this day by the Laws of England the Members of the two Houses have right thereunto which is most absurd But Mr. Pryn affirming that these things were granted to the Kings Ancestors and the truth being that the King and His Ancestors time out of minde have enjoyed them It is a good argument to prove the King hath title to them And for Parliaments as before appeares The first Act we have is Magna Charta made 9 H. 3. but the Kings Auncestors and predecessors enjoyed the Militia the Forts the Navy Ammunition and Revenues of the Crowne many hundred of yeares before that time therefore could not be granted by the Parliament or by its consent And for the Kingdomes consent Master Pryn must explaine his meaning what he intends thereby before it be Intelligible Then saith M. Pryn the King hath no power to array arme or muster His Subjects but in such manner as the Parliament by speciall Acts hath prescribed Answer This being granted makes directly against Master Pryn it disproves the Members pretended power to the Militia and makes good the Kings interest therein The Argument is thus The King cannot muster His Subjects but in such sort as is prescribed by Act of Parliament To conclude thereupon that the Members of the two Houses have the power of the Militia nothing can be more absurd But it directly implies that none but the King can muster the people And consequently the Militia is in the King And for Acts of Parliament prescribing how or in what manner the people shall be mustered or arrayed we have none of that nature untill the Raign of King Ed. 1. But the Militia of the Kingdome was executed and commanded by the Kings of England 1200. yeares before that time And by every Act of Parliament which doth in any sort order or appoint the mustering or arraying of the Subject It appeares that the Power and Authority it self before that Law was in the King And by none of them is taken out of him And so this Argument of Master Pryns is to no purpose But saith M. Pryn The King hath these things and the Revenues of His Crown in His politick Capacity as saith he a Major and Commonalty a Dean and Chapter and the like are seized of their Lands And therefore saith he the King neither by His Will nor by His Letters Patents can devise alien or sell the same Answer If it be admitted that the King cannot alien such Lands and Revenues as He is seized of in His politick Capacity which is in it selfe most absurd how this disproves his title to the Militia the Forts the Navie Ammunition and Revenues of the Crowne is not intelligible The Argument in effect is but thus The King hath the Militia c. in his politick capacity Ergo he hath it not Or thus The King cannot sell the Revenues of his Crowne Ergo the Members have the Interest therein and may seize them But saith Master Pryn the Ships Armes and Ammunition seized of by the Members were bought with the Kingdomes Money And therefore the Members may seize them Answer Suppose it understood what is the Kingdomes Money and that with such Money Ships Armes and Ammunition are bought It seemes a good Argument for the King to Seize them For He as King ex Officio is obliged to preserve His people in Peace Besides that money or other things which no particular Subject can challenge property in by the Lawes of the Kingdome is the Kings But by the Lawes of England we have no person or pollitick body by the name of the Kingdome which is capable to have property either in Lands or Goods And for the Members of the two Houses as Parliament men they have not any politick Capacity they are not a body to sue or to be sued nor are capable to buy or sell nor have property in any estate And consequently Master Pryn by his own Argument hath as much title to seize the foresaid Ships Armes and Aummunition as they Then saith M. Pryn the Members seized the Ships and Revenues of the Crown to prevent the arrivall of forraign forces and a Civill Warre which they foresaw As saith he Queene Elizabeth in time of War with Spaine granting letters of Mart to seize all materialls for Warre transported through the narrow Seas Answer By this discourse we are told what moved the Members to seize the Kings Navy and the Revenues of his Crown which in effect is thus viz. The Members having usurped an Arbitrary power over King and people and thereby having destroyed the Monarchy of England had just cause not only to expect opposition from their own Soveraign but in his relief arrivall of forraigne forces from all the Kings in Christendome For upon the same grounds as the Members made this seizure the Subjects of any King may doe the like It is as easie for the people of Spaine France or any other Nation in the world to say they foresee a War as these Members pretend it And I am certaine it is as unlawfull and directly against the constitutions of England for the Subjects here to assume this power as for the people of any other Country to doe the like to their King Therefore I grant it was an act of Pollicy for the Members to seize the Kings Ships and the Revenues of His Crown It was a great and principle means to prevent the suppression of this their Rebellion But all that proves the legality of their proceedings no more then a high-way man having taken a purse murders the party robbed to prevent his own discovery makes the robbery lawfull And so M. Pryns Argument in effect is but thus The Members de facto have seized the Kings Ships and Revenues of his Crown ergo they have done it lawfully Thus in Answer to Master Pryns Arguments whereby he endeavours to prove that the Members have power over the Militia c. But that they have no colour to claime any Authority therein further appeares thus First all men must grant That so long as the people have been governed by a Law so long the power of the Militia must have been in some But the people of England as before appears have been governed by a Monarchicall power above 1200 yeares before the institution of the two Houses And all that while the Kings of England for the time being and none else have executed that Authority Therefore not in the Members Secondly it is absolutely necessary that the power of the Militâ—â— be in such hands as may at all times provide against approaching dangers to the Common-wealth But that cannot be the Members they are not in esse out of Parliament Suppose this Nation in the vacancy of a Parliament be suddenly invaded by a Forraigne enemy or infested by a domestick insurrection If none have power to command the people to assemble and make resistance untill the summoning of the two Houses of Parliament nothing but distraction to King and people
