cum populi multitudine copiosa ac omnibus adhuc in eodem Parliamento personalit ' existent ' votis Regiis unanimiter consentientibus praeceptum decret ' fuit quod Monasterium Sancti Edmundi c. sit ab omni jurisdictione episcopor ' com' illius ex tunc imperpet ' funditus liberum exemptum c. Illustris rex Hardicanutus pred' regis Canuti filius haeres success ac sui patris vestigior ' devotus imitator c. cum laude favore Aegelnod ' Dorobornensis nunc Cantuariensis Alfrici Eborac ' episcopor ' aliorumque episcopor ' suffragan ' nec non cunctorum regni mei mandanorum principum descriptum constituit roboravitque praeceptum were Acts of Parliament Ibidem Rex Eldredus convocavit Magnatos Episcopos Proceres Optimates ad tractandum de publicis negotiis regni And this was a Parliament Inst 4. p. 3. But none of these you will say have the obligation of Laws upon us Well let us see those Acts of Parliament which have and what is the difference By the way no Acts of Parliament are now nor these 400 years have had the force of Statute-Laws in England but those made in Henry the Third's time and since And what was the first and great Act of Magna charta but Henry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Magna Charta an Act of Parliament Ireland c. We have granted to God and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever That the Church of England shall be free and shall have all her whole rights and liberties inviolable We have granted also and given to all the Freemen of our Realm for us and our heirs for ever those Liberties underwritten to have and to hold to them and their heirs of us and our heirs for ever Note this great Charter which made the Church and Nota bene Kingdom of England the most free in the world was a free and voluntary act of an English Monarch in Parliament And all that violation and destruction of all those happy Grants and Concessions both in Church and State have been made by a cursed conspiracie of a factious and seditious company of men falsly and most injuriously arrogating to themselves the name of Parliament without and against the Kings good mind and pleasure Charta Foresta was Henry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Ireland Duke of Normandy and of Guyen c. We will that all Forests which King Henry our Grandfather afforested shall be viewed by good and lawful men c. Statutum Hiberniae was nothing else but Henry by the grace of God King of England c. To his trusty and welbeloved Gerard son of Maurice Justicer of Ireland greeting Commanding him to cause the Customs recited in the Act and used in England to be proclaimed and streightly kept and observed in Ireland Statutum de Anno Bissextili was The King unto the Justices of the An. 21. H. 3. Bench greeting c. The Statute intituled Assisa panis cervisiae was An. 51. H. 3. The King to all to whom these presents shall come greeting We have seen certain Ordinances c. Stat. de Scaccario The King commandeth that all manner of Bailiffs Sheriffs An. 51. H. 3. and other Officers as well Justices of Chester c. Statutes made in the Parliament at Marleborough wherein the King An. 52. H. 3. made these Acts Ordinances and Statutes underwritten which he willeth to be observed for ever firmly and inviolably of all his Subjects as well high as low Statute of Westminster the first were the Acts of Edward the son of An. 3. Ed. 1. Henry c. by his Council and the assent of Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and all the Commonalty of the Realm c. the King ordained and established these Acts underwritten which he intendeth to be necessary and profitable unto the whole Realm First the King willeth and commandeth that the peace of Holy Church and of the Land be well kept and maintained in all points and that common right be done to all as well poor as rich without respect of persons c. Statutes made at Gloucester where our Soveraign Lord the King for An. 6. Ed. 1. the amendment of the Land and for the relief of his people c. hath provided and established these Laws underwritten willing and commanding that from henceforth they be firmly observed within the Realm Statute of Rutland hath no other title then The King to his Treasurer An. 10. Ed. 1. and Barons of the Exchequer and to his Chamberlains greeting c. Articuli super Chartas were Grants in Parliament made by the King An. 20. Ed. 1. at the request of the Prelates Earls and Barons assembled in Parliament Note the Commons are not so much as named in these Acts of Parliament The Statute of Quo Warranto made at Gloucester and Statute de Protectionibus An. 30. Ed. 1. An. 33. Ed. 1. made at Westminster the King only speaks Stat. de conjunctim Feoffatis The King unto all to whom these c. An. 34. Ed. 1. greeting And after the recital of the things contained in the Act it is said In witness of which thing we have caused these our Letters Patents I my self being Witness at Westminster Statute of Amortising of Land made by Ed. 1. only the King speaketh Ordinatio pro statu Hiberniae made 17 Ed. 1. the King speaketh by the assent of his Council Statute Ne Rector prosternat arbores in coemiterio only the King speaketh and neither Council nor Parliament mentioned An. 35 Ed. 1. Statute for Knights hath no other title then Our Lord the King hath An. 1. Ed. 2. granted c. And Stat. de frangentibus prisonam 1 Ed. 2. hath nothing to create it a Law but The King willeth and commandeth and neither Parliament nor Council named in either of them Articuli Cleri made at Lincoln the King and his Council are named An. 9. Ed. 2. The Statute of York was made by the King by the assent of the Prelates An. 12. Ed. 2. Earls Barons and Commonalty there assembled So that in these three Kings reign although the King did enact them in Parliament yet the manner was different almost in all In Ed. 3. his time was the form of enacting Laws truly defined and An. 1. Ed. 3. much used by him and the subsequent Kings At the Parliament holden at Westminster King Edward at the request of the Commonalty and by their Petition made before him and his Council in the Parliament and by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great men assembled at that Parliament hath granted c. In the next Parliament holden at Northampton the Laws are made by An. 2. Ed. 3. him and by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great
it be that when God shall have called thee to his Kingdom which alone is better then thine thou maist confidently say I have received this sword from thee for defence of Justice this sword I return to thee pure and undefiled rashly guilty of no bloodshed Observ So that if he saies true that Lewis the 13. had his sword of Justice from God then does he say false here and in twenty places more that all Power of Governing is from the wills of the people Well but let us suppose a King made by the People which is the party governing and which is the party governed all Government being in the predicament of Relation where there is any one to govern or command there must be another to be governed and commanded Well then here are two the People and the King made by the People the one to govern the other to be governed Say now which is the party governing the King or the People it cannot be that the King should be the governing party for he is but a Creature and a thing made by the People and the Creator cannot be ruled and governed by the Creature the People then must be the party governing and the King must be the party governed the King therefore of France whom he so much flatters and all other Kings whatsoever from this determination of Grotius are the governed party and the People their Subjects are the governing party If therefore it be impossible to serve two Masters who by equal right command I would fain know how it is possible for a King to obey above Ten hundred thousand every one of his Subjects having as much right to command him as another and it is very like indeed to be a very well ordered Government and much conducing to the benefit and safety of the People where there is many Hundred thousands commanding and one individual person obeying But good Man he is very careful that though the People give Kings all their Regal Power that they part not with too much nay though they make Kings yet if you beleeve him they part with nothing at all for otherwhere he saies Imperium quod per Reges exercetur non desinit impeperium Lib. 2. cap. 16. Para. 16. populi Is not here a pretty play of a King and no King a King without Power and a People with all Power So that at the same time that he flatters Lewis the 13. by telling him neither King nor People are Judges of his succession he had before given the People of France a power of altering the right of succession without doing any wrong to his Son Lewis the 14 who now rules for he was res non existens when he wrote this book De jure belli pacis Sometime neither as Hogan Mogan nor stipendary to Lewis the 13 Lib. 2. cap. 7. Para. 25. directly where he saies In alienable Kingdoms the King may disinherit his heir Observ Who gave him his Fee to say this We cannot think it was Lewis he denies all his Grounds to pleasure him yet latet anguis in herba it may be because Henry the First was younger Son to Robert and Robert disposessed his eldest Son who bare his name and made his younger Son King from whom Lewis derives himself But how then can this stand with the 27 Para. that neither King nor People are Judges in succession or if Power which is exercised by a King does not cease the Power of the People then cannot Lib. 2. cap. 16 Para. 16. Kings give away their Kingdoms nor disinherit their Heirs for delegata potestas non potest participari Observ Well let us see his reason for this He says Such a Kingdom is like other alienable goods Here the right of the alienation of a Kingdom is well proved viz. I may give a poor man a penny and therefore a King may disinherit his Heir or give his Kingdom to whom he pleases And so he says Jacob did disinherit Ruben Observ What Kingdom was then given by any people to Jacob to which Ruben was Heir Besides for ought he knows or can find by Cicero Tacitus Demosthenes Cleon or any tale told by any Poet the time when Jacob lived and died was then when all things were common and undivided and how then could Jacob disinherit Ruben Observ Another Instance for the right of Alienation is of Davids disinheriting Grotius Adonijah Whether this be true read 1 Chron. cap. 28. v. 5 6 7. And of all my sons for the Lord hath given me many sons he hath chosen Solomon my son to sit upon the throne of the kingdom of the Lord over Israel And he said unto me Solomon thy son he shall build my house and my courts for I have chosen him to be my son and I will be his father Moreover I will establish his kingdom for ever if he be constant to do my commandments and my judgments as at this day Nor was it for any crime Adonijah did not reign after David for David had sworne Solomon should reign before Adonijah's usurpation 1 King 1. 13. Mr. Hobbs makes no doubt but a Monarch may choose his Successor and Cap. 7. art 15. Cap. 9. art 12. by his will dispose of the Supreme power of the City And in the next Article he gives him leave to give it or sell it to whom he will Observ King James was observed to make his Honors vile because he exposed them to sale and so conferred them upon unworthy men not as they deserved them but they were able to pay for them thereby to satisfie his hungry Countrimen who were daily begging boons of him How vile would this man make Majesty how light the ligeance which is due not only by nature but by oath from all Subjects to their rightful Soveraigns And The Crown of England has been so free at all times that it hath no earthly St. 16. Ric. 2. cap. 5. subjection but immediately subject to God touching the regality of the same Crown and to no other And it is declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament upon demand made by the King That they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disinherison of the King and his Sir Ed. Coke Inst 4. par p. 15. Crown whereto they are sworne How this can be consistent with this mans Sale of Crowns I do not understand Our Author is so in love with his Supreme and Absolute Trustee that let him but do what he list and he may say with Tiberius Caesar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When I am dead let the earth be mingled with fire Bodin in the last Chapter of his Republique because neither from Plato's nor Xenophon's opinion he can find Justice to consist in Geometrical nor Arithmetical proportion will therefore have it to consist in Harmonical he not understanding harmonical proportion For he makes it consist in four terms viz. 4. 6. 8. 12. and what proportion
came under one Monarch or King again for the Royal dignity of a Monarch or King from whence all subordinate dignities tanquam lumen de lumine are derived without any diminution will suffer no division Regia dignitas est indivisibilis quaelibet alia derivativa dignitas est similiter indivisibilis The most woful event that fell out in this Kingdome when Gordobug divided this Kingdom between his two Suns Ferrex and Porrex and what heavy event came to pass untill it was reduced again under one Monarch let our Histories tell you and letting pass others I cannot overpass the miserable estate within this Kingdom under the Heptarchy untill all was reunited under one Soveraign and this is the reason that in England Scotland and Ireland the Royal dignity is descendible to the eldest daughter or sister Sir E. Coke Inst 4. 243. c. Regia dignitas est indivisibilis 2. Of these Governments Monarchy is the best as appears by reason by How many ways Monarchy is the best Government the consent of the world by the institution of God and his commanding obedience only to this Government and by woful experience 3. Monarchy in reason is the best Government for the dignity and Monarchy is the best Government in reason majesty of one man is more easie to be maintained then of many The ills that follow from bad Monarchs are no worse than what do and alwaies did happen from the best of humane Laws viz. mischiefs to particular men Nor can the mischiefs which happened to Silus Sabinus Sillanus c. who not well brooking the powers of Tiberius and Caligula Emperors as bad as who were worst had been over lavish of their tongues in vilifying the power of the Caesars and magnifying that of the Senate and probably had they been able would have advanced the power of the Senate to the abdication of Caesars be compared with the inconveniences which came upon the Senate and people of Rome in those times of Silla and Marius of Caesar and Pompey Besides factious and discontented persons cannot hope for that encouragement in their designs where the supreme power is in one individual person as where it is compounded of many The freedome and liberty of the Subject is more under one then more for it is easier to obey one then many The common people of Rome never enjoyed so much liberty as under the Emperors and therefore when after the death of Caligula the Senate endeavored to restore Rome to her antient liberty as they Sueton. in vita Claud. cap. 10. called it and extinguish the name and power of the Caesars and to that end had seised upon the Capitol they aided by the Preterian coherts continued the power of their Emperors in Claudius and the day and night wherein the Senate would not receive him was the cause of much trouble which Josephus notes l. 19. c. 30. 4. By the consent of the world for every where in the known world By the consent of the world before 1641. either in Europe Asia Africa or America over Christians Mahumetans and Infidels except the State of Venice the usurped power of the Cantons in Switzerland the State of the Neatherlands the Hans-towns Genoa and Geneva who seek protection of the Emperor and Kings of France this Government is established 5. By God himself for he never instituted any Government either in By Gods owning it only Priesthood Judges or Kings but only this nor commands obedience to any other Can a man touch the Lords anointed and be guiltless 1 Sam. 26 9. And submit your yelves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as supreame c. St. Pet. 2. 13. Feare God honor the King And I counsel thee to keep the Kings commandments and that in regard of the oath of God And therefore what thing an Unite is in numbers the Minde in the faculties of the soule a Centre in a circle the same is God the most omnipotent King in the world simple in unity indivisible in nature most holy in purity placed by an infinite interval far remote above the fabrick of the highest Heaven joyning this perspirable region with the celestial and intelligible keepes and preserves from ruine as by a secure care the whole universe framed and compounded in such admirable order and harmony to whose great example ought every good King who is the Unite the minde and centre of his kingdome that hopes to govern and preserve his subjects not only safe but honest and happy wholly to betake himself 6. By woful experience I do not find any mans life except the destitute and deposed Princes Arthur Ed. 2. Rich. 2. Hen. 6. and his sonne By wofull experience Ed. 5. and his brother herein and in many other things doubtless more unhappy then private men and the Duke of Clarence after conviction and attainder thought by the consent of Ed. 4. to be drowned in a Butt of Malmsey and Cromwell Earle of Essex condemned and executed unheard in Parliament see a remarkable passage herein by Sir Ed. Co. Insti 4. fo 37. 38. Queen Katherine fifth wife to H. 8. Mary Queen of Scots and the Earl of Strafford or estate taken away by any of the Kings of England for these last 500 years in an extraordinary and extrajudicial manner If the dissolution of the Abbies by Hen 8. be objected I answer it was usual in Parliament to alter many things in the Common law as the statute de donis conditionalibus made a great alteration in the Common law for before all estates which were not for life and under were either in fee absolute or conditional and so the Statutes which gave power of entry where before no remedy was to be had by Common law but by a Cui in vita And to Jointenants to compell others to sue a Writ of partition c. In case of life the ordinary way of trial was by Peers the Nobility by the Nobility and the Commons by the Commons but a Parliament being a body compounded of heterogenial and dissimilary parts viz. King Lords and Commons could not be Peers to any man which was the usual way of Trial with us neither were the Estates so taken from Abbots c. but that they enjoyed them or a full value in lieu of them during their lives so that by this act no wrong was done to any man living Yet it is true which Sir Ed. Co. saies in his Comment upon Magna charta chap. 1. Quod datum est Ecclesiae datum est Deo what was given to the Church was given to God which by the Law of God Numb 16 37 38. is unalterable nor can be be employed to any profane or common use So that I am confident I may safely affirm that the Subject in seaven years under the Long Parliament suffered extraordinarily and extrajudicially five hundred times more then all their Ancestors in 500 years before did
vero Regi prout ipsa feret facti ratio satisfacito aut graves sceleris admissi poenas rex ipse repetito Christiana siquidem fide imbuti regis est Deo illatas graviter pro facti ratione ulcisci injurias If any one entred into Holy Orders or one living with him be imposed upon or cheated in those things which belong to his estate or life then let the King himself unless he can procure it otherwise be to him in place of Patron and Kindred but the Cheator shall make the King satisfaction according to the valure of the fact or the King himself shall take great punishment of the wickedness committed for it is the part of a King endued with Christian religion severely to punish injuries according to the quality of the deed offered to God 10. For the proving of this Sir Edward Coke in the Proeme to the The antient Common-law did not admit of Appeals to Rome in cases Spiritual sixth Part of his Reports cites an Act of Parliament made 10 H. 2. an 1164. where it was enacted As concerning Appellations if any shall arise from the Archdeacon they must proceed to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Archbishop and if the Archbishop do fail in doing Justice it must lastly come to the King that by his precept the controversie may be ended in the Archbishops Court so that there ought not to be any proceeding further without the assent of the King And that this among many other might not taste of innovation the Record saith This recognition or record was made of a certain part of the customs and liberties of the Predecessors of the King to wit of Henry his Grandfather and of other Kings which ought to be observed in the Kingdom and held of all for the dissentions and discords often arising between the Clergy and our Soveraign Lord the Kings Justicers and the Peers of the Realm And all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Clergy with the Earls Barons and all the Nobles c. have sworne and assuredly promised in the word of mouth in one consent to keep and observe the said recognition toward the King and his heirs in good sooth without evil meaning for ever 11. The Revenue of Danegelt was first enacted because of Pyrates The Kings before the Conquest by their own authority did impose Taxes upon Church-lands For infesting the Country they did persist as much as they could to the devastation of it And to repress their insolence the yearly return of Danegelt was enacted viz. Twelve pence for every Hide of all the Country Mr. Selden in lib. 2. cap. 4. Analecton Anglobritannicon fol. 77. makes a Hide of land to be as much as could be tilled by one plough in a year Mr. Lambert in the Laws of King Edward fol. 128. makes a Hide to be one hundred acres of land to maintain them who should resist the irruption of the Pyrates when they met them But from the Danegelt every Church should be free and quiet and all land which was in the dominion of the Church wheresoever it lay paying nothing at all in such redemption for men did more confide in the prayers of the Church then in the defence of arms But if Lex vult non supervacaneum then is it clear that the Church-lands were liable to be taxed by the King for it had been a supervacaneous thing to have excepted the lands of the Church in this Law if the lands of the Church had not been liable to have been taxed at all And to manifest more clearly that the exemption of Church-land from Taxes was a meer concession of our Kings take the Stat. of Ethelulph the successor of Egbert written Analect Angl. lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 77. with his own hand Our Lord reigning for ever Whilst that we see perillous times in our days the fire of war the taking away of our goods together with the cruel depredations of our destroying enemies and barbarous Pagan nations do lie upon us the multiplied tribulations do afflict us even to utter destruction Wherefore I Ethelulph King of the West-Saxons with the councel of the Bishops and my Princes giving wholsom councel and the only remedy have consented I have determined that every portion given to the holy Church whether of either Sex serving God or to miserable Lay-men always the tenth Mansion where it is least or the tenth part of all Goods be made for ever free that it be safe and defended from all secular services yea from the Kings greater or lesser tributes or the taxations which we call Winterden and that it be free of all things for the forgiveness of our souls and sins to serve God alone without Expedition building of Bridge and fortifying of Castle 12. If King Ethelbert were obliged to S. Gregory for the Conversion At what time the Pope first usurped jurisdiction over the Crown of England of the English Saxons to the Faith Prince Edgar Athelin was smally beholding to Pope Alexander 2. For Edgar being Grandson to Edmund Ironside and the undoubted Heir to the English Monarchy after the death of Edward the Confessor Alexander not only allows the Conquerors pretensions to the Crown of England but interdicts all those who should Speed fol. 405. par 27. See the effects of the Popes curse Speed fol. 415. par 2. oppose him So that though Harold were an Usurper yet was his Holiness his Interdiction as much against the undoubted Title of Edgar as against Harold Nor were all titles of rights and interests of the English Monarchy ever perfect and compleat from that time until they were all united and perfected in King James 13. How far the Britanick Churches were from any dependence upon At what time the first contest hapned between the King Pope about the investiture of Bishops the Church of Rome we have already shewed And so free were the Churches of England under the Saxon Kings before the Conquest that before the Appeal of Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Paschal 2. scarce any Appeal was ever made to Rome but that of Wilfreds which was overruled by the King and Church So that for near a thousand years after the Conversion of the Britains and Saxons to the Faith although by means of S. Eleutherius and Gregory the Great we do not find any thing which may prove the superiority of the Roman Church over either the Britanick or English And how strange a thing the investiture of the English Bishops by the Pope was to the King and Kingdom of England appears by the Letter of Paschal to Anselm in answer to Anselm's Significasti Reges De Elect. Pet. cap. 4. Regni Majores admiratione promotos c. You have signified to me that Kings and Nobles were moved with admiration that the Pall was offered to you by our Ministers upon condition that you should take an Oath which they brought you written from us And the King not only opposed
