is not ignorant how this Protestation came on nor can the World be ignorant how far his Hand went in promoting it care having been taken by some Body during the time his Lordship was in the Country before the last Session of Parliament to employ certain Emissaries and Agents to carry up and down not only to many Lords in and about this City but likewise to all the most noted Coffeâ—-houses Copies of a Letter said in the Superscription of it to have been first written to the Earl of Carlisle and to have been subscribed Your Lordships humble Servant SHAFTSBURY My Lord of Carlisle is a very noble Person and I would not by any means mis-represent him he having seen too many Experiments of Male-contented Demagogues and their little Tricks to be caught by them or to countenance them 'T is rather to be supposed the Penner made bold with him It was necessary to direct it to some Body and easie to send Copies along with it at the same time to be communicated to every Body for there was no fear but among the Coffee-hâ—unters there would be found Copiers enough to furnish both City and Kingdom the Design being laid now by this new Epistle to prepare Mens Minds for a crying down the present Parliament seeing there are too many Wise Men in it and too Loyal to be shaken by a Shuttlecock and for crying out for a New Parliament while in the mean time matters are so labour'd in the Old One as we have abundantly seen the last Session that no Business should be done by them and then there may thence arise as is imagined an unanswerable Argument for a Trial of Skill in Electing a New for his Tool the Presbyter despairing to get Dominion by the way of the King wants only opportunity to be Canvasing and Tugging for another Forty-One-Parliament and would never be at rest till he hath gotten both Houses over his Head again at Westminster So that if the other Nonconformists will well apprehend the improvement of their own Interest let them know that as they have reason to decline them being their worst Enemies by principle so they have the fairest opportunity in shewing themselves firm henceforth to the Crown to stand most fair in the good opinion and favour of His Majesty as a Party much more tolerable in the Constitution of the Government And then there can be no fear of that they call Persecution because the reason and occasion of it will be gone No Creditor but will be kind when he hath gotten Security Even so it is with Kings and other Governours they grieve no Party more than other when they are once secured they will pay the Debt of Obedience and Loyalty for 't is their Interest to cherish and see every Party thriâ—e and flourish if it be not dangerous Arguments in that Epistle his Lordship offers none having long since arrived to that Noble Confidence as to think his own word sufficient warrant for any Assertion therefore he boldly saith 't is the Interest of the King the Lords and the Commons to have a New Parliament without any more ado But for his Reasons we must have recourse to the Protestation it self which are first for the Dissolution of this Parliament and they are but these few following First The Protestation saith It is according to the ancient Laws and Statutes of this Realm that there should be frequent and new Parliaments and that the practise of several years hath been accordingly 'T is true the Kings of this Realm have formerly had cause to delight in calling them and our Chronicles tell us also that till the Barons Wars came and after the Barons Wars were ended down to the time of King James Parliaments were modest in their station and easie to the King so that the Business of the Kingdom went on current without long Speeches and hot Disputes But in King James his time the Presbyter or Puritaâ— as Men then called him whom Queen Elizabeth in her time not without much ado kept down began to spread his Wings grew numerous and headstrong so that they were able to furnish the Commons House with a Canvasing Party and did it constantly at every Election and divers Members of the House of Peers who in those days affected Preferment at Court and wanted it and envied others that had it or were otherwise male-content or intoxicated with mistaken Zeal of new Phantsies about Religion or Church-Government were not wanting to make a Party of Lords to second that fiery part of the Commons who carried matters divers times so high that That King was necessitated towards the latter end of his Reign for the Honour of his Crown and Preservation of the Government in qâ—iet often to dissolve them Of which the Puritan that is the Presbyter always made advantage by exceeding Clamour against the Court to gain the ignorant and unwary part of the people to his party And so you see to what sort of Men we owe the new invention of Frustrating Parliaments After this comes King Charles the First to the Government upon whom they perpetually practis'd it in all Parliaments that he called and at length you know that working upon the Kings Necessities in the year 1641. they in a manner constraâ—ned him to perpetuate them in Power which was the ruine of the Royal Government and at length of all Government it self It is to be noted also that it was not till the beginning of his Reign that they took up the other New Trick of State which was seeing they durst not yet be so bold as to strike at the King himself for supposed defaults in Government they resolved to strike as near him as they could and so they began to make it constant work to fall upon his Chief Ministers of State and always in the Intervals of Parliament made it their Business to fill the Kingdom with Clamours against them so preparing them thereby as a Sacrifice to their own ends and cruelty and to the Peoples folly against every call of a Parliament Thus it was from the time of the old Duke of Buckingham who by a brave Defence in Parliament made good his Station to the time of that most brave though most unfortunate Man the Earl of Strafford whom they worried to death by Popular Tumults after he had bastled them at the Bar in defending himself most gloriously As they did also Archbishop Laâ—d a Man of high design for the Honour of the King and Glory of the Church which they charged on him to be for introducing of Slavery and Popery so that all the rest of the King's Ministers were glad to flee for safety of their Lives Nay they stopt not here but being flusht drew up Articles of High Treason against the Queens Majesty And then we too sadly remember how easily afterwards they passed on to a Charge against the King himself I write not this as if I meant to scandalize or cast an Odium upon that ancient Right
Clifford â—â—ll and yet to prevent his ruine this Session had the sooner end As for the Lord Clifford me thinks he might before now have been left at rest in his Grave but there is it seems another Lord in the World is resolved he shall not because while his Lordship tugg'd hard and lay gaping for the Office of Lord Treasurer my Lord Clifford got between and carried it away for which he will never forgive his memory nor any of his Friends Nothing could please after this no not the Great Seal it self though one would have thought that enough to fill the Swallow of any Gnat. But Oh! the Dear Bag was gone the Buâ—t-end of all his hopes and so neither Seal nor Pursâ— could satisfie Nothing now but Revenge for then his Lordship saw plain the Mortality of his own Court-Interest drawing on which had been long before forfeited by many a Juggle Then his Piety began to work when his Covetousness had nothing to work upon and nothing after this could be thought of but Fire and Flames of Zeal to scatter about the Court and Kingdom A loud and sudden Cry must be raised in fear of Popery by pretence of which the old trick the Nation was to be forthwith intoxicated and the Lord Clifford confounded and all Papists also were to be put out of Office because the Maker of this Out-cry was in fear to be so I write not this to plead for their being in Office but only to observe how pat the little Adversary timed all things for his own purpose of commencing the new Game of Popularity He foresaw his own Faâ—e and labour'd hard to get in elsewhere before they had quite thrown him out at White-Hall that so when he went off he might in a new World turn up Trump as the Faith 's great Defender against Popery This was the reason why he spurr'd on that Act so eagerly to run Papists out of Office and why he afterwards appeared so vigorous in putting the Act in execution for in all the time since the King 's Happy Resâ—auration we never heard till this sudden sit of his Lordships having been in any fright before about the Papists or any other sort of Religion whatsoever So that from the time of this first fright we are to reckon the Rise of all the Jealousies and Contests that have ensued lately or which may ensue about the Affairs of the Government and of all the late ill Impressions which have been craftily and most industriously made upon the minds of the people to prepare them if possible for a Mutiny LETTER BUt the Letter goes on thus In this posture matters were found in the Session of Parliament that began Octob. 27. 1673. which being suddenly broken up did nothing ANIMADVERSION 'T is a condition of Affairs much to be lamented that so many Sessions of Parliament have of late been broken Re infecta and we might very much wonder at it considering His Majesties great delight which he hath had in the good Advices and Affections of His Parliament did we not know that some Envious Ones made it their Business to sow Tares and cast Blocks 〈◊〉 the way to impede all happy Proceeding that either House might be Imbroiled in its self and both with one another and so be utterly incapacitated for any dispatch of Publick Business The Instances are too sad to be mentioned and I wish they were for ever in oblivion which necessitated His Majesty for the very Honour of Parliament it self and of His Government to put an end to many strange Debates and Controversies which could by no other means be done but by ending the several Sessions For even in that House whose true Interest is inseparably and more especially annexed to that of the Crown Imperial of this Realm and cannot stand without it there was found a new Lord this last Session whose Speech if we may believe a Paper called a Speech carefully Printed under the Name of the Earl of Shaftsbury vented many strange Passages upon the Debate of appointing a day for the hearing of Dr. Shirley's Cause by the Peers which shew plainly enough who it was which backt and befooled the Doctor to a perpetual attendance on that Business not for any good will to him who poor Man was made a meer Stalking-horse but to catch other ends and create Mischief to King and Kingdom by strangling the great Affairs