then was the condition of an English villaine at the beginning of this Parliament It is as bad nay worse then that under the Turke they have onely one Tyrant we seven hundred They one head over their whole body we two bodies without a head And as it is with us in Temporall affaires the same it is in Spirituall things too The Members have de facto abolished the Protestant Religion And both in doctrine and discipline force mens consciences how absurd or blasphemous soever it be to submit to their resolutions So that if the question be asked whether the scripture or the Church be Judge or how a man shall be informed of the truth These Tyrants make answer that neither Scripture nor Church is Judge of controversies but the two Houses We must no more search the Scriptures but submit our selves our souls and bodies to the Votes of the Major part of those two Houses and thus are the people slaves CHAP. XIV How the Subjects of England were brought unto this slavery IT is true the people of England for some time before this Parliament were grieved with illegall taxations Monopolizing of Trades and other things not warranted by Law And although there wants not meanes besides a Parliament to redresse any disorder arising in the Common-wealth yet the cause of the distempers may be such as that without a Parliament it would be difficult to reforme them When the Judges are corrupt as the Members alledged they were in that case of Ship-money when the Officers of State or other persons of power neere the King occasioned the mischiefe as it was conceived in the businesse of Monopolies few in the ordinary way of proceedings dare informe or prosecute Therefore in such cases a Parliament is necessary The Members in those things have freedome of speech And the King having called His Parliament at the first meeting thereof expressed Himself most sensible of the disorders of the Kingdome declared His desire to have a perfect reformation His resolution to governe according to the knowne Law such as were authors or actors of the former distractions he left them to legall tryall And to compleat the businesse promised to concur with the two Houses in all things tending to reformation Thus the Parliament had a happy beginning and for a good space of time a progresse sutable For such as looke upon the Statutes made this sitting shall find the worke of reformation even by the King Himselfe perfectly compleated That Judgement for Ship-money the busines of Monopolies and all other visible and Knowne greivances were taken away And to prevent the like danger for after-times the King passed an Act for calling a Parliament every third year So that to the obtaining of the greatest happinesse that any people in the world can desire there wanted nothing but to punish the authors of the former mischiefe and then for the present a dissolution of the Parliament Then might every one by observing a knowne Law have promised to himself security of his person and challenged property in his estate But the sequell shewes that it was not the publick good it was their owne private the government and wealth of the whole Nation the Members aimed at And as a foundation to it the plot was to make this Parliament perpetuall But at the first it not being thought fit to discover their intention therein it was pretended that the affaires of the Kingdome required instant supplies of great summes of money which as they pretended could not be obtained but by Loane And that the people fearing a suddaine dissolution of the Parliament would not lend A Bill therefore is cunningly formed not at all mentioning for what time the Parliament should sit in generall words enacting that it shall not be dissolved nor adjourned but with the assent of the two Houses And the King being informed by the hatchers of that plot that this Act was for no other end but to procure the Loane of money for the publick good passed the Bill The Members having obtained this Act and conceiving that thereby the King could not dissolve the Parliament without their consent then they began their intended worke From thence nothing is heard of in the old Parliamentary way The prosecution of the Judges in that heavy charge of corruption is not onely set aside but some of them formerly accused to be such high malefactors as to have subverted the knowne Law are received into the greatest favour as persons most proper to usher in the arbitrary power of the Members Then are the people amused with feares and jealousies by printed pamphlets they are grosly abused by being told that the King intended to subvert the Law and governe by His arbitrary power To abolish the Protestant Religion and to introduce Popery The Kingdome therefore it was resolved must be put into a posture of defence The Militia must be taken out of the Kings hands and setled in the Members And accordingly by their command the Kings subjects are mustered arrayed and put into a readinesse for War they are instructed and prepared