this Popes Letter but pleaded the Fundamental Laws and Customs of the Land Consuetudo regni mei est à patre meo instituta ut nullius praeter licentiam Regis appelletur Papae qui consuetudines regni mei tollit potestatem quoque coronam Regis violat It is a Custom of my Kingdom instituted by my Father that no man may appeal to the Pope without the Kings licence He that takes away the Customs of my Kingdom doth violate the Power and Crown of the King And these Laws were no other then the Laws of the Confessor viz. the old Saxon Laws but also in the execution of these things the Bishops of England adhered to the King and Laws and denied their suffrage to their Primate as you may read in the Bishop of Derry's Vindication of the Church of England p. 63 64. 14. After pag. 65. he instances out of Sir Hen Spelman conc an 78. Legations as rare as Appeals before the Conquest that Gregory Bishop of Ostium the Popes Legate did confess that he was the first Roman Priest that was sent into these parts of Britain from the time of Austin and that those Legates were no other then ordinary Messengers or Ambassadors sent from one Neighbour to another Such a thing as Legantine Court or a Nuntio's Court was not known in the British world and long after 15. See Speed in the Life of Stephen para 4. where Stephen having The Pope and all the English Hierarchy conspire with Stephen against Maud the undoubted Heir of Henry the first entred his Government in the year of our Lord 1135. the 2. of December and was crowned at Westminster the 26. of the same moneth being S Stephen's day by William Corbel the Archbishop of Canterbury who with the rest of the Bishops doing him homage and knowing now he would yield to any conditions for performance whereof his brother the Bishop of Winchester did there engage himself for a Pledge they all took their Oath of Allegiance conditionally traiterously I might say to obey him as their King so long as he should preserve their Liberties and the vigor of Discipline And that the Lay-Barons made use also of this policy appeareth by Robert Earl of Gloucester who sware to be true Liegeman to the King as long as the King would preserve to him his dignity and keep all covenants c. And having buried the body of Henry the First he went to Oxford where he acknowledged he attained the Crown by Election only and that the Pope Innocentius confirmed the same 16. The next contest which after Anselm happened between the King The second contest between the King and Pope and from what cause and the Pope was caused by Tho. Becket Archbishop of Canterbury For Stephen the Usurper having made a Law whereby the Temporal Judges might not meddle with Ecclesiastical persons Henry the Second upon many disorders committed by the Clergy did repeal this Law and restored the antient Laws of this Realm commonly called Avitae leges whereby the persons of Priests were not exempted from being judged by the Temporal Judges And though the Archbishop sware to observe the Laws restored by the King yet was he absolved by Pope Alexander 3. Nor could the Archbishop ever after be brought to conform to the Laws called Avitae leges which was the cause of his assassination and of great trouble to the King and Realm And whether this man did deserve to be canonized for his stubborn disobedience to the Laws of his Country which no ways concerned Faith but only Civil and Temporal obedience and those not new neither but a restitution of the antient Laws let any man judge 17. The first occasion of the quarrel between King John and Innocent The quarrel between King John and the Pope the Third was Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury being dead the Monks of S. Augustine in that City elected without any licence of the King one Rainold and took an oath of him to go to Rome and take his investiture from the Pope The King incensed hereat caused John Gray to be chosen and desired the Pope to ratifie this last choice The Pope notwithstanding confirms the former The King hereupon grows angry and divers of the Monks against their own act refuse to accept him The Pope although Rainold were chosen by the Monks and confirmed by the Pope adviseth the Monks to choose Stephen Langton the Monks do so the King is highly exasperated and forbids all Appeals to Rome and did alleadge that he had Bishops Prelates Nobles and Magistrates of his own who could according to the Laws of the Land decide and determine all Controversies which should arise in Church or Commonweal The Pope insisted upon the election of the Cardinal Stephen Langton was Cardinal of Chirsogone and required the King not only to give him the quiet possession of the See but also to recall all such Monks as were exiled and to restore them to their Goods which were seised on by the King for the last choice and for default to interdict him and the whole Realm The King is so far from obeying that he seised upon the Lands and Goods of those Bishops to whom the Pope had forsooth given the power of Interdiction The Pope constant in his resolutions by Pandulphus and Durant interdicts the King and Kingdom and gives it the French King King John driven into a great strait gives his Crown and Kingdom to the Pope he good man had before given it to the French King Philip the second sirnamed Augustus and his son Lewis had gotten such footing in England that he would not be gotten out The Pope interdicts both father and son but his curses took not such place that they would give over what they had gotten by the first grant nor did these troubles end until the English Nation uniting themselves under Henry 3. did by plain force drive Lewis out of England to such an insufferable height was the Papacy grown in those days 18. Although the stubborn Barons made Henry 3. swear to observe The Bishops in H. 2 his reign conspire against him the Ordinances made in the Mad Parliament at Oxford and the Archbishop of Canterbury and nine other Bishops did denounce a Curse against all those who either by direction arms or otherwise should withstand the Ordinance of the Twelve Peers which gave the exercise of all Regality to them yet did the Pope absolve him from it very easily Addit Matth. Paris 990. 19. How zealous the most noble Prince Edward the first was in the Contests between the Pope and Ed. 2. cause of Christianity and how observant of the Papal power is evident by his victorious Voyage into Holy Land But he afterwards became hated by the Churchmen both in respect of the Statute of Mortmain made in the fourth year of his Reign and also because that by the advice of William Marchyan his chiefest Treasurer he seised into his hands the
Plate Jewels and Treasure of the Churches and Religious Houses within the Realm and compelled the Clergy to give him the one half of one years value of all their Ecclesiastical promotions and dignities But such was the felicity of this Prince that neither Pope nor Clergy durst openly oppugne him but in the 27. year of his Reign at the request of Boniface 8. says Martin he set John Baliol adjudged by Edward before King of Scotland at liberty And having conquered Scotland in the 33. year of his Reign Robert Bruce procured an Instrument from the Pope that the Kingdom of Scotland was holden of the Church of Rome and therefore required the King to desist from the prosecution of his Wars there But how little King Edward regarded this Instrument and what answer he returned to the Pope you may read in our English Chronicles nor do I finde that ever more prosecution was made by the Pope in this Kings life-time 20. From this time until Henry the Eighth the Kings of England and In the reign of Hen. 4. the Popes kept so good correspondence that they never went so far as Excommunication or Interdiction on the Popes part and how far the Kings did restrain the Popes jurisdiction in their several reigns after the Conquest shall be shewed in Chap. 3. Yet I cannot pass over one thing of the whole Hierarchy of the Church of England except only the Bishop of Carlisle who all factiously and traiterously conspired or adhered to Henry the Fourth his unjust Usurpation and Deposition of their Soveraign Richard the Second CHAP. II. Of Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Saxon and Danish Kings before the Conquest I Inas by Gods gift King of the West-Saxons by the advice and instruction Inas began to reign in the year of Christ 712 died 727. of Cenredes my Father and Heddes my Bishop and Eorkenwoldes my Bishop and with all my * Counsellors Earls Ealdermen and them of best birth of the Wisest of my people and eke in a great Assembly of Gods Servants did religiously study as well for the health of my soul as for the common profit of our Kingdom that right Laws of Marriage and just Judgment be firmly established through every folk and that hereafter it shall not be lawful for any Ealderman or any under our rule to make void these our Dooms or Judgments Cap. 1. Of the Rule of Gods Servants First we command that Gods Servants have a right rule of living After that we command all folk to observe these Laws and Dooms or Judgments Cap. 2. Of Children A Child shall be baptized within thirty days after it be born if that be not done let thirty shillings be forfeited If that it die before it be baptized he shall forfeit all he hath Cap. 3. Of working upon Sunday If a Slave work on Sunday by his Masters command let him be free and the Master shall pay thirty shillings But if the Servant did his work without command of his Master beat his hide or make him to fear a hide-beating If a Free servant do any work without his Masters bidding let him forfeit his freedom or sixty shillings and a Priest double so much Cap. 4. Of First-fruits First-fruits shall be paid upon the Mass of S. Martin he who shall not then pay them shall forfeit forty shillings and pay twelvefold the value of the fruits Cap. 5. Of Church-Priviledge or Sanctuary If any man guilty of death flee to the Church let his life be spared and let right be done to him And if any man deserving stripes implores help of the Church let him be remitted his stripes Cap. 6. Of Fighting If a man strike in the Kings house he shall forfeit all he hath and let it depend upon the Kings judgment whether he shall lose his life If one strike in a * Cathedral Church Minster he shall pay one hundred and twenty shillings c. Cap. 62. Of First fruits Every man shall pay First-fruits for the Roof and Hearth where he shall be upon the day of the birth of our Saviour Cap. 75. Of the killing of Godfather or Godson If any one shall slay his Godson or his Godfather he shall compensate so much to his next of kin as the compensation due to his Lord had been And this payment to the value of him which is killed shall be increased or lessened accordingly as the payment to the Lord for the Servant killed should have been performed If it be the Kings Godson which is killed he shall satisfie the King and his kindred but if the next of kin kills him he shall pay to the Godfather so much as should have been paid to the Lord for the slaughter of his Servant If he be a Bishops son he shall pay half so much Ecclesiastical Laws made by King Alfred or Alured who began to reign in the Year 871. The Preface GOD did speak these words to Moses and thus said I am the Lord thy God I led thee out of Egypt land and of the house of bondage Thou shalt not choose other Gods before me Do not take my Name in idleness for I will not hold him innocent who on idleness taketh my Name Remember thou keep holy the Seventh day Do thy work on six days and on the Seventh rest thou and thy son and thy daughter thy servant and handmaid and thy work-cattel and the stranger that is within thy door For on six days Christ made heaven and earth sea and all things thereon were created by him and rested on the Seventh day and therefore the Lord hallowed it Honor thy Father and thy Mother whom the Lord gave thee that thou maist live long on earth Thou shalt not kill Thou shalt not steal Thou shalt not commit adultery Nor report false witness of thy neighbor nor covet thou thy neighbors inheritance without right Nor work golden gods or silver Thou shalt constitute these Judgments If a man buy a Christian man he shall serve six years the seventh let him be free without cost With the same vestment he came in with the same let him go out if he have a wife let her go out with him if his Lord gave him his wife she and her * * Children bearns are the Lords But if the servant shall say I will not part from my Lord nor from my wife nor from my children nor from my work then let his Lord bring him to the door of the Temple and there let him bore his ear with an eal for a sign that ever after he is his servant If any man sell his daughter for an handmaid he shall not use her as an handmaid he shall use her courteously neither shall he sell her to other folk and if she be negligent let him be pacified let him set her free to stranger folk if he ally her to his son in marriage let him give a garment the reward of her modesty and endow
peace of the Realm that they which be indicted of such offences by solemn Inquest of lawful men in the Kings Court in no manner shall be delivered without due purgation so that the King shall not need to proide any other remedy therein The Statute of Circumspectè agatis made 13 Ed. 1. 1285. Certain Cases wherein the Kings Prohibition doth not lie Cap. 1. The King to his Judges sendeth greeting Use your selves circumspectly in all matters concerning the Bishop of Norwich and his Clergy not punishing them if they hold plea in Court Christian of such things as be meerly Spiritual that is to wit of Penance injoined by Prelates for deadly sin of Fornication Avowtry and such like for the which sometimes corporal penance and sometime pecuniary is enjoined specially if a Freeman be convict of such things As also Prelates do punish for leaving the Church-yard unclosed or for that the Church is uncovered or not conveniently decked in which cases none other penance can be enjoined but pecuniary Item If a Parson demand of his Parishioners Oblations or Tithes due and accustomed or if any Parson do sue against another Parson for Tithes greater or smaller so that the fourth part of the value of the benefits be not demanded Item If a Parson demand Mortuaries in places where a Mortuary hath been used to be given Item If a Prelate of a Church or a Patron demand of a Parson a Pension due to him All such demands are to be made in a Spiritual Court And for laying violent hands on a Clerk and in case of Defamation it hath been granted already that it shall be tryed in a Spiritual Court when money is not demanded but a thing done for punishment of sin and likewise for the breaking of an Oath In all cases afore-rehearsed the Spiritual Judge shall have power to take knowledge notwithstanding the Kings Prohibition Statutum de asportatis Religiosorum made Anno 35. Ed. 1. 1307. Cap. 1 Of late it came to the knowledge of our Lord the King by the grievous complaint of the Honorable persons Lords and other Noblemen of his Realm That whereas Monasteries Priories and other Religious Houses were founded to the honor and glory of God and the advancement of the Holy Church by the King and his Progenitors and by the said Noblemen and their Ancestors and a very great portion of Lands and Tenements have been given by them to the said Monasteries Priories and Houses and the Religious men serving God in them to the intent that Clerks and Laymen might be admitted in such Monasteries Priories and Religious Houses according to their sufficient ability and that sick and feeble men might be maintained Hospitality Alms-giving and other charitable deeds might be done and that in them prayers might be said for the souls of the said Founders and their heirs The Abbots Priors and Governors of the said Houses and certain Aliens their Superiors as the Abbots and Priors of Cistercienses and Promonstratenses and of the Order of S. Augustine and S. Benedict and many more of other Religion and Order have at their own pleasures set divers insupportable tallages payments and impositions uyon every of the said Monasteries and Houses in subjection unto them in England Ireland Scotland and Wales without the privity of our Lord the King and his Nobility contrary to the laws and customs of the said Realm and thereby the number of the said Religious persons and other servants in the said Houses and Religious places being oppressed by such tallages payments and impositions the service of God is diminished Alms be not given to the poor the sick and feeble the healths of the living and the souls of the dead be miserably defrauded Hospitality almsgiving and other godly deeds do cease And so that which in times past was charitably given to godly uses and to the increase of the service of God is now converted to an evil end by permission whereof there grows great scandal to the people and infinite losses and disheritances are like to ensue to the Founders of the said Houses and their Heirs unless speedy and sufficient remedy be provided to redress so many and grievous detriments Wherefore our Lord the King considering that it would be very prejudicial to him and his people if he should any longer suffer so great losses and injuries to be winked at And therefore being willing to maintain and defend the Monasteries Priories and other Religious houses erected in his Kingdom and in all Lands subject to his dominion and from henceforth to provide sufficient remedy to reform such oppressions as he is bound By the counsel of his Earls Barons Great men and other Nobles of his Kingdom in his Parliament holden at Westminster in the 35. year of his reign hath ordained and enacted Religious persons shall send nothing to their Superiors beyond the Sea Cap. 2 That no Abbot Prior Master Warden or any other Religious person of whatsoever condition state or religion he be being under the Kings power or jurisdiction shall by himself or by merchants or others secretly or openly by any device or means carry or send or by any other means cause to be sent any Tax imposed by the Abbots Priors Masters or Wardens of Religious houses their Superiors or assessed amongst themselves out of the kingdom and his dominion under the name of a rent tallage or any kind of imposition or otherwise by way of exchange mutual sale or other contract however it may be termed Neither shall depart into any other country for visitation or upon any other colour by that means to carry the goods of their Monasteries and Houses out of the Kingdom and Dominion aforesaid And if any will presume to offend this present Statute he shall be grievously punished according to the quality of his offence and according to his contempt of the Kings prohibition No Impositions shall be taxed by Priors Aliens Moreover our Lord the King doth inhibit all and singular Abbots Priors Masters and Governors of Religious houses and places being Aliens to whose authority subjection and obedience the Houses of the same Orders in his kingdom and domion be subject that they do not at any time hereafter impose or by any means assess any tallages payments charges or other burdens whatsoever upon the Monasseries Priories or other Religious houses in subjection to them as is aforesaid and that upon pain of all they have or may forfeit By whom the Common Seal of an Abbey shall be kept and how used And further our Lord the King hath ordained and established that the Abbots of the Orders of Cisterciensis and Promonstratensis and other Religious Orders whose Seal hath heretofore been used to remain only in the custody of the Abbot and not of the Covent shall hereafter have a Common Seal and that shall remain in the custody of the Prior of the Monastery or House and four of the most worthy and discreet men of the Covent of the same House to
excommunicated or damned who differ in some things from the doctrine of the Pope who appeal from his decrees and hinder the execution of the ordinances of him or his Legates Although the Sesession of the Church King and Kingdom of England The reformation of King 1 d. was not Schismatical from the Papacy were an Act of Schism yet being done in the Reign of H. 8. one of the greatest favorers of the Papacy that ever was King of England and to his death as great an assertor of the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of it and in such a state independent from the Church of Rome was the Church and Kingdom at the time of Edwards Reformation whatsoever therefore his Reformation was yet could it not be Schismatical Whatever the Romanists pretend to unity and peace in their Church yet The rites and ceremonies of Edwards reformation were more uniform then before it is most manifest that in the Realm of England and Dominion of Wales in several places were used divers forms of Prayer commonly called the Service of the Church viz. that of Sarum of York of Bangor and Lincoln but also of late divers and sundry forms and fashions were used in the Cathedral and Parishes Church of England and Wales as well concerning the mattens or morning prayer and evening song as also concerning the holy Communion commonly called the Mass with divers and sundry rites and ceremonies concerning the same and in the administration of other Sacraments of See preamble to the Statute of 2 3. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. That the Scriptures Lords Prayer and Creed should be read in the English tongue is no new thing in England the Church whereas the service enjoyned in the Reign of Ed. 6 was uniform in all places of England and Wales as well in Parish Churches as Cathedrals In the Reign of King Ethelbald in the year of our Saviors incarnation 748. in a convocation held in the Prouince of Canterbury Cuthbert the Archbishop of his Clergy did Enact that the sacred Scriptures should be read in their monasteries the Lords Prayer and Creed taught in the English tongue Speed in the Reign of Ethelbald para 4. page 343. and how much it was against the Word of God and the custom of the ancient Church to use a tongue unknown to the people in common prayer and administration of Sacraments see the conference at Westminster an primo Eliz. which were never yet answered that I know of If any thing Heretical had been contained in the common Prayer administration Edwards reformation was not Heretical of Sacraments c. made in the Reign of Ed. 6. it would have been sufficiently shot at having so many adversaries at home and abroad but no such crime was ever that I ever heard of imputed to it if there be let the adversaries of it yet shew it affirmanti incumbit probatio If then not onely the Kings and supreme powers always under the old Covenant King Edwards Reformation was warrant-able materially and formally had this right of invoking the high Priest and other Priests and if God always punished the Kings of Judah and Israel for suffering the people to commit Idolatry and if God himself so often commends the zeal and reformation of Jehoshaphat Hezekiah Asa Josiah c. and if ever since Christianity the Bishops by that Divine Canon to Timothy have always had in 1 Tim. cap 2. their particular Churches right of composing publick Liturgies and in national Synods a right of composing publick and national Liturgies And the Liturgy of Edward being composed and received by the Bishops of the Church of England to that end convened and assembly by the King this Liturgy being neither schismattical nor containing any thing heretical is both for matter and form warrantable Object If the Sacriledge and extention of the civil Jurisdiction in giving the civil Magistrate licence to take cognizance of the publique Liturgy and administration of the Sacraments be objected The answer is easie Let the Courtiers and Parliament answer for it the Church was patient not agent in them The Church of Rome having robbed the poor laity of one half of the institution of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper and kept the people in such The King and Church had great reason to make Reformation in Religion stupid ignorance that in the publick worship and service of God they should neither use their reason nor understanding by imposing it upon them in an unknown tongue as if in the publick worship and service of God he were not to be served by intellectual and rational creatures and had filled the Mass with more prayers to the Virgin Mary and Saints which could no ways relieve them and so at best super fluous and vain there was great reason in the King and Church to a make a reformation of the Religion and publick Worship and Service of God Of Queen Maries Ecclesiastical Laws Although King Ed. were a Prince of transcendent Vertue and Learning far above his years yet doubtless his youth was not onely much abused in his Reign where a man might have seen all the woes pronounced by God upon that Nation where the King is a childe or where a company of men in Parliament arrogate to themselves the Politick capacity of a King abstracted from his person but also at his very death caused not without suspicion of poyson was he deluded upon specious pretences by his whole Councel but principally by the Duke of Northumberland to make way for the Lady Jane Gray in the time of his sickness married to his fourth son Guilford Dudley to declare the said Lady Jane the rightful heir and successor to the English Monarchy to the manifest wrong and injury not onely of Queen Mary and Elizabeth afterward Queens of England but also of Mary Queen of Scots heir to Margaret the eldest daughter of Henry the seventh whereas the Lady Janes Title was descended from Mary the younger daughter of H. 7. yet it so pleased God that this unjust Will should onely bring destruction both to the Lady Jane and her husband whereas the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth and the Posterity of Mary Queen of Scots did all succeed and enjoy the possession of the English Diadem of which they were debarred by this Will of King Edward That the Title of Head of the Church was continued by Queen Mary appears by the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the fifth of October in the first year of her Reign in the first and second session of it where she is stiled our Gracious Soveraign Lady Mary by the Grace of God Queen of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and in Earth Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland but in the second Parliament of her Reign being holden at Westminster the second of April the first year of her Reign the Title of Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland is not mentioned Declares