and Hopes of His Majesty in the mid'st of His many pressing Publick Occasions for Supplies to the want of which Supplies in good time we are to ascribe the late loss of Repute with the other Publick Inconveniences and Damages in our Naval Interests c. which have been complained of Such Men there are as study first how to tye up the Hands of the King and His Ministers with Necessity and then make the People cry out at them for not doing what they were disabled to do And therefore that the Nation may know to what Male-content the King and People do owe those Damages and the fruitlesness of the last Session of Parliament and from thence gâ—â—ess who it was that drave the design of frustrating also the several Sessions that went before it It will not be amiss to give the World some account here of divers Passages of that Speech Printed with the Title of the Earl of Shaftsbury which no Man that reads but would swear it his This Speech confesses the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Bishop of Salisbury had at the same time made Speeches to shew that to set a day to enter upon a Hearing in the Lords House of the Cause of Dr. Shirley before the Great Concerns of the King and Kingdom in Supplies of Money and other Bills should be dispatched would be to induce several Grand Inconveniences As first That seeing both Houses had been highly engaged in Contests with each other about their respective Priviledges occasioned by that Cause the appointing of a short day for their Lordships to hear it would immediately bring on the like Contests again and so cause a Breach betwixt the Houses and Secondly That after such a Breach made for the sake of a private Cause no ordinary way being left for dispatch of the many Publick Bills depending in the Houses or for raising of Moneys the whole Business of Naval Preparations and of other Great Affairs and of the Reputation and Interests of the King and Kingdom at home and abroad would unavoidably fall to ruine And their Lordships were told They could not but be convinced in their Coâ—sâ—iences that if that matter of Shirley were then prosecuted it must cause a Breach This was the Sence also of most other Noble Lords But alass that Printed Speech makes the Earl of Shaftsbury ring another Tune as if his Lordship had other Publick Business or as if it had no longer been Shirley's private Business but his Own so that if we may believe that Print the People need no other Evidence to shew who was the Designer of
having the advantage of siding with Him and under the Notion of Men addicted to His Service they might in the end gain to themselves and their Partakers the Places of greatest Trust Power and Advantage in the Kingdom Who would have imagin'd that Men could be thus Ungrateful to His Majesty after so Gracious an Aâ—t of Oblivion as to be found reviving the Old Names of Distinction What is this but to set the Old Quarrel on foot again and to begin it upon the same Point of charging the Bishops as the Causers of it Thus Nero made it his business to set Rome on fire and then charged the Fact upon the Christians Who are they that are most likely to be Projecting unto themselves the Power and Great Offices of the Kingdom but you your selves who are ready to make room with an Out-cry against the Great Officers There is one among you who knows how to drive a Bargain for Great Offices at the price of your heads if any Body thought it worth the while to truck with him and then we should know who they are that take Courses to overthrow the Act of Oblivion and in the mean while do shoot Slanders at his Majesty and His Ministers through the Bishops sides as if it were they that joyntly design against it whereas His Majesty hath been so far from breaking the First that 't is not long since he granted a Second Act of Oblivion and your Friend MEPHISTOPHILES Himself had so great a share in the benefit of it that one would even swear it was granted for His sake or that He principally for His own sake procured it Therefore he had best take heed He do not bring on a Popular State too fast unless they will beforehand seal him another Oblivion lest My Lords the People come at length to knock at his Door for a better Account and set up Brook-house anew for him hereafter LETTER 3. NExt That the Bishops design to have the Government of the Church sworn to as unalterable and so tacitly owned to be of Divine Right toward the attaining of which station Churchmen easily break through all Obligations whatsoever ANIMADVERSION THus the Blows light on the Bishops but his Aim is at His Majesties Government onely 't is not time of day yet to let us know what he would be at For in the mean time he writes fair after his 41 Copy for you may read in the Grand Remonstrance of the Commons Anno 1641. that it was charged on the Bishops in those days That they imposed a New Oath for maintenance of their own Power God forbid that that Remonstrance which then took the Frame of Government all in pieces should be thought to be the Act of an House of Commons Many thousands are yet living who know it was but a Party in that House who by the help of Tumults continually flowing out of the City like a mighty Inundation upon Whitehall and Westminster did by Threats and Violence upon both Houses animate a Presbyterian Party in that House to be able to over-awe the rest and carry on that Remonstrance by head and shoulders as they did also afterward many other strange Petitions Declarations Votes and Ordinances to the dishonour of the King in order to the undermining of His Authority and the ancient Government of the Kingdom And this way they carried matters so long and with such heat and fury that in tract of time the best part of the House of Commons perceiving they were not able to stop this Career by any prudent Counsels or Endeavours resolved to sit no longer with such Company to be made a State and Property to such Unparliamentary Proceedings and so at length departed from them to Oxford whither His Majesty and most of the House of Lords also had been forced to retire from the insolent Assaults daily made by the City Multitudes which were under the Countenance and at the Command of that All-commanding Party of the Commons seconded by some few of the Lords who helpt to hold up the Form and Shadow of a Parliament so long till the very Name of a House of Peers was at last Obliterated A sad Instance it is to teach their Successors what they may expect in future whensoever seduced through Discontent or Envy to affect Popularity they shall again which God forbid separate their own personal Interests and that of their Peerage from the Interests of the Crown upon any though the most specious pretences whatsoever Here what the King himself said of those Tumults in His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for doubtless He could best tell who felt the effects of them and What person is there that ever loved Him or engaged for Him would be willinâ— to see His Son our most Gracious King assaulted with the like Or that can with patience hear that some Lords and other persons are turn'd Tradesmen and Exchange men in tâ—â— City and become free there of the Company of Demagogues They were saith he not like a Storm at Sea which yet wants not its terror but like an Earthquake shaking the very foundations of all than which nothing in the World hath more of horror No Declaration from the Bishops who were first insolenced and assaulted nor yet from other Lords and Gentlemâ—n of Honour nor yet from my self could take place for the due repression of those Tumults and for the securing not onely our freedom in Parliament but our very persons in the Streets When I found things thus I hoped by my withdrawing to give time for the ebbing of their tumultuous fury Note here ye Shafsburians first the Bishops assaulted then the Members of Parliament and then the King Himself this was the fruit then and this would be again the issue of your Little Leaders trading with ill-humours in the City against Bishops but that there is a Sound and Loyal Magistracy to balance Male-contents and observe both him and them in all their Motions so that it will be a hard matter for that small Boutefeu to Blow up the Government again by undermining it on the Bishops side for one Trick of State is not to be shewn twice within the memory of man so that now I suppose he hath lived to see the utmost of his old Trade of Jugling having Jugled himself out of all at Court and being past hope of Jugling himself in again all his Fears being well understood there he sets up at t'other end o' th' Town to Jugle up a Mutiny in the City in hope to find Combustible matter there to set Fire to in the Countrey and at length inflame a Party for his purpose in this Parliament or rather in a New One which he supposes will be the likeliest Expedient And truly he did as good as tell us so in that Letter written above a Twelve moneth since out of the Counâ—rey to the Earl of Carlisle at London or rather imposed upon him Which was indeed superscribed to his Lordship but intended for a Fireball among
the Presbyterian hath been tickled in his own way and the other sorts of Nonconformists are to be drawn in if they can be brought to forget the Revenges of Presbytery and be perswaded they shall have fairer Quarter under them than under Episcopacy for this purpose 't is known our small Engineer turned City-Merchant and having driven a fine Trade in the Winter 75. in the Great Corporation he hath the following Summers been laying a Train in the lesser Corporations in hope to blow up this Parliament with the noise of a new one The Prologue to the Tragedy must be Down with the Bishops this is determined to be the onely necessary Preliminary But that thinks he and the whole Knot is not to be brought about while this Parliament sits Ergo the onely way is to be rid of this Parliament as soon as may be and shuffle our Pack as well as we can to get sure Cards for a new one to play over again the old pranks of their Brethren This drift of theirs is so well understood by his Majesty and by all Persons of Discretion and Loyalty that although the Succession of Parliaments be a thing most commendable yet no sober Person that is well-affected to His Majesty and the Peace of these Kingdoms can approve the bringing on a new Parliament by Seditious Projectors and Popular Clamours especially at such a time as this when we have a Parliament in being a Parliament which hath had the Honour to Re-settle the Crown and Kingdom after it had by a wonderful Hand of God been but newly rescued out of the Ruines of a late Rebellion A Parliament that hath done perhaps more for the Preservation of this well-temper'd Monarchy than many other of the best Parliaments put together ever did before and I may boldly say because it can be