to take upon them any enterprize the Members shall direct The Fortes the Navy the Armes Ammunition and Revenues of the Crowne are taken to the use of the Members Thus having prepared and strengthened themselves the next thing was further to disinable the King to make resistance It is therefore falsely and maliciously declared to the people that it is against the liberty of the Subject for any cause whatsoever unlesse upon an actuall invasion to be forced by the Kings command out of their owne County So that by this doctrine in case of a forraigne Invasion the enemy must be landed he must have footing in the Kingdome before the people may be gathered together by the King to make defence But in case of Rebellion the businesse in hand if the Rebels once get a formed body too strong for any one County the businesse is done They may if this be true doctrine undoubtedly conquer County after County the whole Kingdome These things being done it was then conceived opportunely and safe enough to publish and declare their intent Then without the King they arrogate the name of the Parliament of England take upon them to be the Supreame Court of Justice to make Laws and in a word a power arbitrary So that the Members have as an emprick by killing his patient with improper medicines cures his disease reformed this Common-wealth under pretence to restore the knowne Law The Law it selfe is by them totally subverted And that which is still more grievous the people were made voluntary instruments of this tragedy whilst they conceived they fought in defence of the Law and their owne Liberties they were therein their owne executioners They have embrued their hands in the blood of their fellow Subjects and by their victory have plunged themselves into the debts of slavery But these things being done in the name of a Parliament with some persons they
s'avisera that is He will advise whether to confirme them or not It seemes to me strange to conclude thereupon Ergo the two Houses may make Laws without Him that is plainely a non sequitur but it doth directly imply that the King hath election to make it a Law or no Law else it were in vaine for Him to advise upon it And the words of King Rich 2. admitting that story to be true saying He conceived Himselfe bound by His Oath to consent unto that Law shewes first that it was in His power to consent or not to consent secondly that the Members could not do it without Him thirdly that it was only an obligation upon His Conscience And that He because He conceived it to be a just Law thought Himself tied in conscience to confirme it Upon the whole matter clear it is admitting the King to have taken an Oath in the words mentioned by the Members it rather proves the Kings power of a negative Voice then disproves it But the Members I am confident know that the King neither did nor was oblieged to take the aforesaid Oath The King pursuing former presidents recorded in the Exchequer tooke the Oath in words and according to the Ceremony as followeth viz. After the Sermon is done the King ariseth and goeth to the Altar and there the Archbishop administreth these questions And the King Answereth Bishop Sir will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirme to the people of England the Laws and Customes to them granted by the Kings of England your Lawful Religious Predecessors And namely the Laws Customes and Franchizes granted to the Clergy by the glorious King S. Edward your Predecessor according to the Laws of God the true profession of the Gospel established in this Kingdom and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof and the ancient Customes of the Realme King I grant and promise to keep them Bishop Sir will you keep peace and godly agreement intirely according to your power both to God the holy Church the Clergy and the people King I will keep it Bishop Sir will you to your power cause Law Justice and discretion in mercy and truth to be executed in all your Judgements King I will Bishop Sir will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and rightfull customes which the Commonalty of this your Kingdome have And will you defend and uphold them to the honour of God so much as in you lieth King I grant and promise so to doe Then one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the King before the people with a loud voice Our Lord and King we beseech you to pardon and to grant and to preserve unto us and to the Churches committed to our Charge all Canonicall priviledges and due Law and Justice And that you would protect and defend us as every good King in His Kingdomes ought to be protector and defender of the Bishops and the Churches under their government King With a willing and devoute heart I promise and grant my pardon and that I will preserve and maintaine to you and the Churches committed to your Charge all Canonicall priviledges and due Law and Justice And that I will be your protector and defender to my power by the assistance of God as every good King in His Kingdome in right ought to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their government Then the King ariseth and is led to the Communion table where he makes a solemne Oath in sight of all the people to observe the premises And laying His hand upon the Booke saith The things which I have before promised I shall performe and keep so help me God and by the Contents of this Booke Now for the King to oblish Episcopacy to destroy the whole Government of the Church established by Law for the King so far as in Him lies to transfer unto His Subjects that regall power which is inherently in His Person to change the Monarchicall Government into a confusion to reduce his Subjects being a freeborne people unto a perpetuall slavery under their equals and fellow Subjects certainly cannot