JUSTICE VINDICATED From the False FUCUS put upon it BY THOMAS WHITE Gent. Mr THOMAS HOBBS AND HVGO GROTIVS AS ALSO ELEMENTS OF Power Subjection Wherein is demonstrated the Cause of all Humane Christian and Legal SOCIETY And as a previous Introduction to these is shewed The Method by which Men must necessarily attain ARTS SCIENCES By ROGER COKE LONDON Printed by Tho. Newcomb for G. Bedell and T. Collins at the Middle-Temple-Gate Fleetstreet 1660. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty CHARLES II. By the Grace of GOD KING of GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE and IRELAND Defender of the Faith IF it were not unbecoming confidence Most Eminent of Kings in Hugo Grotius who at most did owe Your Illustrious Uncle Lewis the Thirteenth but a topical and temporary obedience to dedicate his Book De Jure Belli Pacis to him founded upon such feigned and inconsistible principles because written for Justice Then will it not ill become a natural Subject of Your Majesties who by all divine and humane laws owes an indelible character of obedience to Your Majesty to implore Your patronage of Justice founded upon the true and genuine causes Nor is there any attribute of Justice which Grotius there ascribes to Your Uncle but is as properly or more due to Your Majesty For if Lewis were just because above any thing which might be spoken he did honor the memory of the great King his Father by imitating him how just then is Your Majesty when as not all the storms of adverse fortune in Your Father or Self could ever any ways shake the constant veneration You have always paid his Saintlike memory by imitating him whereas prosperity did almost ever fill the sails of Your Uncle and his great Father If he were just because he did instruct his Brother by all means but most by his own example then is not Your Majesty less just who by all means but most by Your own Example hath so well instructed Your Brethren that they in all respects answer the dignity of their high extraction and whose eminent Virtues have attained such a height of perfection that they are justly celebrated all over Christendom with admiration If he were just because he did adorn his Sisters with highest matrimonies yet certainly it was rather the felicity of his fortune then acts of his justice that he was by the marriage of his Sisters allied to all the greatest Hereditary Princes of Christendom how just then is your Majesty who hath so adorned Justice and Piety that as being by nature wedded to these though born one of the greatest Princes of the Western world You have preferred them before the enjoyment of Three Kingdoms If he were just because he did call back the almost buried Laws and opposed himself to a Generation making haste into worse Who then can express Your justice who hath recalled our buried and almost forgotten Laws and who with most manifest danger yet by Providence miraculously preserved for your Subjects deliverance did oppose your self against the Tyranny of the most perverse generation of men that ever pretended to be Christians If he were not only just but also clement whenas he took from his Subjects who by ignorance of his goodnes had transgressed the bounds of their duty nothing but the liberty of sinning nor did force their consciences differing from him in Religion Let the world then judge and admire your justice and clemency who of your own accord does refer the most perpetrated villany committed in the sight of the sun upon the person of your Royal Father not by your Subjects ignorant of his and your goodness but by those who had known his clemency and goodness and in the worst of their wickedness needed not have despaired of his favor to those of your Subjects neither convened nor elected by your authority And are so far from taking any thing from your peccant Subjects more then liberty of sinnng that you admit of a restitution to those of your Subjects who by such undue means had invaded the sacred patrimony of Gods Church and your Crown And though these things were committed upon pretence of Religion yet so tender is your Majesty that you will force no mans conscience not of these men And if it were justice and mercy in your glorious Uncle in the prosperity of his fortune to relieve oppressed people and Princes by his authority then was it no ways less justice and mercy in your Majesty that in the adversity of your fortune you did by all means endevour by your authority to relieve the oppressed and distressed Princes and people of Christendom To You therefore Great Sir being the Fountain and Centre of Justice in these your rightful Dominions in the lowest posture of humility do these Observations and Elements presume to offer themselves though not upon any confidence of themselves or Author but because wâ—â—ten for and in defence of Justice To You Sir who by an indifferent administration of just received and known Laws and moderating the severity of them Your Majesty being their Moderator as well as Arbitrator where it becomes impossible for your Subjects to fulfil them or inconvenient to Your self or Subjects in rigor to execute them if it be not your Subjects fault shall not less under God confer peace and happiness to all sorts of them then the Sun by its effluence does diffuse life and light to all the various creatures of the Universe This is it which in time will reduce your wandring Subjects to the secure and known paths of their Allegiance out of which they have gone astray This is it which will secure you from the imputation of Tyranny and convince your adversaries that it is not your fault in governing but theirs in disobeying if hereafter they bring upon themselves the miseries and calamities of another Civil war And this is that which will evidence to the world that then your adversaries became enemies to your Royal Father and Self when they first trod under foot the established and received Laws of their Country and that it is and always was the desire of Usurpers who having no just title but new Oppression to introduce more new Inventions of their own in place of the old Laws This is it which after your Majesties gracious Act of Oblivion for crimes past will so settle the minds of your Subjects that in the known ways of their ancestors they may expect favor and protection from your Majesty This is it which will so genuinely and equally support your Majesties Title that as it is so derived from the loins of innumerable Royal Ancestors as no man can shew where it began and so clear that in the world no man presumes to stand in competition with You so is it supported by received Laws of that continuance that they have lost their first original I presume not Sir to say this of mine own head to advise your Majesty much less have any diffidence of your Majesties governing your Subjects
of another As here in the observation of the Sabbath the omitting of which duty was a sin only against God for no man had any wrong done to him thereby But Thou shalt not commit adultery Thou shalt not kill c. which if a man does he not only sins against God but does wrong to another Admit in case of necessity God who hath made all things for man and man only for himself hath dispenced with many sins which related only to him for mans preservation yet by Grotius his good leave we must not go too far for I do not see then how the primitive Christians should have suffered martyrdom and not have symbolized or resisted the Gentiles yet it does not therefore follow that any man may pretend any necessity nor can any one shew that ever God did dispense withall to transgress Gods command and to do that wrong and injury to others which is impossible for him to repair as in Subjects making war against their Superiors for what recompence can be given for the blood and destruction which they bring upon them who obey their Superior And I hope neither Grotius nor any man else will deny it is lawful to obey Superiors Yet from the authority of S. Peter 1 ep 2. 21. qui animam ita perdit Grotius S. Matt. 10. 19. S. Luc. 13. 33. is vere eam acquivisse à Christo pronunciatur and the example of the primitive Christians he seems to be in the negative Observ But why in reason should he make Gods command to be in subornation to a humane constitution and that not founded upon any command of his neither I cannot tell Well see what he says for it Here he has his Notandum Grotius primò homines non Dei praecepto sed sponte adductos experimento infirmitatis familiarum segregum adversus violentiam in societatem civilem coiisse unde ortum habet potestas civilis quam ideo humanam ordinationem Petrus 1 Pet. 2. 13. vocat quamque alibi divina ordinatio quia hominum salubre institutum 1 Pet. 2. 13. Deus probavit Observ If there was never nor can be a Family where men be in a parity of condition and that as Grotius here says Civil power was made from Families then were not men in a parity and like condition before they brought in the Dominion which is now in use And therefore all his whole Treatise founded hereon not only false but repugnant and contrary to himself And how is his Notandum that Legal power is not made by Gods precept but from the People proved by S. Peter It is true S. Peter calls it an ordinance of Man but if this be not Gods ordinance of Man it is inconsistible with Rom. 13. 1. and with what he himself says immediately after viz. for the Lords sake It is therefore the Lords ordinance of Man and so quite contrary to Grotius his Notandum Where to look for the Divine ordinance because God has called it a wholsom Institution of Man I cannot tell nor care much Then Grotius in seven Cases together gives leave to make war But ex hypothesi how it can be of Subjects making war against their Superiors I do not understand unless it be in the fourth where he says A King loses his Kingdom if he be carried with a hostile mind to the destruction of all the People For in none of the other there can be any subjection But how any man should be so mad as being a King he should make himself worse then any private man by destroying his Subjects I do not understand and therefore Grotius might very well have left his 4. or 11. Parag. alone The rest of this Chapter is Wherein an Invader may be resisted He speaks nothing against Usurpation for fear he calls his Countrimen in question So Grotius seems to leave it indifferent whether there be a necessity of Subjects obedience God expresly and the practice of the Primitive times were for it Certain Laws of God although generally pronounced have a tacite exception of highest necessity seems to be against it But Mr. Hobbs outruns the Constable and a Cap. 6. art 12. makes the King or Civitas not only impunible for whatsoever he shall do and b Art 20. indissolvable by that power that made him c Art 14. And that the King or Supreme power is not bound by its own Laws And d Art 15. that no man has any thing proper against it But also e Art 11. this Civitas or Supreme power has power to examine what doctrine shall be taught against which none ought to say any thing contrary For says he if any one may command one thing upon pain of natural death another forbid it upon the penalty of eternal death and both by right it will fellow not only Citizens although innocent may be justly punished but the City dissolved for No man can serve two Masters Observ True not actively where they command contradictories Yet so it pleases God that not all who love and serve him should go to heaven upon beds of roses Nor is any man a loser if God for his temporal affliction 1 Pet. 2. 21. S. Matt. 10. 39. S. Lu. 13. 33. crowns him with eternal happiness And therefore where it pleases God to give and not the People make wicked and idolatrous Princes for the sins of a Nation there must good men expect persecution and affliction And if Mr. Hobbs says true then must no man speak against the golden Image Dan. 3. Nebuchadnezzar had set up nay every man ought to fall down and worship it for he says Obedience is not rightly distinguished if it be distinguished into Cap. 4. art 23. Annot. art 7. cap. 16. active and passive But Mr. Hobbs has a help for this for he says The City may command such a Worship of God as is irrational But if it be done at the command of the Civitas to which the written Word of God is not known or received Cap 15. art 1. 8 he has shewed such a Worship of God to be rational But says he Men must have a care that they do not worship God so where he reigns by Covenant as by the Covenant of Abraham for there it is ill done whether it be done by the command of the Civitas or not But whether as among the Jews heretofore or with the Christians now for I hope he will not deny God to reign as much over Christians by Covenant as ever he did over the Jews how can any Man obey both where contraries are commanded if there be no passive obedience Yet he makes it an easie thing to obey both God and Men actively in the last chap. by distinguishing between things necessary and not necessary to Salvation as if humane power did never nor will forbid things necessary to Salvation but then Men may save themselves by saying one thing and meaning another and making themselves
Hypocrites to whom alwaies our Saviour pronounceth woes We find but small consort yet between these three Our Author makes it Rational for Subjects to resist and depose Grotius seems not to think so both by the precepts of God and the practice of the Primitive Christians unless a King goes about to destroy all his Subjects Yet too he saies Gods precepts many of them though generally pronounced have a tacite exception in case of highest necessity Observ But how shall I know whether in this and therefore it is much better to obey then venture to break Gods positive command But Mr. Hobbs makes a subjection of Body and Souls absolutely where God reigns not by Covenant and there too by distinguishing between things necessary and not necessary to Salvation Since there is so much contest about the power of the People let us see what these three understand by the People Mr. Hobbs understands by Annot. art 1. cap. 6. the People the Civitas which commands wills and does by the Will of one Man or by the agreeing Wills of more Men which otherwise cannot be done in an Assembly Grotius no where that I know of defines what he means by People But our Author in the seventh Ground when there is no Government makes them a Rational Multitude and when they have made themselves a Government then forsooth to be a People Salus populi suprema lex is when the safety of the people or Subject is in danger then the supream Governor is not to take notice of any Mans particular interest whatsoever he has sworn to the contrary as when an Invasion c. is made though the King at his Coronation has sworn not to oppress nor take without their consents from any of his Subjects any thing which any of his Subjects hold of him or any of his Predecessors yet rather then an Enemy shall be relieved by any of his particular Subjects to the endangering of the rest he then may destroy it for the safety of the people is the highest Law and the end of all Government is the preservation of the Subjects in general and in such cases the lesser evil is to be chosen and no Laws but will suffer a mischief rather then undergoe an inconvenience And therefore could not the Dictator be questioned for any thing done during his Dictatorship because of the danger of the people and so the Romans alwaies understood this Maxim of Salus Populi suprema lex Let us see whether these Men leave Posterity in any better condition then they make the present Age and see how they agree about succession and whether a Kingdom may be aliened by the present King or he name his successor Here we must look upon Grotius either naturally or relatively and yet too as neither As he is naturally a Hogan Mogan he makes the King an Usufructuary only and then he saies he can alter nothing Lib. 2. cap. 6. Para. 11. at all neither in part nor in the whole And sometime like a Mercenary stipendary to Lewis the 13. against all his precedent grounds of the power of the People and of Kings having originally all their Power from the contracts and agreement of the People which yet does not cease their power he makes neither King nor People judge of succession for he saies the People have Lib. 2. cap. 7. Para. 27. transferred all jurisdiction from themselves upon the King and his family neither during that have the People any relicts of it and yet he makes it a very hard question whether the People may alter succession as to them who are not yet born and determineth it affirmatively in these words Quare si Lib. 2. cap. 4. Para. 10. populus à cujus voluntate jus regnandi proficiscitur voluntatem mutet iis qui nondum nati sunt ut quibus jus quaesitum nondum est nullam facit injuriam and the reason he gives forsooth is a very sorry one and a similitude Ejus qui nondum natus est nullum esse jus sicut nec ulla sunt accedentia rei non existentis Nay he does not stay here but goes on and saies sicut autem populus expresse mutare voluntatem potest ita tacite credi mutasse But who shall be Judge of this implicite Faith he saies not one word Because of the damnable consequents which must needs follow from this determination we will examine all the parts of it He almost every where makes a great stir with populus populus vult populus mutare potest voluntatem expresse tacite but never that I can any where find defines what the People is If he had said the People of Rome or the People of Athens or the People of Syracuse he had said something though nothing to his purpose For when a Man speaks of the People of Rome or Athens c. he speaks not formally of Men as born in the Roman or Athenian territories but as men who were civitate donati which it may be were not the tenth part of the Romans or Athenians nor were ever the Roman Athenian or Syracusan People free People jure naturali as he saies but by Civil sanction having made themselves so unjustly usurping dominion over the rest in their Tyranny and Dominions It cannot be then that Grotius means by People such People as were the Romans or Athenians If by People he means any thing in the world for above this 1700 years there have not been any such upon the face of the earth if the Inhabitants of Switzerland be not such who taking advantage from the remiss Government of Wenceslaus having beaten the Archduke Leopoldus about the year 1400 made themselves a Democracy and have almost ever since continued Mercenary Man-killers to the interests of the Pope the Kings of France and Spain Grotius then not meaning such People as were the Romans c. I cannot imagine what he should mean by People unless he means Men Women and Children of all ages and conditions all of them in a parity or equal condition abstracted from all Laws of God or Man and what a Harmony of Confessions would arise from such a rour any sober wise Man may judge Thus much for his populus Observ Well but be the People what it will a beast or no beast a thing or nothing it is from its will all right of reigning proceeds a cujus voluntate jus regnandi proficiscitur What all Right of Governing or Regal Power proceed from the People faith let Grotius or any of his followers shew ever since the beginning of the world any King made by the People and I will grant him all the rest be it what it will But see whether Grotius hath not a forked tongue or not here and in twenty places more with Notandums c. he makes all Regal Power to be from the wills of the People In his Epistle to Lewis the 13. he saies How beautiful how glorious how joyful to your Conscience will
do and are neither pleased with the remembring of what is past nor can hope well in time to come And indeed no Man is so miserable as he who knows not how to entertain a day but by being vicious in it Vicious Men desire that all their actions should be buried in oblivion with them and will make it a cause of quarrel for any Man to mention those things they daily do as their actions whereas it is onely Virtue that does eternise Men to all Posterity for the whole Earth is a Monument for famous Men and their Virtues shall not onely be testified by inscription of Stone at home but by an unwritten Record of the Minde which more then any Monument will remain with every one for ever Sir Francis Bacon in his Life of Henry the Seventh compares Times to Ways whereof some are more uphil and downhil some are more plain and even the one is better for the Reader the other for the Liver Sometime it pleases God that Virtue should be as it were so in fashion That to be virtuous is commendable and rewarded other while Virtue is not onely persecuted by all the contrary names but virtuous Men are butchered imprisoned sequestred c. and for no other cause but onely their Virtue Tacitus accounteth it a rare felicity of the Times whenas an Historian may without danger Record the History of the Times Polybius affirmeth of truth That she ought to be Proem Hist esteemed of Men as the greatest Goddess and that the greatest Power ought to be attributed to her For though all Men oppose her and sometime many kinds of verisimilitudes and appearances stand against her for a Lie yet I know not how she by her self insinuates her self into the mindes of Men And sometime on the sudden shews how potent she is and sometime after she hath been along time obscured by darkness at length of her self prevails and expugneth the Lie If a Man vary the terms of Truth and Lie into Virtue and Vice this affirmation will not less hold true Virtue was never so oppressed by Ignorance and Faction but that the virtues of good Men shall finde honorable mention afterward And Vice and Faction however cryed up at present shall hereafter be fully laid open and their deformity discovered to all Posterity Virtue is the same in all Ages and most amiable in her simple nakedness and it is Vice which hath need of false glosses and hath such specious shewes and pretences put upon it to make it seem Virtue which fucous and false paint continues no longer then the present Faction Of all Virtues next after Religion Justice is the most worthily ranged in the first place not only as including all other Virtues but as excluding it all a Mans actions are rendred as Vile and contemptible other Vices are like Moats in running waters and the smallest Moats are easilest seen in purest streams but injustice is like the poysoning the Fountain which corrupts all the stream There is no Man that is so perfect but some spots and stains may be spied in his actions which are soonest spied in the best Men but no Man Heathen or Christian can deserve the least reputation of being good or Virtuous who is an unjust Man It was not Alexanders Venery Ryot Drunkenness and Captivity to the Persian Effeminacy Vices though bad enough but his occidit etiam Callisthenem that was put in Counterpoiz Senec. de beneficiis to all his Virtues It is Justice which next after the most immortal greatest best God and Religion fabricates connects and establisheth Nations and Kingdoms in Unity and Peace It is injustice which next after Gods punishments for their sins subverts them to the ruine of the greatest part of the inhabitants so that Justice deservedly hath the pre-eminence of Virtues next after Religion and Injustice is the foulest and vilest of all Vices after Atheisme Though Justice be so high and noble a Virtue yet I think there was never any thing by learned Men as Xenophon Plato Aristotle Bodin Grotius more mistaken Not that I deny but that many Virtuous Men from their innate good nature have in their actions practised that which hath been rarely well defined like Men who by a habit speak well yet cannot give a Grammatical construction of their speech or like the Romans who though the Grecians were best at the Theory of Rhetorick and Poetry were the best Orators and Poets or like the Physitians who in blood-letting supposed the circulation of the blood yet none asserted it before the most renowned Philosopher Doctor William Harvey or like a Musitian who composes well yet understands but little in the Theory of Musick For my part as I hate Flattery as one of the basest Vices and the most inconsistent with Ingenuity or Integrity so had I much rather that these Elements should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though a present sufferer for them then by any sinister means to attain to any greatness whatsoever All things are at first appearance curiously scanned and censured by Men it may be most by them who least understand them for Nihil est facilius quam reprehendere alium I desire nothing else of any ingenuous Reader then that in censuring any thing in this following discourse he would declare what he would have instead of it Carpere vel noli nostra vel ede tua I know it is Humanum errare and I not having a beaten path to direct me to my journies end and being unfit for so great an underraking although supplied with greater helps then I have found shall very probably be subject to stumble having had so dark and feeble means to keep my self upright However in all this Apostacy of Men in general from all Faith Religion and Moral honesty I have endeavored to shew from what causes all Vitues as well Theological as Moral flow and that Men by forsaking them must necessarily fall into all those calamities and confusions which now involve us Whatsoever therefore my errors and defections are they ought rather to be forgiven then to cause anger in any candid Reader for my part I profess ingeniously I will ascribe it an Act of friendship in any Man who shall direct my going in a more plain path or shew me where I have strayed out of the way by treading in this THE APPARATUS OR The different Nature of Man from other Creatures And why only Government is necessary to Mankinde SInce there is nothing more manifest then that there is every where in the World Government for no man can say That this thing is his or that thing another mans but he must presuppose a Superior Power which gave him and the other man a Right in this or that thing And since from the evidence of all Sacred and Prophane History no time was ever recorded in which men were not in subjection to one another And since from * Viz. Grotius Hobbs White these mens Principles it is not