proved by Instances of Fact that they have done more towards the containing of Monarchick Power in its just Bounds than any Parliament ever did that may be counted to have been the most popular and publick-hearted And besides this the Journals of both Houses will shew that they have now lying before them so many excellent Resolves and purposes that their sitting to dispatch them is the onely necessary means to put the Nation into the enjoyment of quick Remedies for our future safety and prosperity And whereas it hath faln out that they have been unable to do any thing to purpose by reason of Differences betwixt both Houses you are to know ye Men of Shaftsbury that the Occasions of that Discord about points of Priviledge and other Matters were but Artificial Contrivances of some Broken-States-Men and other Male-contents made such by their own ill Humours and Emulations against Men whose Abilities Integrity and Merits have gotten place above them in His Majesties Favour and Preferment Those are they that would mingle Heaven and Earth to create a party to keep those Differences on foot and therefore the Occasions are by them made much of and carefully laid up that they may be readily started when time serves to hinder dispatches of the publick Business of the King and Kingdom because the design of the Consederates is thus laid First By Tricks to reduce this Parliament as fast as they can into a state impracticable and unserviceable thereby to introduce a seeming Necessity of a speedy calling another Secondly To make sure Work they have stricken in with the Old Workmen and adopted the Presbyterian Party the onely Canker that frets in the Bowels of this Nation and which gathers all other naughty Humours to its self in hope to aggrandise a Faction big enough and loud enough to uproar a New Parliament for their Turn if it may be One main Plot is so to order it that this Parliament who apprehend a necessity of holding fast in a Factions Time to that part of the Government called Bishops as the most needful Expedient to preserve the Crown may never go off with the reputation of speaking Peace and Settlement to the Nation by perfecting those excellent Intendments and Resolutions which to that end do lie before them By this you may perceive why your Letter-man seeks to destroy the Credit of the Bishops as well as of the Parliament Whatever hath been done still the Bishops must be in fault though it be an Act of the whole Parliament and the wisest Act that can be Enacted And such without all question was that Act about Corporations For of what Temper the Corporations of England were may be collected from the time of the late Richard's short Reign when those Notorious Addresses were by them made to him in Lofty Strains of Recognition Obedience and Allegiance which was but a few Moneths before His Majesties Wonderful Restitution And therefore though it was miraculous it was not to be supposed so great a Miracle as in an instant to transform the Hearts and Spirits of such Addressers into a firm and lasting Frame of Fidelity to the King and his Government what then could the Parliament do less for the securing of both than put Corporation-Men under the Test of such an Oath and Declaration as might either satisfie His Majesty that those Persons were become New Men or else might upon their refusal of that Test give the King a Just occasion for his Own and his Peoples Security and Peace to purge them out of their places and put in Persons Loyal and Faithful Moreover 't is to be noted that this Test upon Corporations was by that Act to continue but to the Year 1663 as short a time as could be set for the doing so great a Work as to put things in order to go on upon a right Wheel of Government in those places for the future after which they were left to proceed in the ordinary ways of Electing their Magistrates and Officers as heretofore This is nothing but what in Prudence and Providence was absolutely necessary And the use of it hereafter may be this to all Corporations That in all occasions be it of Electing Magistrates Officers Parliament-Men and doing any thing of Concern to Government they do carry themselves in such a manner it being indeed their true Interest so to do as not to suffer Factions or particular Factions and ill-affected Persons to grow up and get ground among them for the natural Consequence must be That at length if such considerable Corporated parâ—els of the Body Politick shall by degrees be corrupted with Men who by contracting particular Interests shall march counter to the Publick Interest of Government and imploy the Interests and Credit of their Corporations against it then of course Princes and Parliaments are constrained whether they will or no to provide for a securing the Publick Interest by some extraordinary course And when they do it 't is not their fault that the usual course is broken but they properly are the Authors who by their own Extravagancies first gave the occasion and pressed a necessity upon them so to do And
truly in such case the best-natured Princes in the World if you consider them as Publick Persons cannot avoid it unless you will suppose what is absur'd to conceive that they will relinquish the ends of Government and let all run into confusion So much for the Reason of the Act about Regulating Corporations Now for the next Act about the Militia complained of LETTER 8. THe next step was in the Act of the Militia which went for most of the Chiefest Nobility and Gentry being obliged as Lords Lieutenants Deputy Lieutenants c. to Swear to the sâ—â—â— Declaration and Belief with the addition onely of thesâ— words In pursuance of such Milâ—tâ—ry Commissions This Act is of a 〈◊〉 for it Establisheth a Standing Army by a Law and swears us into a Military Government ANIMADVERSION HOw the intent of this Act for ordering the Militia can be wrested to the sence of a Standing Army is a Construction past all Understanding but the blame of this also is laid upon the Bishops It must be said to be their Business though of all Men none are more remote from the Concern of it And as little reason also there is to perswade Men it Establishes a Standing Army or Military Government 〈◊〉 is indeed a constant Force but in whose hands Is it not in the hands of the Nobâ—â—ry and Gentry the persons of the greatest Interest and consequently most concerned in the Maintenance of Civil Government and Laws Liberty and Property Insomuch 〈…〉 as well believe the Men will cut their own Throats as betray either 〈…〉 in the hands of Men most interested by their own Concerns for Universâ—◠〈…〉 as contrary to the nature of a meer Merâ—eâ—ary Army for that he means by 〈…〉 as Fire is to Water so that the one in the very Notion as well as nature of 〈…〉 preventive and privative or exclusive of the other And in the midst of all the idle â—oâ—es that we have had these late years about a design of a Standing Army nothing â—â—s a â—reater stay to sober Mens Minds than this Consideration That as we have a Ring 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 designs and Intrigues one that loves his People wise and confident of his Noâ—ility â—nd Gentry so he knows he cannot need Forces to maintain his Government as long as they have the Power by Law to raise them for him nor can there be the least ground for Male-contents to sow Reports of this kind unless wicked designs of their 〈◊〉 â—gainst the Government shall prompt them to New Commotions and then indeed they may have reason to fear an Army and cry out against it before it is in being because they take mutinous courses to force it on us But another fault here found in the Militia-Act is that the Lords Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants are obliged by Oath to declare against this Traiteroas Position of taking Arms against the King and that Arms may be taken by His Authority against His Person or against those that are Commissioned by Him c. Doubtless this Provision in that Act is a point grounded upon High Reason For that Position and the Coveâ—â—â—t were two Vipers that crawled into the World out of the bowels of Presbytery And out of the bowels of those two crawled all those Monstrous Treasons which afterwards were practised As to the first of them not Mariaâ—a himself nor all the curious Preachers of the Mystery of King-killing among the Jesuites ever invented a more nice and serviceable distinction so to split a hair in point of Allegience betwixt the Person of a King and His Authority that the Subjects might be brought to understand how to kill the Man and not hurt the Authority or which is all one how to destroy a King and Justifie the Fact by His own Authority The fine spinning of such Politicks exceeds all that ever was done by all the fine Spinners in Logick or Metaphysicks and 't is so fine a Folly that it would crack an honest man's brains to consider it or puzzle a wise man how to distinguish it from gross Nonsence in Polity And yet when it shall be told to our Posterity what a world of People such a phantastick Notion as this drew in to side with a piece of a Parliament against the whole and against their King too under the Notion of being for Him and for His Parliament I am perswaded it will to them be almost incredible And therefore it was high Wisdom for the Parliament to provide in this Act of Ordering the Militia that the Arms of the Nation might never come into the hands of such High-Notional Politicians in time to come who when Arms were in their hands heretofore sufficiently tutor'd us in the Arts and Effects of Military Government And ye may remember my good Friends of Shaftsbury this Letter-Man your own Countreyman had a fair share in that Military Government and knows the ready road to conduct you to a New One onely it seems another Parliament is wanting for the purpose to make this King a Glorious King too as not long since it was written to my Lord of Carlisle little I believe to his Lordships content or approbation As to that Second Viper the COVENANT Lerna Malorum From whence sprang Hydra infesting the Three Kingdoms till she returned into the Lake of Fire and Brimstone there to stare in the Faces or rather Consciences of its own Authors and Proselytes It came on in Noâ—iâ—â— Domini but whether in the Dâ—â—'is name more properly time did try For this confirm'd all the miseries that were begun and became as it were the Broad Seal of the Decree of God's Judgments upon these Nations That Solemn League and Covenant came on indeed with great Solemnity of pious Pretence of maintaining us in our former Obligations of Allegiance to the King and His Government and the Security of Religion by Reformation and by this fair fraud I am perswaded it was that abundance of men Conscientious but unwary swallowed the Hook and were caught not dreaming what ought to be consider'd for then they might have found under this Fine 〈◊〉 there was Death in the Pot seeing it had been formed and imposed onely by Fâ—â—â—ow-Subjects without and against the Will of the King for which Reason it was indirect and illegal and so great a stranger to the Right Reformed Protâ—stant Profession that Subjects should presume by Covenanting with Fire and Sword to force on a Reformation that we can find no example for it but out of the Records of Presbytâ—ry Nor is there any thing in those of Popery to be compared with it but onely that Holy League which engaged France into many years of Blood and Misery before it could be extinguished They might also had they had wisdom enough and experience have considered what was then in the heart and foresight of His Majesties Father as we find it expressed in His Writings than the insertion of which in this place nothing can be more to the purpose or more