stand with this Oath All which in the proposals made to Him by the Members nay more and worse then words can expresse is required and by most Barbarous and inhumane cruelties attempted to be forced from Him Now having done with this Oath I shall proceed further to examine the legality of the Members doctrine to exclude the King from His negative Voice It is an undoubted maxime in every Law that no Person Court or Assembly can Act or do any thing concerning the publike affaires of the Kingdome or Common-wealth without Commission which stands with all the reason in the world else it followeth that every one hath equall power to make Laws Act and do what he thinks fit And by the constitutions of this Realme every Person Court or Assembly must derive its authority by one of these wayes viz. by the Kings grant by Act of Parliament or by custome and use if by the Kings grant the Patent it selfe declares the persons authorised if by Act of Parliament the Statute names the men if by custome and use that use and custome is their Commission For example if the King by His Commission authorize twenty persons or any ten of them whereof A. B. or C. to be one to determine a felony if seventeen of the twenty in the absence of A. B. and C. execute that Commission all their proceedings are void as done without Commission seventeen strangers not named in the Commission might as well act therein as they And if the Commission be by Act of Parliament none can execute that Commission but those authorized by the Statute And the like holds when custome and use is the Commission unlesse that custome and use warrant the persons to act it is done without authority and so void Then for the point in question The Members of the two Houses have no grant from the King nor is there any Act of Parliament to enable them to make Laws nor doth custome warrant it For untill this Parliament they never made Law without and against the Kings consent nor claimed power so to do But say the Members in the foresaid Declaration If there be not an agreement between His Majesty and His Parliament either His Majesty must be Judge against His Parliament or the Parliament without His Majesty for say they that question whereupon the safety of the Kingdome depends must not be undetermined And say they if His Majesty against His Parliament why not as well of the necessity in the question of making a Law without and against their consent as of denying a Law against their desire and advise The Judge of the necessity say they in either case by like reason is Judge in both Besides say they if His Majesty in this difference of opinions should be Judge He should be Judge in His owne case But the Parliament should be Judge between His
Majesty and the Kingdome as they are in many if not in all cases And say they if His Majesty should be Judge He should be Judge out of His Courts and against His highest Court which He never is But the Parliament should onely Judge without His Personall Assent which as a Court of Judicature it alwayes doth and all other Courts as well as it And say they if the King be for the Kingdome and not the Kingdome for the King and if the Kingdome best knoweth what is for its owne good and preservation and the Parliament be the representative Body of the Kingdome it is say they easie to judge who in this case should be Judge But say they it it not so easie to understand what is the danger of unsetling by this meanes the security of all mens estates Is this danger say they kept of us by His Majesties single Vote And all mens estates without security and exposed to an arbitrary power because in all Courts of Justice and in the Court of Parlialiament and that without any appeale from it mens estates and interests are Judged without His Majesties Personall Assent But say they we do not say this as if the Royall Assent were not requisite in the passing of Laws nor doe nor ever did we say that because His Majesty is bound to give His consent to good Laws presented to Him by His people in Parliament that therefore they shall be Laws without His consent or at all obligatory saving only for the necessary preservation of the Kingdome whilst that necessity lasts and such consent cannot be obtained Answer Here with much art and cunning it is endevoured to misleade the people And for that purpose the true question is declined and other questions raised which at the first sight may to the vulgar seeme plausible When a difference happens say the Members between the King and the Houses and thus in a thing which concerns the safety of the Kingdome it must not rest undetermined therefore say they either the King must be Judge against the Houses or the Houses must be Judge against the King and conclude for themselves But the case being rightly stated and the constitutions of the Realme duly considered every rationall man will conclude that this power being granted the Members all the rest of the people of England are of a free Subject become absolute slaves which is thus This Nation is governed by a knowne Law which hath its prescribed rules therefore as before I said it may be necessary in some things to alter the old and make new Laws And that being so some knowne persons must Judge when necessity requires such a change and consequently untill those persons have so judged it all the people ought to conclude there is no need to alter the Law And by the Laws of England as before is said the King and the two Houses are that Judge no major part it is all joyntly who have that power As if A. seised of Lands upon his marriage is tied not to sell without the consent of B. and C. in this case A. B. or C. may negatively hinder the sale but it were absurd to conclude thereupon that A. B. or C. or any two of them have power to sell but most injurious it were