accounted Abrahams faith St. James 2. 23. That he would have offered up Isaac though by the law of nature Abraham should have preserved his sonne and so God ceased the motion of the Sun and Moon upon Joshua's prayer Jos 10. 12. And caused the same to go retrogade ten degrees upon the prayer of Hezekias and Isaiah 2 Kings 20. 11. It is true that nothing less then that power which made a Law can alter it the Laws therefore of God whether positive or natural have an eternal and immutable obligation upon all the men in the world but whatsoever power may make a Law that power may alter it Divine Laws therefore whether positive or natural cannot have any obligation upon God but he may alter them when he pleases CHAP. VI. The Obligation of Divine and Humane Laws upon the Consciences and Persons of Men. 1. COnscience comes of con and scio to know together with reason Conscience or some law Conscientia est animi quaedam ratio lex quâ de recte factis secus admonemur Conscience is a certain reason or law of the Mind whereby we are well or ill advised of our deeds The laws therefore of Man may not only be violated by doing contrary to them but by consenting to them As he which does contrary to that he thinks though the doing of the thing be just yet 't is unjustly done by him for whatsoever is not of faith is sin Rom. 14. 23. 2. The affirmative precepts of God they do semper obligare yet they The obligation of the laws of God do not oblige ad semper As when he commands us to pray continually it is not to be expected a man should be always in the act of prayer but so to live as he does nothing which may indispose him from praying But Gods negative precepts do not only always oblige but oblige ad semper too for there is no time at all wherein it is lawful for a man to kill to steal to commit adultery c. Deut. 5. 17 18 19 20 21. negative in all instances 3. Ecclesiastical laws do oblige in Conscience If thy brother shall neglect Ecclesiastical laws oblige in conscience to hear thee tell it to the Church but if he neglect to hear the Church let him be to thee as a heathen man or Publican Mat. 18. 17. And the Scribes and Pharises sit in Moses chair all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe and do but do not after their works for they say and do not Mat. 23. 2 3. If then by the law of our Saviour the Jews were to observe and do whatsoever the Scribes and Pharises commanded them because they sate in Moses seat sure with as much or much more reason ought Christians to observe and do whatsoever the Church which our Saviour Christ himself hath planted doth command them 4. My kingdom is not of this world Joh. 18. 36. God sent not his Son In conscience only into the world to judge the world but that by him he might save the world Joh. 3. 17. And O man who has made me a Judge or divider amongst you If then our Saviours kingdom were not of this world if God sent not his Son to judge the world and if our Saviour were not a Judge among men then cannot the Church of Christ have any power from Christ in the kingdoms of the world nor to judge the world nor to be a Judge or divider among men 5. Ecclesiastical laws according to the usage and custom of England To what things Ecclesiastical laws have reference relate to Blasphemy Apostacie from Christianity Heresies Schisms Holy Orders Admissions Institution of Clerks Celebration of Divine Service Rights of Matrimony Divorces general Bastardy Subtraction and Right of Tythes Oblations Obventions Dilapidations Excommunication Reparation of Churches Probate of Testaments Administrations and Accounts upon the same Simony Incests Fornications Adulteries Sollicitation of Chastity Pensions Procurations Appeals in Ecclesiastical cases Commutation of Penance which are determined by Ecclesiastical Judges 6. So that there is a mixt Conusance in the Ecclesiastical Judicature All things determinable by Ecclesiastical Judges are not meerly spiritual viz. of things meerly Spiritual by which they are impowered to judge and take conusance of and that by no humane power but only as they are impowered and sent by our Saviour and are only his Ministers viz. the taking conusance of Blasphemy Excommunication Heresie Holy Orders Celebration of Divine Service c. And this Ghostly power the Church and Ecclesiastical persons had before ever Temporal powers received the Gospel of Christ or were converted to Christianity And also after it pleased God that Nations and Kingdoms were converted to Christianity and that Kings did become nursing fathers and Queens nursing mothers Isa 49. 23. to Gods Church then did Kings cherish and defend Gods Church and endued it with many Priviledges and Immunities which ere while was persecuted by them or other Powers but yet could not these Immunities or Priviledges divest them of that Ghostly power which our Saviour by divine institution gave his Church It is true no question but that originally not only all Bishopricks and their bounds and the division of all Parishes and the conusance the Church hath of Tythes of Probate of Wills of granting of Letters of Administration and Accounts upon the same the right of Institution and Induction and the erection of all Ecclesiastical Courts c. were all originally of the Kings foundation and donation and that to him only by all divine and humane laws belongs the care and preservation of all his Subjects none excepted in all causes And therefore not only all those things which relate to the extern peace and quiet of the Church although exercised by Ecclesiastical persons but all those priviledges and immunities which the Church or Churchmen have in a Church planted which the Primitive Christians and Apostles had not in the persecution of the Church when planting are originally Grants of Kings and Supreme Powers and so Temporal or Secular Laws but in regard they accidentally have reference to the Church and are exercised by Ecclesiastical persons they are not improperly called the Kings Ecclesiastical Laws And sure either ignorance of this or faction hath made men run into two contrary extremes one That Kings have no right to their Crowns but in ordine ad bonum spirituale and so cannot be Kings or That all power and jurisdiction in all causes is from the King and so cannot there be any such thing as Christian faith Religion or any Ghostly power left by our Saviour with his Church to continue to the end of the world which every Christian man de fide ought to believe and submit to before any Temporal Law or Power in the world Object But beeause Ecclesiastical laws have not infallibility affixed to them if they command any thing repugnant to Divine laws do they then oblige Answer No for God
but our Saviour Patriarchs and Kings were the Lords anointed Nor is Gods anointed peculiar to them not the material anointing and the receiving and believing Gods revelation of him-self in the Scriptures is essential to the making of Gods anointed here but all rightful Kings are so whether they be materially anointed or believe Gods revelation of himself in the Scriptures or not For not only Cyrus was not Isa 45. 1. materially anointed and an unbeliever yet Gods anointed but Nabuchadnezzar also a cruel persecutor and destroyer of Gods people But Lam. 4. 20. God calls them Mortal Gods too Psal 82. 6. And is it not strange that our Saviour should say No power can be but from above data desuper and that Joh. 19. 11. Men should be so impudent as to affirm that there is no power unless data de subter and that against all sense and reason as well as faith For it is impossible that any Power should be superior to the cause of its being or that any thing should give that to another which it self hath not How then can an imaginary rout of Men give a power of life and death and of creating property which not any of them nor all of them together have to another 3. Humane Laws being the accidents or effects of Regal Power they Regal power not made by Humane laws cannot be superior to give or create a being to the cause Regal Power therefore cannot be made or created by Humane Laws 4. That in Regality as well as in Subjects estates jus proprietatis The possession or exercise of Regality does not create Regal power possessionis have been divided and Regal power usurped and exercised by them who had no right thereunto is not only testified by infinite Authorities out of prophane History but also many times in Sacred Writ as in the cases of Absolom Adonijah Athaliah c. It is true indeed that there is no visible power under Heaven but only Mens Consciences that can judge between an Usurper and a rightful Prince Yet ought men principally to have a care how they offend herein for God no where denounces a more dreadful sentence nor shewed a more terrible judgement then upon such Rom. 13. Men Num. 16. And if in Regality possession alone did create a just title then were summa injuria summa justitia it being no question the highest injury to invade the highest authority or dominion of another 5. If possession conjoyned with the submission and acknowledgement Possession with the Subjects acknowledgment and submission does not create Regal power of the Subjects did create regal power or right of command which Kings have over their Subjects then were the dominion of Theeves and Pirates where others submit to them just and Jeroboams title good to the kingdom of the Ten Tribes nor the Children of Israel Rebels but true Subjects after they had quietly submitted themselves to Jeroboam But this is false for God does denounce them Rebels to the house of David unto this day 1 Kings 12. 19. And Jeroboam himself a Rebel after he was quietly 1 King 12. 19. possessed and acknowledged by the Ten Tribes 2 Chron. 13. 6. It is a very remarkable thing that the Subjects of this Nation although Annot. pretending to be Christians have against all rules of Christian Faith placed all power in Government to be from the people and their obligation to it to be from their own submission to it and have by their often forswearing themselves to this and that Government not only habituated themselves into a belief that there is no such thing as right or power in Government but only possession but also taken away all Religion and Obligation of an Oath in things lawful and indifferent God no doubt permitting it that they who would not stand and be protected by his ordinance and institution should fall into all infidelity and perjury and never be true to any thing they sweare to and set up instead of it 6. If the Law of God or Nature did create Regal Power by the acknowledgement The Law of God or Nature does not create Regal power by the submission or any act of the Subject or submission of Men thereunto or that Subjects were the essential instruments by which Regal Power was originally created and yet is continued in the world then were not Men only free from Regal or Higher Powers before they did submit thereunto but also free to make whom they would their Prince and so by consequence there can be no such thing as Hereditary Monarchy in the world which for many Hundred nay Thousand years where God was not pleased to reign himself immediately over his peculiar people was in the old time the only Government in the world For above 3000 years after the Creation was neither Aristocracy Democracy or Elective Monarchy ever heard of in the world and yet Hereditary Monarchy is in above 19 of 20 parts in the world the only Government Nor would any Government that ever was or is in the world grant this liberty to any one born in their dominion but upon resisting it or renouncing it whether he ever submitted to it or not proceed against him not as an Enemy but as a Rebel and Traitor To suppose therefore that Subjects acknowledgment and submission is previous the essential means by which God does create Regal or Higher Powers is upon the matter to give the Lye to all the Powers and Governments that are or ever were in the world 7. None of these things therefore but some higher cause must create Regal power and that Regal Power is the Ordinance of God the Apostle Regal Power is the Ordinance of God and created by the Law of Nature saies expresly where he saies Rom. 13 that he which resisteth the Higher or Regal power resisteth the Ordinance of God And that this is not Gods Ordinance only to them who receive and believe his revelation of himself in the Scriptures is evident by his ordaining of Hazael Cyrus Nabuchadnezer c. and to put all out of question the Apostle here calls Higher or Regal Power Gods Ordinance and at that time whenas there was no King in the world which did receive the Scriptures for the revealed word of God Besides Kings reign by God c. Pro. 8. 5. and that Kings reign by God not only where he is believed as having extraordinarily revealed himself in the Scriptures Job in the state of nature long before the Job 3. 6 7. Moral Law was given by Moses saies Reges in solio collocat in aeternum Regal power therefore is Gods Ordinance and from the Law of Nature 8. Regal power being Gods Ordinance and created by the Law of Adam had Dominion over all Creatures and not as Father Husband or Master of a Family Nature there was never any time wherein Men were borne out of subjection to it not but that the Laws of Nature
are often violated by Men and that God created Adam an universal Monarch or King over all his other Creatures is clearly said Gen. 1. 27 28. And God created man in his own image in the image of God created he him male and female created he them And God blessed them and God said unto them Be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth and subdue it and have dominion over the fish of the sea and over the fowl of the air and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth And that this supreme power was given to Adam not as Father Husband or Master of a Family is manifest for he was neither Father Husband nor Master of a Family there being no Man or Woman in the world at that time 9. The Scripture does not only command Wives to be subject Adam had Dominion over Eve and not as Husband only to their Husbands but the Apostle gives reasons wherefore viz. That the man is not of the woman but the woman of the man Neither was the man created for the woman but the woman for the man 1. Cor. 11 8 9. Nor does he prove this subjection to be only due from the end of the womans creation and her being a part of Man but from Mans being first created and to whom God had first given Dominion over all Creatures before the Woman was made 1 Tim. 2. 13. 10. Although God gave to Adam only of Dominion over all Creatures yet was it not intended that he alone should so enjoy that his Dominion Adam had Dominion over his Children and not as Father only that others of his own kind should be wholly deprived of the use and benefit of them without which they could not possibly subsist When therefore that Cain and Abel were born although the Dominion of all the Creatures continued still in Adam yet had Cain and Abel property in the Fruit of the Ground and of Sheep But this property could not be given Gen. 4. 3. 4. to them by Adam as Father for the Fathers power arising from generation and the person being only generated the Fathers power extends no further The property therefore that Cain and Abel had in the Fruits of the Ground and Cattel was given them by Adam as King or Monarch 11. Not only the Scriptures and all Writers many times express different The state of Man before the flood and after Adams death was not Anarchy but in Society and under Monarchy Hereditary Gen. 23. 6. things equivocally by one word but also the same thing equivocally in different words As a Chief Governor is often called not only King but Prince Duke Sultan Pharoah Ptolomy Cham c. Paterfamilias signifies the Master of a Family whether he hath a son or daughter in it or not Our Saviour as the highest attribute of power begins the Lords prayer with Our Father So the Scriptures by Patriarch Prince and King understand the same thing The Patriarch Abraham is called a Prince of God or a mighty Prince A Prince sure he was that could give battel and overthrow four Kings at once Gen. 26. 16. And the King and Prince David is called by S. Peter the Patriarch David Act. 2. 29. And Patriarchs as well as Kings are called Christi Domini And that the Patriarchs mentioned in Gen. 5. were not only men endued with the ordinary power of Parents but Princes in their generations is manifest otherwise it had been a vain thing for the Scripture to have mentioned a Genealogie of the Patriarchs from Seth to Noah if every Father had had the same power with them Besides Cain who was elder then Seth had a wife and children yet was none of Gen. 4. 17. the Patriarchs and the reason was because God for the murder of his Gen. 5. 12. brother Abel made him a vagabond and fugitive upon the earth And as this Patriarchal or Regal power was with the Patriarchs before the Flood so was it hereditary where God did not interpose For from Seth to Noah only the First-born had it or are mentioned for Patriarchs in Scripture God no doubt by this great example teaching men that where he does not interpose this Patriarchal or Regal power is hereditary and descends only to the Eldest Son and Heir General 12. If as Grotius affirmeth the state of Man had been Jure naturali in The state of Man immediatly after the flood was not Anarchy but Society by the testimony of Scripture a parity or promiscuous condition immediately after the Flood and that this Jus naturale be immutable by God himself and that this Dominion which is now in use the will of Man brought in and that not the will of the party commanding but in subjection It had been a very vain curse in Noah or rather of God by Noah to have cursed Chanaan and made him a servant of servants to his brethren or that God should bless both Sem and Japheth and make Chanaan a servant to them both And let a man see the generations of Sem Ham and Japheth where the Grandchildren of Japheth by Javan divided the Isles of the Gentiles not in a promiscuous condition but Gen. 10. 5. after their tongue kindred and in their nation And so Nimrod the Grandchild of Ham by Chus became a mighty Hunter in the earth c. And the beginning of his Kingdom was Babel Erech Acad and Calneth in the land of Sinar There is great division among Writers about Nimrod whether he were the same with Belus and Ninus or not And as the posterity of Japheth did not inhabit the earth in a parity and equal condition so did not the posterity of Ham but in their kindreds tongues countries and nations Verse 20. And so did the posterity of Sem v. 31. And Gen. 11. gives the genealogie of Sem to Abram which came to pass in less then three hundred years after the Flood And in Abrahams time Pharaoh ruled in Egypt cap. 12. and Amraphel was King of Sinar Arioch King of Elazar Chodorlaomer King of Elam and Thidal King of the Nations and Bera King of Sodom Birsa Gen. 14. 1 2 3. King of Gomorrha Sinab King of Adma Semeber King of Seboiim and the King of Bela. There is no reason that I understand why men should affirm Nimrod to be Annot. the first Monarch after the Flood from Gen. 10. 8. He began to be a mighty one upon the earth and that the beginning of his kingdom was Babel Erech Accad and Calneth Which proves it no more then if a man should say That David was a mighty one upon the earth and the beginning of his kingdom was Judah and Jerusalem that therefore there was never any King before him 13. We begin with Diodorus Siculus who after that in the first Part The state of Man most antiently was never Anarchy but Monarchy by the authority of the most antient of Vulgar Histories of his first Book
Monarchy Aristocracy Democracy I answer that God hath made Man upright but he hath sought out many inventions Therefore let Aristocracies Democracies answer for themselves anciently there was no Government in the world but Monarchy nor does God ever command obedience to others and the very Athenians for above 800 years could find a Government under Kings hereditarily before any footsteps of Aristocracy or Democracy was ever heard of in the world nor did they ever transgress the bounds of Europe unless in the Carthaginian State and when the Magi usurped in Persia It was Pride in the Romans and Grecians who not only esteemed all the world barbarous besides themselves and all Kings to be of the kinde of ravenous beasts but were the first inventers of these Aristocracies and Democracies and made all Power in Government to be Artificial and Political not only in the exercise which is true but also in the cause This Jus Politicum was of a more large extent with the Grecians then the Jus Civile was with the Romans For the Grecians esteemed that to be Jus Politicum which is common to all Men conjoyned with any society the Romans called that Jus Civile which is proper to any City So to buy and sell was by the Grecians called Politick the Romans called not those things Civil unless to sell by such a measure and at such a time the Romans called the Cloaks and other habits of vestments used by themselves and other people civil But let any Man judge whether these Men Mr. Hobbs White and Grotius being Christians and two of them very learned Men do reasonably not only to reject all precepts and examples of Sacred writ and all Testimonies of the consent of the present World and Testimonies of all most antient Histories from the examples of those most unreasonable Men besides the case between them is as unlike as can be For though they agree that this Jus Politicum or Civile is so as well in the cause as exercise and all power to be originally with the people yet by the people did neither Romans nor Grecians understand a company of Men in a rout or promiscuous parity but they who were Civitate donati nor did ever the People of Athens or Rome acquire their Dominion from the people subject to them by do or dedi and not dabo or faciam as these men feign all power to be originally deduced but by rapine extorting it from their rightful Kings in whom it undubitably was If it be questioned how originally this power came into the world if not Annot 3 by the Pacts of Men or consent of Families I answer Rem teneo modum nescio for the manner of it how it came originally I am not bound to give an account where the Scriptures and most antient Historians do not confirm it it is enough that I having proved it to be natural and Gods Ordinance it was never otherwise especially having the practice of the present world and the Records of all prophane and sacred History 14. It is true indeed that the Humane Laws and the exercise of Regal Not only Kings but Kingdoms have their being from God and by the Law of Natore Power is Politick Voluntary and Artificial but that these Laws are received and exercised in those places where they ought to be which makes Kingdoms is expresly said by the Prophet Dan. cap. 4. in three places The most Highest ruleth in the kingdoms of men and giveth it to whom it pleaseth him ver 7. And it was Nebuchad-nezzars punishment for his pride that he should have his dwelling with the beasts of the field untill he knew that the most Highest ruleth in the kingdoms of Men and giveth it to whomsoever he will ver 25 and 32. So that it is evident not only Kings but Kingdoms not only their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their Right but also Government is from God immediately and that this is a Declaration of the Law of Nature not only long before God by the Prophet Daniel speaks this were Kingdoms upon the earth but also no Kingdom or King which at the time that this was spoken that did receive or believe Gods Revelation of himself in the Scriptures Kingdoms therefore or the exercise of Regal Power is Gods Ordinance as well where the Scriptures are received as not and due by the Law of Nature and by consequence the obstinate resistance of Kings in their Government by their subjects is a violence upon the Law of Nature 15. Sir Francis Bacon in his life of Henry 7. relates that Perkin Warbeck How many waies Regality comes to pass by the often affirming himself to be Richard Duke of York second son of Ed. 4. did at last believe himself to be so indeed The violent and frequent usurpations of usurpers in this Island and some other Northern and European Region hath invested such a habit in Men that renouncing reason as well as all faith and belief of God in the Scriptures they with much confidence affirm nothing but possession or possession and submission of Subjects to be requisite with Kings Both which do no more make a rightful King then a Mans Deseisin Abetting or Intruding into the signiory of another and the Tenants attorning to him does make him rightful Lord of the Mannor But neither humane Laws nor Man nor any thing under Heaven can endue any Creature with a power over anothers life and fortune who is of the same kind with himself and without which there can be no supreme power and by consequence no society among Men. There are but four waies by which Regality can happen First When it is immediately and expresly given by God as it was to Saul David Solomon Hazael Cyrus c. Or Secondly derived from him who had Regality truly vested in him but this derivation must not be from the Election Adoption or the will of him who was invested with the Regal Power which at highest cannot amount higher then a humane Law which by the 3 para of this chap. cannot create Regal Power It must therefore be derived by Primegeniture which is derived from a higher cause then humane Laws for jura sanguinis nullo jure civili dirimi possint Or Thirdly by Lot which we have shewed to be by the Law of Nature Or Lastly Jure Primi Occupantis if its Occupant be capable thereof for Man being a sociable creature by Nature and society according to Aristotle being contained in many divided parts therefore in the society of Men there must be unum quid quod imparet alterum Lib. 1. cap. 5. Pol. quod pareat But whether Aristocracy and Democracy be unum quid that may jure imperare to me is a question neither of them being any Institution of God or from the Law of Nature but brought in by unjust usurpation and violence and against the universal consent and practice of the world for above Three
thousand years I do exclude Conquest to be any cause of Regal power where God does not give it For either this Conquest must be made by power or force If it be made by power or one who is Gods Sword-bearer no new power ariseth from thence but only a dilatation of the exercise of the old which was formerly in him But if it be done by Sword-takers then is it no other then unjust usurpation and robbery The World being large and the Men in it alwaies ambitious I will not undertake to answer for the matters of fact which Men have done in all Ages nor do I doubt but that oftentimes the alterations and conversions of Government have happened from the will of God Object But it is evident by the Prophet Daniel c. 4. 23. 25. that God ruleth in the kingdoms of men and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth And if that he were pleased to make Saul David Solomon and Jeroboam who reigned over his peculiar people and Hazael Cyrus c. who knew not God Kings and yet neither by Lot Primogeniture from a rightful King or by right of First possession then for ought is known these alterations which have otherwise happened and do come to pass in the world may be from the will and gift of God Sol. I answer If it may be Gods will that these alterations and confusions happen in the world it may not be Gods will affirmanti incumbit probatio Let them therefore or they that make these alterations and confusions prove that Gods will and not their own perverse will was the first cause of them It is true and I grant that God does oftentimes for the punishment of a Nation convert the succession of their Kings into another line yet did he never so far chastise any Nation as to subject it to an Aristocracy or Democracy So it is necessary offences come yet shall that never excuse them by whom they come And so it many times happens that men cannot avoid Gods judgments and die it is no consequence therefore that men should run themselves into them or kill themselves It may be it is Gods will that my Father should die or that he will destroy my Country and Laws c. It does not therefore follow that a man may kill his Father destroy his Country or endeavor to subvert the Laws thereof Men are not alwaies obliged to conform their wills to Gods will but to do what he wills and commands them I am obliged to pray for my Parents and Country when it is Gods will they should be destroyed It was Gods will that Jeroboam for Solomons sin should be King of ten 1 King 11. 13. Tribes of Israel yet because the Tribes did will it and not upon Gods command he pronounced them eternal Rebels and Jeroboam a Rebel because 1 King 12. 19. he took it upon those terms 2 Chron. 13. 6. Nor do we find that ever Israel joyed good day after For the policy of Jeroboam to continue Comparethese times with these and see the event his dominion over them must be preferred before Gods worship and service in order thereunto Jeroboam must take counsel and make Calves which he says brought the Children of Israel out of Egypt any Priests were good enough to sacrifice to them no matter whether they were Priests or of the Tribe of Levi the lowest of the people would serve the turn 1 King 12. 32 33. yea forsooth Jeroboam himself could hold forth to the people and burn incense which before was peculiar to the Priests But it is a strange thing that this invented policie of Jeroboams for the keeping of the ten Tribes in their obedience to him should be the cause of so wonderful a Captivity 2 King 17. 21 22 23. that to this day it is unknown what became of them and their posterity 16. Parum est jus nisi sunt qui possunt jura gerere And men have always The miseries of men when the Supreme power is rejected or unknown by woful experience found that all Tyranny of a rightful and known Prince is not to be compared with the miseries and calamities where the Prince is not known or rejected but every popular and ambitious Man arrogates and usurps to himself what should be justly ascribed to the lawful Prince Nor does the calamities of miserable men in such a condition end so but God no where shewed so great a judgment as upon those men viz. Corah Dathan and Abiram who rejected their rightful and known Prince Num. 16. Nor does he ever denounce a more dreadful judgment then upon those men who resist Higher powers Rom. 13. How great then will his judgment be upon them who reject them 17. He is a natural Prince of right or by the Law of Nature who Who is a Natural Prince de jure truly prescribes from such Ancestors that no mortal creature can make any just exception or superior claim And so great a Lover of Men and Truth is God that scarce in all the world was it not known in any Nation who was the rightful Prince thereof when his Subjects did reject him 18. It is true that there is no visible power under Heaven but only Where there are diversities of titles which is to be preferred mens Consciences that can direct them where Titles of Princes come in question But where diversity of Titles are alleadged that which is truly and indubitably most antient is the best for it is a true rule in all descents whatsoever that Dormit aliquando nunquam moritur jus But this must be jus apparens for De non apparentibus de non existentibus eadem est ratio Whether the Title of the Heir general or Heir male be better we shall treat more at large in Cap. of Succession 19. Jus is duplex Proprietatis Possessionis And that this Right is Who is a Natural King de facto and not de jure divisible as well in Regality as private mens Estates is demonstrated by para 4. of this Chap. And if it be true as it is that no Being can be superior or better then the Cause of its being then will it necessarily follow that all Kings who inherit from Usurpers cannot have a better title then that which the Usurpers had so long as a superior or better claim can be made by another Nor do I fear to affirm Hen. 4. Hen. 5. and Hen. 6. were natural Kings of England and did inherit the Crown of England de facto but not de jure 20. Although nothing which is naught in the beginning can be How Usurpation may be bettered bettered by the continuance of time yet may Usurpation although naught in the beginning be bettered in time viz. if the Usurpation be of that continuance that it outlives all claim that can be justly made by another for Possession is title sufficient against all men who have no jus ad rem Hence it