seasonable especially in a time wherein many of the Old Kindlers are visibly blowing this Old Coal again to revive it and with it to over-heat the Brains and Consciences of men into a zeal of the same Obligation in stead of repentance that ever they took it But hear what the King said of it and 't is enough to forewarn and advise men of any Conscience or discretion in the future That saith he which makes such Confederations by way of Solemn Leagues and Covenaâ—ts the more to be suspected is That they are the common Road used in all Factions Perturbations of State or Church Where Formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied and elaborate than when Politicians aâ—itate most desperate designs against all that is setled or sacred in Religion and Laws which by such skrues are cunningly yet forcibly wrested by secret stâ—ps and less sensible degrees from their known Rule and wonted practice to comply with the humors of those men who aim to subdue all to their own will and power under the disguises of Holy Combinations Wisdom and Truth greater than this or more Divine never was uttered by any Prince since the days of Solomon And it ought to be for ever written in the hearts of Subjects because we can seal to it upon the sad experience we had in our late Civil Wars to the utter ruine of all Religious Profession which men ought to take care by sincerity and integrity of life to hold up in the height of Reputation as the most sacred thing in the World Otherwise what we may expect of the pretences and disguises of the most Sanctimonious Combinations the same king tells us in the following words They are Cords and â—ythes will hold mens Consciences no longer than force aâ—tends and twists them for every man soon grows his own Pope and easily absolves himself of those Ties which not the command of Gods Word or the Laws of the Land but only the subtilty and terror of a Party casts upon him Indeed such illegal ways seldom or never intend the engaging of men more to Duties but only to Parties therefore 't is not regarded how they keep their Covenants in point of Piety pretended provided they adhere firmly to the Party and design intended The Imposers of such a League will admit of any mens sences of it though divers or contrary with any Salvoes Cautions and Reservations so as they cross not the chief design against the Church and their King There are many thousands yet living who can witness to the truth of it that they had no sooner involved the several Parliamentary Parties in the guilt of that Covenant but they all fastened several Sences and Constructions upon it such as might best suit with the several ends and designs of their particular Parties They like Samson's Foxes had their heads looking divers ways but were tied together by the Tails had one common Interest which tied them fast to each other in Agreement for the destruction of King and Bishops They easily absolved one another and each man himself from the seeming obligations of the Covenant to Loyalty and Government as fast as their particular occasions called them off to other Resolutions And if we may believe Sir Henry Vaâ—e it was in the penning so worded that the Noose might not be too strict and narrow for Conscience to escape out of it when occasion should require For when that Gentleman came to Tower-hill to dye he told us to this purpose that himself had been one of the Commissioners that went out of England into Scotland and was present there in those Councils then on Foot betwixt both Kingdoms which contrived that Covenant And when it was objected by some that if the Terms of the Covenant should run so high for preservation of the King and His Family as they seemed to be the King perhaps might notwithstanding be utterly hardened against it and frustrate all the good intents of it towards himself And in such case it was propounded in Council what then should be done At last it was concluded an Addition should be made to it of that ominous Clause In the preservation and defence of the Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms A Clause which was made use of afterwards to prove that the Nation might be established in a Government without any regard to the King or His Family For manifestation of this Truth there needs no more but to cast an eye back upon that fatal Remonstrance of the Army dated at St. Albans 20th November 1648. penned by Ireton Cromwel's Son-in-law the main scope whereof was â—o prove That they ought to take away the Kings Life with a pretence and form of Justice and extirpate His Family And truly I have the greater cause to remember this having at that time read the Arguments contained in several Prints against it to manifest unto the Authors of such Counsels and all the world that such a Course of proceeding against the King of England is Irrational Monstrous and in consequence pernicious to the three Kingdoms Nevertheless the Argumentation of Colonel Ireton carried it And whosoever pleases to consult the Contents of that Army Remonstrance shall find that the best Arguments he had except the Sword were all fished out of several Topicks contained in the Covenant among which the main one fetcht from that afore cited Clause was like the Sword of Goliah noâ— like it to cut asunder all Obligations both Sacred and Civil and was improved to this point That seeing these Nations were brought to such a pass as the Argumentator wâ—s pleased to say That the ends of the Covenant could not be attained by a Government with â—â— King and his Family Therefore those ends being the Principal Considerations of Mens Covenanting ought to be made good by another Government without any regard of Him or His who were but of a Secondary consideration And thus out of the Belly of that Trojan-Horse the Covenant sprang that Hobby-horse of a Republick with Cromwell on the back of it who himself at length convinced in Judgment about forms of Government saw and confessed by making himself the sole single person in Authority that no Rest is to be â—ad by Government in this Nation but by a Monarchy After this my good Friends of Shaftsbury I suppose you will not venture to gainsay but that it was well done of the Parliament and Bishops too since you will have them nam'd in particular to pass two such Acts as might keep men out of Magistracy in Corporations and out of Command in the King's Militia whose Consciences can yet relish and not abhor such a Covenant or such a Treasonous Maxim in State That the King's Authority may be made use of or turn'd against his Person And yet anon before the end of this Letter the Author will tell you of very strong Instances and Cases Somebody cited in the House of Peers wherein it was and may be lawful again so to do
Which confirms the King's good fortune and the Kingdoms too in being rid of such â— Squirrel out of Power that can crack the points of Conscience Party and Politicks as fast as Nuts to satisfie his own Ambitious and hungry Inclination The third Act that he finds fault with is the Act of Uniformity Of this he discourses as followeth LETTER THat the Clergy of England are obliged to subscribe and declare as the Corporations Nobility and Gentry did swear before That the Clergy readily complied with it being a sort of Men taught rather to obey than understand and to use that Learning they have to justifie not to examine what their Superiours command That Bartholomew-day was fatal to our Church and Religion in throwing out a very great number of Worthy Learned Pious and Orthodox Divines That the time set for them to sabscribe to the Book of Common-Prayer Established by this Act of Uniformity was so short for the Printing and Publishing of it that one Man in Forty could not see that Book which he was to assent and consent unto ANIMADVERSION AS for time to peruse the Alterations and Additions then made in the Common-Prayer-Book they had a fair space to consider after the Printing and Publication of it which was till Bartholomew-day For the principal Divines of the Nonconforming Party sat in Commission with the Bishops so that what Alterations or Additions soever were made it is known they took such care to communicate them abroad that it may be remembred how all their Party talkt of every Particular in the City and all over the Kingdom and had been carefully fixed in resolution to find fault with every thing long before the Printing and never to conform to it Besides the Reasons offer'd for Alterations or Additions desired by those Leading Men were so little considerâ—ble that there were but a very small number agreed on so that a tenth part of the time that passed betwixt its Publication and Bartholomew-day might have served them all sufficiently to consider of it had they been then to consider but alas they had been abundantly schooled by Letters before and by Prints too sent from their London-Tutors to be perfect in that old Lesson against all Reason or Moderation Non persuadebis etiamsi persuasâ—ris So that if our Letter-Man had pleased he might have spared this Objection about want of time but he had undertaken to hâ—ap what faults he could upon the Bishops right or wrong They must be accused though it was the Parliament that set the time This suits with the rest of his design as I told you But then a very great number of good and brave Divines were throwâ— out Thus he phrases it whereas indeed they threw themselves out They were it may be a sort of Divines of Conscience but whether mis-informed and erroneous it will concern them to see against the great Day of Account or whether any thing of Spiritual Pride Singularity Interest or Self-reputation with a Party or shame of receding from former mistaken Zeal Doctrines Engagements and ways of getting a Livelihood which of these Considerations might intervene betwixt the Day of Publication and Bartholoâ—â—w-day God alone knows and will one Day judge who is a