people when they saw their Prince disdain'd not affinity with them For a president to authorize these his intended Nuptialls he had Edward the Blacke Prince his great Vncle great indeede if not the greatest among all the Princes of his name And for the threatned danger from King Lewis or the Earle of Warwicke from France he could never expect how neere so ever the alliance had beene but an unfaithfull amitie and should this his marriage thrust Warwicke upon rebellious attempts the rebell would but fondly runne upon his owne ruine since it could not stand with the Majestie of a King to hold his Crowne by so base a tenure as to have his actions awed by a subject These and such like arguments which love is cunning upon all occasions to enforce prevail'd so far that though the old Duches of Yorke his mother most violently opposed by throwing the highest calumnies upon the Lady Gray and alleaging a precontract with the Lady Lucy yet one morning secretly did he marry her For the disparity of birth or Fortune is no impediment and for the precontract upon examination the Lady Lucy her self acquitted the King only laying to his chaâ—g the guilt of a most winning courtship And though afterward during the usurpation of Richard the third in open Parlament was alleaged against the lawfulnesse of King Edwards marriage strange potions and amorous charmes by which the
resolve for motion He told him how in the North 15000. men had beene in Armes pretending revenge upon the governours of Saint Leonards Hospitall in Yorke for converting the Alemony they receiv'd from the Country every yeare in Corne to their owne use by which they both defrauded the poore and the charitable intention of the owners Whereas indeed the armed multitude moved first by his councell onely awaiting his presence with resolution to runne any hazard of his command And though the Marquesse Mountague rais'd Forces in King Edwards name by which he quieted the commotion and beheaded Robert Huldron their chiefe Captine yet were the people ready upon the first Summons to reassemble and the Marquesse who by such apparence of fidelity had won upon the easie faith of the dull King prepared to bring his forces and joyne in any enterprise he should appoint He showed farther how by this his brothers dissimulation his intelligence held perfect in the Kings Councell and all the resolutions of state might bee without difficultie prevented since no sooner made but discovered The Duke who before held the Earles courage and authority with the people in great estimation now began to wonder at the so cunning mannage of this great businesse Neither could he suspect the successe the Earle having so order'd things that he left little or nothing to â—ortune Whereupon he gave his judgement entirely up to his Fathers in law discretion with whom hee return'd into England openly professing and justifying his resolution to rebellion The vanity of ambition sealing up his eyes so farre that he could not perceive the unnaturalnesse of his revolt and the certaine hazard of ruine in warring against a Prince so great both in armes and Fortune Against their returne the Arch-bishop of Yorke had wrought so diligently to ripen mischiefe that the multitude disperst before were againe in the field bâ—t under Leaders of a farre more eminent name For Henry Sonne to the Lord Fitz Hugh and Henry Nevill sonne to the Lord Latimer the one Nephew the other Cosen german to Warwicke had the conduct of these Forces both gentlemen great in blood and spirit but in regard of their unexperienc'd youth submiting themselves to the directions of Sir John Conyers a Commander bold in courage and sober in advice Their march was not now directed against any petty Towne in the North as before but toward London the head of the Kingdome and the cause of their taking Armes not upon any triviall injury or opression but out of desire of publicke justice by throwing downe a licencious Vsurper and re-investing in the Soveraignty King Henry their lawfull Monarch so injuriously detain'd prisoner in the Tower This pretention carryed with it much of bravery pleased the humor of most of the Northerne men passionately still affected to the line of Lancaster and tooke generally with the Commonalty a beast as prone to unseasonable pitty as to inhumane cruelty and ever defirous to change governement because naturally it can endure none The noyse of these Armes waked King Edward for he now perceiv'd his title to the Crowne for which he imagin'd he had had so cleere a sentence brought againe to tryall and the sword judge He cast his eye about him and found every where the way open to his jealousie and none to security All those Lords from whom he might expect supply being neerâ— to Warwicke in friendship or allianee and the Marquesse Mountague in whose service he had ever found most trust and fortune even brother to his enemie How could he therefore beleeve but notwithstanding all their outward professious of loyaltie privately they might favour Rebellion As for the Queenes kindred of whose faith in regard of their owne interest he remain'd secure he could draw little confidence Their greatnesse so young that it had yet taken no deepe roote in opinion and their Forces onely weake beames shot from the Sunne of the Kings owne power But no consideration in this trouble begot so much scorne and rage in him as the revolâ— of Clarence whose giddie ambition made him rather chuse to become a Word to rough and insolent guardian than to share with his brother a King in the treasures of Fortune The forces of the Rebells hee weighed more by the reputation of their leader Warwicke than by the number though even that grew every day more formidable To prepare against these dangerous motions in his English Rebells he speedily sent to the Earle of Pembrooke commission â—o raise what Welch Forces he could having in this generall suspition of his disloyall subjects most confidence in the valour of the Welch and their naturall hatred against the English name He required the Earle to give battell by the way while himselfe gathered as great an Armie as the present danger and cause in controversie required The Earle joyfull of the command puts suddenly into the field with his valiant brother Sir Richard Herbert having under their conduct seaven thousand men To them soone joyn'd eight hundred bow men led by the Lord Stafford of Southwicke not long before created Earle of Devonshire With these Forces he resoly'd to hinder the Rebells in their journey and having notice by eâ—piallâ—â—â—â—â— they tooke their way by Northumpton against theiâ— hee led the whole body of his Armie Having given order to Sir Richard Herbert with two thousand souldiers to wheele about and charge the enâ—mle in the Rere Sir John Coniers was â—â—â— vigilanâ— to be suâ—pâ—â—â—'d and so carefully had strengthned the Rerewarâ— that the Welchâ—â— â—â— ere â—epuhâ— with losse and forc'd by flight to safery Whereupon he retired to his brother while Coniers upon new instroctions or else fâ—arefull least Pembrooke in the way might gaine some advantage dwerted from his direct course to London and mâ—â—châ— to Warwicke where the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Warwicke had leviod a mighty Host Pâ—mâ—rooke waites close up on their journey expecting the opportunity â—â—â—â—â—â— to cut off some part of the enemie disorderd oâ— to give battell to the whole Armie But while constant in this pursuite oâ—â—lâ—â—y hee shewed all the parts of a great Commander a small division betweene him and the Lord Stufford ruin'd the whole aâ—tempt For incasnping aâ— Banbury question grew concerning an Inne to which Stafford pretended as having used long to the house but in which Pembrooke in regard of his preheminence as Generall and commodiousnesse of the place was resolvid â—o lodge This so â—â—iâ—iall distaâ—â— if there were no farther treaâ—â—â—â— in iâ— grew so high that Stafford withdrew himselfe and his English Archâ—â—s leaving the Wâ—â—â—â— in Aâ—â—â—â— and number farre inferiour to the enemie which defect neverthelesse was supplyed by their great courage From when the Reâ—â—ells who soone had notice of this unhappie discord gave the Earles Campe next morning a Camisado the Welch entertain'd the charge so stouâ—ly that they â—ooke Sir Henry Nevill the Leader but what savor'd too much of barbarisme most cruelly slew him in cold
let him enter a place sacred to our most mercifull God untill hee had granted to all there his mercy by a free pardon But this pardon betrayd them for on the Munday after they were taken out of the Church and all beheaded in the Market place at Teuxbury Among whom of principall note were the Duke of Sommerset and the Lord Prior of Saint Johns and many other Knights of great reputation and fortune By which violation of the Sanctuary he made good the opinion which the world before had conceived of him that Religion never could prevaile so farre upon his conscience as to bee any barre eyther to his pleasures or revenge The Queene halfe dead in her Chariot was taken in the battaile and not long after the Prince vvas brought prisoner to the King by Sir Richard Croft Who taking notice of the Proclamation vvhereby the revvard of a hundred pound by the yeare during life was promist to whosoever should yeeld the Princes body dead or alive up to the King with protestation not to offer any violence to his person if alive brought him unhappily to his death Which when the good Knight afterward found he repented what he had done and openly profest his service abused and his faith deluded For King Edward presently upon the delivery of the Prince caused him to be brought into his presence and intertained him with some demonstration of curtesie Mooved perhaps thereunto by the innocency of his youth compassion of his misfortune or the comelinesse of his person the composition of his body being guilty of no fault but a too feminine beauty At first it was supposed the King might have some charitable intention and resolve happily to have setled him in the Dutchy of Lancaster his Fathers inheritance a patrimony too narrow for a King and something too large for a Subject and thereupon to have enterd discourse with him whereby to make experience whether his spirit would stoope to acknowledge a Superiour He therefore question'd him what madde perswasion had made him enter into so rash an enterprise where the very attempt was rebellion being against his Soveraigne and folly being in opposition to a Prince so farre in power above him He expected an humble answer deprecatory for life or soft and gentle according to the complection either of his fortune or his face But he with a resolution bold as his Grandfather Henry the fifth would have replyed with answerd that to recover his Father miserably opprest and the Crowne violently usurped hee had taken armes Neither could he be reputed to make any unjust claime who desired no more then what had beene possest by Henry the sixt the fift and fourth his Father Grand-father and great Grandfather Kings of England And acknowledged by the approbation not of the Kingdome onely but the world and even by the progenitors of King Edward By the spirit of which language when the King perceived how much his life might threaten danger with a looke full of indignation hee turn'd from him thrusting him disdainfully away with his gantlet Which so mighty rage observ'd and his so distemper'd parting out of the roome The Dukes of Clarence and Glocester the Marquesse Dorset and the Lord Hastings seis'd suddenly upon the Prince and with their poniards most barbarously murthered him â— Of whom wee can make little mention his youth having perform'd nothing worth story though it promist much For under the governement of a Mother the worst education for a Sonne he had beene bred up untill this last sceane of life which hee acted alone and bravely so that posterity hath sence of his misfortune yet and applaudes the justice of the Almighty in punishment of his murtherers For all of them came to violent ends Glocester being executioner of the rest and of him the Earle of Richmond the next surviving kinsman of the butcher'd Prince The severity of which example holds a glasse before the eyes of the wicked and showes them how rotten is all that greatnesse which is not raised upon and maintained by vertue and as the conscience is ever after such a crying sinne inwardly tortured upon the racke of feare so seldome doth the body escape outwardly an exemplary death by violence After this generall defeate of the enemy the death of the Prince and all the great partakers with the house of Lancaster and the surprize of the Queene her selfe the King returned toward London This being the onely compleate victory he ever gain'd from which no man of eminency escaped and no man who might pretend to a competition was now preserved except King Henry and he issuelesse and in prison And to make this triumph resemble something of the Roman the King carryed with him his great captive the most afflicted Queene Margaret A woman most unfortunate to her selfe and most ruinous to this kingdome For after her marriage into England Soone finding her husbands weakenesse safe however in being directed and strengthened by sober councell she never left off inventing new machinations till she wrought him into her sole command with the destruction of his neerest friends So that to make the prospect from her greatnesse larger she broke downe and levelld his strong bullwarkes The Duke of Glocester which might perhaps a little checke her ambitious eye but being taken quite away left her open to every tempest Having therefore by fomenting dissention at home lost except onely Callice all our void territories abroad by the murther of the good Duke her Husbands Vncle shee gave liberty to the house of Yorke to make their just claime to the Crowne and in the end to put her out of that governement shee prepoâ—terously managed In her prosperity shee was rather ambitious then wanton though from the last opinion did not absolutely acquit her Which aspersion certainely was cast upon her by reason of her too intimate familiarity with some of the younger and finer Lords For the more discreete and aged either dislikt her projects or were disliked by her as persons too cautious to consult with a giddy woman Her mighty confidence in the Duke of Suffolke who wrought her marryage with England hath left the largest part of that false suspicion upon his name For who are just to her memory cannot but say beside that she was religious shee was even too busie to thinke of Love matters But perhaps the misfortune of her carriage gave some small occasion of the report Her prosperous fortune presents her to us in the worst colours a factious busie and imperious Queene â—er adverse in the best a most industrious woman to recover what her folly had lost an excellent Wife and a most indulgent Mother And had she never appear'd in action but when misfortune had compell'd her to it she had certainely beene numbred among the best examples of her Sex But now the merits of her later part of life by redeeming the errours of the former serve onely to lâ—vell her with the indifferent The time shee continued a prisoner in
England shee showed us no face but that of desolation the strength of her spirit eyther broken in the murther of her Son or else shee accounted it a needlesse imployment now to raise her selfe above her sorrowes After some time her Father with the sale of much of that poore estate remained yet in his possession ransomed her whereby she was redeemed to another ayre though not to a freer fortune In addition to her other miseryes she was punisht with a long life which shee spun out sadly and ingloriously living humbly upon the narrow exhibition her Father did steale from himselfe to afford her Her life was much the talke of the present and succeeding times because it concurr'd to the destruction of the house of Lancaster a Family beyond any then in the Christian world both in extent of dominion greatnesse of alliance and glory of action Her death was so obscure for who counts the steps of the unfortunate that it is not left certainely in story when she dyed But King Edward by her misfortunes reckoned his owne felicities and now justly conceived himselfe secure in that Throne he so passionately had endeavoured to sit at ease in But because the Sceane of his fortune had had more changes then any King in England yet except his Competitor he continued still with a most watchfull eye to looke about him And not knowing to how dangerous a growth his enemies might arrive which for the present appeared weake he thought fit to take order with Jasper Earle of Pembrooke who remained in Wales with a power unable to offend the King but able enough considering the nature of the place to defend himselfe Wherefore that without a publicke trouble he might destroy so private a person hee sent Roger Vaughan strong both in kindred and followers with commission by some stratagem to entrap him But the Earle had a discovery of his plot and to deceive the deceiver seemed to give opportunity for execution of the designe by which meanes hee got Vaughan into his possession and presently caused him to be beheaded But knowing this act concurring with the whole progresse of his life in opposition to the King Would bring him to ruine either by open power or secret practise he resolv'd to saile over into Brittaine and under the protection of that state to secure himselfe from the present storme With him he carryed his Nephew Henry Earle of Richmond heire of the Teuthers Family by the Paternall by the materiall side of the house of Sommerset for the civill warre had now destroy'd all those great Dukes who had with losse of their lives shewed their devotion to King Henry and left the inheritance of their honour with a farre more favourable aspect to this young Earle By the Duke of Britanny they were received not onely with promise of safety but with reliefe of pension Him perhaps the consideration of the instability of humane affaires moved to this noble pitty But Peter Landois the sole directour of the Duke and a wicked man perswaded his Master to give them entertainement out of an avaritious hope one day to make a good merchandize for himselfe by sale of them into England Yet could not the King bring his happinesse to that quiet he desired Some few small drops fell upon him after the great tempest For a base Son of William Nevill Earle of Kent commonly known by the name of the Bastard Fauconbrige having bin imployed Vice Admirall by the Earle of Warwicke during the late combustions of the kingdome to hinder all succors which might come frō the Low Countryes to King Edwards aide soone as he understood the Earles death set up for himselfe and fell to trade in open Pyracy His conditions were ignoble as his birth and onely can be said a fit instrument to move the baser multitude to sedition betweene Dover and Callice he robd most and had now got under his command a Navie great enough to worke mischiefe Especially having the chiefe of Callice who had sided lately with the Earle of his confederacy and by that meanes safetie upon all occasions in their harbor Gathering therefore into his retinue many of those who had escaped from the two former overthrowes and presuming upon the affection of the Kentish and Essex men he saild up the River of Thames The intention of his armes divulging to be for the common libertie and the redemption of the King and Queene imprisond by an usurper By which pretence ever powerfull to incline the vulgar to sedition he invited to the quarrell so great a multitude that the number was reckoned seventeene thousand fighting men Most of them the dregs and lees of former rebellions Such who having beene heretofore on King Henries side and wanting courage to make good the undertaking had by flight escapd or else men whom guilt of some enormous disorder had prepared for any attempt because neither could hope to remaine long secure from punishment when once the severe eye of a peaceable government should looke narrowly into their offences With this he marcht to Kingstone hoping there to have crost the River but being debard hee led his Army into S ◠Georges fields and from thence with his Ordinance made some small battery on the Citie And to strike the more terrour in the meane time he causd three thousand of his men to be transported by boate at Saint Katherines to make an assault on the other side at Algate and Bishopsgate Who being set a shore with a courage as desperate as their quarrell offerd to force an entrance but by the Citizens were bravely repulst The Lord Major and Aldermen directed by the great experience of the Earles of Essex and Rivers and the Marquesse Dorset neglecting no part of the best Commanders And so valiantly they pursued the rebels who soone began to shrinke that Fauconbridge with much difficultie recovered his shippes For hee overconfident of successe had commanded them to fall as low as the Downes little fearing he should so soone be forc'd to seeke safetie at Sea And having vainly deluded himselfe and his Souldiers with expectation of great Forces from Wales under the conduct of Jasper Earle of Pembrooke With much danger of being destroyed at Black-heath where for a while hee entrencht he got at length to Sandwich and fortefied the place Few of the Rebels who had any weake hope of pardon following their Generall upon a forc'd retreat The Commons entring thus upon every slight invitation into rebellion when the preservation of King Henry was but mention'd made the King begin to consider how dangerous his life was to the State and that his death would disarme even the hope of his faction for ever reslecting more upon the warres It was therefore resolv'd in King Edwards Cabinet Councell that to take away all title from future insurrections King Henry should be sacrificed For howsoever some either to cleere the memory of the King or by after cruelties guessing at precedent will have this murder to