Temporal Dominions and therefore may punish disturbers of the peace of the Church as well as the State Yet when the Temporal Magistrate shall arrogate to himself a power which our Saviour only left to his Church and make all Ecclesiastical rights and constitutions depending and subordinate to the Civil whereby the Enemies of our Church have taxed our Religion not for Christian but Parliamentary no doubt but it is a crying sin and I wish there had never been any such thing among us 19. And as God is to be obeyed before men in all things which concern Or the Laws of Nature Faith and Religion so in the observance of the Laws of Nature is God to be obeyed before men As if a King commands me to dishonor my parents this can be but a Humane law but to honor my parents is a law which God hath written in my heart and therefore ought to be preferred If a King commands his Subjects to dishonor him or to deny obedience to him this is but a Humane law whereas by the law of Nature I ought to honor and obey my King I therefore ought not to obey such a law Amurath the Second of that name King of the Turks upon a Vow resigned his Kingdom to his son Mahomet yet upon the League made by Uladislaus King of Pole and Hungary with other Christian Princes against him he resumed his Regal authority and so kept it until his death And so might Charls the Fifth if he had pleased nor was Philip any other then an Instrument of his Fathers during his Fathers life The King makes a Law giving the succession of the Crown from the right Heir This ought not to be received for Princes inherit by a higher Law then Humane 20. The King commands a Judge to pervert Judgment the Judge Or to pervert Judgment ought to give true Judgment for all Humane Laws in peaceable times ought to be â priori and proclaimed that all men after such a time should observe them This verbal command of the King wanting this formality and it being impossible for the Judge to observe both these commands he ought notwithstanding this verbal command to give Judgment according to Law The King when there is no necessity or publick danger commands me Quaere who am no publick Executioner without any Judicial sentence to put a man to death for which he can make no compensation As Davids commanding Joab to murder Uriah although we find David only reprehended and punished therefore yet sure if Joab had not fulfilled Davids wicked command he had not sinned But you may object Who shall judge whether this thing commanded be repugnant to Gods Majesty Mans faith Religion or the Law of Nature the King or the Subject I say though the Subject hath not an equal right of judging with the King whether this thing should be a Law or not yet every Subject hath a Conscience as well as the King which must dictate Whether Kings divest themselves of Regality by commanding what they ought not to him whether he ought to do or not to do such a thing 21. But if the King commands things contrary to Gods Majesty and Divine Laws ought he not to be obeyed in those things which do not contradict them It is so mad and wild an objection as it is scarce worth an answering unless a man will affirm that my doing of an act which I ought not to have done does divest me of Humane nature or that a Fathers or Masters commanding his Son or Servant what he ought not doth annihilate the relations of Father and Son Master and Servant or that Humane acts may dissolve Humane relations A Prince therefore ought to be obeyed in those things which he ought to command as Prince although he command such things as he ought not 22. It may be it will be objected That Temporal punishments being Though inflicting punishment for not observance the usual concomitants for not observing Humane Laws a good and conscientious man may be punished for what he ought not to have done I say his case is the same with his Lords and Saviours and all those blessed and glorious primitive Christians and Martyrs who suffered for the testimony of a good conscience Nor hath God made Heaven so easie a prize that it should be always won easily and delicately but many times by suffering and martyrdom 23. It is the most usual thing with seditious men before they enter Whether Princes ought to be resisted where they are not to be obeyed into open sedition to prepare mens mindes with certain Cases wherein Princes commanding things derogatory to Gods Honor or the Subjects Liberty that then in the preservation of themselves and Gods honor they ought to defend themselves from the raging Tyrannie of Princes and to be sure that whatsoever they command these good men will judge contrary to Gods Honor and the Liberty of the Subject It is worth the while if a mans patience will give him leave to look back upon the thing calling it self Parliament how after they had made the King grant whatsoever they could think might be beneficial to the Subjects though I might be sworne they never intended as plainly appeared afterward the good benefit or liberty of the Subject what pious ways they invented to make themselves great and so good a Prince nothing and odious to his Subjects As the demanding of six men holding intelligence with his Subjects who had been in open hostility and rebellion against him an affront not to be endured by any King to an ordinary and Legal Trial this was not only denied but Voted a Breach of the Priviledge of Parliament whenas the Priviledge of Parliament extends not to so much as breach of the Peace much less to Treason They pretend though most falsly that in case of extreme danger and necessity the Militia is in the Parliament meaning themselves excluding the King And then create Dangers and write Letters how great Fleets of Danes Swedes Hollanders c. were seen at Sea It must be from Westminster then for there were the Letters written and the Fleets never since heard of Then permit if not command the most insufferable affronts and indignities that ever were offered to Majesty yet if the King but offers to increase his Guard this is Voted no less then a raising of War against his Parliament and Subjects whilst all the while against the Lex consuetudo Parliamenti Inst par 4. 14. without any cause moving them they maintain an illegal Rout of men for their Guard and go armed themselves Nay what needs a man instance particulars All the Kings commands in prosecution of the Laws were Voted breaches of the Priviledges of Parliament and the Liberties of the Subject We will therefore shew that this Assertion is not only contrary to all Faith in both Testaments but also destructive to all Humane Society 24. There is no man sure will deny but
pretended Salique Law 30. Delegata potestas non potest participari No man can participate No Prince can give sell or transfer his power much less alien the power which he is intrusted with But supreme power is delegate from God to every Prince and therefore no Prince can give sell or bequeath his power to any other The King is Gods Lieutenant upon earth Coke 3 par Inst cap. Deodands fol 57. 31. It may be the Electors are the Instruments by which the Elected Elective Monarchy King or Monarch receives his power but I do not understand how such a King can be a Supreme Prince Yet this by the way Neither now nor heretofore was ever such Prince chosen either by the people in general or by the Masters in families nor the Electors chosen by them 32. Aristocracy is when a company of men met in Councel ascribe Aristocracy to themselves whatsoever power is due to any rightful Monarch not being chosen by the people in general but have places either by birth or as they are chosen by the Council such is the state of Venice such were the Roman Senate and Ephori of Lacedemon 33. Democracy is when they who being free of the City do meet at a Democracy time and place appointed where they choose Ministers and Officers make and alter laws and do whatsoever they think good or what shall appear good to them as represented to them by popular Orators But because business might so fall out that there might be a necessity of making War or Peace raising mony for defence of the Commonwealth c. besides the times and places appointed the Athenian Archon and Tribunes of the Roman people had liberty given them to assemble the people when they thought fit I think no man can well tell whether the Roman Government before Caesars dictatorship were Democratical or Aristocratical For though men might appeale from the Consuls to the Tribunes yet by an Act of the Senate after the suppressing of the Gracchi the Consuls might provide that the Common-wealth should receive no detriment which is as general and high a power as can be given No wonder then if Marius pretending the power of the Common wealth and Sylla the authority of the Senate should reduce both Rome and Senate to so lamentable a condition and that Julius Cesar assisted by Lucius Antonius and Quintus Curio the Tribunes of the people and Pompey by the Senate should raise such War and commotion every where to the utter subversion of the absolute power as they called it both of Senate and people CHAP. IV. Of the three Species of Government viz. Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy 1. IMperium est duplex solutum legibus and astrictum legibus this is There are but 3 species of Government and all compounded Government is either supervacantous or destructive to the Governors and Governed Empire restrained to the Laws and is of Magistrates who although they command private men yet they themselves are bound by the laws and command of their superiors which is the power of our Judges Justices c. That is Majesty an Empire which is the Arbitrator Moderator Controuler and maker of all laws and who justly has it is accountable only to God and this Empire is so essential to all Government that without it there can be no Kingdom or Commonwealth there cannot be any property any meum or tuum but what this Empire gives no man has any security of his life or estate but as he is preserved and protected by this power or command And though government do differ as it hath been and yet is in many places of the world in specie viz. Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy yet in all of them this power or command is the same and equal viz. Supreme And this power or command must be in one thing viz. in one man in one court in one people but if it be divided into two or more it is either supervacaneous or destructive for those two or more in whom this divided Empire does consist must either agree or disagree in the same thing if they agree to will or nill the same then it is supervacaneous for it had been all one if but one part had willed it and frustra fit per plura c. but if they disagree in willing or nilling the same thing it is destructive for it is impossible for the Subject to obey because the Law it self is a contradiction and if the Subject obeys one he disobeys the other and to obey neither brings Anarchy and confusion upon all the governed What is left then but the Subject to be divided aswell as the power and a Kingdom divided in it self cannot stand St. Mar. 3. 24. Neither are the Governors in whom this divided power or command does consist in any better case then the Subject for Nulla fides regni sociis omnisque potestas Lucan Impatiens consortis erit It were infinite to enumerate the sad consequences which division of Kingdoms have brought upon those Kingdoms where they were made Let any man look upon the Estate of the Roman Empire when it was divided by Constantine the Great among his three sons Constantinus Constantius Constans Nor did ever the Empire retain the name and dignity after the division made by Theodosius to his sons Arcadius and Honorius Nor was the Western Empire ever raised again to near the greatness it had in Charlemaines time after the division made by Lotharius Lewis and Charles sons of Lodovicus Pius and what horrible confusions followed upon the divisions is easie to be imagined whenas in the first Battel between the brethren was slain the greatest part of the Nobility of France and more men died in it then in any other battle that hapned in France since that fought between Ecius and Attila King of the Huns in the fields of Catalonia But that we may not go so far and yet find examples neerer home Rodry Maure or Rodry the great King of Wales Son of Mersyn Frith had issue three Sons Mervin Anarawd and Cadelh In the yeare when he dyed viz. anno dom 877. King Alfred alias Alured then reigning in England this Great Rodry divided his Kingdome of Wales into three Principalities The First he called Guyneth the English Northwales the Latinist Venedotia The Second Principality was called Powisland in Latine Powisia of some Westwales bordering upon England The Third he called Deherborth the English Southwales in Latine Demetia The First Principality some say he gave to Mervin others to Anarawd The Second to Anarawd some say to Cadelh The Third to Cadelh some say to Mervin The First was the best because it was quietest The Second often invaded and troubled by the English Into the Third often incursions were made by the English the Norman and Fleming The division of this Kingdom however it was wrought in process of time such a division between these Princes as it was never quiet untill it
from their Kings The Barons warrs and those of York and Lancaster Wat Tyler Jack Straw c. were caused by the rebellion and stubborness of the Subject nor is the sacred patrimony of the Crown and Church more secure then that of private men but invaded and made a prey to soldiers Sequestrators and Excise-men a Hereditary Monarchy is better than elective in relation to the Subject For the Antiquity of this Government even among the Grecians see Thucid. 2 ed. by H. Stephanus 1588. p. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Before that time viz Trojan War Kingdoms were hereditary and defined to certain honors 7. Hereditary Monarchy is better then Elective in relation to the Subject If a man but considers the calamities brought upon the Roman Empire only by choosing their Emperor it were sufficient to make any man feat and tremble that hath so much compassion in him as to pity wretched States for that Nation who choose their King When Caesars line was extinct in Nero Galba was scarce chosen and received Emperor when Otho excites the Pretorian Cohorts to kill him and his adopted son Piso to make way for himself Vitellius is chosen almost at the same instant by the German Legions that Otho was chosen by the Pretorian Cohorts By this division the Empire is brought to so desolate a condition that Otho a vitious man did kill himself to prevent its further destruction yet could not Otho's death purchase his Countries quiet For the Moesian Pannonian and Dalmatian Legions ascribe to themselves as good right in choosing an Emperor as the German and name Vespasian Rome the Mistress of the known World never felt such misery as those Legions led by Antonius Primus brought upon her which Cornelius Tacitus in the latter end of the third book and the beginning of the fourth book of his History relates That Emperor the Soldiers chose scarce ever pleased the Senate what Emperor the Senate chose never pleased the Soldier From Marcus Aurelius to Dioclesian who was the greatest Persecutor of the Christians and renounced the Empire to take upon him a private life not one Emperor of ten died a natural death In Gallienus his time Thirty at once at no time less then three or four but like Hydra's heads when one was cut off another sprung up Into such a condition was the Empire brought by the Election of the Emperors Nor was the state of the Western Empire much better which he who reads the History of those times from Charles the Great until the Constitution of Pope Gregory 5. Anno 1002. for choosing Platina vita Greg. 5. 151. b. the Emperor Otho the Fifth not contradicting it may see which hath continued till this day Yet the Electors considering the confusions caused in the nominations of their Emperor have ever since Rodolphus the First who was chosen An. 1272. continued their election in the House of Austria so that upon the matter the Empire is become hereditary and the choosing but a Ceremony 7. The miseries consequent upon the election of either Native or The miseries consequent upon the Election of a Subject Stranger are many For there is no Native who is not in distaste with some body the choosing of whom gives power to take revenge not only upon him but those that opposed him in his election for it is hardly imaginable all should agree in one None of the rejected Competitors will be content to acknowledge the Elected in stead thereof they will rather study ways to raise dissention about the manner of the Election that either undue means were used in it or though they had the fewer Votes yet they who voted for them were greater better or more Saint-like whose Votes ought rather to be weighed then the others numbred These it may be and many other considerations have caused the Polonians these many years to look for him whom they choose their King out of Poland 8. Let us see what the miseries consequent upon choosing of a Stranger The miseries upon the Election of a Foreiner be he King or Subject are He who is chosen is either a Subject or a Soveraign for between these two is no mean If he be a Subject who especially freeborn Soveraign people will endure that another being a stranger and a Subject too should command over them And where power is despised the exercise of it is never permanent If he be a Soveraign he having now two Kingdoms can personally reside but in one which will disgust the other It will be expected that he observe the manners and dispositions of this Kingdom more then his other because the people chose him It will be expected by that Kingdom that he retain the observations of the dispositions and manners of it because he is their born King Philip the Second did disgust the Flemings because he retained his Spanish habit He cannot do any thing so much in order to the good of the one but it will as much excite the other to hate him in being a servant to both he shall please neither And what was it which caused all those Wars raised in Bohemia but the Election of Frederick 1619. from whence too sprung all those devastations and almost destructions in Germany since until the last Treaty at Munster From hence it was that Sigismund the son of John King of Sweden being chosen King of Poland the Kingdoms differing both in Manners and Religion and it being impossible to please both was not only himself and all his posterity for ever excluded from the Kingdom of Sweden in a Conspiracie at Lincopen 1600. but hath been the cause of all that misery and desolation under which Poland lately lay For because Casimir the son of Sigismund will not renounce the Right which God by Primogeniture has given him and acknowledge this Barbarian and Usurper he joining with the Brandenburgher and Transilvanian and seeks aid of the Turk too who being the best Christian of these four refuseth to give him any robs ruines and spoils Poland Add hereunto the calamities and confusions which happen in the intervals of their Kings which whoso reads the History of Pole may see Whereas in an Hereditary Kingdom where the Heir is known and a Major no confusions probably follow And no man sure will deny but that an Hereditary Monarchy is better for the peace and quiet of the people then an Elective 9. Hereditary Monarchy is better then Elective in relation to the Hereditary Monarchy is better then Elective in reference to the Crown and patrimony thereof Rights Patrimony and Dignity of the Crown For where the Crown descends to the Heir the King will use what means he can for the advancement of the honor and dignity thereof that himself in his posterity as well as his person may be great and renowned whereas he who cannot hope that his Heir shall enjoy it will use what means he can for provision and maintenance for his Children although it be
to the prejudice and dishonor of it for sure no man can imagine that because a Man is a King that therefore he should divest himself of Nature and neglect to use some means to get an Estate for his Posterity where there is none provided If it be objected that the Crown descends to the Heir not to the posterity if more then one I answer That no Crown but hath many Offices and Dignities appertaining to it which descend to the Heir he probably will not reject his own flesh and blood to advance strangers whereas in an Elective Kingdom it cannot be hoped for 10. The Government in Britain and England untill 1641. was Monarchy The Government of Britain was ever Monarchy Hereditary before 1641. hereditary If you believe Mr. Selden in the First Book cap. 1. of his Analecton Anglo-Britanicon he will tell you upon the Faith of Jeoffrey of Monmouth the stem and progeny of Brutus the Nephew of Aeneas and give you a series of the Government of his posterity to Cassivellanus King of the Trinobantes when Cesar first made his invasion here and cap. 5. from Cassivellanus Essex and Middlesex to King Lucius Now I trowe our Author for the honor and reverence of the Apostolick sea will not deny Lucius to be a King and the first Christian King of the Britaines who and whose subjects were baptised Plat. in vit S. Eleutherii p. 21. about anno 176. by Fugatius and Damianus sent to this end by Pope Eleutherius And see Tacitus Lips pag. 457. in vita Agricolae Ii Britanni scilicet his atque talibus invicem instincti Voadicâ generis regii faemina duce neque enim sexum in imperjis discernunt sumsere universi bellum c. with these and the like speeches inciting one another by common consent they resolve to armes under the conduct of Voadica a Lady of the blood royal for in matter of governing in cheif they make no distinction of sex It is not my purpose here to relate a series and Catalogue of all the Brittish Kings to the Saxon Monarchs nor of the Saxon to the Dane and Norman I deny that in any of these times there was any other Government but Monarchy Aristocracy or Democracy never nor was ever any of those Kings chosen by the people Here by the way though I affirm the Government of England and Brittaine to be Monarchy yet I do not affirm that part of this Island which is called England was governed by one Monarch only till King Athestan reduced it about the yeare 938 nor the whole Island under one King before it was united under James anno 1602. And this Monarch not a thing in abeiance an aiery title but an absolute free and independent Monarchy Stat. 24. H. 8. cap. 12. It is resolved and declared that by sundry and old antick Histories and Chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this Realme of England is an Empire and so has been accepted in the world Publick Notaries made by the Emperor claimed de Jure to exercise their office here in England but were prohibited because it was against the dignity of a supream King see Sir Ed. Coke Instit 4. fo 342. Omnis sub rege ipse sub nullo sed tantum sub Deo And ipse autem Rex non debet esse sub hominibus sed sub Deo And Rex autem qui vicarius summi Regis est ad hoc constitutus ut regnum terrenum populum domini super omnia sanctum veneretur ecclesiam ejus regat ab injuriosis defendat maleficos ab ea evellat destruat penitus disperdat ibid Now would I fain know what higher power can any man upon earth claim then is here by the Law acknowledged to be in the Kings of England Nor hath any Subject any property in his estate but what he claims from the King for all Lands and Tenements in England in the hands of Subjects are holden mediately or immediately of the King Sir Ed. Co. Com. on Lit. fol. 1. Inst part 4. pag. 363 364. Nor have the Lords and Commons a concurring power with the King in making Statute-Laws for the King makes the Law the Lords and Commons consent Co. Lit. 159. b. And what concurring power of Lords and Commons is there in Magna Charta but only Henry by the grace of God King of England c. We have granted to God and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever c. And Charta de Foresta hath nothing which makes it a Law but Edward by the grace of God c. We will that all Forests c. Stat. Hiberniae made at Westminster 9 Feb. ann 14 H. 3. Henry c. commands that the Customs recited in that Statute and used in the Realm of England be proclaimed in Ireland and straightly kept and observed there And Stat. de Anno Bissextili made at Westm. ann 21 H. 3. ann 1236. is The King unto his Justices of the Bench greeting The Statute entituled Assisa panis cerviciae is made by the King The Statute de Scaccario is nothing but what the King commandeth And so let any man peruse all the antient Statutes of this Realm and he shall not find any so much as Consent of the Lords and Commons named in the making of them though it may be it was implied Nor had the Lords and Commons in the Parliament Anno 1641. any more power de jure then their Predecessors had before them And therefore the Common-Law and Statute-Law of this Realm were nothing but the declared Will of the King Nor hath any City or Borough c. any Priviledge but what they claim and hold immediately from the Kings Grant Customs I take to be those Usages which the Kings have permitted Sir Ed. Co. comment on Littleton 113 to divers of their Subjects in several places of this Realm time out of mind distinct and not the same with the Common Law And herein they differ from Prescription because this refers to the person that to the place so Prescription is what such an individual Man and his ancestors have done in such a place and Custom is what divers Men at once have used in such a City Borough Mannor or Village Add hereunto the Militia of the Kingdom the Mint the power of making War or Peace which were always in the King and for the manageing of which he hath usually taken the Results of his Ordinary Council and who will deny the Kings of England to have been Absolute Soveraigns What the Government since 1641. hath been I cannot tell nor do I care If you believe the Instrument it will tell you It is in One Person and the Freeborn People of this Nation so in Two and divided But who are the Freeborn People of this Nation Every man hath as much right to this Freedom as another here is no Vassalage no Civitate donatus in