upon that ground to give power to B. and C. to sell the Lands of A. without his personall consent So in this case the Kings of England have debarred themselves from making or changing the Laws without assent of the two Houses whereby the King the Lords House or the Commons House hath power negatively to hinder the making of any new Law or changing the old but it followeth not therefore the King the Lords or Commons or any two of those bodies have power to make a Law The difference is no lesse then between the having and not having a known Law The one imports the settlement of a knowne Law and preserves it and the other introduceth an arbitrary government For example if the King hath power to make what Laws He thinkes fit He may at pleasure bereave the Subject of life and confiscate their estates But now having a knowne Law and thereby protected in our persons and estates the King having a negative Voice to hinder the changing of that Law there ensueth no such evill consequence And the same holds with the members the Lords House and the Commons House having each of them a negative Voice to hinder the changing of the Law or making a new Law doth not lessen the peoples protection of their persons nor alters the property of their estates The knowne and setled Law still preserves both But admit one or both Houses without the King to make what Laws they please it followeth they have power to put to death whom and for what cause they thinke fit and for their owne use to seise and dispose of their estates their will is then the Law So that to give this power to the King alone or to one or both Houses without the King the consequence is equally evill If the King have it both Law and Parliaments are destroyed If the Members Monarchy the Parliament and the Law it selfe are totally abolished And if the King by having this power of a negative Voice be Judge in His owne cause the Members having that authority are so too But that is a meere fiction neither King nor Members by having a negatie Voice in Parliament are Judges in their own cause but all that is to say the King and the Houses are jointly Judges when it is fit to make a new Law or change the old And so long as they extend not beyond the power of a negative Voice the Members of the two Houses are persons indifferent between the King and the people and so is the King indifferent between the Members and the people For example if the King propound a Law to take away the life of His subjects to tax them with payments of money not warranted by the knowne Law or otherwise to inlarge His Prerogative the Members may assent thereunto and so make it a Law or refuse it and herein they are indifferent between King and people for the benefit of those Laws thus propounded accrues not to them And so it is if either or both Houses propound a Law to the King whereby they would assume to themselves the absolute power of Government to put to death whom they please to tax or impose upon the people to confiscate their estates to their own use the King is a person indifferent between the Members and the people to Judge whether to passe it or not But when the Members without the King assume power to make Laws the dispute between the King and the people is ended the businesse is then immediately and totally between the Members and the people Therefore by excluding the King from His negative Voice the Members have made themselves Judges in their owne case By our wofull experience we now find there
or man although they be the greatest Tyrants in the world the highest persecutors of Christian Religion be it either spirituall or temporall although never so pernicious to foul or body it must be admitted for good Law and true Gospel Thus the people being drawne to recede from their true principle have occasioned their owne confusion Whereas by their observing the Laws of the Realme these distractions have been avoyded For by the constitutions of this Kingdome both King and Subject are regulated by a knowne Law which Law permits neither King nor people to be Judge in their owne case If one Subject wrongfully imprison the person of another seize his Lands or take away his goods the party injured hath his legall remedy but is not permitted to be his owne carver or revenger if he for his owne satisfaction kill his adversary it is murder If he seize his Lands or take his goods it is a trespasse So in the Kings case If by His Command any Subject be imprisoned or his estate taken from him against the rules of the knowne Law that Subject hath his legall remedy against the Kings ministers wherein neither the King nor his officers are Judge Therefore if that Subject thus injured should to revenge himself kill the King or seize His Revenues it were a most barbarous and unjust Law not to condemne this Act unlawfull And that being admitted it must be unlawfull to attempt His death or to leavy War against Him for any such cause And consequently all those facts although committed upon the grounds aforesaid are Treason Now that person who conceives himselfe to be most highly injured being required to set downe the motives of his taking up Armes against the King his pretence can be no other then this That his person hath been imprisoned his Lands seized and his goods taken from him And this in his judgement against Law none but Brutes can conclude these are legall justifications to act and do such things against their King And so consequently the authors and actors of this War are guilty of Treason But saith Mr. Pryn The Parliament is not within the meaning of this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. Therefore not Treason for the Members to seize the Kings Forts Armes Ammunition and Revenues of the Crowne for saith he the King is a Member of the Parliament and therefore if the