owne claime to the Crowne Your Majesties onely presence being of power to raise a fuller armie in the very heart of France then yet ever King of England led to conquer France This overture tooke generally with the great Lords who in their infancyes by their Nurses having beene told no stories but of our triumphs in France and those tales imprint deepely in the memory and now for many yeares ever acquainted with the warres at home embraced danger as the onely meanes to honour Moreover an appetite of glory mingled with a noble emulation of the prowes of their Fathers made every man of name thrust forward to this action Neither were the more covetous backeward considering they were to warre with a richer and a more effeminate nation and not unlikely to returne loaden with spoyle if not to remaine there in a fertiller and a pleasanter Country The Souldier who was in a manner all the gentry of the Land for the civill warres had engaged them all to the study of armes rellisht this businesse more then the great Lords For they having beene bred up in the free licence of warre abhord to be circumscribed within the narrow bounds of the Lawes which never have absolute power but in peace So that the whole body of the Kingdome passionately affected the quarrell and by their universall acclamations in praise of it perswaded the King soone to declare his assent Whereupon sending for the Embassadors he showed his resolution to the warre which hee would undertake in person and that very Spring for it was now presently after Christmas transport his Forces into France He desired therefore to understand in what readinesse the Duke of Burgundy had his army and where he would appoint the place for the English to joyne and which way should first be taken To which the Embassadors made answer that the Duke had his Forces so well prepared that if the King would nominate a certaine time when he would be at Callice the Duke would be sure three moneths before to waste the whole Country belonging to the French and to have his men so expert that they should be able to instruct the English unacquainted with the place And as for transportation of his Souldiers they desired his Majesty not to perplex himselfe in regard his Highnesse would provide boats for that purpose Then that the King might perceive how faithfully the Duke dealt with him they showed the Articles agreed upon betweene the Dukes of Burgundy Brittaine and the Count S. Paul to joyne in a warre offensive against King Lewys As likewise a Catalogue of the names of all the great Lords of France who held secret intelligence with them and who would revolt from the French King soone as the Dukes army tooke the field With this so satisfactory answer the Embassadors returned to the Duke who in this attained the ambition of many yeares working For all the feare which troubled his busie minde was least King Edward won by the practises of King Lewys might be induced to side with France or else to remaine a neuter And indeed the last he suspected most knowing the nature of our King so prone to voluptuousnesse to which the noyse and trouble of the warres never gives free licence He therefore by continuall Embassies kept him constant to his resolution and with larger promises of supply and clearer apparences of successe prickt forward his ambition to the enterprise But all these arts were needlesse for the King was forward to the quarrell Either out of a brave emulation of Henry the fift his Predecessor of the other line or out of a confidence as easily to throw King Lewys out of the throne of France as he had King Henry out of the Soveraignety of England or perhaps not to appeare backeward in an attempt of glory when the expectation of the kingdome called upon him to arme For unlesse some malice rancord in the genius of our Nation against the French the Saxon governement having received a finall overthrow by them in the conquest of Duke William though to that great businesse conspired all the adjacent Countries it would be our wonder why the English were never sparing of their lives or treasure when any warre might be advanced against the French And of this so extraordinary forwardnesse in his people the King tooke a great advantage To compact the body of this enterprise money the nerves and sinues of warre were wanting The ordinary course for supply was by Parlament and that at this time was held difficult if not impossible In regard the King but a little before had dissolved the assembly having received for discharge of his debts a large contribution and to urge them to a second aide would probably end in distaste if not in denyall Neither could it appeare lesse then extreame exaction to force the Farmers who make up the greatest number in any payment to yeeld to asubsidie considering the precedent troubles of the Kingdome had utterly impoverisht them by hindering tillage and all good husbandry And for the Nobility who pay a large share in all generall collections they for the most prepared themselves for the expedition And it could not but rebate the edge of their courages to be at a vast charge not onely in the particular setting forth of their owne persons and their retinue but in the generall preparations There was therefore a new way found out by former ages never knowne without oppressing the Commons to supply the King the name it bore was a benevolence though many disproved the signification of the word by their unwillingnesse to the gift and it was cunningly and discreetely required onely of the better sort of people who were knowne to have a plentifull revenue And especially of such whom ease and wealth were likely to detaine at home Knowing that the heaviest burthen might be laid on them without a publicke murmur as men hated by the Souldier and upon whose prosperity ever attends a common envy In advancing this contribution no pollicy was omitted either by private menaces or publicke entreaties Some came in led by feare not knowing to what indignation a denyall might provoke the state Other cunningly perswaded to a vaine hope of enjoying the Kings particular favour by their forwardnesse Few granted it for love to the enterprise Most onely because their neighbours did it and they wanted courage to disobey example In History a Widdow is much spoke of who having freely and somewhat above the proportion of her estate contributed twenty pound received from the King a kisse Which his so extraordinary favour extraordinary to a Widdow declin'd in yeares so overjoy'd her that she doubled the summe and presented it to the Collectors By which slight passage a judgement is easie to be made of the Kings nature either of it selfe full of humanity or without difficulty bending to the lowestcurtesie when it any way concern'd the advancement of his profit By this art monies were raised and now nothing was wanting to
a treatie considering that all our warres in France had rather purchaste fame then treasure to our Kingdome and when our Souldier returnd home their scarres were greater then their spoiles And howsoever we had at staits got possession of the largest territories in France yet still wee retired back againe As if the devine providence had decreed to have our Empire bounded with our Seas Moreover they who affected the happinesse of a Kingdome and loved their owne country desired rather France under a forraigne governour least if in possession of our King England being the lesse both in extent and fertility might be reduc'd to the condition to a Province and live in obedience to a Deputie enriching the greater Kingdome with her tribute Other consirations likewise of the present state of the warres prevail'd to get content for a treatie whereupon with reward the Herauld was dismist a safe conduct granted and the place for the Commissioners appointed in a Village neare Amiens For the King were nominated the Lord Howard Sir Anthony St. Leger and Doctor Morton for the French the bastard of Burbon Admirall of France the Lord Saint Peire and the Bishop of Evereux This at the first meeting brought almost the treaty to a conclusion for on both sides they brought mindes disposed to peace And although the English Commissioners at first demanded the Crowne of France as due to the King by right from which in honour he could not recede and afterward with much apparence of difficultie condescended to be content with Normandy and Guien yet they themselves knew well Princes never use to part with Countries upon treatie before the battaile hath imposed a necessitie to yeeld And indeede the English expected not that Lewys would be frighted out of so important lims of the body of France onely upon the braving of an enemy Soone this first florish of businesses came to more easie termes Edward desired to be gone without losse of honour Lewys to have him gone with as much reputation as he desired Edward had occasion of mony and Lewys was willing to make him a bridge of Gold from Callice to Dâ—ver whereon to carry backe his Army And shortly to both their contents an absolute atonement was made Whereby threescore and fifteene thousand Crownes were to be paid to King Edward before his departure out of France and fifty thousand annually Concerning the annuitie of fiftie thousand Crownes there is much controversie among French and English writers about the name They call it a Pension wea Tribute And certainly the later to speake without partialitie to our selves hath in it much more proprietie of language For a Prince who over-awed by a powerfull Armie mediates by deprecatory massages to divert the battaile and afterward buyes his safetie not onely with a present Summe but an annuall payment cannot have a freer name then tributary And as for pensions they are granted upon petition to the poorer and weaker not upon feare to the mightier But to compare the greater actions of Princes to the customes of Subjects The threescore and fifteene thousand Crownes was the fine King Lewys payd for France and the fiftie thousand annually the rent Onely the farme was too mightie to be set and the tennant too strong and stubborne ever to quit possession to his Landlord Then for establishment of future peace that posteritie might partake in the benefit of this accord it was concluded that the Princesse Elizabeth eldest daughter to King Edward should marry with Charles the Dolphin Son to Lewys And for her present maintenance five thousand Crownes from France to be payd in the Tower of London and after the expiration of nine yeares shee and the Dolphin to be invested in the Dutchy of Guyen And that on the English side there might bee no fraud upon payment of the first summe the Lord Howard and Sir John Cheinie Master of the Horse were to remaine in hostage untill the Army were return'd into England But that the King might not seeme to forget his confederates the Duke of Burgundie and Britaine were comprehended if they would accept the peace The Count S. Paul was abandon'd in this treatie as an efficiall servant and subject to the Crowne being Constable of France and who by his dissimulation and treason had most offended the nature of our King And usually thus to reconcile great Princes lesser are offered up for sacrifice This peace was generally receiv'd by the Army with applause as by people who began to consider no victory before the battaile certaine and in the battaile much hazard Onely the Duke of Glocester who stood aloofe off on the other side for honour frown'd at this accord and exprest much sorrow as compassionating the glory of his nation blemisht in it Hee repeated his jealousie of the worlds opinion which necessarily must laugh at so chargeable a preparation to attempt nothing And scorne either the wisedome or courage of the English when they shall perceive them in so full numbers and so well arm'd to passe the Sea after a defiance sent and challenge to a Crowne to returne backe without drawing a Sword Moreover to forsake the amitie of so constant friends and in extreame necessitie to betray them beguiled by a common dissembler whose shifts and trickes of state like the slights of hand in juglers are discovered and wondred at by those fooles onely whom hee cozens And what carried with it an apparence of most danger to necessitate the Duke of Burgundie to a peace with King Lewys whereby both may hereafter joyne in a common league against us Who by this one act have forfeited all leagues with our ancient confederates and frighted any other Princes from joyning with us With Glocester agreed many of the Army who were either dependant upon him or who had as unquiet thoughts as hee some likewise who having set up the rest of all their fortunes upon this gaine found themselves undone in their hopes because the Princes had drawne statues But most of a discontented humour that maliciously alwayes interprets the actions of Princes to the worst sence But the Duke of Glocester had a further and a more dangerous aime as who by the dishonour of his brother thought his credit receiv'd increast and by how much the King sunke in opinion he should rise And in regard good and quiet men were delighted in the accord he would be had to the wicked and unquiet and adde a luster to his faction by drawing the nations honour to his part But why this peace should endure so hard a censure both at home and abroad is strange and above all why King Lewys should ascribe any honour to himselfe or thinke the advantage on his side For what ecclipse soever the English glory suffered certainly the French by a most servile way purchast safetie They descending beneath the honour of men by mony to wave a battaile wee being onely faultie in not having perform'd more then men For if we consider our selves subject to
he assumed in receiving the forementioned sums of money Willing that hee should husband his actions of least worth to the greatest advantage of credit with his people While hee on the contrary in all businesses never heeded what judgement opinion gave and so his ends were effected cared not by what sordid or humble meanes Whereupon presently after the departure of the English notwithstanding the many injuries received from the Duke of Burgundy he came to treatie and suddenly to agreement with him In many points unexpectedly yeelding onely that hee might revenge himselfe upon the Count St. Paul for him hee accounted the Conjurer who by his dissembling charmes had raisd those so many and so tumultuous spirits against the Crowne of France And till hee were destroyed King Lewys conceiv'd it impossible to remaine safe from civill or forraigne warre It was therefore agreed betweene these two Princes that what places had beene wrested away in the former troubles should be immediatly restored and which of the two could first surprize the Count St. Paul should within eight dayes put him to death or deliver him up to the discretion of the other By which agreement the wretched Lord found how inevitable was his ruine And considering the vanitie of any hope that might perswade to defend himselfe against so potent enemies he enterd into discourse with his owne feares to which he might make his addresses with more probabilitie of safetie And knowing the immoveable resolutions of King Lewys and how impossible it was to deceive a Prince so cunning in the Art he resolv'd to make tryall of the Duke Who disdainefully receiv'd the first offers of his service but in the end overcome by importunitie hee granted him safe conduct Relying on which he poasted to him but soone found his ruine by the want of that faith which himselfe had never observ'd For the Duke notwithstanding the safe conduct gave command hee should be imprison'd and not long after deliver'd him up to the French King Who caus'd processe to bee made against him certaine Letters written to King Edward and by him deliver'd to King Lewys being the chiefe articles of accusation by which hee was condemn'd and for which not long after he lost his head Hee imbraced death with much resolution onely somewhat astonisht to meet it upon a Scaffold the manner not the thing it selfe amazing him But the officiousnesse of the King in delivery of those papers to the condemnation of his wives Vncle and a confederate was certainly trecherous and ignoble and makes his memory sound harsh in the eare of any worthy minde And indeede he was on the sudden become so passionate a debtor on a reconcild enemy and so passionate an enemy of his late friends That when he understood of the treatie of peace at Vervins betweene the French King and the Duke hee sent over Sir Thomas Montgomery with instructions if possible to breake it off Who urged that the Duke should not bee admitted to treate of himselfe but onely as mention'd in the King his Masters peace that if the Duke refused to treate in that manner and the King any way suspected his owne strength his Master would the next Summer crosse the Seas and joyne his forces with him Conditionally that halfe the wages of his Army might bee defraid by the French for whose service the warre was to be undertaken and that he might be allowed fiftie thousand crownes annually in respect his losse would amount to the value by reason the English Woolls at Callice could during that time have no vent into the Netherlands To such an over officious friendship did his new malice to Burgundie and the counsaile of King Lewys his great pensioners incline him that hee voluntarily offer'd without respect of glory or hope of profit to fight like a journeyman for a Prince whose growth in power could not bee but most unsafe even to him and dangerous to his kingdome This embassie King Lewys receiv'd with apparence of much content congratulating the felicitie of his owne arts that had brought the King to so obsequious a respect but he no way desired to see him any more in France especially not to pay for his presence whose absence hee had lately bought so deerely Hee therefore return'd many thankes for the offer'd favour but withall shewed how much too late it came in regard the truce was already concluded betweene him and the Duke from which being now sworne to it he could recede neither in honour nor religion But that the world might understand how scrupulous he had beene in preservation of the King of Englands reputation the present truce varyed not in one point from that sworne at Picguinie except onely that the Duke was admitted to article for himselfe apart which indeed was the maine thing the King endeavoured to have prevented since by articling apart the Duke showed his independance and that the English by their armes had no way advanced his businesse But that this answer might indanger no misinterpretation he liberally presented the Embassador and sent over with him the two hostages the Lord Howard and Sir John Chiney For King Lewys continued still in much caution to offend the King least perhaps he and the Duke of Burgundy though now asunder might like a limbe broken and set againe knit the faster Hee was therefore diligent to increase every day new discontents betweene them and to preserve the English in their amity firme upon any termes knowing the Duke by no pollicy ever to be reduced to a perfect friendship And so farre had his cunning and pensions prevailed that nothing was more in the vote of the English then to preserve King Lewys safe in his estate at home and noble in reputation with us But among all the ties which kept the King surest to him the hope of marrying the Dolphin with his Daughter and this way at least to settle the Crowne of France in his Posterity most prevailed Of the reality of which article the French permitted not the smallest occasion to be given for suspicion This intention of entering into warre with the Duke of Burgundy being crost the unquiet Nature of some Princes ever affecting to beget trouble to themselves that the King might feele no perfect rest receives the former jealousie concerning the Earle of Richmond But why the reducing him into this powre should so much perplex the state is beyond reach unlesse it were a divination of future accidents which instructed the Kings feares to expect danger from him who neither in the point of justice nor strength was for the present considerable For if we looke upon his faction at home the civill warres had ruin'd them so low that no person of authority had any relation to him except the Lord Stanley who being Father in law to him might perhaps wish his fortunes well but bore a most faithfull mind to the King in whose especiall favour he continued to the last And if we consider him as his neerenesse in blood