one more then another so here all are Governors Now Government being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the predicament of relation This One Person and Freeborn People must forgive me if I do not understand it 11. Now if Monarchy be the best Government then Democracy is the Democracy the worst of Governments worst because most different from it He that will look further into the inconveniences of Popular Government let him read Hobbs de Cive cap. 10. 12. The woes pronounced by God to that Kingdom whose King is a The woful estate of men in Aristoracies Child Pro. 8. 15 16. Isa 3. 4. are as much or more to be feared in an Aristocracy For why may not Great men as well agree where the King is a Child as where there is no King at all If any of these Governments be monstrous and usurped This and Democracy are for God never instituted any such nor ever commanded any obedience to either nor was there ever any but originally were introduced by unjust violence and usurpation It is therefore just with God that they who would not be content to be governed and protected by his Ordinance should be perpetually obnoxious to Seditions Conspiracies and liable to serve many Masters and always liable to pay Soldiers wages to force them to perpetual slavery and poverty Under bad Kings innocent Subjects are protected from the Ambitious and their Tyranny extends usually to Courtiers and those who would unjustly usurp dominion over their Fellow-subjects Whereas bad Governors in States and Popular Governments bring unavoidably confusion and ruine upon the Governed in general Object I do expect to have the State of Venice opposed to this assertion of all Democratical and Aristocratical Governments being originally usurped Sol. But if it be true as we shall hereafter demonstrate that subjection of Subjects to rightful Princes does depend upon higher then any humane or voluntary causes And therefore it was truly resolved by all the Judges of England That Natural Allegiance is not circumscribed to any place Then although the Empire was much rent with divisions could not the Calvins case tit 4. page 7. Venetians although driven by the fury of Attila's excursions into those Isles of the Adriatique sea where Venice now stands for their preservation free them from their obedience and subjection due to Valentinian nor without usurpation and wrong to him could they erect themselves into an Aristocracy 13. Perfection consists in Integrals and where any thing is not Aristocracy and Democracy are imperfect Governments made up of all the parts of it there that thing is deficient and imperfect But the Government of Aristocracy and of Democracy does not consist of the whole part of the Men governing but of the major part The Governments therefore of Aristocracies and Democracies are deficient and imperfect Governments Socrates asks Euthyphro Whether in every action one and the same Annot. Plato Euthyphro thing be the same thing to it self pious or holy and in like manner Whether an impious or profane thing plainly contrary to an holy thing Euthyphro assents to it Socrates bids Euthy define what is holy what profane Euthy defines holy to be the doing the will of the Gods and profane to do contrary to the will of the Gods Socrates asks Euthy Whether the Gods had all the same will and whether it were true which the Poets Painters and Preachers report of the Gods that there was war great counterfeiting and fights among the Gods Euthy confesses it and more marvellous things which the common people were ignorant of Socrates asks Euthy If a holy thing be grateful to God and a holy man be acceptable to God whether holy and profane can be the same thing or whether they be not plainly contrary to one another Euthy confesses it Socrates asks Euthy if the controversies wars and dissentions among the Gods were concerning things just and unjust good and bad honest and dishonest Euthy confesseth it Socrates asks Euthy Whether in all matters of controversie men must not have recourse to some certain Rule to which with an indifferent mind they must submit Euthy confesseth Socrates asks Euthy Whether they might not have recourse to the will of the Gods whether that thing and controversie between them were good or bad just or unjust Euthy assents Socrates asks Euthy Since that the dissentions of the Gods were concerning things just and unjust whether this thing might not put them into dissentions and wars Euthy confesseth Socrates asks Euthy Whether the Gods do think other things just and unjust honest and dishonest good or bad and that they could not be at strife unless about these things Euthy assents they could not Socrates asks if the Gods love things good and just and hate and persecute those things contrary to them Euthy grants Socrates asks Whether some of the Gods might not think the same things just others unjust and while they dissent about those things stir up sedition and wars among themselves Euthy confesseth The same things therefore the Gods both love and hate and those things which are envied by some are grateful to other of the Gods and the same things sacred and prophane which Euthy could not deny Such is the condition of men in Aristocracies and Democracies that while they seek to please one part of their Governors they displease another Nor can men in such a condition be secure that obeying one part they shall displease another part and so excite them to endless debates and war The sad and woful truth of these things this poor Nation hath of late made sufficient trial of 14. There is nothing in this world but is subject to humane frailty The incommodities of Monarchy no Roses without prickles And though Monarchy be the best of Governments yet so long as it is exercised by Men and since Kings are but Men and therefore subject to humane frailty it cannot be expected that all Kings should so perfectly exercise their authority but that some mischiefs will happen from them Nor indeed can it be imagined but some mischiefs will happen to particular men from the best of Humane Laws yet without Humane Laws and Government can never the inconvenience of Tumults and Confusions be avoided The Objections against Monarchy are usually First That in the infancie of a King all things are subject to confusion and alteration It is true and therefore God pronounceth such an estate Prov. 8. 16. woful Yet is such an estate no worse then Aristocracy which is better then Democracy Secondly That subsequent Kings do not desire to rule by the Laws made by their Ancestors but by Laws made by themselves and so their Subjects are always in an unsetled condition and subject to alterations The Laws of the Medes and Persians were unalterable yet the Government was always Monarchy And let a man look into all places of the known world where the Government is Hereditary Monarchy if the Government be not
man can oblige or subject himself to any The Masters power does not arise from the Servants subjecting himself man or creature by any Act of his will for no Act of any mans will can have any power of himself Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud every active power is the cause of alteration in another body the Act therefore of a mans will can make no obligation in his body who does will it Besides it is against all rules of relation that to bind and to be bound can be in the same thing therefore it is much more absurd to suppose the whole man should be obliged by a part of himself that is by his will Add hereunto that if a man be obliged to his will then is the most wilful man the most just man and every man is obliged to do any thing because he hath willed it then which there is nothing can be more immoral and destructive to all society with mankind 8. If the Masters power did arise from the Servants subjecting himself to him which is an Act of the Servants will then an Act of the Servants Nor from the Masters accepting his Servants submission Annot. will may have a power and obligation upon his Master which is absurd for this makes the Master to obey his Servant Yet in usual speaking voluntas is confounded with conatus as wee say that God did accept Abrahams will for the deed in that he was willing to have offered up his son Isaac whereas in proper speaking God did will or command Abraham to offer up his son and Abraham did obey that is receive or accept Gods will and did endeavor not will for it had been unnatural and murder in Abraham to have willed without cause the death of Isaac to have done it when God restrained him and so God was pleased to accept of Abrahams endeavor to have pleased him And so when any servant does endeavor to do his Masters will though he be not able to perform it yet ought the Master to accept it because he does what he can not to do any act of his own will but to perform an act of his Masters 9. But suppose the Declaration of the Servants will does evade into The Masters power does not arise from the Servants promise his promise given to his Master yet cannot the Masters power arise from thence because men are obliged to the performance of their promises by the Law of nature only and that Law does oblige only in Conscience but the Masters power obliges to corporal punishment I say therefore that no Masters power arising from any Act of the Servants will or promise nor from the Masters acceptance no Regal power can arise from the Princes acceptance of their Subjects submission for a great family is a kingdom and a little kingdom is a family saies Tho. Hobbes cap. 8. art 1. de Cive 10. If the Masters Power did arise from the Law of Nature then were The Masters power does not arise from the Law of Nature the power of a Master over his servant eternal and incommunicable but the contrary of this is evident in all places of the world for there is no place where the Power of Masters is not only dissolvible by the Laws and consents of the Master and Servant but where it is not slavery there the Masters power is terminated to years moneths weeks daies or houres c. which expiring the relations of Master and Servant are dissolved the Masters power therefore is not from the Law of Nature 11. If the Masters power did arise from Divine positive institution Nor by Divine positive institution then where Gods revelation of himself in the Scriptures is not received and believed have Masters no power over their Servants But this is evidently false for not only before Gods revelation of himself in the Scriptures had Masters every where power or dominion over their Servants but also every where in the world Masters have power over their Servants as well where the Scriptures are not received as where they are The Masters power therefore does not arise from Divine positive institution 12. Nascitur servus says Aristotle most truly There was no man that From whence the Masters power does arise was ever born in the world unless a posthumous King but was born in a threefold subjection first to the Laws of God secondly to the Laws of his Parents and thirdly to the Laws of his Country And the Laws of every Country obliging men to the performance of their pacts and contracts the Law of the place is the efficient cause by the Contract of the Master and Servant being the instrumental causes of the Masters power and not only gives the Master a power over his Servant but also obliges the Master to perform all his promises specified in the Contract to his Servant It is evident therefore that where there is no precedent Humane Law Annot. obliging there cannot be any Family for the Law by the Masters Contract with his Servant gives him the power over his Servant All Grotius his Government then founded upon the Contracts of Men is utterly false and by consequence no one true Proposition can follow from thence Yet truly it is an error pardonable in him who with his first milk sucked in this Popular principle No question but he was a man as eminent in Humane learning as any man of this last Age and I doubt not but of a sincere and peaceable disposition It is the excellency of Truth that it is plain and easie to be perceived whereas Falshood with all art and learning is rendred more obscure by how much more is added to it And it is strange for a stander by to see what monstrous absurdities Grotius runs into to uphold his fabrick For he makes God at the Creation and Flood lib. 2. cap. 2. par 2. to give Mankind a natural right viz. all men alike over all things and this natural right to be immutable by God himself and yet without giving lib. 1. par 10. any reason for it he makes it mutable by the will of man and Dominion which he there says was brought in by the will of man he says is Jus naturale too So Jus naturale does signifie that which God gave to mankind and Jus naturale does signifie that which mans will brought in contrary to what God gave to mankind then which what can be more absurd But Mr. Hobbs cap. 2. art 9. makes a Contract the act of two or more Annot. 2. mutually transferring their rights and a Pact to be when one or both is trusted and he who is trusted does promise that he will perform and supposeth the Civitas institutive to take its first being from the Pacts of men Which will not help him for such Pacts as well as Contracts receive their obligation from precedent humane laws And therefore all his book de Cive which is
Third within less then three years after the death of S. Gregory did assume the title of Universal Bishop and Head of the Church but rather by the donation of Phocas who had no more right to give it then the Parliament had to give Henry the Eighth the Head of the Church of England nor had Phocas any colour of title to the Empire and have continued it ever since 4. S. Gregory in his 76. Epistle to the Emperor Maurice says Nunquid Neither S. Gregory nor his predecessors did claim superiority over Temporal Princes ego in hac re piissime Domine propriam causam defendo Do I herein defend mine own cause O gracious Lord And Dominus meus fuisti quando adhuc Dominus omnium non eras ecce per me servum ultimum suum vestrum respondebit Christus You were then my Lord when you were not Lord of all viz. the Empire behold Christ himself shall answer by me who am his and your meanest servant And when the Emperor Maurice had made a law That no Soldier should turn Monk until his warfare were ended Gâ—eg ad Manâ— Aug. lib 3. eâ— 61. Gregory disliked the law and gave the Emperor this sense of it Ego quidem missioni subjectus eandem legem per diversas terrarum partes transmitto quia lex ipsa omnipotenti Dec minime concordat ecce per suggestionis meae paginam dominis nunciavi utrobique ergo quae debui exolvi qui Imperatori obedientiam praebui pro Deo quid sensi minime tacui I being subject to your command have transmitted your Law to be published through divers parts 〈◊〉 2. ep 61. of the world And because the Law it self is not pleasing to Almighty God I have represented my opinion thereof to my Lords whereforee I have performed my duty on both sides in yielding obedience to the Emperor and not concealing what I thought for God And Boniface the First sent an humble supplication to Honorius desiring him by his authority to provide some remedy against the ambitious contention of the Clergy concerning the Bishoprick of Rome The Emperor Honorius at his request established Dist 92. cap. Eccle. cap. Victor a law That none should be made Bishop of Rome through ambition charging all Ecclesiastical Ministers to cease from ambition appointing moreover that if two were elected neither of them should be taken but the election to proceed further to another to be chosen by a full consent of voices as it is expressed dist 79. cap. Si duo If then S. Gregory himself were so zealous an opposer of Universal Bishop and Head of the Church and to that purpose introduced that sentence of Servus servorum Dei to deter all subsequent Bishops of Rome from such arrogance And if S. Gregory did acknowledge himself so humble a Subject to Maurice and that Boniface the First did petition Honorius by his authority to provide against the irregularities in the very election of the Bishop of Rome there was no such thing in these days as Cardinals and the Election of the Pope in the Conclave then sure in the days of S. Gregory and before neither did the Popes assume this title of Head of the Church nor a power of disposing and transferring Kingdoms at their pleasure But affirmanti incumbit probatio and let any man that affirms either prove either 5. That above one half of what is now called Britain did retain the Though S. Cregory were the first yet was he not the onely Converter of the English Saxons Christian faith notwithstanding the persecution of the Saxons is sufficiently evident if we consider Scotland and Wales which always retained Christianity since it was first planted Nor were the very Saxons themselves utterly destitute of Christianity For Berta the wife of Ethelbert King of Kent and daughter to the French King was tolerated to observe the rites of Christian religion with Bishop Luidhard and this was before that S. Gregory was excited or inspired to undertake to preach to the English Saxons It is true that Ethelbert after his own conversion did endeavor to Seld. Anae Anglo Brit. lib. 2. cap. 2. pag. 62. have planted the Christian faith both in the Kingdoms of Northumberland and the East-Angles with fair hopes of good success for a season but it took not effect for within a short time both Kings and Kingdoms forsook their Religion and apostated from Christ The Kingdoms of the West-Saxons and of the South-Saxons under Kingils their King who did unite the Heptarchy into a Monarchy were converted by the preaching Speed in the Kings of the West-Saxons an 611. Beda lib. 3. cap. 4 5. Idem lib. 3. cap 21. Speed in the Kings of the East-Angles an 636. of Berinus an Italian by the perswasions of Oswald King of Northumberland Oswald King of Northumberland was baptized in Scotland and Religion luckily planted in that Kingdom by Aidan a Scotish Bishop Penda King of Mercia was converted and Christened by Finanus Successor of Aidan by means of a Marriage with a Christian Princess of the Royal family of Northumberland Sigibert King of the East-Angles in whose days and by whose means Religion took root among the East-Saxons was converted and Christened in France 6. No sooner was the name of Christ preached but the English presently The zeal of our Ancestors upon their conversion with such fervent devotion and zeale consecrated themselves unto Christ that they took incredible pains in propagating Christianity in celebrating Divine service performing all functions and duties of piety building Churches and endowing them with rich livings so that there was not another Region in Christendom that could make reckoning of more Monasteries richly endowed yea and divers Kings there were that preferred a religious and Monastical life before their Crown and Kingdom So that many holy men also this Land brought forth which for their firm profession of Christian Religion constant perseverance therein and sincere piety were canonized Saints that it gave place to no Christian Province in this behalf And like as Britain was called by Porphyry a plenteous province of Tyrants so England may be truly named a most fruitful Island of Saints Camb. Brit tit Angl. Sax. 7. The Bishop of Derry in his book of the Just vindication of the Church The Popes universal power was not received under the English Saxon Kings before the Conquest of England pag. 57. does affirm that not any of the petite Saxon Kings or their Subjects though some of them indebted to S. Gregory for their Conversion and all of them much weakened by their sevenfold division for at first there was of seven Kings but only one who was a Christian namely the King of Kent neither was it any of his progeny who afterward did unite the Heptarchy into a Monarchy much less that any of the succeeding Kings of England or of Great Britain did ever make any solemn formal or obliging acknowledgment of
often gone out of the Church and Priests houses having restored the thing taken away let him abjure the Province and not return and if by chance he shall return let no man presume to entertain him unless he have leave from the King Of breaking the Peace of the Church If any one shall violently infringe the Peace of the Church the Justice Cap. 7. belongs to the Bishops but if one guilty in avoiding their Judgement or arrogantly contemning it shall despise it let the complaint thereof be brought to the King within forty days and let the Kings Justice make him give Security and Pledges if he can get them until he first give God afterward the Church satisfaction But if within one and thirty days either by his friends or acquaintance or by the Justice of the King he cannot be found out the King shall Outlaw him by the word of his own mouth i. e. he shall be excluded out of all protection of the King But if after he shall be found and can be retained let him be restored alive to the King or his head if he shall defend himself Lupinum enim gerit caput which in English is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is the common and general Law concerning all men Outlawed Of the Tithes to be restored to the Church of Sheep and Hoggs 8. The tenth sheaf of all kinde of corn is due to God and therefore to be restored to God And if any one hath a company of Mares let him restore the tenth colt to God he who hath but one or two for every single colt one single peny In like maner who hath many Cowes the tenth calf who hath but one or two for every calf one single halfpeny and who make Cheese give to God the tenth but if he make none milk the tenth day In like maner the tenth Lamb the tenth Fleece the tenth Cheese the tenth Butter and the tenth Hogg Of Bees In like maner the tenth of the profit of Bees as also of under-Wood In some these two Chapters are joyned of Meadow and Waters and Mills Parks Warrens Fishponds tender Sprouts and Gardens and Merchandize and all other things which God shall give the tenth part is to be restored to him who gave the nine parts together with the tenth who shall have detained it let him be compelled to restitution by the Justice of the Bishop and King if need be For these things St. Augustine hath Preached and are granted by the King Barons and People but afterwards by the instinct of the Devil many have detained it and Priests careless of growing rich did not care to take pains to get them because they had sufficient means of living For in many places now there are three or four Churches where then there was but onely one and so they began to be diminished Of them who are judged to be brought to Judgment or Water by the Cap. 9. Justice of the King In that day wherein Judgment ought to be done let the Minister of the Bishop and his Clerks come thither and in like manner the Justice of the King with Legal men of that Province who may see and hear that all things be rightly done and whom the Lord by his mercy will save let them be quit and freely depart and whom the iniquity of the fault the Lord shall not condemn let the Justice of the King do justice upon them But the Barons who have their jurisdiction of their men let them see that they do so concerning them as they incur not displeasure with God and offend not the King And if a Suit does arise concerning men of other Baronies in their Courts let the Justice of the King be present because without it the Suit cannot be determined If any of the Barons hath not Justice in the Hundred where the Plea shall be holden it shall be determined at the next Church where the Judgment of the King shall be saving the Right of those Barons Of Romescot 10. Every one who shall have Thirty pence of current money in his house of his own property by the Law of England shall pay a Peter penny and by the Law of the Danes half a Mark But that penny ought to be summoned upon the Feasts of the Apostles Peter and Paul and collected at the Feast which is called To the Bonds so that it be not detained beyond that day If any one shall longer detain it let complaint be brought to the justice of the King because this penny is the Alms of the King and it is justice he cause this penny to be restored and the forfeiture of the Bishop and King But if a man hath more houses let him restore the Peter-penny for that wherein he resides upon the feast of Peter and Paul the Apostles Of the Office of the King and of the Right and Appendixes of the 17. Crown of the Kingdom of Britain And the King because he is the Vicar of the highest King and to this purpose ordained that he may both govern and rule the terrene kingdom and people of the Lord and above all things the holy Church and that he defend the same from wrong-doers and destroy and root out workers of mischief Besides these Sir Ed. Coke in Cawdries Case instances in King Kenulph for that King Kenulph by his Letters Patents with the consent and councel of his Bishops and Senators of his Kingdom did give to the Monastery of Abingdon in the County of Berks and to one Ruchnius then Abbot of the said Monastery c. a certain portion of his Country c. and that the said Ruchnius c. should be ever free from Ecclesiastical right or jurisdiction and that the Inhabiters of it from thenceforth be kept under the yoke of no Bishop or their Officials but in all events of things and discussions of causes they be subject to the Decree of the Abbot of the Monastery aforesaid And that this Charter was above * * Counting to the time Sir Ed. Coke wrote 850 years since which was in the year 755. and after confirmed by Edwin of Britain King and Monarch of Englishmen and this Grant did continue until the dissolution of the Abby by Henry the 8. So that the Kings of this Nation have not only of antient time been Nursing fathers to Gods Church and have exercised their Regal power over the persons of all their Subjects in all cases but have even dispensed with and conferred Episcopal jurisdiction But this was only matter of fact and done but only in one place nor was it ever established by a Law before the Statute of Lollard and by Henry the Eight and the First of Eliz. Yet it was afterward as shall appear in the next Chap. used by divers Kings and often adjudged by the Judges before Henry the Eighth CHAP. III. Ecclesiastical Laws made by William the First who began to reign in the year of Christ 1067. THat Nations and Kingdoms