God of Order and not of Confusion as in all the Churches However it concerned the Parliament to fear the worst knowing what Doctrines those Men had preached many Years before and what had been their behaviour and therefore to bar the Church-doors against the like Humours in time to come that they might no more climb up into the Publick Pulpits to perplex Affairs of the Church or by mis-leading people with shews of Zeal cause new Inflâ—mmations in the State In both which poinâ—s of Activity had not our Letter-Man very great occasion to use them at present he would not now have been so angry at their being kept out What those Worthy Learned Pious and Orthodox Divines were or still are I am tied up by the Act of Oblivion from telling which Act ought to be punctually observed as sacred by wise Men and good Christians that persons who have formerly erred against His Majesty either in Matters of State or Church may not be frighted into new Crimes for security or from making open profession of repentance for the old Chriâ—t saith 〈◊〉 is more joy in Heaven over one Siâ—nâ—r that repents than over ninety and nine that never went astray Therefore it will be more proper to paint out those Divines by probable signs of what we are to expect from them in future than by Animadverting upon their Actions past If any Divine will not declare his unseigned Assent and Consent to the Common-Prayer-Book which contains the Publick Service and Worship of the Church what reason hath the Magistrate to allow him a part of the Publick Church-Maintenance which is by Law annexed to that Service Especially seeing his refusal of Assent and Consent doth implicitely signifie that he will do all that ever he can to instruct and perswade the people against it Which of these two then is most sitting either for the Magistrate to comply with them or they with the Magistrate Moreover If any Divine shall refuse to declare and swear that he believes it unlawful to take Arms agaiâ—st the King or by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissionated by him And that â—e beliâ—â—es there lies no Oâ—ligation upon him or any other person from the Solemn League and Covenant to endeavour any Alteration in Church or State and that it was an unlawful Oath what can be supposed of such a Divinâ— but that he is capable of Earthly designs And that he may be ready when oportunity serves to take Arms and preach up again the old Doctrine of Sâ—tting the Kings Authority against his Person and the Covenant to booâ— to pull the Government of Church and State in pieces Those two opposite Principles do mutuo se pâ—llere they cannot stand together but the one naturally and absolutely drives out the other Is it in reason then to be imagined that any Prince or State should have less wisdom and fore-sight than every ordinary Animal to provide for Self-preservation by Laws that may secure the Religion and Government Established with Church-Livings also in the hands of a Regular Conforming Clergy Which Laws there was high reason so to pen that they might be as a Tâ—st for discovery and disabling of Pastors retaining Principles inconsistent with Monarchy Let the same Men but turn the Tables and remember what themselves did heretofore to the Episâ—opal Clergy for not engaging and conforming to their wild Phantsies upon every Revolution of Government and then let them and all Men consider with what front any Man of them can condemn this Wise and Provident Act made against the possibility of a Return of the like Confusions in this Kingdom hereafter to purge out such Worthy Pious but not too Learned Divines I pray you Men it seems of a narrower Swallow
now for an Oath than the Nobility and Gentry yet at their own time they have been able and while they retain such Principles can be again when time serves to swallow all manner of Oaths and devour Nobles Gentlemen too Clergy and All. And this our Letter-Man knows very well who having at this time great need of them in the Pulpit is you see very angry they are under hatches He only wants such a House of Commons as he could wish for he reckons himself sure of his Clergy they are of another Kidney than the Church of England's Clergy These he is pleased to brand as Men of little Understanding and of a pitiful sort of Learning which teaches to Obey and Justifie not to Disoute the Commands of their Superiours Meer Milk-Sops they but his are the Myrmidoâ—s Men of Arguments as strong as Gun-Powder Profound Men of Letters who have written and can write RATIO â—LTIMA REGUM round the Mouth of a Cannon LETTER THe fourth and last Act found fault with is The Five Miles Aâ—â— passed at Oxford whiâ—â— introduces the Oath in the Terms the Courtiers would have it This was thâ—â— strongly opposed by the Lord Treasurer Southampton Lord Wharton Lord Ashley and others not only in the concern of those poor Ministers that were so severely handled but as it was in it self an unlawful and unjustisiable Oath however the Zeal of that time against all Noâ—conformists â—asâ—ly passed the Act. ANIMADVERSION THat my Lord Wharton and Lord Ashley might oppose it is not impossible but of my Lord Southampton 't is hardly probable but if he did it serves for some excuse to Lord Aâ—hley because his Lordships Interest at that early time of day was nothing in Court without him and so he could lose nothing there then For it was afterwards that he crept up like Ivy upon that old Oak of Loyalty Southampon into His Majesties favour and many a good place which while his Lordship enjoyed we do not remember that ever he was angry at this Act Nor do we know any reason why it might not have been stretcâ—â— at that time a Mile or two more without grieving his Lordship or stretching his Conscience so that this Story might have been very well omitted so far as concerns my good Lord Ashley If the Ministers were then so severely hâ—ndled let it be noted that now is the time his Lordship would be thought to have had no hand in it But whose fault was it then was it not their own were they not very severe towards the King when they refused the Oath contained in that Act which enjoined only these particulars viz. to declare That it is not lawfâ—l upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King That they do abhor that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissionated by him in pursuance of such Commissions And that they will not at any time endeavour any Alteration of Government either in Church or State Now let us reason together Is it rational to imagine that any Governour will not provide for the safety and peace of his Government Are not Protection and Allâ—giance correlative Do they not Mâ—tuo se ponere can either be understood without the other Is not the Band of Politicks utterly broken by conceiving the contrary If a Subject will not declare it Not lawful to take Arms against the King Is there not a clear Implication of the Affirmative that he may or perhaps will when he shall have an opportunity Is it imaginable then that any King can think himself secure of such a Man or that he could permit him to enjoy the Common Liberties of his Government who refuseth to give the Common Caution required by Governours for the place of Government Or if such person have formerly by any Overt Acts declared or preached to others that it is lawful to take Arms can he with any colour of reason find fault with the King when he demands onely gentle Cauâ—ion of him by declaring that he hath alter'd his Opinion and will do so no more And in case of his refusal can he in his Conscience condemn the Kings making a Law to prevent him from doing the like again Come Gentlemen let us to the great Rule of Conscience Whatsoever ye would that Men should do to you do ye so to them for this is the Law and the Prophets Now pray tell me you that are Kings of those little Kingdoms called Families If any one of your Children or Servants hath taught or shall teach the rest that it is lawful to dispute and fight with you and perhaps they do it in your Houses would you not think it strange that any Man should blame you if you not punishing that Child or Servant should onely demand this gentle Caution of him that he oblige himself never to do the like again It 's much rather to be supposed that in stead of that you would turn him out of your little Kingdom and no Man could find fault with you for it Now for Inference If His Majesty a Prince Gracious and Indulgent beyond all example hath laid aside the severe part and if you by your refusing to give him the Security of a Promissory Oath have in effect declared that ye will not lay aside or quit that unruly Principle of taking Arms against him what could he do less than to take the Viper out of his own and the Churches Bosom and not nourish it any longer Whereas by the Laws of God and Man and by that Law of Nature called Self-preservation he might have taken another kind of Course for the Security and Quiet of Himself and His Subjects and not onely have shut these Men out of Corporations but out of the Kingdom And yet so far hath His Majesty been from this severity that the Five Miles Aâ—t it self hath languisht with very little Execution insomuch that those Men and their Friends have at this time of day small cause to complain of it but rather much for a heart-melting into grateful acknowledgments of so great Lenity If another Pen had been ousied in this Work of Animadverting it might perhaps have dropt here many notable Reasons of State justifying the Policy and Prudence of that Act and its Execution as to name one for an Instance Viz. Seeing that by the Constitution of this Kingdom the Commons House of Parliament have an Interest in the Power of Legislation that no Law can be made or repealed without them And whereas the major part of their Members are chosen by Corporations it must needs be of highest concern to preserve those Bodies Corporate as free as may be from the Infection of Preachers of such Principles as are destructive of the Kingdoms Constitution and Government lest in a little time the swarming Prosâ—lytes of Nonconformity come to bear away the Bell at Elections and then Trump a Major Vote in the Commons House to play a New Game again at