Parliament could commit Treason the King should commit Treason against himself And saith he the Parliament is a corporation and a Court of Justice and so not capable of the guilt of Treason Answer Most true it is That the King is exempt from the guilt of Treason for all Treasons are committed against Him But every Subject which includes all the rest of the people is capable both to commit the fact and is subject to punishment for the same And herein there is no difference of persons It is no more lawfull for a Peere then for a pezant to commit that crime the place where alters not the nature of that fact nor doth it availe the actors in being Members of any Assembly Corporation body politick or Court of Justice For every one of these Members or persons besides their pollitick capacity hath a naturall capacity too In which capacity he is subject to the frailties of man he may actually breake the Law and passively suffer for it But the Assembly it selfe the Corporation the body politick or the Court of Justice can neither commit a crime nor is capable of punishment For example the Parliament that is the King the Members of the Lords House and the Members of the Commons House their power is onely to make Laws by Act of Parliament Therefore when the Members of the two Houses in a Parliamentary way passe a Bill which the King confirmes with His Royall Assent Absurd it were to thinke this could be an Act of Treason And so it is for the Judges of every Court of Justice keeping themselves within their jurisdiction they cannot in the proceedings of their owne Court commit Treason And the like holds with all Corporations and bodies politick But if a Member in either House assault or strike his fellow Member that is a trespasse and wilfully to kill him is murther And by the same reason to kill the King although within the wals of the House is Treason And that being granted it followeth that to imagine His death or attempt to kill the King or agree to levy War against Him although in that place is Treason in such Members And herein no formall or seeming Parliamentary proceedings will alter the case The putting it to the question voting the businesse and setling it by a Major part or composing it into a formall Law and calling it by the name of an Ordinance of Parliament neither alter the nature of the crime nor takes away the guilt of Treason If one who hath acted in this War be indicted for Treason who at his arraignment shewes an Ordinance of both Houses for his justification The triall being before a just Judge It will no more availe him then Adam was justified saying Eve tempted him to eat the forbidden fruit And the Members who commanded those things to be done being legally questioned have no more to say then Eve had For it was the Serpent who tempted them to commit this treason The rightfull Judge will informe them that the Law cannot be altered but by Act of Parliament The Judges of the Realme understand not the Language of an Ordinance of the two Houses nor is any such thing pleadable in a Court of Justice the Law takes no notice thereof These things are done by the Members not in their politick but in their naturall capacities They are not Acts of Parliament they are unlawfull facts of Parliament-men And such offenders being attainted and executed the Parliament suffers not Besides it is the fact which the Law doth looke upon And in this case the greatnesse of the person offending the number committing the offence and the place where acted is so far from extenuating as that it rather aggravates the crime For a conservator of the peace in his owne person to breake it or a Judge of the Law to be an example of transgressing it is more odious then in other men Then considering the persons acting viz. Members of the House of Parliament the thing acted high Treason the place where in those Houses words cannot expresse the barbarousnesse of it Now to conclude this point I here set downe what facts the knowne Law judgeth Treason the Members Law therein and the proof on both sides What facts the Law judgeth high Treason the foresaid Statute of 25 Ed. 3. makes it manifest in these words viz. Whereas divers opinions have been before this time In what case Treason shall be said and in what not then declares that by the Law of the Land these particular facts following are Treason 1. To compasse or imagine the death of the King the Queen or the
as frequently as the tyde turnes that the faction of that House changeth And accordingly expulsions follow and new elections are made So that admitting this power to expell it would ease the people of much trouble for the Members to indorse upon every Writ the names of such as shall be chosen Or rather by their Speaker after a Vote to that purpose naming the man to summon him to the House and so as they Vote out one Member to Vote in onother Which in effect is exercised at present We see it is not at all considered whether the party chosen be fitly qualified for the service or not If he be of an humor to concur in opinion with the present faction good enough Hence it is that we find the children or kindred of those who for the time being sterve the House of what age or capacity soever and none else are judged fit for the imployment And so admitting this authority in the major part of that Assembly The issuing out of the Writs the peoples electing and the returning of the Members are become but frivolous and uselesse ceremonies Therefore the Members no representatives and consequently no House of Parliament And for the minor It needs not the helpe of a Lawyer to make it good every man of the meanest capacity may judge it For if being named in a Patent of Monopoly or acting therein because to disable a Member of either House to sit or Vote it follows that no man in the