have their origination from God we Introduction have already in its proper place asserted And that these Kingdoms thus created by God have periods alterations and conversions set by him which cannot be foreseen or prevented by man is certainly as cleer and evident as the former and often owned by God himself in Sacred Writ as well over his own people as others But that therefore any man or men should therefore endeavour to make alterations in Kingdoms is like to a man who becaufe all men naturally die thinks he may kill any man and father the fact upon God And if God even over his own peculiar people did for the sins of the Kings and people especially the Israelites so often convert the line of the Kings then can it not in reason be expected in this Iron and much more sinful Age that God should every where continue a fixt and certain succession of Kings according to the ordinary course of Nature viz. Primogeniture But that therefore the Pope or any other creature may arrogate to themselves a right or power superior to the Law of Nature is no less absurd then that a Son may kill his Father because all Fathers have periods set by Nature which they cannot pass And that all Subjects do by birth owe a natural subjection to rightful Princes in whose dominion they were born which relations can never be dissolved but by God himself we have in their proper places demonstrated Yet may the exercise of this power be suspended so long as such Subjects come into the power of other Princes whether it be by conquest or otherwise and do owe them a temporary obedience so long as they continue there and their posterity born in their dominions owe such Princes a natural obedience which can never be dissolved And also that since there is no other Judge under Heaven to decide the controversie of Princes but their swords which can never be alledged by any Subjects who have Laws to decide their differences such decision is good as to the exercise of any Princes power over all them who fall under ir and all Subjects born in such exercise of power or dominion become natural Subjects to any Prince who by conquest acquires the dominion of another we have also demonstrated in its proper place Yet whether it were of old that Popes did arrogate to themselves this right of deposing Temporal Princes or debarring them of their right which about this time was frequently asserted by and practised by the Popes and which Pope Alexander was pleased to confer upon the Conqueror against all Right and Law to the manifest prejudice of Eadgar Athelin let us see the Epistle of S. Eleutherius to King Lucius as it is cited in chap. 17. of S. Edovards Laws In the year from the passion of Christ 169. or 156. our Lord Eleutherius the Pope wrote to Lucius King of Britain at the Petition of the King and Peers of the Kingdom of Britain You have required of us that the Roman Laws and of Cesar be transmitted to you which you would use in the Kingdom of Britain We can always reprove the Roman Laws and those of Cesar but not at all the Law of God For ye have by Gods mercy of late received into your Kingdom of Britain the Law and Faith of Christ you have of your self in your Kingdom sufficient Authority from whence through Gods grace by the advice of your Kingdom to make a Law and by it through Gods patience you shall rule the Kingdom of Britain And you are the Vicar of God in your Kingdom according to the Kingly Prophet The earth is the Lords and the fulness of all the world and all who inhabit therein And again according to the Kingly Prophet Thou hast loved Justice and hated iniquity and therefore thy God hath anointed thee with oyl of gladness above thy fellows And again according to the Kingly Prophet God is thy Judgement c. Therefore neither the Judgement nor Justice of Cesar for they are sons of the King Christian Nations and people of the Kingdom who live under your Protection and Peace and Reign and are according to the Gospel Even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings c. But they are Nations and your People of the Kingdom of Britain and who divided you ought to congregate recall nourish hold with your hand protect and rule into one for concord and peace and to the Faith and to the Law of Christ and his holy Church and always to defend it from evil doers and malitious men and its enemies Wo to the Kingdom whose King is a boy and whose Princes eat together in the morning I Do not call a King because of his small and tender age but because of his folly and iniquity and rage according to the Prophet King Men of blood and deceitful shall not live out half their days c. By eating we understand the Pallat by the Pallat Luxury by Luxury all things filthy and evil according to King Solomon Wisdom shall not enter into the soul of the evil doer nor shall dwell in a body subject to sins Rex dicitur à Regendo non à Regno A King thou shalt be so long as thou rulest well which thing if thou wilt not do the name of King shall not remain in thee and thou shalt lose the name of King which God forbid God Almighty grant to you so to Rule your Kingdom of Britain that you may Reign with him for ever whose Vicar you are in the Kingdom aforesaid who with the Father and Son c. Of the Right and Ecclesiastical freedom of Asylum's Cap. 1. That is to say Peace to the holy Church Of whatsoever forfeiture any one is guilty this time and he can come to the holy Church let him have peace of life and member and if any one hath set his hand against that which the Mother-Church shall require whether it be an Abby or Church of Religion let him restore that which he hath taken out and one hundred shillings for forfeiture and concerning the Mother-Parish-Church twenty shillings and concerning a Chappel ten shillings And according to the peace of the King in the Laws of the Mercians he shall make amends with En perchenâ—laâ— one hundred shillings accordingly as of Heinefare and prepensed lying in wait Of Peter-pence or Romescot Cap. 18. A Freeman who hath Field-Beasts valued at thirty pence shall pay a Peter-peny For four pence which the Lord shall give all his Borderers and his Boner and his Servants be quit A Burger who hath of his proper goods so much as shall be esteemed half a Mark let him pay a Peter-peny He who in the Law of the Danes is a Free-man and hath field-cattel which are valued worth half a Mark in silver ought to give a peny to St. Peter and for that peny shall all be quit who reside in his Demains Of them who do not pay the Roman
Tribute or of St. Peter Cap. 20. Who shall deny the peny of St. Peter the peny let him pay by the Justice of the Church and thirty pence forfeiture and if he will be impleaded concerning it by the Justice of the King let him forfeit to the Bishop thirty pence and forty shillings to the King Of Religion and the publick Peace 51. First of all we Ordain above all things That one God be worshipped all over our Kingdom and the one Faith of Christ be always kept inviolate c. The Laws are Translated out of the Original set forth by Mr. Abraham Whelock in his Appendix to the History of Bede from page 150. to 107. Sir Ed. Coke in Caudrys Case cites a quare Impedit 7 Ed. 3. tit 19. where it is agreed that no man can make an appropriation of any Church having cure of souls being a thing Ecclesiastical and to be made by some person Ecclesiastical but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction but William the first of himself without any other as King of England made appropriation of Churches with cure to Ecclesiastical persons wherefore it does follow he had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Here is nothing but argumentum à facto ad jus and a man may as well infer that Saul Jeroboam and Azariah did offer sacrifice and burn incense and therefore they had Sacerdotal power in them or that King John did give the Crown and received it again from him and therefore the Crown of England is holden of the Pope Ecclesiastical Laws made by Henry the first Who began to Reign in the year of Christ 1100. THese at last are the happy joys of the long wished for peace and liberty Proem by which the glorious Cesar Henry doth shine forth to his whole kingdom in Divine and Secular Laws written Institutes and Exhibitions of good Works Moderate Just Valiant Prudent whom God may make to command with happy auspices and healthful prosperity of body and minde with his famous wife Maud the second and their children for ever and the everlasting peace of this Nation His Epistle to all his Leigmen 1. Henry by the Grace of God King of Englishmen to all Barons and his Leigmen French English health Know that I by Gods mercy and the Common Counsel and consent of the Barons of the Kingdom of England am Crowned King of the Kingdom aforesaid and because the Kingdom was oppressed by unjust exactions I in respect of God and the love which I have towards you all first of all make the Church of God free so that I will neither sell nor let to farm nor after the death of an Archbishop or Bishop or Abbot will take any thing of the Demesns of the Church or her men until the successor be come in c. Of the propriety of Causes Cap. 5. In all Causes Ecclesiastical and Secular legally and in order to be handled some are Accusers some Defenders some are Witnesses some are Judges In every discussion of honesty fitting men are to be joyned together and that without any exaction until the quality of the Causes and the intention of the Accused the manner of Witnesses and election of Judges be weighed with upright scrutiny Let there be no foreign Judgements nor celebrated by their improper Judge in place or time nor in a doubtful case or the party accused being absent the sentence being pronounced notandum that for all if the accused had competent warning and lawful leave of answering and defending he be not denied or impleaded or outlawed or circumvented by some stealth or judged by deceit If he be satisfied in the Witnesses Judges and Persons If he consent to the Judges or hurt or contradict It is not altogether so in Ecclesiastical business as Secular in Secular business after that any is called shall come and begin to plead in the Court it is not lawful to go back before the Cause be determined although they shall agree but in Ecclesiastical business it is lawful to go back in the Cause aforesaid If a man suspect a Judge or think himself oppressed surely Judges ought not to be so nisi quos impetitus Elegerit Neither may any one be heard or give judgement before that they be chosen and he who refuses to consent to the elected let no man communicate with him until he obey but if in judgement there arises dissention among the parties of which a strife comes forth let the sentence of the more prevail It is Enacted in the Cause of Faith or of any Ecclestastical Order he ought to judge who neither takes reward nor is of another Law and will do nothing without an accuser For God and our Lord Jesus Christ did know Judas to be a Thief but because he was not accused therefore he was not rejected and whatsoever he acted among the Apostles for the dignity of his Office remained firm As also Clerks ought not to receive Laiks Accusers so ought not Laicks to receive Clerks to be Accusers of Clerks in their Accusations and Informations and Witnesses ought to be legitimate and present without any infamy or suspition or manifest spot because they cannot rightly accuse Priests who cannot be Priests nor of their Order nor is it needful to Judge a man before he hath had lawful Accusers present and accepts a place of defence to wash out his crimes And it is our pleasure as often as many crimes are objected to Clerks by Accusers and they cannot make good one of the first of which they are accused they shall not be admitted to the rest And a Bishop shall not be condemned unless by seventy two Witnesses nor the Archbishop be judged of any A Presbyter-Cardinal Note the preheminence of a Bishop in England at this time above a Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by forty four Witnesses a Deacon-Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by twenty six Witnesses nor a Sub-Deacon under seven nor let the greater despair for the force of the lesser men and there always the Cause may be Pleaded where the Crime is admitted If a man stricken will he may plead his cause before his Judge and if he will not before his Judge he may hold his peace and as for men stricken as often as they desire respit let it be granted And every man which objects a crime let him write that he will prove it and if before he be changed he will not follow he is convinced no crime is to be accounted But if he will prosecute if he shall not prove what he objects let him undergo the penalty which he brought the Apostle says Against a Presbyter a writing is not to be received without two or three approved witnesses how much more against Bishops if these things be observed of Presbyters and other faithful men If any one will accuse any of the Clerks in an accusation of Fornication according to the precept of St. Paul two or three testimonies are required from him but if he
Item Whereas Commissions be newly made to divers Justices that 6. they shall make enquiries upon Judges of the holy Church whether they made just proces or excessive in Causes Testimentary or other which notoriously pertaineth to the cognizance of holy Church the said Justices have enquired and caused to be Indicted Judges of the holy Church in blemishing of the Franchise of the holy Church That such Commissions be repealed and from henceforth defended saving the Article in Eyre such as ought to be No Scire facias shall be awarded against a Clerk for Tythes Item Whereas Writs of Scire facias have been granted to warn Prelates 7. Religious and other Clerks to answer Dismes in our Chancery and to shew if they have any thing or can any thing say wherefore such Dismes ought not to be restored to the said Demandants and to answer as well to us as to the party to such Dismes That such Writs from henceforth be not granted and that the proces hanging upon such Writs be annulled and repealed and that the parties be dismissed from the Secular Judges of such manner of Pleas saving to us our right such as we and our ancestors have had and were wont to have of reason In witness whereof at the request of the said Prelates to these present Letters we have set our Seal Dated at London this 8th of July the year of our Reign of England 18. of France the 5th In the Reign of Ed. 3. 16 Ed. 3. tit Excom 4. An Excommunication by the Archbishop albeit it be disannulled by the Pope or his Legats is to be allowed neither ought the Judges to give any allowance of any such sentence of the Pope or his Legat. It is often resolved that all the Bishopricks within England were founded In the Reign of Ed. 3. by the Kings Progenitors and therefore the Advousons of them all belong to the King and at first they were Donative and if that any incumbent of any Church with cure die if the Patron present not within six moneths the Bishop of that Dioces ought to collate to the end the Cure may not be destitute of a Pastor if he be negligent by the space of six moneths the Metropolitan of that Dioces shall confer one to that Church and if he also leave the Church destitute by the space of six moneths then the common Law gives to the King as Supream within his own Kingdom and not to the Bishop of Rome power to provide a competent Pastor for that Church The King may not onely exempt any Ecclesiastical person from the Jurisdiction 17 Ed. 3. 23. of the Ordinary but may grant him Episcopal Jurisdiction And thus it appears there the King had done of antient time to the Arch-Deacon of Richmond This resolution is not grounded upon any Custom or Law but onely upon a particular fact of a King à facto ad jus non valet argumentum All Religious or Ecclesiastical Houses whereof the King was Founder are by the King exempt from Ordinary Jurisdiction and onely visitable and 20 E. 3. Excom 9. 19. Ed. 3. corrigible by the Kings Ecclesiastical Commission This resolution too is onely grounded upon matter of Fact and what man will warrant all the Facts of Kings not to be repugnant to the Laws of God and man Yet shall not these men in other things of much less moment allow the Kings Proclamations to be Legal nor any thing less then the Commons Law or Acts of Parliament The Abbot of Bury was exempted from Episcopal jurisdiction by the Kings Charter This is nothing neither but matter of Fact 20 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. The King presenteth to a Benefice and his presentee was disturbed by one who had obtained Bulls from Rome for which offence he was condemned 21 Ed. 3. 40. fol. 40. to perpetual imprisonment c. Tythes arising out of any parish the King shall have for that he having the Supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction is bound to provide a sufficient Pastor 22 Ed. 3. l. 1. Ass pl. 75. that shall have the cure of souls of that place which is not within any parish And by the common Laws of England it is evident that no man unless he be Ecclesiastical or have Ecclesiastical jurisdiction can have inheritance of Tithes The King shall present to his free chappels in default of the Dean by 27 Ed. 3. fol. 84. lapsin respect of his supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction And Fitz Herbert saith that the King in that case does present by laps as Ordinary Fitz nat Br. 34. Au Excommunication under the Popes Bull is of no force to disable any man within England and no suit for any cause though spiritually rising in 30 Ed. 3. lib. Ass pl. 19 c. this Realm ought to be determined in the court of Rome In an Attachment upon a Prohibition the Popes Bull of Excommunication of the plaintiff was adjudged insufficient 21 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. 33 Ed. 3. tit Agel de Roy. 38 Ass pl. 20. Reges sacro Oleo uncti sunt Spiritualis jurisdictionis capaces A Prior which is the Kings Debtor and ought to have Tithes of another spiritual person may chuse either to sue for substraction of his Tithes in the Ecclesiastical court or in the Exchequer Fitz Herbert in his N. B. fol. 30. holceth that before the St. 18 Ed. 3. Cap. 7. the right of Tithes were determinable at the temporal courts at the election of the party And the courts of divers Manors of the Kings and other Lords in antient times had the probate of last Wills and Testaments and it appeareth by 11 H. 7. fol. 12. That the probate of Wills and Testaments did not appertain to the Ecclesiastical courts but that of late time they were determinable there The King by his Charter did translate Canons secular into regular and 38 Lib. Ass pl. 22. 46 Ed. 3. Proem 6. religious persons Nicholas Moris elected Abbot of Waltham which was exempt from ordinary Jurisdiction sent to Rome to be confirmed by the Pope who not having regard to the said Election gave to the said Nicholas the said Abby with all the said Spiritualities and Temporalities the Bull was adjudged against the Laws of England and the Abbot for obtaining the same was fallen into the Kings mercy whereupon all his Possessions were seised into the Kings hands Where the Abbot of Westminster had a Prior and Covent who were Regular 49 Ed. 3. lib. ass pl. 8. and mort in Law yet the King by his Charter did divide that Corporation and made the Prior and Covent a distinct and capable body to sue and be sued by themselves It was Enacted by the whole Parliament That as well they who obtained St. de 25 Ed. 3. de Provisoribus provisions from Rome as they that put them in execution should be out of the Kings Protection and that a man might do with them as enemies to the King c.
person sueth another Spiritual person in the Court of Rome for a matter Spiritual where he may have remedy before his Ordinary that is of the Bishop of the Diocess within the Realm Quia trahit ipsum in placitum extra regnum incurreth the danger of a Premunire a hainous offence being contra Legiantiae suae debitum in contemptum Domini Regis contra coronam dignitatem suam In the Kings Court of Record where Felonies are determined the Bishop or his Deputy ought to give his attendance to the end that if any man 9 Ed. 4. 28. that is Indicted or Arraigned for Felony do demand the benefit of his Clergy that the Ordinary may inform the Court of his sufficiency or insufficiency that is whether he can read as a Clerk or not whereof notwithstanding the Ordinary is not to judge but a Minister to the Kings Court and the Judges of that Court are to judge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party whatsoever the Ordinary do inform them and upon due examination of the party may give judgement above the Ordinaries information For the Kings Judges are Judges of the Cause whether the Ordinary be a Judge of Legit or non Legit matters not much for if he be Judge or Minister no doubt but he is the Kings Judge or Minister And I my self have seen Chief Justice Littleton overrule the Ordinary in the Case of one Brudbank after the Ordinaries Deputy had pronounced legit ut Clericus and give sentence of death upon him for his non legit and he was hanged The Popes Excommunication is of no force within the Kingdom of England 12 Ed. 4. f. 46. In the Reign of King Ed. 4. a Legat came from the Pope to Callis to have come into England but the King and his Councel would not let him come into England until he had taken an Oath that he should attempt nothing against the King or his Crown And so the like was done to another of the Popes Legates And this is so reported 1 H. 7. fol. 10. In the Reign of Richard the third It is resolved by the Judges that a Judgement of Excommunication in the Church of Rome shall not prejudice any man within England at the Common Law In the Reign of Henry the seventh 1 H. 7. fol. 10. The Pope had Excommunicated all persons whatsoever who had bought Alume of the Florentines and it was resolved by all the Judges that the Popes Excommunication ought not to be obeyed or to be put in execution within the Realm of England It was enacted ordained and established by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in the said Parliament assembled That it be lawful to all Archbishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries having Episcopal jurisdiction to punish chastise such Priests Clerks and Religious men being within the bounds of their jurisdiction as shall be committed afore them by examination and lawful proof requisite by the Law of the Church of Advoutry Fornication Incest or any other fleshly incontinency by committing them to ward or prison there to abide in ward until such time as shall be thought to their discretions convenient for the quality and quantity of their trespass And that none of the Archbishops Bishops or Ordinaries aforesaid be thereof chargeable of to or upon any action of false or wrongful Imprisonment but that they be utterly discharged thereof in any of the cases aforesaid by vertue of this Act. The King is a mixt person because he hath Ecclesiastical and Temporal 10 H. 7. 18. jurisdiction By the Ecclesiastical Laws allowed within this Realm a Priest cannot 11 H. 7. 12. have two Benefices nor a Bastard can have a Priest But the King may by his Ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction dispence with both these because they be mala prohibita but not mala per se How far Henry the Eighth exercised his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction IT was enacted That if any person or persons at any time after the St. 21. H. 8. 13. first of April 1530. contrary to the Act should procure and obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation to receive or take any more Benefices with cure then was limited by the said Act or else at any time after the said day should put in execution any such Licence Toleration or Dispensation before that time obtained contrary to the said Act That then every such person or persons so after the said day suing for himself or receiving or taking such Benefice by force of such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation that is to say the same person or persons only and no other should for every such default incur the danger pain and penalty of Twenty pounds sterling and should also lose the whole profits of every such Benefice or Benefices as he receives or takes by force of any such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation And that if any person or persons did procure or obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any manner of Licence or Dispensation to be nonresident at their Dignities Prebends or Benefices contrary to the said Act that then every such person putting in execution any such Dispensation or Licence for himself from the said first of April 1530. should run and incur the penalty damage and pain of Twenty pounds sterling for every time so doing to be forfeited and recovered and yet such Licence or Dispensation so procured or to be put in execution to be void and of none effect It was enacted That no person from thenceforth cited or summoned 23 H. 8. cap. 9. or otherwise called to appear by himself or herself or by any Procurator before any Ordinary Archdeacon Commissary Official or any other Judge Spiritual out of the Diocese or peculiar Jurisdiction where the person which shall be cited summoned or otherwise as is abovesaid called shall be inhabiting and dwelling at the time of awarding or going forth of the same citation or summons Except it be for in or upon any of the cases or causes hereafter written viz. for any Spiritual offence or cause committed or done or omitted forstowed or neglected to be done contrary to right and duty by the Bishop Archdeacon Commissary Official or other person having Spiritual jurisdiction or being a Spiritual Judge or by any other person or persons within the Diocese or other Jurisdiction whereunto he or she shall be cited or otherwise lawfully called to appear and answer And that every Spiritual Judge offending contrary to the purport of this Act shall forfeit Ten shillings sterling the one half to the King the other half to any person that will sue for the same in any of the Kings Courts in which action no protection shall be allowed nor Wager of Law or Essoine be admitted In which Sir E. Coke Cawdries case says there were twenty four Bishops Stat. 24. H. 8. cap.