and Liberty of Parliaments to Inspect the Actions and Behaviour of the great Officers of Trust and call them to account if faulty it being confessed a good advantage and security to the King and Kingdom and necessary to be continued but my purpose here is onely to note when and how the Abuse of that Parliamentary Power and by what Faction it was first made so extravagant that no sooner could a Favourite or Minister of State be warm in his Office or in the Kings Favour and had resolved to look strictly to a maintaining the Rights and Constitution of Government in Church and State but immediately they fell upon the Back of him and gave out the word for his Displacing or his Destruction No doubt but the best of Men in great place will have Errours and Faults being more then other Men distracted with many Businesses and exposed to many Temptations as the Earl of Strafford said at his Tryal but that they should by Popular Breath and Faction be blown up to the degree of high Crime or Treason when they have perhaps in the Judgment of Men moderate and wise onely served the King with the best of their â—kill this is both uncharitable and cruel or the effect of Faction or Envy and it is this onely that I redargue for it is in a factious time the great Interest of the Crown to see to it and to nip this Grand Abuse whenever it shall be practised always taking due measure between a just or conscionable and a factious prosecution Else these Inconveniences will follow As 't is in the Nature of Man to be well-conâ—eited of himself otherwise most Men would even hang themselves so generally a secret Envy arises in him at the preferment of another because he thinks he deserves better than he and the King presently gets his ill-will for passing him by This Man then meets with many other of his own sence and humour and so by rubbing each others Sores till they smart they resolve presently that the Preferree is a Common Enemy and as such to fall upon him And so the Issue at last shall be this when the course of Accusation grows customary that the King shall never be free of his own Choice nor secure of his Ministers when he hath chosen them Moreover â—hen to be preferr'd shall be to be exposed and shot at by all the Darts of Envy and Danger what Man of Wisdom or Fortune will be willing to accept of Preferment or be true and tight to the Kings Concern and Interest in the Government if he do accept it Or will he not rather be tempted through fear of that Accusatory Faction to serve the Regal Interest but by halves or perhaps to betray his Masters Government in Church and State as sâ—me did in the time of the Kings Father when they saw him forced to leave Strafford to make a Friend of that Faction For thus Men will be too apt to do when they cannot be sure of their Masters So that if Kings once quit their Constancy in this particular nothing brings greater hazard to their own Interest of Government and their Persons nor greater diminution to the Kingly Dignity and Power in the opinion of other Princes while his Ministers and himself shall remain liable to be baited at every turn of humour by so busie and impetuous a Faction as if himself were not wise enough to chuse or as if we had none but Knaves in the Kingdom to be chosen Finally 'T is and ought ever to be an Arcanum kept as the Jewels are in the Royal Cabinet to preserve all places which are nigh the Throne so sacred as not to be easily invaded for that draws a Reverence to the Throne it self which should be religiously fenced about not only as the Sacrary of Royalty but as the Sanctuary also of other Princes for such are his great Men and high Officers of State in their places They are as the Lyons about the Throne of Solomon to beget a dread and sence of Majesty in all that approach to it and those are not Beasts for Sacrifice nor to be offer'd up as such nor to be pull'd down without very great cause of Justice require it because the frequency of pulling down the Fence hardens Men and renders them by custom so hardy as to make bold with the Throne it self This licentious Abuse of criminating the Kings Ministers hath by the same Faction which first began it been carried of late times to such a height that were a Man before reputed never so honest yet no sooner doth the King make him one of his great Officers but that if he sticks close to his Masters Interest of Government he presently becomes a publick Enemy and as such they brand him and teaze him and seek to tire out his Majesty with Importunities and Addresses to be rid of him This sort of Behaviour was the reason which made his Majesties Grandfather and Father not so frequent in calling Parliaments and the Protesting Lords may do well to consider how little reason their Son His present Majesty is like to have to become fond of New Parliaments till he can have some good ground to believe that they will return to the like temper and moderation as they had in old time when those ancient Laws and Statutes for frequent calling them were made or until the people see their errour at Elections in suffering Men of that implacable Faction which first poyson'd the fair stream of Parliamentary Duty still to creep into the House to shelter themselves in acting their mischievous Designs under the Covert of Priviledge of Parliament and publick good So I have done with their Lordships First Reason in the Protestation and proceed to the Second which is this Secondly It seems not reasonable that any particular number of men should for many years ingross so great a trust of the People as to be their Representatives in the House of Commons and as good men as these Members of the Counties and Corporporations be so long excluded This kind of reasoning I never expected from the mouths of such Noble Lords Nay then methinks I see John Lilburn putting on Robes and uttering his old Oracles of State What! Is there no Smith to be found in Israel to whet Arguments for their Lordships that they are fain to go down to him and his Philistines the Levellers for thus they argued nigh Thirty years ago against the then House of Commons and good my Lords remember that the same Argument being but a very little altered served also at that time against the House of Peers Be informed my noble Lords you whose names I find in a Catalogue Printed at the end of this Protestation for ye cannot I suppose remember because when I read your Names I perceive that none of you were then Sitters in the Lords House except one whose name I forbear as I do the names of all the rest beside my good Lord of Shaftsbury who in
of that desperate Faction which at every Election crept in among them they were reduced into a state not onely unpracticable and useless but dangerous to the Crown During this Twelve years interval the Faction now lay at lurch in City and Countrey â—retting and corroding in the bowels of the Government and collecting matter of new accusations against the King and his Ministers out of those extraordinary courses which the necessâ—ty they had forced on them compelled them to take for upholding the Government and which their Factions providence reâ—erved in mind on purpose to make use of whensoever time should bring a necessity upon the King to call another Parliament It was so at length that they contrived this necessity for they truck'd with the Scots and by corresponding there brought them into England in the Year 1639. which put the King to a great charge to raise an Army to oppose them But the matter being composed a Pacification was agreed on the Scots were to be paid a sum of Money and Money the King must provide for them So necessity at last made him call that fatal Parliament which began Novemb. 3. 1641. Which being met the Faction began now to work on his Majesty to purpose told him no Money was to be had but by borrowing and men would not credit them unless they could be sure the Parliament might fit long enough to repay it So by this means the King being desirous to rid away the Scots out of the Kingdom was wrought upon for raising the Money to pass that prodigious Act which enabled that Parliament to fit at Westminster as long as they pleased and so to do what they liâ—t Then you know how they used the King afterward for his kindness what strange things they did and to what Conclusion at length they came From whence arises this sharp Instruction for all succeeding Kings That while this Faction reigns upon the face of the Earth they takeheed of relying upon them in a time of the Crown 's necessity and of giving them opportunity by calling a new Parliament in hope of getting Money forasmuch as woful experience hath shâ—wn us they at such a time make it their business to ask not to give and never to leave asking till they come to be disposers both of the King and Kingdom This is it they would now be at and have fixed their Party for it all over the Nation to scuffle hard at new Elections So I suppose I have sufficiently cleared my Second Reason by ample Experiments that it cannot be for the King's advantage or safety in such a time as the present to part with this Parliament and call a new unless it were possible that a Leopard should change his spots or a Blackmore his skin or that this Mercurial Faction which is now by its Leaders and Drivers made more mad than ever for an opportunity should change its nature and become tame on a sudden and be fix'd in a greater honesty and kindness to this King than they were to his Grandfather and Father or in truth to the established Government and Interest of the Crown Credat Judaeus Apella Non ego 3. A Third Reason ariseth from the natural Temper and Constitution of the Party in respect of the Government He understands little that seeth not Presbytery to be the bottom of all that Bottom wherein we have seen embarquing many years unpreferred Clergy-men broken Factions cashier'd Courtiers guilty Officers by pocritical Citizens mistaken Zealots of both Sexes old Sinners but young Saints and their pedling Levites whose work it is from house to house to blow the Bellows round the Kingdom All which use to employ their Talents to draw in many of the honest-hearted Gentry though not into the same opinion with them in Religious matters yet to side and vote with them in their pretences of redressing publick Grievances reformation of Abuses removing or doing justice upon evil Counsellors and the like And with these charms they have been wont to hold many publick-spirited Countrey-Gentleman fast to their side till they have humbled the King the Court and all the Fast-friends of the Government and brought all to their bow they give them the slip into further proceedings they pull off their Visors shew their Faces and slie higher and higher till they top all that is above and tumble it down as they did of old often in Scotland and of late in England To that Malign Ulcer of Presbytery it is that most of the ill humours of the Kingdom flow because the Preshyterian is for some National Government of the Church though in such a way as is utterly inconfident with the Monarchy The reason of it is plain because it derives no Power from the King but pretends only from the King of Kings Christ yet would have a Secular Influence to Govern the Kingdom in their own Spiritual way which is by a Parity of Presbyters a Power purely Aristocratical directly contradistinct to the form of Monarchy to which the single Bishop only is agreeable because he arrogates