grounded were inconsiderate words by which upon report that white Bucke was killd as the King was hunting in his Parke hee wisht the head and hornes and all in the Kings belly whereas indeed he wisht it onely in his belly who counsaild the King to kill it With this accusation were mingled many other of poisoning sorceries and inchantments Crimes which every judicious man easily perceiv'd were onely put in the scale like graines to make his rash language full weight which otherwise would have beene too light to deserve the sentence of death These proceedings Clarence resented as they were intended and expostulated with the King the injustice to his servant and injury to himselfe And according to the custome of expostulations his words were bold and disorderly and having receiv'd an apparent injury built too much on the right of his cause and provoked the King too far into indignation So that soone after hee was committed close prisoner to the Tower where by Act of Parliament attainted he was secretly put to death the manner as it is generally receiv'd was by thrusting his head into a But of Malmesey by which he was stifled In his attainder according to the forme are crimes enough to make his death have apparence of justice the execution of which the King seem'd rather constrain'd to then to have sought For there are reckon'd how the Duk of Clarence to bring the present government into hatred with the people and thereby the present state into trouble had not onely in his speeches frequently laid injustice to the Kings charge in attainting Thomas Burdet falsely convict of many notorious treasons but subornd many of his servants and divers others corrupted with money to divulge the like seditious discourses That he had spread abroad impious rumors that the King dealt by Necromancy and upon offence against such of his subjects whom by order of Law he could not destroy hee was accustomed to take away by poyson That he had not rested there but whereby to advance himselfe to the Kingdome and for ever to disable the King and his posteritie from the Crowne had contrary to truth nature and Religion Viper-like destroying her who gave him life publishâ— that the King was a bastard and no way capable to reigne That to make this his so monstrous ambition more successefull and already to begin his usurpation he had caus'd many of the Kings subjects to bee sworne upon the most blessed Sacrament to bee true to him and his heires without any acceptation of their alleigance After which so solemne oathes hee discovered to them his resolution to right himselfe and his followers who had both suffer'd by the Kings violent wresting away their estates And in particular to revenge himselfe upon the King who as hee most impiously and falsly suggested had by art Magicke order'd to consume him as a Candle consumeth in burning And what most exprest that treason of his designes that he had got out an exemplification under the great Seale of Henry the sixt late King wherein was shewed how by the Parliament it was enacted that if the said Henry and Edward his sonne should dye without issue male the kingdome should descend upon the Duke of Clarence and his heires Whereby clearely appeared his intention immediatly to possesse himselfe of the Crowne with destruction of King Edward and his children by pretention of a generall election of the Commonweale This was the summe of his attainder which wee may well beleeve had not so easily past but by the Kings publike declaring himselfe the secret working of the Duke of Glocester and the passionate urging of the Queenes kindred But this Attainder hath in it one thing most remarkeable that Clarence here falsly was accused by laying bastardie to the King to endeavour possession of the Crowne Which afterward was alledged indeed by Richard Duke of Glocester to the absolute disinherit of the Kings Sonnes Whereby Gods severe judgement manifests how unsafe it is in a Prince by false accusations to condemne an innocent or but to aggravate the fault of one lesse guilty to the end that crueltie may be reported an act of justice The death of this Prince sudden and extraordinary begot every where an extraordinary censure the unnaturall severity taking away all excuse even from their discourse who most fa vour'd the King At home it was generally condemn'd both in regard of the manner it being prodigious to be drowned without water upon dry ground and the quality of the person He being the first brother to a King in this Country that ever was attainted And what increased the murmure a faction appeard at Court triumphing in his ruine all the accusations were strangely wrested and no matter of fact scarce an intention proved against the state Whereupon this punishment was thought to have beene inflicted upon him for no new attempt His first taking part with Warwicke being his onely crime For which warre though somewhat against nature he had many examples in France Spaine and other parts of Christendome Whereas for the death of a younger Brother upon bare suspition the King could borrow no precedent neerer then the Turkish governement But Clarence imagined the prerogative of his birth a sufficient defence against danger and omitted to fortefie himselfe with faction which laid him open to every assault of envy And because hee had heretofore beene in opposition against the King the libertie in censuring any defect in government was interpreted a desire to be in armes agen Every word of distaste being held criminall in him for whom the King was alienated by his owne disposition open invectives of the Queenes kindred and secret traines of the Duke of Glocester who now began to looke high over all respects of nature and religion Hee was certainly ambitious beyond proportion which made him so attentive to any new counsailes and of an easie nature which renderd him apt by practise to be wrought to mischiefe He was a good Master but an uncertaine friend which delivers him to us to have beene according to the nature of weake men sooner perswaded by an obsequious flattery then a free advice We cannot judge him of any evill nature onely busie and inconstant thinking it a circumstance of greatnesse to be still in action Hee was too open brested for the Court where suspition lookes thorough a man and discovers his resolutions though in the darke and lockt up in se. crecie But what was his ruine hee was whether the house of Yorke or Lancaster prevailed still second to the Crowne So that his eye by looking too stedfastly on the beautie of it became unlawfully enamord And that being observd by the Kings jealousie hee sufferd as if hee actually had sinned While this mischiefe was secretly in contrivance against Clarence in the Court appeard no face but that of jollity and magnificence For at that time was Edward eldest son to the King during Christmas to mingle the solemnitie with libertie inaugurated Prince of Wales
Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and his younger brother Richard created Duke of Yorke The fate of their honour and their ruine being still the same At this creation according to the ceremony many young Lords and Gentlemen of principall name were made Knights of the Bath among whom Brian chiefe Iustice of the Common pleas and Littleton that learned father of the Lawes are registred But the publicke glory of these extraordinary pompes and the wantonnesse of his private pleasures could not be maintaind with the ordinary revenue Therefore to make good the expence of his owne errours the King began to looke narrowly into those of his subjects that by this art in a manner he might sinne upon free cost And as it hath beene a certaine observation that the most delicate and voluptuous Princes have ever beene the heaviest oppressors of the people Riot being a far more lavish spender of the common treasure then Warre or magnificence so those parts of the Kings life which were wantond away with varietie of delights are noted to have bin severest But perhaps the subject repents not the free gift of the Kingdomes substance when hee sees the returne of it in triumph but repines if the least part of his contribution bee the reward of parasites or persons to whom fortune not merit gives a growth And Historians likewise have more leasure to examine the crimes of Princes in the silence of peace then in the noyse of warre Or else Princes want opportunitie to inclose their thoughts to the studie of private gaine when the Souldier in a manner layes the wealth of the kingdome open and makes a common of every mans particular treasure For now the King began to cause the Poenall Lawes to be put in execution and wanting higher aimes to looke downeward into every sordid way of enriching himselfe So that a generall feare possest the people that his after government would be both sharpe and heavie considering the first part of it was not without a foule blemish in that kind For in the seventh yeare of his raigne hee proceeded against many of the wealthiest Citizens with so much severitie that it was repoted tyranny The chiefe of them were Sr. Thomas Cooke Sr. John Plumer Knights Humphrey Hewward and other Aldermen And their crime in their having given assistance to King Henry Which considering the circumstance of things could hardly beare any capitall accusation had it beene clearely proved but against these men there was no testimony but what was forc'd with torture and even that testimony not high enough to bring them to the barre yet the King commanded them to be arraigned of high treason at Guild Hall and withall exprest an earnest desire that upon any tearmes they might bee found guiltie Their wealth being the principall witnesse that gave evidence against their lives But the Iurie well directed by Sir John Marckham Knight chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench acquit them of their treason Which neverthelesse releast them not their estates however found guiltie and the greatest part escheated to the King VVith the offenders the Iudge was condemn'd and because hee prefer'd his integritie before a severe command made forfeiture of his dignitie The memory of these carriages heretofore in a businesse that concern'd the life of man reputed innocent drew the world into much feare that hee would now decline to rigour Neither was the King totally excused although this cruell avarice was laid to the Queene who having a numerous issue and kindred by favour raisd up to the highest titles was almost necessitated for supportance of their honours to wrack the Kingdome And happily the universall malice that waited on her and hers serv'd well for the King They being as a screene betweene him and the unwholesome ayre of envie which otherwise might have endangerd his reputation with the people From this rugged way hee was soone diverted by necessitie to looke abroad and perhaps by the gentlenesse of his nature or repentance of his former severitie For the face of the world adjoyning began von the sudden to change and while the Kings of England and France were dividing the territories of the Dutchesse of Burgundie a third stept in and got possession of her and her rich countrey Maximilian Arch Duke of Austria sonne to the Emperour Fredericke the third entertain'd heretofore politckly by Duke Charles was now seriously invited to this marriage For the Lady dispairing to receive succours from the English to the affection of whom she was perhaps inclined by the neighbour-hood of the countrey and perswasion of the Dutchesse Dowager whom deservedly shee much honourd condescended in the end to the desire of her subjects who ever labord to marry lier to some Prince of Germany in regard of the nearenesse in language and concordance in dispositions And although the hereditarie countries of this Prince lying farre remote were unlike to bee any support to her weakned state yet considering him as sonne to the Emperous and in probabilitie like to succeede for in an elective Kingdome scarce ever is the heire put by if equally deserving he might appeare necessary to her present affaires For he was young of a noble spirit strong and healthfull in constitution bold in any attempt of honour and what wonne upon the affections of the Low countreymen extraordinary affable and courteous I know both his actions and the histories of that time deliver him to us of no deepe judgement and so negligent that he ever left things imperfect oftentimes in maine businesse betrayd by his credulitie But this I impute to him as an errour of the climate under which he was borne and a certaine generous honesty which is above suspition The motion of this marriage was imbraced with much joy to accomplishment of which hee instantly prepared Neither could King Lewys with all his Engines batter the resolution of the Emperour who though a most passionate lover of peace which oftentimes hee bought with losse ran the hazard of a warre from France rather then let his sonne loose the advantage of so great a Countrey And suddenly sent him to the Dutchesse attended by many great Commanders who among a people so opprest with armes would bee the best witnesses of a marriage His presence although it did not absolutely turne the streame of Fortune yet gave a stay to the French conquests And after he appeard in the quarrell victory doubtfully inclind sometimes flattering Maximilian at other times King Lewys Maximilian by his brave valour overtaking Lewys who had the start in experience and pollicy So that frequent truces were concluded betweene them and unfaithfully observd the first opportunitie of advantage renewing the warre Lewys handled these businesses apart never admitting King Edward though hee ever officiously labord to interesse himselfe into any part of the warre of peace For as hee knew the strength of his understanding such that hee in treatie could loose nothing by the Arch-Duke so he well consider'd that the safest way to
a suspence of armes and to desire a firme peace in future They there offerd if the occasion of beginning this warre were as it was pretended to give the English full satisfaction So that he could have no colour of continuing in hostilitie but onely a desire to execute his indignation upon a Countrey already sufficiently destroid For concerning the marriage they were prepared when it should please the King of England to accomplish it And for any other injury offered to the English they were ready to make restitution The Duke of Glocester returnd in answer That his comming thither was to right the honour of his Countrey often violated by the Scots and restore the Duke of Albanie unjustly commanded to exile to his native soile and the dignitie of his birth As for the marriage of the Prince of Scotland with the daughter of England he knew not how his brothers resolution stood at the present whereupon hee required repayment of the money lent to their King upon the first agreement And withall a delivery of the Castle of Barwicke up into his hands without which hee protested to come to no accord But the Scottish Lords labourd by all meanes to have avoided the surrender of a place so important by pretending how anciently it ever appertaind to their Crowne by parting with which now they should appeare at too deare and base a price to have purchast peace No argument could prevaile against Glocesters resolution whereupon they yeelded Barwicke with covenant too by no Art hereafter to labour the reduction of it They likewise appointed a day for restitution of all those monies lent by King Edward and promise upon a full discussion to make satisfaction for all damages done the English by any inroade of the Scottish borderers And for the Duke of Albanies provision whose safetie in this expedition was principally pretended a generall pardon for him and his followers was granted together with an obolition of all discontents Whereby he was reinvested in all his former dignities and places and by consent of the nobilitie of Scotland proclaimd Lievetenant of the Kingdome With this Lord the Duke of Glocester endeavor'd a most entire friendship and by all industrie imployd for his advancement in authoritie studied how to make him firme to his purposes if occasion should hereafter present it selfe to require his ayde And questionlesse howsoever the fortunes of these two Dukes accorded not in every point yet there was in their ambitions some kind of sympathy Both being brothers to Kings and both the Kings by the insolencie or licenâ—iousnesse of their actions become obnoxious to a publicke scandall But Albanie had the advantage in a more deserv'd and universall hatred to the King his brother whereby he might not improbably expect to bee King in fact however his brother were in title And Glocester had the start in that the King his brothers ease apparently tended to the shortning of his life and then he remaining the onely Prince of the blood fit to governe was not unlikely to governe as King both in fact and title To the advancement of any such designe a perfect amitie with Scotland Glocester could not but imagine most necessary Haying therefore setled businesses there with all increase of glory to the English name and by consequence to his owne hee return'd to Barwicke which according to the former agreement had beene yeelded to the Lord Stanley Thence in all solemnitie of greatnesse hee came toward London to yeeld an account of his prosperous enterprize By the way permit the honour of this action to bee divulged to the greatest applause whereby to insinuate his reputation into the opinion of the Commons and to show how much more nobly he in this expedition against Scotland had managed the peace for honour of the English nation then his brother had in his undertaking against France Considering that in lieu of a little money which King Edward got from King Lewys he had taken the onely place of strength whereby the Scots might with safetie to themselves have endangerd us And brought them to what conditions he appointed forcing the King to immure himselfe while the English at libertie spoild the Countrey and possest themselves of his capitall Towne of Edenborough And farther by Glocesters flatterers it was urged that if their Generall had but had commission ample enough hee would not have returnd without reduction of the kingdome of Scotland to the Crowne of England Obedience to a superior command fixing so suddaine a period to his actions And certainly in this expedition the Duke of Glocester laid the foundation of all his after atchievements for here having by a free spoile of every towne except onely Edenborough purchast the affection of the common Souldier whose aime in warre is gaine and licence and by sober order and great courage together with a brave zeale ever to bring honour to his side wonne estimation from the nobler sort hee began to imagine himselfe reputed generally onely unhappy in wanting a good title to the kingdome The difference betweene him and his brother the one possest the other deserv'd the Crowne And his thoughts farther flatterd him that it could not prove hereafter difficult upon any hansome occasion to perswade the people who already thought him worthy also to thinke it fit to make him King But these his blacke intentions came not yet to light and indeed they were so monstrous that they would not onely have manifested the uglinesse of their shape had they now appear'd but like imperfect and deformd births beene buried soone as produced Cunningly therefore by simulation of a most serious love to his brother and publiquely ascribing the whole glory of the action to his direction he declin'd suspition Being welcom'd by the King with all the demonstrations of joy who congratulated his owne felicitie in having with so little charge and no losse tamed all the insolency of the Scots and reduced Barwick He therefore to show how much he approved the conditions of the peace went solemnly in procession from Saint Stephens Chappell accompanied with the Queene and a mightie retinue of the greatest Lords into Westminster Hall where in presence of the Earle of Angus the Lord Grey and Sir James Liddall Embassadors extraordinary from Scotland the peace was ratified During the warre with Scotland and after the conclusion of this peace the King discoverd to the people his naturall disposition Which being bountifull and courteous farre from the proud state then in practise with the Tyrants of the East begot a generall affection and made the subject comparing their felicity with the misery of their fathers to blesse the present government The administration likewise of the Lawes being orderly without violence or partialitie caused all the former injustice to be cast either upon the licence of warre or the predominancie of some faction The King absolutely quit in opinion And even from lust which was reputed his bosome sinne toward the later end of his life he was