St. 27 H. 8. cap. 15. Spiritual and sixteen Temporal to examine the Laws and Constitutions heretofore made according to the Statute of 25 H. 8. 9. But no Laws or Constitutions shall be made without the Kings assent nor contrary to the Kings Prerogative or the Laws of the Land If any person shall extoll the Authority of the Bishop of Rome he shall 28 H. 8. c. 10. incur the penalty of a Praemunire provided Anno 16 Ric. 2. Every Ecclesiastical and Lay-Officer shall be sworne to renounce the said Bishop and his Authority and to resist it to his power and to repute any Oath taken in maintenance of the said Bishop or his Authority to be void And the refusing of the said Oath to be Treason Makes all Bulls and Dispensations from the Bishop or See of Rome to 28 H. 8. c. 16. any of the Subject of this Realm void The King may nominate such number of Bishops Sees for Bishops 31 H. 8. c. 9. Cathedral Churches and endow them with such possessions as he will 1. If any person by word writing printing ciphering or otherwise do preach teach dispute or hold opinion That in the blessed Sacrament 31 H. 8. c. 14. called the Statute of the Six Articles of the Altar under form of bread and wine after the consecration thereof there is not really the natural body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary or that after the said consecration there remains any substance of bread or wine or any other substance but the substance of Christ God and man Or that in the flesh under the form of bread is not the very blood of Christ Or that with the blood under the form of wine is not the very flesh of Christ as well apart as though they were both together Or affirm the said Sacrament to be of other substance then is aforesaid Or deprave the said blessed Sacrament Then he shall be adjudged a Heretick and suffer death by burning and shall forfeit to the King all his lands tenements hereditaments goods and chattels as in case of High Treason 2. Or if any person preach in any Sermon or Collation openly made or teach in any Common School or Congregation or obstinately affirm or defend That the Communion of the blessed Sacrament in both kinds is necessary for the health of mans soul or ought to be administred in both kinds Or that it is necessary to be received by any person other then by Priests being at Mass and consecrating the same 3. Or that any man after the Order of Priesthood received may marry or contract matrimony 4. Or that any man or woman which advisedly hath vowed or professed or should vow or profess chastity or widowhood may marry or contract marriage 5. Or that Private Masses be not lawful or not laudable or should not be used or be not agreeable to the Laws of God 6. Or that Auricular confession is not expedient and necessary to be used in the Church of God He shall be adjudged suffer death and forfeit lands and goods as a Felon If any Priest or other man or woman which advisedly hath vowed chastity or widowhood do actually marry or contract matrimony with another Or any man which is or hath been a Priest do carnally use any woman to whom he is or hath been married or with whom he hath contracted matrimony or openly be conversant or familiar with any such woman both man and woman shall be adjudged Felons Commissions shall be awarded to the Bishop of the Diocese his Chancellor Commissary and others to enquire of the Heresies Felonies and offences aforesaid And also Justices of Peace in their Sessions and every Steward Under-Steward and Deputy of Steward in their Leets or Law-day by the oath of twelve men have authority to enquire of the Heresies Felonies and offences aforesaid See the 7. Chap. of B. Bramhalls Just Vindication of the Church of England where he endeavours to shew that not only the Emperor the King of France nay and the King of Spain have in effect done the same things with Henry the Eighth upon occasion or at least plead for it although for their interests they have not continued the exercise of their Jurisdiction as the Kings of England have done A short view or reflexion upon Henry the Eight and his Reformation How zealous a Defender of the Pope and See of Rome Henry the Eight K. H. 8. a zealous defender of the Pope and Papacy was in the beginning of his Reign is evident by his book written against Martin Luther For not being born Henry the seventh's eldest son his Father being a wondtrful frugal Prince and observing good natural parts in him bred him up in literature and destinated him to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury as being the cheapest and highest preferment he could give him But his elder brother being dead and after him his father The King esteeming it a great honor to imploy himself in so famous a controversie as was then maintained by the Wits of Christendom in defence and opposition of the Church of Rome wrote a book of the Seven Sacraments defending also the Papacy and oppugned the Doctrine of Luther This thing was so grateful to the Pope that Leo 10. honored him with the Title of Defender of the Faith But after he had been married to his brothers wife above twenty years and inflamed with lustful affection to Anne Bullein a Paragon and Minion From what cause the King became estranged from the Pope of the Court he became he said troubled in conscience for having married his brothers wife and therefore desired that the Pope would examine the case and satisfie his scruple of conscience It is a very remarkable thing that this ungodly Dispensation of Julius 2. for H. 8. his marrying with his brothers wife should be the cause of the King and Kingdoms defection from the Papacy under Clement 7. The Pope to satisfie the King gave the Cardinals Wolsey and Campeius a power Legatine to hear and determine the validity or invalidity of the marriage but the Queen refusing to submit to their determination appealed from them to the Pope The Pope had now a Wolf by the ears whom he could neither keep nor well let go For in pronouncing the marriage void he feared to incense Charls the Fifth being Nephew to Queen Katherine and the most potent Prince in Christendom and in confirming it he feared to lose Henry the then most beloved Son of the Church and great Defender of the Papacy not only in writing but also in joining with and assisting the French King Francis the First for freeing him from captivity being a prisoner under Charls The Pope therefore desires the advantage of time and proceeds slowly towards a determination The King as impatient in his desires expects a sentence from the Pope which not being to be had he procures Instruments from the Universities of Cambridge Oxford and Paris together
with the Opinion of Learned men That the marriage with his Brothers wife was contrary to the Law of God and void The King not expecting the Popes sentence anno 1533. marries his beloved Anne but such love is usually too hot to hold for about two years after he cut off her head yet the King did not wholly renounce the Papacy but still expecting the Popes sentence The Pope for the reasons aforesaid not desiring to end the business The slow proceedings of the Pope but to expect advantage from time reduces the matter into several points or heads which he would have particularly disputed and at the time of the Kings marriage with Anne was not got further then the article of Attentates in which the Pope gave sentence against the King that it was not lawful for him to put away his wife by his own authority without the Ecclesiastical Judge For which cause the King in the beginning of 1534. denied the Pope his obedience commanding his Subjects not to pay any money to Rome nor to pay the ordinary Peter-pence This infinitely troubled the Court of Rome and they daily consulted of a remedy Some thought to proceed against the King with censures and to interdict all Christian nations all commerce with England But the moderate counsel pleased best to temporise with him and to mediate a composition by the French King K. Francis accepted the charge and sent the Bishop of Paris to Rome to negotiate a Pacification with the Pope where they still proceeded in the cause gently and with resolution not to come to censures if the Emperor did not proceed first or at the same time with his forces They had divided the cause into twenty three articles and then they handled whether Prince Arthur had had carnal conjunction with Queen Katherine in this they spent time till Midlent was past when the 19. of March news came that a Libel was published in England against the Pope and the whole Court of Rome and besides a Comedy had been made in presence of the King and Court to the great disgrace and shame of the Pope and every Cardinal in particular For which cause all being inflamed with choler ran headlong to give sentence which was pronounced in the Consistory the 24. of the same month That the marriage between Henry and Katherine was good that he was bound to take her to wife and that in case he did not he should be excommunicated But the Pope was soon displeased with this precipitation For six days His rash censure repented of after the French Kings letters came That the King was content to accept the sentence concerning Attentates and to render obedience upon condition that the Cardinals whom he mistrusted should not meddle in the business and that persons not suspected should be sent to Cambray to take information â—and and the King had sent his Proctors before to assist in the Cause at Rome Wherefore the Pope went about to devise some pretence to suspend the precipitate sentence and again to set the cause on its feet But the King so soon as he had seen it said It was no matter for the Utterly loses the obedience of England Pope should be Bishop of Rome and himself sole Lord of his Kingdom And that he would do according to the antient manner of the Eastern church not leaving to be a good Christian nor suffering the Lutheran Heresie or any other to be brought into his Kingdom From that time forward Henry the Eighth of a zealous Assertor of the No anger lost between the King Pope Papacy both by pen and purse became the first and greatest Opposer of it of all the Western Christian Princes for the Eastern Christian Princes except sometimes the Emperors of Greece and the Kings of Holy Land did seldom or never submit to the Papacy in her Spirituals yet did he afterwards seed to be reconciled to the Pope even by means of his Nephew Charls the Fifth Nor were the Popes much behind hand with him For besides Clement's petty Excommunication Paul the Third Anno 1538. thundred out such a terrible Excommunication against him as the like was never heard of which deprived him of his kingdom and his adherents of whatsoever they possessed commanding his Subjects to deny him obedience and Strangers to have no commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against and persecute both him and his followers granting them their states and goods for their prey and their persons for slaves But the Popes anger ended in words whereas the Kings deeds took place against the Pope But what there was in all the Kings reign which might be called Reformation What was the Kings Reformation I do not understand For whatsoever the King took from the Pope except Peter-pence he ascribed to himself If the Pope would be Head of the Catholique Church the King would be Head of the Church of England If the Pope challenged Annates and First-fruits of the Bishops and Clergy the King would do no less If the Pope did give Abbots and Priors power being Ecclesiastical persons to make divers Impropriations to their benefit the King will take a power to take them all away and convert them into Lay-fees and incorporate them so into particular mens estates that they shall never return to the Church more Nor had he any love or desire of Reformation of the Church but only to the Church-lands for all the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of the Church of Rome was continued and that with such bloody cruelty that a Stranger going over Smithfield one day and seeing two men there executed one for denying the Kings Headship of the Church and another for subscribing to the Six Articles cryed out Bone Deus quomodo hic agunt vivi hic suspenduntur Papistae ibi comburuntur Antipapistae And so zealous did he continue herein that Pope Paul the Third after he had fulminated so dreadfully against him Hist Conc-Trid fol. 90 proposed him for an Example to be imitated by Charls the Fifth Although such was the temper of this Prince that he never spared man The exclusion of the Papai jurisdiction was an act of the King Kingdom and Church of England in his rage woman in his lust nor any thing which might be called sacred in his avarice yet so absolute was he that his Divorce was attested by both the Universities at home besides that at Paris abroad his freeing himself and the Nation from the jurisdiction of the Pope was not only assented to by a Synod and Convocation of all the Clergy of England but the English and Irish Nobility did make their submissions by an Indenture to Sir Anthony Sellinger then chief Governor of Ireland wherein they did acknowledge King Henry to be their lawful Soveraign and confessed the Kings Supremacy Bram. Vind. of the Church of England p. 43. in all causes and utterly renounced the Pope But Divorce banishing the Papal authority
Dissolution of Abbies and all were easily passed and assented to in Parliament But whatsoever the King were otherwise yet sure the Popes passion The Pope was more unjust in his censures then the King was in excluding the Papal jurisdiction against him carried them to greater extravagancies and exorbitancies then were on his part against them For suppose that the Pope had de facto the Investitures of Bishops Peter-pence Annates and First-fruits paid them and did exercise a jurisdiction over all the Church and Clergy yet no question all these things were by the grants and permission of precedent Kings and if Kings may grant and permit these things then what hinders but that they may recall them for Cujus est velle ejus est nolle Besides we have already shewed that although there were not that bitter personal spite between the Kings of England and and the Popes formerly as was between Henry 8. and Clement 7. and Paul 3. yet did many of them ascribe as little to the Pope as Henry did But for a Pope to deprive a Christian Prince of his kingdom over whom he had no manner of right his Adherents of whatsoever they possessed to command his Subjects to deny their obedience to their Soveraign and Strangers not to have any commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against him and his followers granting them their estates and goods for a prey and their persons for slaves is so unlike to the example and precept of S. Peter whom they pretend to succeed who not only suffered death under Temporal power but inspired by God does command so expresly obedience to Kings not as subordinate to himself 1 Pet. 2. 13. but as supreme And of our Saviour himself who both suffered himself under Temporal power and paid tribute to Caesar and took not away but fulfilled the Moral Law which commands obedience to Princes and Higher powers and whose kingdom was not of this world that sure no Turk or Infidel was so much an enemy to Christians or indeed rather to mankind as to have desired it The state of the Church and of the Ecclesiastical Laws made by Edward the sixth THe time of this Kings reign being a Child and therefore woful and of his Father were perillous days The Father in his Laws scarce ever took advice but from his passion lust or avarice the Son although a Prince of infinite hope and goodness yet wanting the authority and reputation requisite in a Soveraign was either not able to restrain or else perswaded it was beneficial to give reins to a company of Sacrilegious Harpies and Courtiers to make a total prey not only upon all Colledges Free-Chappels Chantries and all their Lands except them of the Universities and some few other which by the Statute of 1 Ed. 6. cap. 14. were given to Camb. pref Eliz. Reg. Life of Ed. 6. the King upon specious pretences but the Lands of the Bishops generally became a prey unto them So much worse is it for every thing to be lawful then that any thing should be Law It was enacted That if any man spake irreverently or contemptuously An. 1. Ed. 6. c. 6. of the Sacrament of the Altar he should be imprisoned and fined at the Kings will and pleasure and that Justices of Peace might enquire of offenders Yet should not the person offending be arraigned or tryed unless the Bishop of the Diocese or his Chancellor or Deputy learned were required to be at the Quarter-Sessions to which purpose a new Writ was made Rex c. Episc L. salutem Praecipimus tibi quod tu Cancellarius tuus vel alius deputatus tuus sufficienter eruditus sitis cum Justiciariis nostris ad pacem in com nostro B. conservand assignat apud D. tali die ad sessionem nostram tunc ibidem tenend ad dand consilium advisament eisdem Justitiariis nostris ad pacem super arraiment deliberationem offendet contra Formam statuti concernend sacrosanctum Sacramentum Altaris And by this Satute it was Enacted that the Sacrament should be delivered to the people under both Kindes viz. of Bread and Wine From thenceforth no Conge deslier shall be granted nor any Election An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 2. shall be made of any Archbishop or Bishop by the Dean and Chapter but when any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall be voided the King by his Letters Patents may confer the same to any person whom he shall think meet c All summons citations and other proces Ecclesiastical shall be made in the name and with the stile of the King as in the Writs of the common Law and the test thereof shall be in the name of the Archbishop or Bishop c. All persons that have the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction shall have in their Seals of Office the Kings Arms with certain characters under them for the knowledge of their dioces but the Archbishop of Canterbury shall use his own Seal and his own name in all faculties and dispensations A man speaking against the Kings Headship of the Church shall being An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 12. thereof attaint or convict forfeit all his Goods and Chattels to the King and suffer imprisonment during the Kings will and pleasure for the first offence and for the second offence forfeit to the King the whole issues and profits of all his Lands and all his Goods and Chattels and suffer perpetual imprisonment and for the third offence shall be adjudged a Traytor and suffer death and forfeit all his Goods and Chattels Lands and Tenements as in cases of High Treason And it shall be deemed Treason for any by Printing Writing or Deed to affirm the King not to be Head of the Church An Act for uniformity of Service and administration of Sacraments being An. 2 3 Ed. 6 Cap. 1. before divers and different viz. of Sarum of York of Bangor and of Lincoln and divers and sundry forms and fashions were used in Cathedrals and Parish-Churches of England and Wales as well concerning Mattens or Morning Prayer and the Evening Song as also concerning the holy Communion commonly called the Mass with divers and sundry rites and ceremonies concerning the same and in the administration of the Sacraments of the Church The Statute does inflict upon every Parson Vicar or other whatsoever Minister that ought or should say or sing the said Common Prayer mentioned in the said Book Entituled the Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other rites and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England and shall refuse it or use any other form or shall Preach Declare or speak any thing in derogation of the said Book or any thing contained therein and be thereof lawfully convict by a Jury of twelve men or by confession shall forfeit to the King for the first offence the profit of all his Spiritual benefices and promotions arising in a whole year and
after them Gunthramn Clowis Carloman and Pepin at Masscon first and second at Chalons That which is called Francia and that which is in Vernis Twenty of them at least in France In Spain by ten several Kings in two Councels at Braccara and in ten at Tolledo by the space of three hundred years together And how under what terms Peruse the Councel themselves their very acts spake Ex praecepto Imperio Jussu Sanctione Nutu Decreto Ex evocatione Dispositione Regis One saith Potestas permissa est nobis another facultas data est nobis a third Injunctu est nobis á rege and this for about eight hundred years after Christ Then arose another Empire here in the West under Charls the Great and he called six several Councils at Frankfort Arles Tours Chalons Mentz and Rhemes And what says he in them In that at Rhemes In conventu mere priscorum Imperatorum congregato à piissimo Domino nostro Carolo That he called that Convention by no other right then as the manner of the antient Emperors had been to do After him Ludovicus Pius Lotharius Ludovicus Balbus Carolus Calvus Carolus Crassus and Arnulphus at the several Councils of Aken Mentz Melden Wormes Colen and Tribur and so held it nine hundred years after Christ for about that year a year or two over or under was holden the Council at Tribur in Germany by the Emperors decree and himself President in it Nor are the Kings of England less absolute then either Emperors Kings of Spain or France And see B. Bramhalls Just Vindication of the Church of England cap. 7. how the Emperors Kings of France Spain and Portugal have by their own authority convened National and Provincial Councils which have not only determined without the Papal authority but very often in contradiction to it Nor are either the English or British Churches or ever were less free then the Gallicane the liberties whereof in the Chapter aforesaid are set down viz. 1. The Pope cannot command or ordain any thing directly or indirectly concerning any Temporal affairs within the Dominions of the King of France 2. The Spiritual authority and power of the Pope is not absolute in The priviledges of the Gallican Church France but limited and restrained to the canons and rules of the antient Councils of the Church and received in that Kingdom 3. No command whatsoever of the Pope can free the French Clergy from their obligation to obey the commands of their Soveraign 4. The most Christian King hath had power at all times according to the occurrence and exigence of affairs to assemble or cause to be assembled Synods Provincial or National and therein to treat not only of such things as concern the conservation of the Civil estate but also of such things as concern Ecclesiastical order and discipline in his own dominions and therein to make Rules Chapters Laws Ordinances and Pragmatique Sanctions in his own name and by his own authority Many of which have been received among the Decrees of the Catholique Church and some of them approved by General Councils 5. The Pope cannot send a Legate à latere into France with power to reform judge collate dispence or do such things accustomed to be specified in the autoritative Bull of his Legation except it be upon the desire or with the approbation of the most Christian King Neither can the said Legate execute his charge until he hath promised to the King in writing under his oath upon his holy Orders not to make use of his Legantine power in the Kings dominions longer then it shall please the King and that so soon as he shall be admonished of the Kings pleasure to forbid it he shall give it over And that whilst he doth use it shall be exercised conformable to the Kings will without attempting any thing to the prejudice of the Decrees of General Councils or the Liberties and Priviledges of the Gallicane Church and the Universities of France 6. The Commissions and Bulls of the Popes Legate are to be seen examined and approved by the Court of Parliament and to be registred and published with such cautions and modifications as that Court shall judge expedient for the good of the Kingdom and to be executed according to the said cautions and not otherwise 7. The Prelates of the French Church although commanded by the Pope for what cause soever it be may not depart out of the Kingdom without the Kings commandment or licence 8. The Pope cannot by himself or his delegates judge any thing which concerns the state preheminence or priviledges of the Crown of France nor any thing pertaining to it nor can there be any question or process about the state or pretensions of the King but in his Courts 9. Papal Bulls Citations Excommunications c. are not to be executed in France without the Kings command or permission and after permission only by the authority of the King and not by authority of the Pope to shun mixture and confusion of Jurisdictions 10. Neither the King nor his Realm nor his Officers can be excommunicated or interdicted by the Pope nor his Subjects absolved from their Oath of Allegiance 11. The Pope cannot impose Pensions in France upon any Benefices having cure of souls nor upon any others but according to the canons according to the express condition of resignation or ad redimendum vexationem 12. All Bulls and Missives which come from Rome to France are to be seen and visited to try if there be nothing in them prejudicial in any manner to the estate and liberties of the Church of France or to the Royal authority 13. It is lawful to appeal from the Pope to a future Council 14. Ecclefiastical persons may be convented judged and sentenced before a Secular Judge for the first grievous or enormous crime or for lesser offences after a Relapse which renders them incorrigible in the eye of the Law 15. All places of France are obliged to swear fealty to the King and to receive from him investitures for their fees and manors 16. The Courts of Parliament in case of Appeals as from abuse have right and power to declare null void and to revoke the Popes Bull and Excommunications and to forbid the execution of them when they are found contrary to Sacred Decrees the liberty of the French Church or the Prerogative Royal. 17. General Councils are above the Pope and may depose him and put another in his place and take cognisance of Appeals from the Pope 18. All Bishops have their power immediately from Christ not from the Pope and are equally successors of S. Peter and of the other Apostles and Vicars of Christ 19. Provisions Reservations Expective graces c. have no place in France 20. The Pope cannot exempt any Church Monastery or Ecclesiastical body from the jurisdiction of the Ordinary nor erect Bishopricks into Archbishopricks nor unite them nor divide them without the Kings licence 21. All those are not Hereticks