not any influence in Government over the people but what he derives from the King Now then so it is that seeing some National Church-Government is that which must be and the Episcopal is that which is the Kings best hold and most firm to him therefore the 〈◊〉 and Leaders of present Quarrels being â—aln from all their interests in Court common Cunning tells them they must strike in with the men of the other Form to build new Fortunes upon the ruine of the Court and the Bishops if they mean to be great and Govern which cannot be more readily done than by becoming pretended Reformers of the old Government in the Church and by introducing a Church-Arisâ—ocracy into the room of it for if one be not the other must be and if so be they slip into the head of it they will never be without such a Conscience as will engage them to maintain it being men of a versatile principle So that when I view the Printed Lists of them me-thinks I already see Lords States or at least Twenty four Conserâ—ators that would be assisted by the Spiritual Aristocracy of a General Assembly for they reckon all is done if they can but come to tug for it in another Parliament This brings us to take notice of a Second Objection against their design of breaking off the Parliament which the projecting Polititiaâ—s seem to flight and 't is this That the Church and this Parliament will fall together 'T were but vain to write much more to shew the grand probability of it and of the debasement or ruine of this glorious Monarchy if the Faction can finish what they have projected But why is it that they utter'd and printed lately so mâ—ny severe Reâ—lections upon his Majesty and his Government Why hath this LETTER upon which I have here written these ANIMADVERSIONS made it its main scope to cast all the Odium of the evils therein pretended upon
the Bishops Why have divers Transactions been solely imputed to them and they alone been represented blame-worthy if there had been any cause of blame in things which many times had been first moved by the Temporal Lords if the design were not to exasperate mens minds principally against Bishops Why are they so â—â—â—en slandered as if they drave an Interest as Bishops prejudicial to the Rights and Interest of the people What mean all these suggestions if they meant not to prepare them for ruine by another Parliament seeing they can never do it while this is in being And why so great a zeal against them among the prime drivers of the Faction who can own nothing of Religion or Reformation save what they take up for craâ—ty ends but because they well know there is no way to invade the Throne but by first removing Bishops which seeing this Parliament their defenders will never suffer that is the reason why some have been so vehement in debates to imbroil the Houses to make it impossible for them to do any thing more for the Publick and so by taking away their reputation they may not be able to defend themselves against the plotted out-cries of the People to make the Church and this Parliament fall and sink under the fury of the Faction both together Thus having taken a â—urvey of all the other holds of Reason wherein they fortifie themselves and infest the Government by frequent â—allies forth in print and having reduced them and planted better Reasons in their stead 't is time to return to the mâ—in Fort which I left I mean the LETTER which will now be the more easily and quickly deâ—eated LETTER THe next Session of Parliament which was January 7. following many excellenâ— Voâ—es were in hand in order to a Bill Among the rest one was That the Princes of the Bloud Royal should all marry Protestants ANIMADVERSION T Is rather to be supposed the Lords are here slandered It can hardly be that they should take up a business which was damn'd by King James long ago when the Factions Party in the then House of Commons clamoured against the Prince's Match with Spain and made Addresses to the King about it who in much wrath told them They should meddle with their own business this being above them c. This point also the Faction was so bold to insist on among the rest of their high Demands made to his Son in the Nineteen Propositions 1642. to which his Majesty answered That to debar him of the free Marriage of his Children would be to place him in a condition lower than the meanest of his Subjects This debarring of Princes from marrying where they please would be to hinder them from making those great Advantages which many times they might get thereby for the general Good of the Kingdom Therefore when it was pressed on at the second Reading of the Bill the Vote went in the Negative LETTER IT notes the Duke of Lauderdale 's being a Patron of the Church and that his Coach was filled with Bishops and the Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer 's are of a just Size to the same Affair ANIMADVERSION TWo Faults it seems these two Lords have besides their being of a just Size to the true Interest of the Government that is to say Two Good Places crime enough in this Age for Ministers of State for which while one man lives they are sure never to he forgiven I will not swear my Lord of Shaftsbury had a hand in this LETTER but as weak a man as I am may be apt to imagine so because he takes such care those two Noble Lords should not be forgotten nor the Duke of Lauderdale because he keeps all quiet in Scotland so that there is no possibility of beginning again the Ruine of our English Bishops by the way of Scotland nor of getting Friends into a Scotch Parliament to second the fine Speeches made here in England LETTER NOw comes the memorable Session of April 13. 1675. than which never any came with more expectation of the Court or dread and apprehension of the People ANIMADVERSION THey were much beholden then to his Lordship to remove their Fears by taking a course to convert the Houses into Cock-pits to make sport for the Nation The Court indeed were so foolish as to expect better things but this must be imputed to the want of his Lordships Wisdom among them But what was the occasion that his Lordship laid hold on thus to transform them His Pocket-Business of Shirley did not do all the mischief but there was another called The Bill of Test LETTER THis Bill of Test was brought into the House of Lords by the Earl of Lindsey Lord High Chamberlain a Person of great Quality but in this imposed upon ANIMADVERSION BUt others are of opinion his Lordship did it as an Act of high Loyalty answerable to that most Noble Character which his Family justly bears in the opinion of his Majesty and the whole World who can never forget either them or the memory of that great Man the Father of them 〈…〉 Earl of Lindsey who in the first famous Battel of Edge-Hill being Lord General of his Majesties Army most valiantly spilt his Blood in that Service in hope immediately to have restored the Royal Family and to have stopt that Issue of Blood which â—an so many years after about the Kingdom Therefore it was no wonder that this Noble Lord being his Grandson was the Man that brought in a â—ill of Tâ—st He and all his being a Family that can endure a Test in this and all other Concerns of the King the Church and â— the Nation LETTER IT was then Read the first time without much opposition But at the second Reading the Lord Keeper now Lord Chancellor and some other Lords made Elaborate Speeches the Keeper calling it A moderate Security to the Church and Crown and that no Honest Man could refuse it and whoever should would give great suspicion of dangerous and Anti-Monarchical Principles And they shew'd what dangerous Times we are in all Men not having laid aside the Principles of Rebellion ANIMADVERSION CErtainly it was well observed by those Lords and therefore I suppose it was high time to take Pen in hand to manifest the Truth that the late Discourses and practises of some men during several past Sessions of Parliament are no other but the same very courses that were practised with the like heat and violence and with the same method against the King the Church and the whole State both in and out of Parliament as appears through the whole Current of these Animadversions in which I had not been so large but that it was most necessary to present to view the new Transactors of the Faction now drest and acting in the habit principles and posture of the old Masters of the late Rebellion which might lie for ever buried in the Act of Obliâ—ion if these men did not rake all up again
into fresh remembrance whether we will or no. God forgive them Was it not then wisely and nobly done of my Lord Châ—ncellor and the rest of those nâ—ble Lords to think of some way of Security against such Designs as we see on foot LETTER BUt the Earl of Shaftsbury and some other Countrey-Lords the good Earl of Shafts a man that in all the variety of Changes of this last Age was never known to be bought or sâ—ighted out of his publick principles Risum teneatis amici He at large open'd the ill Designs and Consequents of the Bill and pressed it might be laid aside ANIMADVERSION THat Clause of his Lordships great Constancy and â—idelity you have had enough of before so that you see his Lordships Friend the Letter-Man had a large stock of Confidence to pen it and I am apt to believe Some-body never blusht at the reading it Nor do I think a common Whore when she brags her self as honest as any of her Neighbours was ever out of countenance It is at this time a great question among his Friends in the City Whether they shall take Security upon his Lordships Honour that he will be as hot against the Test this time twelve-moneth For Silk or Cloth or Stâ—ffs or the like they are ready enough to give him Credit but if ye talk of State-Commodities they shrink the shoulder and say nothing 'T is therefore wisely done of him to talk against giving Security for such matters But it will next be requisite to see what Form of Security it is against which there â—as raised so loud a Clamour it is this following as saith the LETTER I A. B. do declare That it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take up Arms against the King And that I do abhor that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against thâ—se that are Commissioned by him in pursuance of such Commission And I do swear That I will not at any time endeavour an Alteration of the Government either in Church or State LETTER THe Earl of Shaftsbury spâ—ke with such convincing reason that all the Lords that were at liberty from Court-Eâ—gagements râ—sâ—lved to oppose it to the â—ttermost and the debate lasted five several days before the Bill was committed ANIMADVERSION THis certainly is a very severe Reflection upon those Noble Lords who in this day understood the true Interest of Peerage to be to Adhere close and firm to the Crown And 't