somewhat cleare Either conscience reforming him or by continuall sacietie growne to a loathing of it for the abstinence could not be imputed to age hee at his death not exceeding two and fortie But what endeard him so much to the affection of the people and especially to the Citizens of London was his being rich by his tribute from France and therefore not likely to lye heavy on them as likewise the so famed bountie of his hospitalitie Two thousand persons being daily served in his Court at Eltham where most solemnly hee celebrated the feast of the Nativitie And to recompence the great love which in both fortunes the Londoners had showed him to his last houre he used towards them a particular kindnesse Even so much that he invited the Lord Major and Aldermen and some of the principall Citizens to the Forrest of Waltham to give them a friendly not a pompous entertainement Where in a pleasant Lodge they were feasted the King himselfe seeing their dinner served in and by thus stooping downe to a loving familiarity sunke deepe into their hearts ordinary slight curtesies ordered thus to the best advantage taking more often even with sound judgements then churlish benefits And that the sex he alwayes affected might not bee unremembred he caused great plentie of Venison to bee sent to the Lady Majoresse and the Aldermens wives Thus was the outward face of the Court full of the beautie of delight and Majestie while the inward was all rotten with discord and envie For the Queene by how much shee considerd her selfe more unworthy the fortune shee enjoyed by so much she endeavord in the exterior height of carriage to raise her selfe foolishly imagining pride could set off the humilitie of her birth Shee was likewise according to the nature of women factious as if her greatnesse could not appeare cleare enough without opposition And they she opposed were the chiefest both in blood and power the weaker shee disdayning to wrastle with and they fearefull to contest with her But what subjected her to an universall malice was the rapine the necessary provision of her kindred engaged her to For they being many and great in title could not bee supplyed according to their ambition but by so common an injury as made her name odious through the kingdome Moreover the Lords of her blood by reason of their nearenesse to the Kings children being insolent and in regard of their youth indiscreet frequently ran into those errours which betraid them to the publicke scorne or hatred Against the Queene for through her kindred they aym'd at her opposed the Duke of Glocester the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Hastings and others of the most ancient nobilitie And to render odious her and hers Glocester laid the death of the Duke of Clarence which fratricide himselfe most barbarously contrived altogether upon their envie pretending a more then ordinary causion for his owne safetie least his person might by the same practise be brought in danger By which calumnie he both cleared his owne reputation and clouded the fame of a faction hee endeavord so much to ruine But this side had much the start in opinion and pollicie over the other who were young and unexperienc'd and president of whose Councell was a woman To compose these quarrells begot the King much trouble neither could he without extreame anxietie heare the continual complaints of persons so considerable both in power in the kingdome and kindred to his children not knowing to how dangerous a height this discord in time might grow But to increase his discontent everyday his jealousie increast concerning King Lewys his faith who now began to unmaske his intention and show how much hee had deluded the English For having ever since Maximilians marriage with Mary Dutchesse of Burgundie beene upon unkinde termes with him sometimes at open warre other times in an unfaithfull truce hee was now growing to an absolute peace And the conditions were whisper'd contrary to the treatie Piquignie which made the King suspicious they two might enter into some league prejudicall to the honour of the English For Maximilian having kept Lewys all the life time of his Lady from any further incroach upon her territory and by his fortune won into opinion with the French grew to bee must desired in the nearest friendship by them And he having buried his Dutchesse who owed her death to her modestie in respect that having broke her Thigh by a fall from a Horse she denied to expose it to the sight of Chirurgeons was willing to stand upon good termes with France Knowing how slender and how unfaithfull an obedience those Countries would yeeld to a Prince who was to rule by curtesie since to their naturall Lords they had ever shewed themselves insolent and rebellious These considerations prepared both sides to peace the conclusion of it to beget a more perfect amitie was that the Lady Margaret a child of two yeares old daughter â—o Maximilian and the Dutchesse of Burgundie should be affianced to the Dolphin then upon the age of twelve So that King Lewys in the marriage of his sonne was ever most disproportionable the daughter of England as much too old as this Lady too young but indeed his end was the same with Charles Duke of Burgundy and many other worldly fathers to match his sonne for the best advantage of his profit and convenience To confirme the uncertaine rumours of this perjurie in King Lewys the Lord Howard return'd out of France and made relation how hee saw the Lady Margaret brought with all pompe and ceremony to Ambois and there married to Charles the Dolphin And to heape yet more injuries not long after the tribute hitherto so carefully payd was denied The French now disclosing the innated malice they bore the English and with how little scruple they could dispence with the most solemne oath when no apparent danger threatned the crime For though the Dolphin when hee had attaind to the age of consent might have broke off this marriage and it could have beene onely term'd an act of discourtesie yet King Lewys who had sworne to this Article with so much ceremony cannot bee excused from a most foule impietie But what reason of state prevaild with him who heretofore awed by his feares had condescended in a manner to compound for his kingdome thus now to slight the English is not delivered in history And it may appeare difficult considering King Edward was now if possibly more absolute in his command at home his people better disciplin'd and no apparence of an enemy from abroad Adde to that his Coffers full increast every yeare by the tribute from France and his reputation high by the victory lately purchast against the Scots A nation though inferior to the French in the riches and extent of territory yet in martiall courage equall and in warring with whom we have found more sweat and danger It is therefore hard to know the cause of King Lewys his
of blood hee saild not voluntarily but violently driven by the tempests of his fortune And for the crueltie laid to him in the death of the Duke of Clarence he was certainly wrought to it by practise and the mis-information of an envious faction in Court The horrour of which fratricide possest him to the last houre of his life frequently complaining against the unhappy severitie of his justice and against the hard nature of his Councellors who would not interpose one word to him for mercy whereby so blacke a deede might have beene prevented But howsoever wee may wash away much of this blood from his memory yet there continue many foule staines upon it since publique mischiefes seldome happen but that the Prince though not actually nocent as in some degree guiltie As these so many confusions at home were the misfortune of his time so was abroad that so scandalous losse of the Easterne Empire to the Turke For though King Edward were not the occasion of so great ruine to the Christian Commonwealth and that this happened before hee attained the soveraigntie his father being head of the faction yet the civill warres of England raisd upon the quarrell which he was soone after to maintaine and the universall division among Princes of the West gave courage to the Infidells and denyed succours to the miserable Emperour opprest by an over potent enemy Whereby a Citie was prophaned in which the Christian faith had flourisht without interruption for a thousand yeares But as the Sea is sayd to gaine in another if it looseth in this place So about this time religion by the singular pietie and valour of Ferdinand and Isabella wonne ground upon the Moores in Spaine whence not long after they were totally and I hope for ever expeld But when the Warre licenc'd the King to attend his government we finde the administration of Lawes just and equall and many new statutes enacted wholesome against diseases crept into the State So that he appeard dilligent both to heale up any wound the tumults of his raigne had given the commonwealth and provident for the health of future ages And certainly no Prince could husband the benefits of peace better for the outward magnificence For his glory was much in hospitalitie and a pompous celebration of the principall feasts of our redemption In which way of bravery setling much of his happinesse hee had beene doubtlesse the most fortunate of any King of the Norman line had hee not faild in expectation of his daughters marriage His buildings were few but sumptuous for that time or more properly but reparations Which are yet to bee seene at the Tower of London his house of Eltham the Castles of Nottingham and Dover But above all at Windsor where he built the new Chappell finisht after by Sr. Riginald Bray Knight of the Order and indowed the Colledge with mightie revenues which hee gave not but transferd thither taking from Kings Colledge in Cambridge and Eaton Colledge a thousand pound by the yeare to inrich this at Windsor But our buildings like our children are obnoxious to death and time scornes their folly who place a perpetuitie in either And indeed the safer kinde of fate happened to King Edward in both these felicities His posteritie like his edifices lost in other names For his two sonnes before they had survived their father the ceremonious time of mourning were themselves inhumanly murderd and as obscurely buried His eldest daughter the Lady Elizabeth was married to the Earle of Richmond knowne by the name of Henry the seventh Whose heire in a strait line not liable to any doubt or question is his most sacred Majestie now glorious in government of this Realme The younger daughters were bestowed one in a monasterie others upon inferiour Lords Cicily married John Vicount Wells Anne Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Briget was profest Nunne at Dartford Mary was contracted to the King of Denmarke but died before consummation Margaret died an Infant Katherine married William Courtney Earle of Devonshire But of none of these younger Princesses at this day remaines any thing but their memory All dying issulesse but the Lady Katherine whose posteritie faild likewise in the third descent Henry her sonne Marquesse of Exceter suffered by attainder in the raigne of his Cosen German Henry the Eight being not long before designd heire apparent an honour fatall in England and his sonne Edward untimely came to his death at Padua in Italy in the raigne of Queene Mary by whose favour hee had regaind his fathers honours and possessions So that all the cleare streame from the spring of Yorke flowes in the house of Scotland The troubled and impure runnes in many veines of the English Gentry For by the Lady Elizabeth Lucy he had an illigitimate Sonne named Arthur who by his wives right was Vicount Lile and dying without issue Male left to his three daughters and their posteritie some tincture of the blood royall This disease of his blood was the crime which procured both to his government and memory many hard censures For though some excuse his lust as a sinne though blacke to the eye of heaven yet no way generally injurious In regard the incontinency of one man could not be so diffusive as to wrong a multitude Neverthelesse who observes the revolutions of Kingdomes shall finde no one iniquitie in Princes so punisht The dishonour of one Lady abused extending the disgrace of severall families and mightie factions knitting together for revenge In the whole stocke of injuries none being so cruell to humane nature and which with lesse patience can bee dissembled His frequent perjurie a sinne which strikes like a Sword with two edges both against divine and humane faith was the crime which renderd him most odious to the societie of man For impiously hee appeard in this to brave heaven slighting all solemne covenants made with God and foolishly preferring before a holy promise a little profit or the satisfaction of his revenge Which crime however for the present it might stand him in some benefit yet certainly it might have indangerd him to much losse in all after enterprises which depended upon faith The deaths of Wells and Dimock of Fauconbridge of Sommerset Lord Prior of St. Iohns and others were the wounds perjury gave his soule the scarres of which remaine yet foule upon his fame But perhaps hee thought no faith was to be held with an enemy Or promist not with intention of performance An impious equivocation but then in practise with his neighbour Princes both of France and Burgundy So that the custome may in some sort seeme to priviledge the fault In his youth he was so uncircumspect and even when he had the strongest arguments for jealousie so overconfident that it engaged him to extreame difficulties and endangerd absolute ruine But his fortune almost miraculously made up all those breaches which had beene by his carelesnesse and presumption laid open and delighting something wantonly to boast her power and favour to him raisd him then highest when all the world and almost his owne hopes forsooke him For presently upon the slaughter of his father at the battell of Wakefield and the overthrow of his great supporter the Earle of Warwick at that of Saint Alban Shee inthrond him in the Kingdome Making the Queene and all the favourers of Lancaster when doubly victorious retire as overcome and the universall acclamations of the people set the regall Diadem upon his head whose fathers head at that time like a Traytors was fixt upon the Walls of Yorke scornd with a paper Crowne And afterward when from a mightie Prince hee was become a miserable Exile forc'd by the treason of his chiefest Councellors and powers of his greatest enemie to flie into Burgundy where hee likewise met with but a dissembled amitie Shee restored him to what at first shee gave And whereas his Forces were so weake upon his returne into England that despayring more hee humbly onely desired to be invested in his fathers Dutchy and vowed never to attempt the Crowne Shee violently forc'd it on him protesting by the mouthes of the Nobilitie who resorted to him at Nottingham not to afford him safetie if hee refused the soveraingtie By which amorous way of threatning shee in a manner wooed him to accept what hee durst not then hope to recover And had the appetite of glory more prevail'd with him then the sence of pleasure as farre as we may conjecture of his fortune hee might have extended his victories over the world which are now straitned with the narrow limits of our Island FINIS
THE HISTORIE OF EDWARD THE FOVRTH KING OF ENGLAND BY WM. HABINGTON Esquire LONDON Printed by Tho. Cotes for William Cooke and are to be sold at his shop neere Furnivals-Inne Gate in Holburne 1640. TO THE KINGS MOST SACRED MAIESTIE Sir AN Humbler Dedication would seeme to lessen the memory of that great Prince whose History I here lay downe at your feete Your Majestie is heire to those Crowns his happy courage regain'd from the long and violent possession of a most Potent Family What can then by any Title appertaine to him but must be injustice to offer to another His life presents your eye with rugged times yet smooth'd by a prevailing Fortune and a just cause Faction begot many tempests but Soveraigntie found a happie calme in the destruction since no gentler way had authoritie of mighty opposers When we your subjects looke backe upon that age how ought we to congratulate the present Wherein free even from the noyse of warre we have hitherto by the excellent Wisedome of your Majesties government lived safe and envied The Almighty grant all your people knowledge of their owne felicity and their mindes so disposed that their blessings may feele no interruption May your Majestie long continue in peace the comfort and honour of these times and the best example for the future But if you shall be forc't to draw your sword may your enemies submit and tastpart of your mercy if not perish in your Victories This is the prayer of your Majesties Most Humble most Loyall and most Obedient Subject WM. HABINGTON THE HISTORIE OF EDWARD THE FOVRTH KING OF ENGLAND RICHARD Duke of Yorke overthrowne by his owne rashnesse and the happie conduct of Queene Margaret at the battaile of Wakefield left the justice of his Title with a more prosperous fortune to his Sonne Edward His head during life busied with expectations of Soveraigntie after death was mockt with a paper Crowne and fixt on a pole was set on the walls of Yorke For the Queene to make his pretentions to the Kingdome the common scorne forgot that compassion she owed humaine calamitie and in a phantasticke cruelty exposed it thus to the barbarous mirth of the be holders With him dyed his younger sonne Edmond Earle of Rutland then but twelve yeares old comming too soone with his tutor to the schoolâ— of Warre and learning at first the sharpest lesson from the Lord Clifford who most inhumanely â—tab'd him prostrate at his feete intreating but for life In the very Haven after a long and tempestuous voyage thus perisht the Duke of Yorke as if it had beene in the fate of al the Richards who were either in fact oâ— title Kings of England to end by violent deathes Richard the first and second preceding him His sonne Richard the Tyrant and Richard Duke of Yorke his Nephew following him in the like disaster though severall wayes and upon different quarrels This great overthrow was suddenly rumor'd through the whole Kingdome and stretched up to the highest to advance the reputation of the Queenes felicitie And soone it arrived at Glocester where Edward Earle of March lay with some small forces expecting directions from his Father By whose death perceiving himselfe in so foule weather to sit alone at the helme he began more warily to steere his course and considering how dangerous leasure is to increase the apprehension of misfortune removed to Shrewesbury By the way his armie swel'd up to three and twenty thousand fighting men which might appeare strange if we weigh the necessary unexperience of his youth being then but eighteene yeares of age and the slender retinue that usually weights on infelicitie But now he was the head of the great body of that faction which his Father at the expence of so long trouble had purchased to his side and them the Queenes nature implacable to mercy made resolute onely to hope for safety by running into the common danger Moreover all the men of power who inhabited betweene Glocester and Shrowsbury had dependancie on him as heire to Mortimer or held in chiefe of his mighty confederate the Earle of Warwicke With this sudden and unexpected accesse of forces he entertain'd a confidence to be able to revenge his fathers injurie and obtaine that greatnesse as yet had beene in vaine attempted Hee therefore lookt about where he might on the best advantage make experience of his fortune Fortune appearing easie to be courted as if enamord on his youth having beene seldome observed but froward to age in any designe that depends chiefely upon courage And occasion was immediately offerd certaine discovery being made of a great power raised by the adverse party with purpose to surprise him in the amazement of the late misfortune The Armie consisted of Welch and Irish according to the severall Nations of the two Commanders Jasper Earle of Pembrooke and Jaems Earle of Ormond Pembrooke halfe brother to Henry the sixt as sonne to Queene Catherin dowager to Henry the fifâ— by Owen Teuther and Ormond a most faithfull servant to the house of Lanchaster by whose gift in England he enjoyed the Earledome of Wiltshire Against these two the Earle of March led backe his Forces and in a large plaine neere Mortimers crosse on Candlemas day in the morning gave them battell Before the fight the Sunne as by many Authors it is averd appeared to the Earle in the resemblance of three Sunnes and suddenly united into one the truth of which I will not dispute But certainely the pretension of such apparitions strangely prevailes with the superstitious multitude and hath beene both the practise and advantage of the most expert Commanders Yet how this omen could bee expounded happie to his de signe I understand not unlesse we seeke the interpretation from the event for that indeed gave him the victory and brought the glory of the two adverse Generalls over to his side so that the three Sunnes which with equall brightnesse appeared in the morning before evening shin'd alone in him For the two Earles and the whole Armie were put to flight with the slaughter of three thousand eight hundred on the place many Welch and some English of name were taken prisoners and afterward at Hereford beheaded among whom an extraordinary fortune hath made Owen Teuther most the discourse of Posterity For the good luck of an amiable person wrought him into the affection and soone after advanced him to the marriage of Catherin daughter of France and Widdow to the most glorious Prince our Nation ever gain'd honour by Yet all that this so envied splendor in a wife got him was to render his life obnoxious to imprisonment and faction and his death more eminention a scaffold This victory raysed Edwards imaginations high so that now he resolved to spend his fortune no longer on small enterprises And least the spirit of his Armie should begin to languish having no enemie neere to finde him in imployment he resolved to search for one about London whether he had
Lady Elizabeth Gray bewitcht him to her love and likewise another precontract with the Lady Edeanor Dutler daughter to the Earle of Shrewsbury and widdow to the Lord of Sudlye I cannot but beleeve all those scandals by some of the tyrants wicked instruments suggested into the mindes of that assembly For had there beene a just exception against this marriage neither George Duke of Clarence nor the Earle of Warwicke in their frequent calumnies against the King being in open rebellion had left it unmention'd But no sooner had King Edward obey'd his â—ancie in taking her to his bed and in that â—asted the forbidden fruite forbidden I meane by politique respects but he saw himselfe naked of friends at home and abroade to oppose against any new arising difficulty But as yet by the braverie of his carriage did he aâ—de an honour to the â—ct Courage and Love either denying himâ— to foresee or to regard the danger Though as soone as the marriage was deâ—â—â—ged hee presently I discern'd another face of men Moâ—â—â—â—iâ—r 〈◊〉 in the Extraordinary for France full of indignation return'd and the Nobility in generall lookâ— discontented or else but forc'd a smile The soâ— higâ— advancement of this one Lady and her children lately beneath so many in fortune begetting an universall envie in the rest But when the Earle of Warwicke understood how mighty an affront by this was given to his imployment he entertain'd none but disdainefull thoughts against his Prince And exprest so bold a discontent that Lewis of France who was quicke to perceive and carefull to â—omentany displeasure which might tend to the disturbance of another Kingdome began to enter into private communication with him For ever after this common injury so they cal'd the errour of love in the King the Earle held a dangerous intelligence in France which after occasion'd so many confusions to our Kingdome Neverthelesse upon his returne he dissembled â—ll discontent and in every circumstance of respect applyed himselfe to applaâ—de the mariage and in particular the excellent peâ—sonage of the Queene The King intâ—rpreted the intentions of the man according to the apparance unwilling perhaps to racke his owne nature so farre till it had confest that his carriage might dissemble danger And in the meane time to raise his wives kindred as neere as possibly to his owne greatnesse hee searchâ— out all meanes for their advancement The Lord Richard Widdevill her Father he created Earle of Rivers and High Constable of England with an annuall Fee of 200 pound out of the Exchequer whom shortly after he made Lord Treasureâ— Her brother Anthony hee created Lord Scales the daughter and heirâ— to which title by the Kings earâ—est sollicitation he not long before had wedded And her sonne Thomaâ— hee rais'd to the honour of Marquesse Dâ—rset for whom he procured in marriage the heire of the Lord Bonvile and Harrington By his owne free gift enobling them with titles and by the industry of his mediation enabling them with possessions to make those titles no scorne to the owners Every unmarried Lord imagin'd the bestowing of these two great heires on the Queenes kindred an injury to his owne hopes And Warwick thought every great office confer'd upon another misplac'd For his many Services begot so great an insolencie that he scarce allowed the King a share in the distribution of his owne Hereupon his thoughts grew dangerous and onely opportunity was wanting to thrust him into action He consider'd the vastnesse of his possessions the greatnesse of his authority among the Commons and the generall dependancies of the men of war upon him and hence concluded it was as easie for him to uncreate as to create a King But hee found the generall humor of the kingdome not yet fully ripe for mischiefe the vulgar enamor'd on the much curtesie of their Prince the Lords neerest to him in blood likeliest to incline to his Faction deare likewise to the King and all of the house of Lancaster who by probability would at first invitement take fire in any combustion of the state exil'd and poore Sedition therefore for the present was but an embrion in his braine which after when time had deliver'd became so vast and bloody a monster Neverthelesse hee was not unmindfull of his designe cherishing unkinde thoughts in any whom he saw distasted at the King and casting forth speeches which might lessen the honour of his publicke and private actions with which discourses as with slow poysons he infected many limbes of the general body Then upon pretention of infirmity and prescription of Pâ—isitions for the change of ayre with licence from the King he retired to his Castle at Warwicke Where his observation was what Lords great in power or treasure resorted to him and with what countenance whether they undervalued the weakenesse of the Kings judgement or hated the advancement of the Queene and her kindred whether they were troubled at any private repulse or open affront or generally at the publicke businesse or whether they repented not the so violent oppression of the family of Lancaster Any discontent making for his purpose which either pointed at the errors of the King pride of the Queene and her kindred or the misgovernment of the state Vpon the affections of the meaner sort begain'd by a profuâ—e hospitality â—â— open kitchen and buttery perswading more with them than any dutie to justice Vpon the good will of the better sort he wonne by bowing his entertainement downe to an endearing familiarity saluting every man curteously by his name and engaging them by triviall benefits And with all sorts by his great service to the Crowne and a carriage Noble both in warre and peace The King though he wanted that vertue of â—owards suspicion began neverthelesse to have the Earle in some jealousie his unusuall retirednesse from the Court and so expencefull purchasing the voyce of the people argued both distaste against his Prince and a hope to maintaine any unlawfull enterpise by Faction But either in pollicie he dissembled his distrust nor having yet any firme ground to build a just accusation or in good nature would ecclips the Earles greatnesse by which himselfe enjoy'd a benefit little lesse thaâ— the Crowne But that the storme threatned from France for incensing King Lewis in the diâ—â—ouâ—â—t marriage of the Lady â—ona might be diverted he made strong confederacies round about him With Henry King of Castle and John King of Arâ—agon that Spaine however far remoâ—e might bâ—e neere in friendship he enter'd into leagâ—â— and upon the conclusion of it granted licence for the transportation of certaine Cotswold sheepe thither a grant that is complain'd of still as a mighty enriching to the Spanish and as great an empoverishing to the English Merchant With Scotland hee made a trucâ— for fifteene yeeres that he invading France or invaded by the French might be secure however not to have that Nation according to their custome upon all advantages enemies at his
blood By which Act they rais'd so feirce an appetite oâ— revenge in the enemie that the next day they gave the Earle battell and the fight was long and cruell Neither â—ad the victory fallen so absolutely to the Northerne men but that John Clopton reâ—ainer to the Earle of Warwicke appearing upon the top of a neighbouring hill with five hundred ragged and disordred men uâ—der Warwickes standard and the Northerne men at their approach crying out a Warwicke a Warwickeâ— made the Welch beleeve all the Rebell Forces were there and that it would be but foolish desperation to fight it out against an enemie fresh and so farre superior in number whereupon they â—â—ed In the battell and the flight five thousand of the Welch were slâ—ine and among the few prisoners the Earle of Pembrooke and Sir Richard Herbert were taken whose heads soone after were sacrific'd upon the Scaffold to the Ghost of Nevill Their valour and brave direction begetting an universall sorrow to the Kings partie in their deaths and even an envie in the conquering Enemie Neither did the Lord Sâ—afford the author of this overthrow escape condigne punishment for by diligent inquiry found in Devonsâ—ire without processe at Bridgewater hee lost his head Having so inconsiderately managed his businesse that he betrayd King Edwards Armie upon a false apprehension of an affront and yet provided not thereby to wâ—nne favour so far with the enemie as by their Armes to protect himselfe from the Kings just indignation This victory added yet a bolder courage to the attempt of Warwicke but into the Northerne multitude it infused a madnesse not to be cured by any councell or direction For immediately some companies of them retired into Northampton shire where associating to them certaine of the most desperate inhabitants no mischiefe was left unacted The name they gave their Commander if such a disorder'd rabble could obey any was Robin Riddisdale and their first assault on Graâ—ton a seate belonging to King Edwards Father-in-Law the Earle Rivers The place their wilde rage soone possest and among the other spoyles violently taken there were the Earle himselfe and Sir John Widdevill his younger Sonne These they prosently led to Northampton and there beheaded without any forme of Law that deform'd body having no eare open to any discourse but to that of blood and fury An envied life and cruell death was the Summe of all those favours confer'd by Fortune on this Lord esteem'd so happie in his owne marriage with Jaquet widdow of John Duke of Bedford and daughter to Peter of Luxenburgh Count St. Paul and in his daughters with the present King For as the assent to these strange heights are ever malign'd so the desent is ruinous and fatall Not any one of seven sonnes which this Lord was Father â—o leaving behind him issue to perpeâ—uate the â—ame some of them likewise extinguishing violently A misery either seldome happening oâ— not observ'd in meaneâ— families This great dâ—lâ—ate and these inâ—olencies â—o beyond the sufferance of a Prince together with the Earle of Warwickes openly professing himselfe head to this vaste body of Rebells strooke an astonishment in the Kings Armie and I will not say feare but strange diffidence in the King himselfe Which inclin'd him to listen to the safer though lesse noble advice of them who perswaded him to end all dissention with the Earle by treaty For in this so universall disease of the Kingdome there was some sound men both of the Clergie and Nobility yet left whom faction did not interesse in mischiefe and who out of experience of past miseries were willing to prevent future By their mediation though the Armies by this time were so neere encampt that they could hardly part without battell were every houre made new overtures of peace and on both sides not un willingly received The Earle of Warwicke whose pretence was that of all Rebels The good of the Kingdome entertain'd these Treaties with a humilâ—ty beneath his nature and late advantages neither appear'd stubborne to bend downe to the lowest submission so provision might bee made for the publique benefit Yet never in all these apparences of a calme did he neglect to prepare himselfe against the roughest storme of warre knowing the best way to bee recoâ—cil'd upon safe termes to an enemie is not to be necessitated to peace But the King of a waâ—en nature apt to receive any impressâ—ons best pleas'd his present humour would not trouble his quiet to believe there might be fallacie in Warwickeâ— pretensions Whereupon imagining that had received perfection which was then but in â—â—itation â—hee neglected the order of warre and began in his Campe to taste the pleasures of Court Which evill discipline observ'd by the Earle hee takes the advantage suddenly sets on the Kings field kills the watch and in the dead of night at Wollny within foure miles of Warwicke surpriseth his person buried in a carelesse sleepe So that hee no sooner waked but found how false his dreame had beene which flatter'd him with peace This so unhappie negligence betray the King to an insulting enemie who up brayded his prisoner in the most insolent termes with ingratitude to his great merits and boasted it was now both in his power and resolution to plaine that mountaine he had rais'd and raise the humbled vally of King Henries fortunes up to the throne he once possest And presently sent away the King prisoner to Middleham Castle in Yorke-shire there to be kept by his brother busie Archbishop of that Sea Not daring to retaine him longer least his Armie might unite and hazzard the recovery of their Prince In this middle and unsafe course of managing his great fortune questionlesse the Earle committed a maine oversight For either by a free delivery with some conditions advantagious for himselfe and friends and what conditions would the King then not have sign'd hee should have cast a perpetuall obligation upon him or else by destroying him have secured his designe from after hazzard knowing that no prison could hold a Prince which would not open to corruption or battery and no brother could have a faith so strong which would not bee in danger to bee weakned either by threates or promises But perhaps this way of pollicie was onely beaten by that time and the proud Earle tooke a glory to keepe the whole Kingdome at his devotion and the two Competitors his Captives for both of them his Fortune had imprison'd But King Edward grew soone weary of the restraint as whom a long practise in the liberty of pleasure had not endued with such a tamenesse as armed King Henry He therefore presently casts his eye about to finde some way so redeeme his person from captivitie and his honour from so darke an errour as by negligence to have beene surprised And having upon pretence of necessary exercise for health obtained licence to hunt in the adjoyning Parke he so contrived with Sir William Stanley and Sir Thomas Burgh that unexpected
the surprisall or destruction of Warwick or holding so little intelligence even in a conquerd enemies Campe that he knew nothing of his present designe The Earle having tryed as strange a vicissitude of fortune as in so short a space was ever observ'd in story by the benefit of a prosperous gaile soone was brought before Callice Where being Captaine of the Towne hee expected entrance but the Cannon was presented him and no Commisseration of the Duches of Clarences being in travaile could obtaine so much as admittance to her present necessitie onely the poore releefe of some few flaggons of wine was sent her Mourifieur de Vaucleere a Knight of Gascoiny Leiveteâ—â—nt of the Towne thus confidently refused his Captaine professing that however hee owed his present Command to Warwickes bounty his loyaltie to the King did cancell al inferiour obligations By which bravery of his carriage he wonne so great reputation with the King and the Duke of Burgundie who ever hated the factious pride of Warwicke and even from the beginning of these troubles had labourd to continue Vaucleere firme in his alleigance that from the King he received by Letters Patents the Captaineship of Callice in Cheife and from the Duke an annuall pension of a thousand Crownes during life Into thus much honour and profit did dissimulation worke him while under hand by the subtilty of councell he steerd the Earle of Warwicke to safety and by false appearing fidelity betray'd his Prince For he assertain'd the Earle of his good intentions to his affaires and howeven now but that he knew it could not but be ruinous to both he would declare himselfe For if the Earle entred the Towne hee did but imprison his person to bee detain'd till the King were pleased to command it forth to execution Considering that the inhabitants were but unsure friends and the Lord of Duras the Earles profest enemie Marshall of all the Forces in the Towne Moreover the Burgonians territory encompast Callice by Land and their fleete was in readinesse to blocke it up by Sea so that no way would be open to his escape Wherefore hee advised him for his present security and future hopes presently to addresse himselfe to King Lewis of France who was ever ready to entertaine any Lord of another Nation in quarrell with his Prince But above all would welcome the Earle both in regard of the neere intelligence hee had long held with him and the hatred he bore King Edward for affronting the Lady Bona and the Duke of Burgundy for so often confederating with the rebells of France By this councell the Earle of Warwicke steer'd his course to Deepe by the way making prize of whatsoever appertain'd to the Duke of Burgundy or his subject And no sooner was hee landed there but most solemnely invited to the Castle of Amboys where King Lewis then kept his Court. The ceremony short ever with men of businesse past over at the first meeting suddenly they entred into councell how to renew the warre and restore King Henry Whose re-establishment in the Kingdome Lewis ever most passionately urg'd not in respect of the neere alliance commiseration of his long sufferance or opinion of his better title but onely because he knew him inferiour in courage to King Edward and therefore the lesse dangerous neighbour and probably while any of the house of Yorke remaind civill war likely to keepe the English Armes busied at home Wherefore by his importunity Queene Margaret who hitherto had lived an exile in France and now upon the Kings invitation came to Court was perfectly reconcil'd to the Earle of Warwicke Warwicke who before had chased her out of the Land disinthrond her husband and opprobriously imprison'd him cut off the many branches and almost pluckt up the very roote of the tree of Lancaster But necessity tooke away the sting from nature and united them in the neerest friendship For that there might not be left any tract of former discontent or path to future jealousie a marriage was concluded and celebrated betweene Prince Edward the Queenes sonne and the Lady Anne younger Daughter to the Earle And on this marriage was agreed that King Edward should be deposed King Henry re-inthrond the Crowne to be entaild upon Prince Edward and for default of his issue to come to the Duke of Clarence and his posterity By which conveighance humane policie did her part to perpetuate the succession of the Kingdome in the posterity of Warwicke But the Almighty made a mockery of this Babell which fell soone to ruine by selfe division and confusion not of Languages but affections For the Duke of Clarence began now to consider how by following the Earles desperate Councells he had gain'd nothing but the conscience of an unnaturall revolt and how ruin'd he were if the successe of this enterprise should not be prosperous and if prosperous how upon the destruction of a brother hee had built himselfe a lesse greatnesse than he might have enjoy'd without sinne or hazard There being a vaste distance betweene the neerenesse of two sons to one mother and onely husbands to two sisters Neither had hee any sure ground for confidence that when King Henry were restored hereditary malice might not prevaile and destroy him for the crime of his family And now more than ever he found himselfe declin'd being forc'd to submit not onely to Warkicke but to a new young Prince having before acknowledg'd no superiour but the King and him a brother Neither was the Duchesse of Clarence her selfe a weake engine on which this alteration moved For however as a daughter she might wish prosperity to the attempts of Warwicke yet ever since the last agreement of reinvesting the house of Lancaster in the Kingdome shee found in her minde a strange alicnation from the Faction And indeede either shee began to dislike the variety of her fathers resolutions as whom ambition led violently to build and plucke downe or in conscience thought the justice of the claime was wholly in King Edward having in her childhood and those impressions are ever deepest beene instructed to affect the house of Yorke and approve the title Or and that is the most probable in a woman she envied perhaps the preferment of a younger sister hating that Fortune should throw backe the priority of nature However it was yet certainely by her meanes King Edward labor'd to recall his brother and though not suddenly yet in the end prevail'd For having sent over a gentle woman her sexe tooke away suspicion from the practise with full instructions both to advice the Duchesse not to worke the ruine or at best the lessenning of her husband by those councells held then betweene Queene Margaret and the Earle of Warwicke as like wise to promise if shee perswaded her husband to him and her as much love and greatnesse as the â—â—â— of Nature and so great a merit might justly challedge He in fine got a promise that soone as the Duke were disintangled from his