is known the greatest part of them had no Engagement to the Court but what was by Religion the Law their Allegiance their Interest and Sence of Honour and this is the Court-Engagement not only of all Lords but of every Loyal Subject In the other sort of Court-Engagements his Lordship was not long since so much concerned that when he came to lose them no Obligation whatsoever could hold him to â—hitehall any longer No Peny no Pater Noster The Devil never wonder'd at Job's great Devotion toward the Court of Heaven as long as God held him in Pension nor did I at his Lordships while the King held him in Offices A multitude followed Christ for the loâ—ves but far be it from us to reckon so Noble a Peer as his Lordship among the Multitude though we are told here that he carried on the Debate for five days together before it was committed to a Committee of the whole House So that by such a behaviour one would think he had never had any Court-Engagement whatsoever For at length it seems the Debate ended in a Protestation made by him and 23 other Lords against that Oath whose Names his Lordships Letter-Man sâ—ts down in a List Printed there no doubt on purpose to engage them to such new Resolutions for which he may have further occasion to use them But knowing they are Noble Lords and to the end that space may be left them for Second Thoughts and because of the Honour I bear them and their Families I forbear to Re-print them For upon a second Reading 't is past my Understanding how 't is possible any man can from the Master of that Oath have occasion to make many words of Exception and Out-cry or where the harm is to take an Oath to maintain my Loyalty if I have right and good Intentions though perhaps it were not customary for me or men of my quality and condition so to do especially in such a time as this wherein so many Mens Hearts and Tongues have been faltering in those Respects and the Reverence which they owe towards the King and His Government Nor can I conceive there being no other intent in those Noble Lords who were for the taking of the Oath but to give the Crown a Security in a dangerous time how it can be censured An Infringement of the Freedom and Priviledges of Peerage when as it is clear that if the Crown be unsecure the danger is more to the Peers than to any other part of the People For when the Popular Storm shall fall if Monarchy fail then farewel to Liberties Priviledges Peerage and all Nor let any part of the Lords slatter themselves that they shall fare better than others or that if a Rebellion should begin again which God forbid it would be possible for them to hold any share in Authority more than those Lords did who Sate and Acted against His Majesty after he was driven away by Tumults from westminster they may remember themselves also were at length not only driven away by Tumults but by Tumultuary Proceedings the whole Order of Nobility and Monarchy it self were utâ—erlâ— extirpated what hath been saith Solomon may be and there is nâ—thing new undâ—r the Sun A sharp Precedent it is sufficient to instruct you and your Posterity to judge that no Security can be given too much to the Crown in a tottering time when Popular Clouds and Heats do gather and melt in the Sky and when there is as I have made appear a visible Storm read to fall first â—â— on the Court and the Bishops if some men may have their wills then you know what ensues to the Government and all the rest of the Kingdom What a shame then would it be to me to trifle away time much longer by insisting upon that unsavoury LETTER which so industriously takes care to set fâ—rth the Good Parts and other Qualities of the Earl of Shaftsbury that one would think it had been written on purpose What need we trouble our selves how his Lordship and his Partners Signed the next day a Second Protestation and thâ—n a Third the day after that I could never tell before what Religion my Lord was of Sure he is now a very notable Proteâ—tant What need we tell that he got the other Lords his Friends to set their Names to the last as well as the two former Protestations His Lordship took care to dip them in the Inâ—-pot he will have no 〈◊〉 over shoâ—s oâ—â—r booâ—s too then they are season'd
and can be no stâ—rters To what purpose should I repeat what this LETTER tells how some Lords spun out such DIVIâ—ITY about State-Oathes that one would even swear they had been furnish't by their own new Chaplains or how one â—ord argued That no State 〈…〉 sâ—curity by Oathes I think so too among sâ—â—e sorts of Chriâ—â—ians but I remember among the Heathens an Oath did signifie Somewhat and that of old it was thought Wisdom and good Policy by all the World By Oathes to oblige men unto Obedience and Loyalâ—y We are assured the Fâ—ther of the Faithful Abraham did so in his Kingdom he being reckoned in those days a mighty Prince And it was to oblige his servant to secure the Succession of his Principality by such an Alliance as himself had appointed Genesis 24. 3. and â— Verses I will said he make thâ—e swear unto me by the Lord the God of Heavâ—n and the God of the Earth c. It follows And hâ—s Servaâ—t put his hand under the 〈◊〉 of Abraham and sware to hiâ— concerning that matter In another place also we find King 〈◊〉 making 〈◊〉 to Swear not to deal falsly with him and his Posâ—erity Aâ—d saith the Text Abraham said I will Swear Abraham was then within the Kingdom of 〈◊〉 and had protection from him therefore took an Oath of Fidelâ—â—y to him Both which Oathes had certainly never passed had not Abraham thought it lawful for him both to exact and to give an Oath of Fealty Which is no more than what is contained in that Oath of the Test about which the Protestâ—â—s made so great a Bustle that the Debates as this LETTER saith took up 〈…〉 debate together And in the foregoing part of thâ—se 〈…〉 you may remember I noted that in the printed Arguments of their Lordships it was confeâ—â—ed 〈◊〉 Conscience about an Oath soever was prâ—tâ—nded 〈…〉 part of the publick 〈◊〉 and that therâ—upon might follow a fair occasion to make an Out-cry to be rid of this Parliament That Oath of Test differs but little from the Oath of Allegiance and 't is shrewdly to be suspected that he who contends against this would refuse likewise the other Oath if it were tender'd uâ—â—â— him again Nor can I see why he should scruple the one more than the other unlâ—â—â— it be for the sake of this one good Clause in it that he was by the Test to have sworn That he abâ—ors that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by the Kings Authority against his Person a Doctrinal distinction used as I told you in the beginning of the late Wars a meer device to pull scruples out of mens Consciences that they might fool themâ—elves into an opinion that they fought for the King as well as the Parliament though they shot their Bullets against his Presence and Person so that in case they had shot him dead they were still to understand it was no hurt to his Authority Thus the Pope heretofore and his party when by sentence they Excommunicated Kings and Deposed them as Hereticks and imployed Villains to assassmate them steel'd their Consciences for the doing of the fatal deed with a like distinction That they killed the Heretick not the King Which comes all to one end with our new Jesuitical Position That you may in your minds separate a Kings Authority from a Kings Person then use it to take Arms against him which if he resists you are to conceive he resists the Kingly Authority by consequence becomes an Enemy or Rebel and so if in the resistance you kill him you kill the Rebel not the King But this is not the only point of subtilty wherein our fine Spinners of Theology and Policy do agree with the Jesuites Was it not then think ye high time for those Noble Lords to promote that Oath of Test and insert in it that most necessary Clause of abâ—orring so damnable a Doctrine For whosoever he be that refuses to declare his abhorrency of it and perswades men publickly to the like refusal doth as good as give an open alarm to the State and threaten Rebellion while he prepares and draws a party into the same perswasion and opens unto them so ready a way to it So that from a sort of people so instructed I easily grant there can â—e no security by Oaths unto any State whatsoever as some of the Protesters did affirm But the LETTER proceeds further about Oaths and tells â—s Christ himself hath forbidden sâ—â—h Oaths and that Grotiâ—s in his Book de Jure Belli Paâ—is seems to make it plain from Matth. 5. 34 37. Swear not at all c. Lord what Absurdities will not men say and do when they are out of humour I shew'd before how shrewdly their Protesting Lordships were put to it in point of State to borrow Arguments from the Lâ—vâ—llers but now for Divinity about Oaths they are fain to borrow of the Quakers and would fain make Grâ—tiâ—s a Quaker too but yet they conâ—ess he doth but seem to make plain the Doctrine therefore since 't is noâ— worth the while nor have I time to shew them at large their mistakes of the Authors meaning I affirm what is plainly the sence of those Texts The Jews had among them an ill custom of mingling Oaths with their ordinary Communiâ—â—tion such as these By Heaven By the â—arth By Jerusalem and By my Head These are nothing of kin to State-Oaths or Oaths before a Magistrate but the prohibition intended there by Chriâ—â— is against idle and prâ—â—ane Oaths in common Conversation as appears by these closing words 〈◊〉 lâ—t â—our Communication be Yea yea Nay nay For whatsoever is morâ— thaâ— thâ—se 〈◊〉 of â—â—il Our Sâ—viouâ— restringeth manifestly the sence and scope of his words to mens evil Communication and the stress of his prohibition is laid upon common Oaths in discourse as is obvious to any man well in his sences and it cannot â—e wrestâ—d against Oaths of any other kind without the torture of an 〈…〉 And yet it must be understood of Stâ—tâ—-Oaths when his little Lordship will have it so and hath a mind to lead about and 〈◊〉 or doze a company of his 〈◊〉 Believers But it waâ— boldly ventur'd to preach such stuff upon those Texts as he did in the very Temple of wisdom I mean that Sacred Assembly of the House of Peers where his Majesty is supposed to be always present Nevertheless we are told by the Letter that in the same House they had every day from his Lordship and his friends one Sermon or other as good as that not upon Points of Divinity but upon Niceties and Quillets and Quibbles and fine-spun Cobwebs of Policy telling the World how to bound Monarchy and shackle Kings with fear of Humane Resistance and not leave them onely to the fâ—â—â— of God to restrain them Thus the Corâ— of Kings is measured by his Lordships little Bâ—â—el He â—â—ses as â—e usâ—s implies the Fear of God to be of little force to govern Kings