present ingagements he would declare the naturall affection he owed a brother This weake hope the late victory and seeâ—ling baâ—ishment of his enemies looseâ—â—ed King Edward to his accustomed wantonnesse and riâ—â— For certainly never liv'd Prince whom adversitie did more harden to action and prosperitie more soften to voluptâ—ousnesse So that by the judgement on his life we may say like a stone cast into the ayre hee was by necessitie forst up to glory while his center remain'd beneath in the sence of pleasure And so improvident was his memory that he forgot the greatest injuries and resâ—â—â—ed the Archbishop of Yorke into favour not hearing so much as a watchfull eye over a reconcil'd enemy By which his counâ—â—iles were betray'd and he perswaded to a false and most dangerous securitie But the Duke of Buâ—gundy whose recreation was businesse and whose delight extent of dominion who by having long â—â—astled with Lewis the Eleventh had leaâ—â—t all the slights of warre and peace labor'd â—o disperâ—e the storme before it fell upon England Whelâ—â—â—on hee daily advertiz'd King Edward of all passages in the Court of France his intelligence holding good there and who knew how neare danger came to him should our King be overthrowne Hee advis'd him by vast promises which no way oblieg'd performance to winne some and â—owing the poysonous â—eede of aemulation to recall others As likewise to send over some great Lord into France who pretending discontent shall adhere to the faction and under hand discover all their counsailes But above all he sollicited him to rigge up and set forth his Navie whereby to prevent their landing Affirming it to bee a most ridiculous madnesse in a King unlesse urged by inevitable necessitie to stake his Crowne at a battaile against the desperation of a rebell The King contrary to this sober counsaile never endeavour'd to hinder the returne of Warwick but building on the protestations of the Marquesse Mâ—ncatute and the Archbishop of Yorke securely gave himselfe over to licenciousnesse In which interim the Earle with his retinue conducted by the Bastard of Burbâ—â— Admirall of France saild backe into England King Leâ—yâ— having furnisht him with a full supply of mâ—nies and for shouldiers hee needed no â—oâ—taine levies his name and faction was so great at home For though the Countrey by â—ivill warre was much dispeopled yet the commonalty being for the most borne and bred up in tumults were naturally addicted to armes and prone upon any innovations to take the field Neither could the Duke of Burgundy though most passionately hee labor'd it hinder the Earles landing by giving him battaile at Sea for the winds fought for Warwick and disperst the Burgâ—nian fleete the best in that age commanded upon the Seâ— casting some ships upon the coast of Scotland others upon the reâ—otest parts of Holland Neither did the King any way repent his error when hee understood the Earle was landed but presently dispatcht a messenger to the Duke intreating him to continue his Army at Sea to impeach Warwicks flight backe into France as if hee were ascertained fortune would never deny him victory So secure was he growne by an overbold presumption the bastard daughter of a long prosperitie But they whom experience had instructed to more caution pittied his mistake and foresaw the ruine And he himselfe not long after understanding how mightily the Earle increast in power began to thinke his safetie brought into hazard Which he much more beleeved when he found the Nobilitie whom he summon'd to his aide to excuse themselves and the common streame of people to ebbe wholly from his devotion And indeed even in the Citie the adverse faction was growne so strong that Doctor Gooddiard Chaplaine to the Earle at Pauls Crosse in his Sermon dared even to act the Herald and conclude Edward an usurper And thereupon to commend the most religious intentions of the Earle and to exhort the Audience to joyne with him in restoring their imprison'd Soveraigne King Henry to his Scepter and the Common wealth to libertie The credulous multitude tooke this heresie for true doctrine and with some of the zealous ignorant it so farre prevailed that in pure devotion they committed high treason But would to God the Pulpit might onely speake things sacred matters of State having roome enough to bee discust in Councell Chambers and other places erected for publike assemblies For certainly how erronious soever the tenet bee if utter'd there by a Priest with apparence of Religion it gets two much authority in the eare and too much ground upon the conscience As this opinion did which no sooner received but all began to incline to revolt and with the first retired away the late reconcild Archbishop and the Matquesse Montacute his brother both having so often and so ceremoniously vowed never to forsake the title of King Edward and both now perfidiously breaking those vowes and with the lowdest crying out Long live King Henry The trechery of Mountacute who having raisd in King Edwards name six thousand men turnd now with them to Warwicke and the generall defection of the Land threw the King downe into extreame despaire For those few Lords who constantly adheard to his declining fortune commanded over so small a number that to resolve upon a battaile were to betray themselves to slaughter And when misfortune drove their thoughts upon safetie by flight they knew not whether to resolve No Land being willing to receive that Prince who is forc'd to flie his owne But while his imaginations remaind thus confused he had hardly escapt a surprize in the night had not his former misfortune served him now for instruction And finding his stay onely begot disreputation to his quarrell and danger to his person he began his flight towards Lincolneshire But the Earlesent after him his Light Horse following with the whole body of his Army and so close did the Light Horse pursue him that with much difficultie and with losse of all his carriages in his passage thorough the Washes hee reacht Linne The Lord Hastings faithfull to the King in all fortunes and who had yet three thousand Horse under his command stayd some short time behind and now when he imagin'd the King past the reach of imminent danger he dismist his Forces and followed after At parting he commended the faith of the Souldiers to their Prince which neverthelesse for the present hee advised them to dissemble No present securitie nor hope of doing after service but by submission to the prevailing faction Ere long he promis'd to returne when a better fortune would invite them to show the loyaltie of their affections the violence of the storme being too mightie to continue and King Edward in faction at home and abroad too potent so easily to quit a kingdome however for the present he withdrew himselfe a while Having exhorted thus his Souldiers he obeyed necessity and by speedy flight went after the King Who having hired three shippes one of England and
relation of his present calamitie he perswaded them to compassion So that whom they refused to serve as King which had beene an act of loyalty they condescended to aide as Duke of Yorke which was absolute rebellion It being high treason in a Subject though never so apparently injured to seeke his remedy by armes And by the sence of his owne misfortunes he made his Oratory so powerfull that all began to exclaime against the injustice of the last Parlament in conferring the Dutchy of Yorke which by right of primogeniture belong'd to Edward upon his second Brother George Duke of Clarence Which Act could not be imagined freely granted by the Parliment but extorted by the overgreat sway of Warwicke And had Edward by usurpation of the Crowne deserv'd so heavy an attainder He might yet quit himselfe from the crime having beene incenc'd thereunto not by his owne ambitious desire of raigne but by the instigation of Warwicke Who no longer would suffer the government of his King then the King knew how to obey his insolent direction And who had thus planted and supplanted Princes not out of love to Iustice but onely thereby to transplant the Soveraignety into his owne Family Thus the Commonalty argued for Edward and made him yet partake in the fortune of a Prince by not permitting him to beare the burthen of his own faults and that he might recover the â—â—â—tchy belonging to his family many persons of power and name resorted to him be solemnely swearing never to attempt hereafter the re-obtaining of the kingdome The same oath swore Henry of Bullingbrooke when pretending to the Dutchy of Lancaster he landed in the North arm'd against King Richard which he brok as Edward after did upon the like advantage So that with humilitie we ought to wonder at the judgements of the Almightie who permitted perjurie now to unbuild the great nesse of Lancaster which at first was built by perjury Leaving therefore a Garrison in Yorke a safe retreat upon the worst occasion hee marcht toward â—â—â—doâ—â— about which place he had ever found his fortune most benigne And confidently led on his Forces which could not deserve the name of Army although the Marqueâ—â—e Mountague with a farre superior power lay then â—â— Poâ—â—fret to impeach his journey Nigh which when King Edward came expecting battaile Mountague who had both abilitie and opportunitie to have destroyd him let him quietly passe not permitting any act of hostilitie to be showed or advantage taken This grosse oversight in so absolute a command received severall interpretations according to the complexion of the men discourst it The more Religious who favord King Edwards title thought Almighty God intending to set the Crowne upon the right head had infatuated the counsells of his enemies The more vulgar judged it cowardize in the Marquesse which durst not fight against that Majestie for which hee had so often â—ought and against a Prince who haâ— never beene in â—aâ—taile but victoriouâ—li But the â—â—â—â—â— in different esteemed it a peece of over cunning which in the event iâ— ever folly to let his forces passe whereby after hee might inclose him â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â— and his brothers army and so without â—â—â—â—â—â—â— destroy him or else sonâ—e intelligence which â—â—â—ore â—â—â—â—â— held with King Edwardâ—o â—o whoâ—â— love and beâ—efâ—â—â—â—â— owed so much Whence this â—â—â—stake proceeded I will not dispute but certainly it served well to the Kings purpose had safetie and received â—omdâ— the Earle of Warwicke and his faction no other name then of falshood and treaâ—â—on King Edward was no sooner past this danger but at any of the Nobility with mightie 〈◊〉 reâ—â—â—â—â—â— to him â—â—her desâ—oâ—â—â— of another 〈◊〉 on of â—thro◠〈◊〉 having found their expectation driâ—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 â—â— directed by their better Aâ—gâ—ll to 〈◊〉 to that side which ever â—â— as â—oâ—â—â— just and suddenly more likely to be 〈◊〉 â—ortoâ—â—â—e But before they would solemnely declare themselves they intreated and soone prewail'd with him to cast off the poore intention to a Dutchy and lay his challenge to what was his inheritance the kingdome For it would lessen even to contempt the great reputation of his birth and 〈◊〉 victories to let the people perceive that a short ecclipse of fortune had made him fall so low as to depose himselfe from the Royâ—loie Neither could they justifie their taking armes to settled subject in his inheritance Since the Law is open to and such controversies and if he would subject himselfe to the Law the last Parliament â—â—â—â— forever disabled him from any such claime Weaker arguments would have beene of power enough to have perswaded his great Spirit but by these he was confirm'd in his owne thoughts and with the title of King and a â—â—â— Arm â—archt directly to Coventry fierâ—e in his desire to give Warwicke battâ—ile who lay there â—ncampâ— But no provocation could bring him from his â—renches knowing his Army divided and those forces he had there undeo his command unequall to maintaine fight with the King For the Marquesse Mountagae was not yet return'd from the North and the Duke of Clarence though often and earnestly sollicited excused himselfe and kept his power apart So reservd way in them made Warwicke begin to hold both in suspition but most of all Clarence whose Forces were so neare and in so good order that there could bee no excuse but in the unpreparednesse of his mind The King therefore perceiving no thing could force Warwicke upon uneven termes to fight marcht against Clarence and soone as hee drew neare both Armies prepared for the incounter But as a plot in a well contrived Comedy is so cunningly wrought that it discovers not it selfe till the last Scene and then expectation acknowledged her selfe deluded by invention So this reconciliation betweene the brothers agreed on long before on the sudden now broke forth when all outward apparences threatned hostilitie For the Duke of Glocester and other Lords seeming to abhorre the inhumane nature of the prepared battaile past often formally betweene the brothers and urged them by all respects both religious and polliticke to prevent a quarrell so ruinous and so scandalous to both wherein the triumph could not be but almost destruction to the Conquâ—ror After much mediation and much seeming relectation that was in the end concluded which had long before beene resolved on And the Duke of Clarence submitting himselfe to King Edward brought with him all those forces which upon Warwicks reputation much more then upon his owne he had raisd But that in this agreement he might not appeare to forget the office of a sonne in Law and a friend he joyntly with the King sent to intreat the Earle to enter league with them for confirmation of that title which himselfe had first defended and to avoid the effusion of so much blood as this quarrell must necessarily draw For conditions he himselfe should set downe his owne knowing hee would be so rationall in his demands as to require
his posterity by violent deathes was reduced to nothing The large River of his blood divided now into many streames some so small they are hardly observ'd as they flow by Of his brother the Marquesse Mountague little can be cleerely spoken so reserv'd were his imaginations and so obscure his wayes especially to us who looke on him so farre off and with so imperfect a light Neither of himselfe can he afford much to story having never beene but second in any businesse of moment and like some poore gamster seldome or never play'd his own Cards He had certainely as much valour and dissimulation as rendred him both a perfect Souldier and Courtier He never miscarried in any battaile till the last in which he perisht so that indifferently we may ascribe to his good conduct and fortune the prosperity of his successe His affections being divided betweene a King and a brother made him suffer that misfortune that ever attends neutrality Though indeede he may be rather sayd to have beene for both than neither His nature was nothing so stubborne as his brothers which perhaps was bended to plausibility by the dependances of his fortune The comportment of men sâ—ldome swelling to a distastfull pride unlesse from the very cradle flattered with respect without the competition of an equall He abhord peace whose strict rules circumscrib'd him within the narrow limits of his owne revenue and loved warre which called not his expences to accoumpt and equal'd if not elevated him above those great men whom he must have envied in a quiet sâ—ate In a word the dispositions of these two Brothers are bâ—st discovered to us by the King himselfe of whom Warwicke was still either esteemed or hated Mountague loved or pittied The affection which King Edward boreâ— Mountague during life appeared by the good language he alwaies used of him even when in Armes against him which perhaps occasion'd some jealosie of his faith in Warwicke And after death in permitting his and for his sake his brothers bodie the honour of a convenient buriall For after they had both laine two or three dayes bare-fac'd in St Pâ—uls Church exposed a spectacle obnoctious to such passions as the beholders were inclined to either by Nature or Faction they were carryed downe to the Priory of Bisham Where among their Ancestors by the mothers side Earles of Salisbury the two unquiet brothers rest in one Tombe Queen Margaret now when it was too late Landed â—â— Waimouth having in her retinue some few French Forces the warie King Lewis loath to venture much upon an after game of fortune And here when she expected the acclamations of triumph she first received the newes of Warwicke slaine and his Armie defeated Which to her mind prepared then to have some taste of happinesse was so sad a distraction that she knew not which way to direct her resolutions At length desperation forc'd her to the common poore refuge of Sanctuary And in Bewlye in Hampshire a monastery of Cistâ—rcian Monkes she registred her selfe her sonne and followers for persons priviledg'd To her in this ago nie of soule came Edmond Duke of Sommerset who had escap'd from the overthrow at Barnet with his brother the Lord John Bewfort Iohn Courtney Earle of Devonshire brother to Thomas who taken at Towtâ—n field was beheaded at Yorke Iasper Earle of Pâ—mbrooke younger sonne of Owen Tâ—uther by Queene Katherine Dowager John Longsâ—â—other Lord Prior of St. Johns and John Lord Wenlocke who had received his first advancement to honour by his great Services to King Edwaâ—d and â—ow by the folly of his ingratitude had betray â— himselfe to a ruinous Faction These Noble personages greater farre in the reputation of what they had or might have beene than in their present power labour'd what they could by their comfort and presence to raise up the Queene sunck with the weight of her misfortunes They related to her the hopes shee yet might retaine in the amitie with France and authoritie she had in England multitudes yet surviving vvhom if not affection to the title desperation of their owne fortunes and safety of their persons would necessitate to take armes All overthroâ—es rather sowing then taking away the seeds of warre Neither if she lookt in differently upon the last battle had she reason to be disconsolate For if shee reflected on the number of the slaine it was not considerable Or upon the death of the Generall the Earle of Warwicke Shee might receive that losse as a benefit He having beene indeed a cruell enemy but never but an insolent friend Whose fortune had it continued prosperous as it began it might have beene a question whether the â—arle of Marches or his â—surpation would have beene the more insupportable They urged farther the authority Sommerset Devonshire the Lord Prior and Wenlooke had in England and the multitudes Pembrooke might arme in Wales But above all what a confluence of the boldest youth would be to the Prince would hee but take the field and appeare in his owne quarrell Nothing having advanc'd the title of Yorke but Marches presence in all battles or â—oâ—â—d the reputation of Laucaster but King Henries unactive piety and fighting still by Deputies The Souldier thinking it desperation for them to hazard their lives where the Prince whom it concernes timerously refuseth to stake his owne But all these arguments exemplified by the most perswasive Oratory could not recover the sad Queene to a perfect life in her spirit For either so many disasters and falling so thicke together made her despaire successe Or else the soule before a great mischiefe hath a certaine divining knowledge of future accidents And now she beganne to thinke that small time her husband had beene re-invested in the Kingdome was but a lightning before the death of all loveraignety in his Family Yet when she looked upon the Prince hope flatter'd her desires that he might hereafter revive the greatnesse of his blood but then the memory of forepast misfortunes made her a melancholly Prophetesse of future râ—ine Howsoever the objects of her thoughts were dismall shee dissembled them and was as busie in all polliticke contrivances and as forward in setting forth the armie as the most resolute Commander But when she perceived the Lords earnest to have the Prince present in the battle shee violently opposed â—n respect of his youth want of experience and the so mighty venter For if he perisht in this storme even hope it selfe would in him be shipwrack'd She therefore urged earnestly to have him reconvai'd into France where in safety hee might attend the successe of the present enterprise which if unprosperous hee might there râ—maine till by the increase of yeares and powre he might be inabled to fight his owne quarrell But the contrary opinion over-ruled in her all the passions both of a woman and a Mother and hâ—ving alreâ—dy lost so much at this play of fortune shee was perswaded like a desperate gaâ—â—â—â—â—er to haâ—â—rd at one cast the
who would have beene as bold to have fought his quarrell and lost so good shipping and so commodious a haven Towne For they were resolv'd to see both consumed with themselves that the victory might be no triumph to the conquerour and the conquer'd might have that comfort in their ruine The proposition was accepted by the King and the Duke of Glocester whose wisdome and valor had wrought him high in the opinion of the King was sent with a generall pardon to the Rebells and authority in the Kings name to receive the Towne the Castle and all the shipping in the harbour But the King who never let any pardon be an impediment to his purpose having them in his power caused the Lawes severely to proceed against them And for the example of the rest Spicing and Quintin tvvo of the chiefe in this rebellion vvere executed at Canterbury and their heads set upon those gates vvhich at their last being at London they so furiously assaulted And that the King might not onely dravv blood but treasure from this businesse a Commission of Oier and Terminer vvas directed to the Lord Deubam and Sir John Fog to inquire against Offenders in the last rebellion and to inflict either corporall or pecuniary punishment But the Commissioners vvho understood both the necessity and intention of the State made rather choyce of the later knovving death vvould but incurre the opinion of cruelty and no way advance the Kings benefit Whereas great fines weaken as much the discontented make the Prince as secure from danger even with the reputation of clemency And that Fauconbridge the first moover of this sedition might have no more priviledge then his complices comming into South-hampton he was apprehended and put to death The inserting of his name in the former pardon though often pleaded by him serving onely to make him suffer the same execution with the rest The punishment of these succeeding so well the King proceeded against others And first against the Arch-bishop of Yorke brother to the Earle of Warwicke who with his spirituall authority had set a glosse of Religion upon all the later attempts And by his working inclin'd the Commons of the North to so constant a resolution for King Henry With him the King tooke order because he found his ambition irregular and sent him to be kept prisoner in the Castle of Guisnes Where deservedly he endured a long restraint never attain'd liberty till death enlarg'd him No man afforded the poore comfort of pitty to his affliction because in his prosperity he had beene insolent and factious The manner of the attachment was according to the custome of the King unfaithfull For having admitted the Arch-bishop after Barnet field not onely into favour but a speciall familiarity as he was hunting with him neere Windsor he promist to come to the More a place in Hartford-shire which was not long before purchaste and built up most commodiously by the Arch-bishop and there to hunt with him with this caution that there might be nothing but a liberall mirth and friendly entertainement With much complacency the Arch-bishop retired to his house joyfull to see the King so free in his affection without memory of former discontents And that the entertainement might not be altogether beneath the Majesty of his person against the Kings comming beside all provision which the shortnesse of the time could make he had gather'd together of his owne and his friends plate and other rich housholdstuffe to the value of twenty thousand pound Next day expecting the presence of the King On the sudden Sir William Par knight and Master Thomas Vaughan entered the house and by vertue of a Commission to that purpose confiscated all those goods to the Kings use Who having arrested his person and sent that to prison seized upon all his estate both temporall and Ecclesiasticall The former forfeited for ever the later during the Archbishops life The crime objected against him was treason for secretly aiding the Earle of Oxford who at that time had fortefied Saint Michaels Mount in Cornewall For the poore Earle seeing the whole Island lost from the house of Lancaster in whose defence he had beene so constant and all the great favourers of the quarrell destroyd having no place of safety to shelter himselfe abroad tooke this corner of the kingdome and endeavour'd to make it good But this was but the enterprize of a desperate man for all his hope this way could be onely to prolong a wretched life without servitude As for liberty he was his owne goaler and his fortresse his prison The whole number of his Souldiers were but seventy scarce enough for his retinue Yet with these he managed his businesse so happily that though besig'd hee revictualled the place and made his defence good some moneths But when Richard Fortescue Esquire of the body to the King and then Sheriffe of the County came downe and by open offer of the Kings free pardon to all the Earles men and secret practising had wrought them to his purpose The Earle was forced to yeeld and with him the Lord Beumount two of the Earles brothers and Thomas Clifford all persons of great name and quality The King receiv'd them to mercy as farre as their lives were concernd But for their estates for now he began to husband his victories to the benefit of his treasury he confiscated them wholly not allowing the disconsolate Countesse any part of her joynture Insomuch that during the life time of King Edward for all that while was the Earle kept prisoner neere Callice in the Castle of Hames she was forced to live upon the curtesie of her friends a kinde of better sort of almes All now were reduced to order except the Earles of Richmond and Pembrooke and them the King labour'd to fetch in For now either his nature was alter'd to a strange mistrust which in his youth had beene so taxed for an uncircumspect confidence or else he began to be govern'd by a Councell of a more wary judgement and whose sight could discerne danger a farre off And certainely who compares the first and last times of the Kings government shall perceive a strange difference in the pollicy unlesse in those affaires wherein he obey'd his owne direction and in them remain'd a taint of his naturall errour Which change of governement may be ascribed to the Duke of Glocester a man whom the conscience of his owne infidelity made jealous of the faith of others who thought no enemy alive and with liberty but full of danger how weake so ever his power or pretence might be and who at this time held the sterne of the Councell while the King at pleasure wanton'd in his Cabin By his advice Commissioners were sent over to the Duke of Brittaine in whose dominions the Earles remained to expostulate the injury of giving entertainement to any evill affected to the state of England Pembrooke having been upon all occasions an open Rebell and Richmond onely
of so weake and inconstant a man as his brother Duke Charles who so often had beene entrapt From both these Princes he received such answer as showed they resolved to prosecute their designe but not to have him suspect it Giving faire protestations of their desire to be over-ruled by the Kings direction But neither of them understood the businesse in that dangerous nature as it was conceived in England For though King Lewys had no Sonne at that time yet was there every day expectation he might have the Queen likely to conceive and Lewys in much health and strength of body And indeed soone after a young Dolphin was borne who succeeded in the kingdome Moreover they considerd the malice betweene the brothers growne to that height that all feare of reconciliation was needlesse And that there was no such certaine way to maintaine a generall dissention in France as by enabling Duke Charles with a power to make good the former contestation Nothing likely to incline him to seeke friendship with his brother but being disabled to continue an enemy The King suspecting the reality of their intentions and resolved upon any termes to prevent the marriage had in his determination to have forgot all former discontents justly conceiv'd against King Lewys in abetting the contrary faction of Lancaster and to have enterd into a particular league with him against the Duke of Burgundy But before he would make the overture he tryed by his Embassadors to know the certaine resolution of the Duke himselfe who had in the marriage of his daughter alwayes held his thoughts apart from the world And in truth the end of his intentions was to keep all neighboring Princes in expectatiō but to conclude with none For at the same time when Duke Charles had so many underhand promises with the selfe same hope did hee entertaine Maximilian Sonne to the Emperour Fredericke the third Nicolas Duke of Calabria and Philibert Duke of Savoy His ambition being to create many dependancies upon himselfe and never to marry her to no man unlesse hee should bee forc'd to it by some evill fate in warre and then he doubted not but by her to worke himselfe safe and honorable conditions Much importuned by the English Embassador to give his resolution and not knowing to what danger the Kings suspition might grow or to what new leagues it might incline him he answered him faithfully that he intended no such neare alliance with Duke Charles And that all those apparences of treatie were onely to retaine him in discord with his brother who otherwise might chance to be reconcild and hazard to destroy that faction which the necessitie of his affaires did inforce him to advance Hee desired therefore the King not to listen to every false suggestion but to believe hee would doe nothing in so materiall a point without much advice and care had for satisfaction of so great a confederat and so neare an allye This so absolute resolution of the Duke tooke away the former jealousie which soone after would howsoever of it selfe have vanisht For Duke Charles not without a strong suspition of practise in King Lewys dyed of poyson and so fixt a period to those many civill wars which had distracted the state of France and to all those busie ambitions which had so much disquieted his owne content At home the King was continually stunge by a swarme of Creditors who during his late troubles had supplyed him with treasure and for whom gratitude did obliege him to provide repaiment He found his Exchequer emptie and a necessitie to desire the Commonaltie to contribute with their purses that many of his best friends might not be ruinated He therefore summond a Parliament to be held at Westminster wherein though the reformation of abuses and enacting Lawes wholsome for the present time was pretended a liberall subsidy was the ayme But in the beginning all those acts which had been heretofore made during the first part of King Edwards government and abrogated by King Henry the last Parliament when for a time he was restored were revived and enacted to continue in full force for ever And whatever other statutes were made by King Henry repealed By vertue of which acts all the Nobilitie who had adherd to the house of Yorke and had beene for that attainted were restored in blood and to their patrimonies and all of the contrary faction found guilty of high treason and their estates confiscated to the King Then for reliefe of the Kings great necessities for all those so mightie fortunes serv'd onely to reward the multitude of his adherents a full subsidy was granted In recompence of which he gave them a generall pardon And indeede by that liberally repaid them For by the late civill warres the laps into treason was so universall that scarce any estate could be safe if licence were given to informers the Cormarants of a Commonweale who swallow much seldome or never grow fat and least of all advance that they most pretend the Kings benefit Some few dayes before the Parliament began Lewys of Bruges a Netherlander Lord of Gruthuse and Prince of Steinhuse came over into England who was receav'd by the King with all the demonstrations of amitie And on the thirteenth of October in the Parliament Chamber created Earle of Winchester receiving with the title the ancient armes of Roger Quincy heretofore Earle of the place with addition of the coate of England in a canton The reason of this so extraordinary favour conferd upon a stranger was the much application of respect hee made to King Edward when by the prevayling fortunes of the Earle of Warwicke he was forc'd to fly for refuge under the protection of the Duke of Burgundy For hee being a noble man of that Country dedicated himselfe totally to comfort the King distracted with his present affliction Soone after him the Parliament being newly ended came Embassadours from the Low-Countries who after the first open audience wherein for the most part passed onely the complement of Princes admitted to the King and some few Lords most intimate to the Kings resolutions spoke to this purpose May it please your M tie VVEe are sent by our great Master the Duke of Burgundie upon an Embassy that may prove strange to the first apprehension and even in it selfe contradictory To congratulate your Majestie the glory of that peace you enjoy and to invite you from it to a new warre But glory is like time everlastingly in motion and when it stops it ends Your Majestie hath by the happy conduct of your power and fortune restored the Kingdome to itselfe That was an act of necessitie For you could not bee your selfe if your great enemies had not beene reduced to nothing Now as great a justice doth invite you and the recovery of a larger Kingdome Which wee know your high spirit cannot refuse to undertake least the world have just reason to suspect you tooke Armes to live not to raigne For if your
to King Lewys might render him formidable from abroad Certainely there was no just ground for suspicion The French being so lately enter'd into a particular amity with England and never having afforded either comfort or countenance to the young Earles exile Then for any claime to the Crowne the King could not feare him his title being of so impure and base a mettall it could no way indure the touch His Mother by whom onely he could pretend heire indeed of the house of Sommerset but not of Lancaster in regard the streame of this descent was poisoned in the very Spring For John of Gaunt having entertained an affection to Katherine Daughter of Sir Paine de Ruet during her attendance on the Lady Blanch his first wife in the life time of his second the Lady Constance his affection grew into a neerer familiarity and so happy was he that his familiarity proved not barren his Mistris for to what a servitude doth lust betray a sinner making him Father of three Sonnes and a Daughter The Duke zealous to reward any that had so well deserved marryed his bedfellow to Sir Otes Swinford and either through impotency or conscience afterward refrained her company Some yeares past she having buryed her Knight and he his Dutchesse in gratitude to her former merits being now growne very old he tooke her againe to his bed with the lawfull ceremonies of the Church And thus his ancient Concubin became his new Bride Having righted her honour to leave no monument of their sin to posterity he laboured the ligitimation of the children and so farre in the time of Richard the second prevailed that both the sentence of the Church and Parliament pronounced them lawfull and enabled to inherit the Lands of their Father in case his issue by his former wives should faile The eldest Son of the three thus ligitimated was John created Earle of Sommerset Father of John Duke of Sommerset whose sole Daughter and heire Margaret marryed Edmond of Haddam Earle of Richmond whose Sonne Henry was now the marke at which all the arrowes of the Kings suspicion aymed By this Pedegree to the eye at first appeares so me dawning of a title but certainely it is a false light such as oftentimes deceives the credulous traveller For the legitimation by the Church was to take away as much of scandall as possibly from the children and a dispensation onely for the benefit of the bastards without prejudice to the right of any other For these bastards were not of the common nature such as after marryage may make legitimate being not Naturall but Spurious begot in adultery on the one side and consequently incapable of any benefit by dispensation Adde to this that not being of the whole blood according to the common Law of England the house of Sommerset was farther of from inheriting any title from King Henry the sixt then the most remote of the line of Yorke Lastly in the very legitimation it selfe the children were onely made capable to inherit the estate of their Father The Crowne being never mentioned and for the Dutchy of Lancaster they could not pretend that being the inheritance of the Lady Blanch his first wife from whom they no way descended Neither were the Princes of the house of Sommerset ever numberd among the Plantaginets or ever obtained so much as to be declaired heires apparent if Henry the sixt and his Son Prince Edward should extinguish without issue As Mortimer had got to be before in the raigne of Richard the second and Delapole after during the usurpation of Richard the third And if there were any cause of suspicion from the branches of that Family then was the Duke of Buckingham much more to be feared Who was by his Mother heire of Edmond Duke of Sommerset and himselfe a Prince mighty in descent otherwaies from the Crowne as being heire likewise of Thomas Duke of Glocester younger Son to Edward the third Moreover in the faction of a great kindred and dependancy of a multitude of tennants farre more to be suspected Then an exild Lord who claiming by his Mother could during her life have no colour of a Title But the King found the wound of this jealousie ranckle in him and nothing but Richmonds apprehension to heale it He therefore most earnestly sollicited the Duke of Brittaine by his Embassadors to returne him into England Their motives were the much good will the Duke owed their Master who never would forsake his protection though severall wayes and at severall times most importunately provoked That he had in answer to the French requests to that purpose protested that if the Duke were any way endangerd by them personally to crosse the seas and make the quarrell the same as if his owne kingdome were invaded Then for the innocency of the Kings intentions toward the Earle they affirmed that so far from malice the desire to have him returnd into England was that it meerely tended to his present safety and after honour In regard his Majesty would not onely restore him to the possessions of his Ancestors but endeare him in a neerer tye even by the marryage of one of his owne daughters to him and this blessed way absolutely to roote up all the ancient rancor betweene the houses of Yorke and Sommerset This was the pretention which though the King no way intended yet the Almighty afterward made good to instruct after times that the deepe misteries of cunning Princes are meere illusions compared with true wisedome and the disposition of kingdomes is the worke of Heaven By this simulation and tender of a large sum of money for the King had learnt how to traffique by example of King Lewys the poore Earle of Richmond was delivered up to the Embassadours and immediately by them conveyd to St. Malos the next haven Towne where instant preparations were made for his transportation into England Here fortune or what is lesse uncertaine the wind tooke compassion on his affliction for the very imagination of the ruine he was betrayd to had throwne him into a violent Feaver and hindred the Embassadours from taking shippe Where while they remaind joyfull in the successe of their undertaking Peter Landois Treasurer to the Duke in apparence of a ceremonious visit but indeede to contrive the Earles escape most officiously came to them For no sooner had the Duke given up this innocent victim to be sacrific'd but some of the Court sensible of the Law of Nations and their Masters reputation to himselfe related the injury and dishonour of this action And so farre aggravated the perpetuall infamy that would cloud his fame by selling his guest to whom he had promist safetie and protection that the Duke repented the delivery of him and advised Landois by some art to regaine him And indeede Landois undertooke the imployment readily willing perhaps to gaine the honour of doing one good deed among the multitude of his mischiefes and likewise to revenge himselfe upon the evill memory of
But onely out of consideration of the difficultie Since the townes were of strength to make resistance against the most powerfull Army that every Fort would require much time charge in the gayning and if gain'd would prove as costly and difficult to keepe The people though naturally prone to innovasion and upon the slightest grounds ready to rebell yet by no Art to bee so tamed as to indure the yoake of a stranger And if the conquest was still to be made good by Garrisons of English the natives being both unruly and unfaithfull It would draw much blood and treasure from England and returne neither honour nor profit Neverthelesse the King offer'd immediatly to declare himself in common league against the Dutchesse and to leade over an Army royall into her territories promising to share in all future danger if hee might be admitted to share in what was already conquerd But that the French denyed as loath ever to quit possession yet never so peremptorily refused any proposition as to let the English perswaded by despaire to enter into new counsailes even in their denyalls leaving some way open to expectation During this time spun out to the utmost length by these tedious negotiations the French effected their ends and almost undid the afflicted Princesse Who left no way untried that might leade her into a perfect friendship with the English and engage their armes to her defence Among the rest she tryed one which being singular in the event deserves a particular observation Either by her commission â—or premission a motion was made of a marriage betweene her and George Duke of Clarence who had lately buried his Lady By which very overture shee doubted not but the King ambitious of so ample a fortune for his brother would runne into her quarrell But as sometimes Phisicke misapplyed it wrought a contrary effect and with other circumstances procured his ruine For he having by the levitie of his actions weakned his reputation with the world in generall and particularly drawne a hatred from the Queenes kindred upon him the King and the Duke of Glocester likewise having him eyther in contempt or jealousie stood in a manner alone So that the very first whispers of this marriage were heard with emulation by some with scorne by others and with dislike by all Which gave occasion that his destruction was suddenly plotted and almost as suddenly executed For the King although he owed his restitution to the Crowne when he expel'd from England to the Dukes revolt from Warwick yet he remembred more perfectly the unnaturalnesse of his first rebellion And howsoever hee showed outwardly all the arguments of a reconcil'd brother yet certainly the memory of the injury at first remaind deepely imprinted in his minde So that Clarence by his after service never regain'd that place in the Kings heart which his former disloyaltie had forfeited This he perceiv'd and repind against and the King understanding that hee resented the truth hated him yet the more And so farre grew this hatred that no discourse was more harsh to the Kings eare then that of Clarences marriage with the heire of Burgundie By which it was suspected he being inabled with power might hereafter prepare for revenge For according to the disposition of man he saw all his actions in a flattering glasse Looking upon his revolt from his brother as on an errour of seduced youth and on his returne back as on so great a merit that it lay scarce in the Kings power to recompence The King enjoying by it all the greatnesse he possest Richard Duke of Glocester upon whose nature and friendship he built most deceived him most For Glocester who studied nothing but his owne purposes and cared not by what violence all obstacles of nature and friendship were removed so the way were plain'd to his ambition endeavord to adde more poison to their discontent Knowing bad intentions never receive growth but from mischiefe Hee therefore perswaded him to bee sensible of the Kings neglect and boldly to expresse his sufferance A silent patience being in a subiect loyaltie but in a Kings brother cowardize While on the other side he whisper'd the danger of Clarence his spirit apt to receive any discontent and wanting onely power to seeke unlawfull remedies Whatsoever counsaile came from him receiv'd by the King with more attention and beleefe in regard of his great judgement and professions of love to his brothers And indeede Glocester much disdain'd the advancement of Clarence this way not that hee had any particular ground for malice but onely that he hated any man and especially a brother should have the start of him in fortune But the Queene and her kindred shallower in their spleene spoke loud against him while Glocester deepe in mischiefe was not heard to murmur For they suggested continually to the King with what contempt they were intreated by Clarence how all their honours were mentioned as mockeries Aâ— if the King wanted power to conferre his favours according to the discretion of his owne bountie They urged the memory of his rebellion at his first marriage with Warwicks daughter and the much more danger of his intentions in affecting so much greatnesse in the second And so farre by aggravations of every slight errour wrought that the King was willing to have his brother suffer but onely wanted some offence capitall enough to make his death appeare an act of necessitie and iustice not of plot and malice It is generally receiv'd among the vulgar and wants not the approbation of some Cronicles that the chiefe ground of the Kings assent to his death was the misinterpretation of a prophesie Which foretold that one the first letter of whose name was G. should usurpe the Kingdome and dispossesse King Edwards Children Of which there is much of probabilitie however by his other actions I should not judge the King easie to beleeve in such vanities For credulitie in that nature falls for the most part upon weake minds as those of women and children or upon the timerous whose apprehensions are softned to receive every slight impression or upon the over-zealous whom an evill regulated pietie bends to superstition And with these three the King had no participation in honour Yet this serv'd for the present and carried with him a strong accusation against the Duke for this prophesie was alledged to be spoken by some of his servants who by Negromancy had understood this from the Devill Which with other circumstances serv'd to hasten the King in this foule mischiefe The Duke was in Ireland the Countrey that gave him birth during the time of these contrivances nothing suspecting any designe against himselfe Vpon his returne to the Court hee understood that Thomas Burdet of Arrow in the Countie of Warwicke Esquire who ever was dependant upon him and ranne his fortune had beene in his absence apprehended indighted arraign'd and executed all in the compasse of two dayes The crime upon which his accusation was principally
proceedings in this injurious way if we looke on our selves onely as at home But if wee consider the state of businesses abroad wee may easily discerne his pollicie For now had the French Arts or the change of time quite dissolved all our confederacies and left us to maintaine with our owne armes our owne quarrell Saint Paul was annihilated in whose death expired all the discontents of the factious Nobilitie in France The Duke of Brittaine by an extreame melancholly which scarce was reputed lesse then madnesse was become unfit for government much lesse for any great attempt And being overcharged by the practises and armes of the French in a manner made resignation of his Dutchy to the disposition of some officers easie to be corrupted And Burgundie which in the victories of Henry the fift had so much advanced the English enterprises was by the last league with Maximilian wholly at the devotion of the French So that all they who heretofore had brought us over were now either reduc'd to bee unprofitable for our ayde or else become enemies should wee renew our ancient quarrell Moreover the long ease the King of England had lived in and the pleasures with which hee appeard altogether fascinated render'd him to the world nothing formidable And King Lewys having with so little difficultie hitherto deluded him and retain'd him in a kinde of servile amitie while hee threw injuries thicke upon him was now heightend to a presumption that the English would either connive at this affront or that by some new cunning they might bee appeasd were the indignitie never so much resented And if the worst should happen the French nothing feared the enmitie Considering that King Edward alone would bee unable to prevaile against them seconded by the forces of Maximilian whom his daughter now interessed in the warre These considerations of securitie to doe wrong according to the nature of wicked Princes made King Lewys so boldly attempt it And what was strange in a man so cunning hee left himselfe no excuse for the fact eyther in the way of honour or conscience And scarce in humane pollicie Vnlesse his expectation reacht beyond common reason in thought that Prince Phillip Sonne to Maximilian and the Dutchesse for shee was mother onely to a sonne and a daughter might chance to die and thus by the Lady Margaret all those large countries devolve into the power of France But how slight soever King Lewys his opinion was of the English this breach of faith was no sooner related to King Edward but hee resolved severely to take revenge And calling together all the Counsell and Nobilitie who for the suddennesse could be convoked hee to this purpose made a remonstrance of his wrongs and intentions how to right himselfe My Lords THe injuries I have receiv'd are divulged every where and the eye of the world is fixt upon mee to observe with what countenance I suffer And I must confesse they are of so strange a nature that I remaine rather amazed then enraged Had I dealt with any Prince not civilized by Lawes or inured to commerce I had yet the Religion of so many oathes and the reason of every pollitique circumstance so cleare that I could no way have suspected this foule and foolish breach of faith But in a Christian King and who pretends to be most Christian I have met with so horrid a perjurie and so disgracefull to our Nation that as all mankind must abhorre him as barbarous so in my owne particular I must neglect the principall office of a Prince if I omit to Chastise him Most of you my Lords are witnesses to the solemnitie of his vowes when humbly hee declined ruine to his Kingdome and I to avoide so great a massacre as the warre would have endangerd condescended to end all controversies by accord My clemency is now become my scorne and I reape indignities where I sowed favours For this ungratefull man Prince I must not tearme him who hath by perjury forfeited that sacred title in contempt of all Law both humane and divine denies not onely the marriage of the Dolphin to our daughter which would have proved so great an honour to his blood and securitie to his Kingdome but even the annuall tribute of fiftie thousand Crownes A slender rent for so large a countrey as by our permission hee hath hitherto enjoyed This contumelie I am resolved to punish and I cannot doubt successe Almightie God strengthen still his arme who undertakes a warre for justice In our expeditions heretofore against the French what prosperitie waited upon the English Armes is to the world divulged and yet ambition then appeard the chiefe Counsellor to warre Now beside all that right which led over Edward the third our glorious Ancestor and Henry the fift our Predecessor we seeme to have a deputieship from Heaven to execute the office of the supreame Iudge in chastising the impious When we were last in France an innate feare in this false man forc'd him downe to a sordid purchase of security How low will a wicked conscience which even makes the valiant cowardly to tremble bend him now Now when an implacable resolution for revenge sets a farre sharper edge upon our Swords Now when he hath no hypocrisie left undiscovered nor subterfuge for his former perjurie nor Art to gaine beleefe to new dissimulation Now vvhen our eares shall be deafe to all submission and when our conscience is so well resolved for the necessitie of this war that mercy will be thought a vicious lenitie and the most savage crueltie but an act of justice I neede not repeate how much age hath infirmed him And indeed I thinke it was his dotage committed this so foolish crime nor yet how hated he is renderd abroad by his unfaithfull dealing at home by his severe government The Commonalty sunke downe by his heavie impositions the Nobilitie by his proud neglect exasprated to desire any innovation But we want not advantage in the justice of our cause and valour of our people wee have enough It is confest our confederacies are quite dissolved And I rejoyce in that alone wee shall undertake this great businesse For experience in our last attempt showed that Princes of severall nations however they pretend the same have still severall aimes And oftentimes a confederate is a greater enemy to the prosperitie of a warre then the enemy himselfe Envie begetting more difficultie in a Campe than any opposition from the adverse Armie Our Brother of Bungurdy and Vncle of Saint Paul are both dead How little their amitie advanced us nay how a just jealousie of their secret practises hinder'd our designe then on France you all may well remember And how in our returne toward England wee had more feare to have beene assaulted by their trayterous weapons then by any armes from the enemy But wee will spare their memory they labor'd their owne safetie not our glory This I am secure that as by death they are render'd unprofitable
of the Army and raised a strange murmure both against S. Paul and the Duke Which increast by the difficulties of a tempestuous night with which the English after were troubled For an extraordinary raine fell and made the so open lodging very unpleasing with danger of diseases to the Army The Duke of Burgundy opposed against this discontent with his authority but in vaine For not able to give satisfaction for his owne weakenesse and breach of promise he was more disabled to cleere suspicion from another Whereupon he tooke his leave of the King intreating his and the Armies patience for a while till he brought his Forces to joyne with them and a full account from the Count S. Paul of his Garrisons demeanure at S. Quintin But this his departure compared with the former carriage of things begot yet a stronger doubt of their intentions in the English who being strangers in that place and not having any particular arme in conduct of the businesse but onely a generall resolution to regaine France interpreted these delayes and false play to direct treason And began openly to inveigh against their owne folly in confiding on the promises of such who indevored not the glory of the English name or the Kings title but onely their owne safety For preservation of which under a specious pretext of recovering a Kingdome they had seduced them into a strange Country in hope hereafter to sell them to the French And although this discourse were onely in the mouth of the common Souldier yet did the thoughts of the Commanders participate with the vulgar though not so freely opened For hitherto there had been no assurance given of any reall intention either in Burgundy or Saint Paul The much indignation exprest by the English upon this occasion was thought a strange kinde of rude ignorance and a note even of barbarisme Which censure savoures too much of malice considering it could not be judged blinde presumption induced our Nation to this undertaking the State for it having the fairest appearence of humaine reason and the religion of the strongest oathes And if the unexpected trechery of S. Paul ingendred choller why should this passion be so contemptible since an injury from a friend is ever quicker and sharper to the sence and all nations removed from their owne seates upon dangerous adventures are prone to suspicion And for ignorance in the Art of warre â— see not how by mallice it selfe it can bee obtruded upon the English since their onely misery was too much experience in armes which ever begets knowledge Neither could they be but skillfull even in the militar exercise of the Frecnh few of the Souldiery who were now of any age but their youth had beene bred up and instructed under the command of that great Captain Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury and others Not full twenty yeares expired since we turned our swords upon our selves and gave France liberty to recover breath But this delatory way in the Duke and treachery in the Count prepared the army to a good thought of peace And brought the two confederates into more hatred then an open enemy So that when an Herauld came from King Lewys he was received into the English Campe with much humanity and friendly invited by the Souldier to refresh himselfe with wine and meate till the King who was then at dinner were at leisure to give him audience For Lewys following the instructions of our Herauld soone as he understood King Edward was landed and had heard likewise of some disgusts appearing betweene him and the Duke resolved to send to him and attempt to perswade a peace But so poore was hee in the outward ceremonies of Majesty that no Herauld attended on his Campe whereupon he was enforced to suborne a fellow of whose wit and confidence he had taken some notice to act the part Who having received full instructions from his Master addrest himselfe to the Lords Stanley and Howard and the English Herauld by whose aide being brought to the King â—e hansomely delivered his message The effect of which was To show the great desire the King his Master had to live in perfect amity with all neighbouring Princes but above all with his Majesty of England as who in the extent of Empire and his owne Prowesse was most considerable That he had much reason to believe the present warre had not received the first life in England especially not in the disposition of the King which as he was informed abhorred the unnecessary drawing of Christian blood That they who had first hatcht this quarrell did it onely with their neighbours danger to procure their owne safety and when they had made an advantagious peace to conspire with him who before had beene the common enemy for beating backe their best friend the English That he doubted not but that his Majesty would suddenly finde good ground for suspicion when he should perceive the Duke of Burgundie not able to bring into the field one entire regiment All his Forces having beene utterly broken upon desperate services to which an innate love to the warre had madly engaged him Then he proceeded to excuse his Masters succouring the faction of Lancaster To which he protested he never gave comfort for it selfe but onely for the Earle of Warwickes sake Whom he supported onely to affront Burgundy whose irreconciliable enemy Warwicke had ever profest himselfe And if he had inclined more to favour King Henry he might well excuse it in respect of his neere kindred to him and his wife Queene Margaret and something too in reason of state to oppose Burgundy who pretended to be a friend how false soever he proved to the house of Yorke That if his Majestie would be pleasd to search up to the very head of this businesse hee shall find more streames of assistance to have flowed from Burgundy then from France to King Henry Duke Phillip and this Duke till his marriage with the Princesse Margaret having most passionately labord the supportation of that family to which they were so neare in kindred The conclusion was to desire his Majestie to grant a safe conduct for a hundred horse in whose company should come Embassadours enabled with larger instructions and who should make proposall of such conditions as could not bee rejected by the King or Kingdome of England since they should be for the honour and profit of both Vnlesse it would better stand with his Majesties liking to assigne a place of treatie in some village betweene both armies to which they might joyntly send Commissioners This message delivered in a soft tone expressing much humilitie and ever ascribing to the Kings greatnesse of Spirit and the nations glory together with promise to make overture of conditions both honorable and profitable begot a favorable audience And many of the great Lords who had plentifull revenues at home were as forward as the King to listen to peace and forsake unnecessary dangers abroad Neither did the greatest statists dislike