Kingdome is qualified for that service Every one in some degree is guilty of the breach both of the Laws of God and of the Realme Suppose another faction in that House happening to be the major part present Order that every Member who in any fort hath broken the Kings peace committed fornication sworne an Oath or transgressed the Law of God or man be forthwith expulsed the House If that Order concerning Monopolies be binding absurd it were to deny this to have the same effect For every one comprized in each Order is a transgressour of the Law and punishable according to the quality of the offence But no one of them more then the other by the knowne Law is disabled to sit or Vote in the Parliament He who hath been an actor in a void Patent of Monopoly is as capable to be a Parliament man as another who hath committed fornication adultery assaulted or beaten his neighbour or the like So that it appears to be the Order of the House and the will of the Members not the Law of the Land which doth now in that Assembly regulate and ballance the businesse Therefore clear it is that those Members were wrongfully injuriously and illegally expulsed the House So that if no more were in the case those persons at Westminster are not the Commons House of Parliament 2. Secondly The Members finding the aforesaid Order of expulsion far too short still appearing in the House many honest English-men It was resolved to cast them out by club-law It was hereupon insinuated unto the giddy multitude that severall Members of each House opposed reformation and Justice The names of such Members as discent in Votes from the sense of the present major part are posted in the streets and injuriously branded with a character of evill affected persons to reformation The people hereupon in great multitudes swarme to the doores of both Houses and there being prepared and instructed accordingly with hideous noise clamor against Bishops Popish Lords and evill affected Members And although most ignorant what it is call for Justice Now this violent medicine was so long and so often applyed that the Houses according as empricks commonly use their patients absolutely confounded their owne bodies for of above two hundred Lords 5. 6. or 7. at this day is a compleat House of Peeres And in matters of greatest moment rare it is to have ten of that Assembly to carry the question And for the Commons House of 500 Members not 100 of those now permitted to sit or vote there were at any time by the Law of the Land Parliament men And so unlesse the whole World hath hitherto been mistaken in attributing the powers of those Assemblies to the Major part of the Members whereas it ought to have been given to the least number And that by the constitution of the Realme it is lawfull for a part of them by force and without lawfull cause to drive from thence their fellow Members We have no House of Parliament at this day Nor is the case of the lower House any thing better by their excrease of number That forgery of the Kings Great Seal doth no more authorize the Inhabitants to elect a Knight Citizen or Burgesse then should the Speaker of the lower House in pursuance of the Votes of both Assemblies counterfeit a deed in the name of the Speaker of the higher House purporting a conveyance to himself of that Lords Estate would legally intitle him thereunto Besides were that no counterfeit Seal The Inhabitants of the County the free men of the Cities and Boroughs being deprived of their freedome of election not daring as before is said to choose other but such as are intimated to them to be nominated by the House or the Souldiers they are not in Law Members of that Assembly Thirdly the Members although reduced to so small a number were not hereby cured of all their griefs The haunting Ghosts and inseperable Companions of every Traytor feares and Jealousies still stick close unto them by driving from the Houses such as visibly opposed this work of destruction gave not sufficient confidence to the rest of their owne perseverance therein The conscience therfore of every one this elect little remnant in the next place must be fettered wherein speciall use is made of that clause concerning priviledges of Parliament contained both in the Protestation and Covenant The words thereof being generall to defend all priviledges the Members declared that by whom and when this priviledge is broken themselves and none else must be Judge And like Judges in their owne case they have determined the question no lesse to their own advantage then by enthralling not only the Consciences of their fellow Members but of every Soule in the Kingdome to their sence In order whereunto as before appears they have voted that every one who shall oppose any result of theirs is an Infringer of Parliament Priviledges Now although the nature of this crime is not yet by them defined it may at every instant time when they think fit even by one blast of winde be made to exceed the highest Treason So that most clear it is after these Votes no man indued with honesty or courage could with safety sit or vote in either House Every one not of the tribe unlesse he run into his own ruine must stand mute untill the design of the present prevalent faction be visible And then however it suites with his heart his tongue must chime with that party
Authority the power to pardon the transgressours thereof and Authority to dispence with the Law it selfe is totally in Him for example if by Act of Parliament it be made felony or other crime to transport any commodity beyond the Seas the King after the fact committed may pardon the offence and before it be committed by His Letters patents without assent of the Members may by a non abstante dispence with the Law it self and legally Authorize any person notwithstanding that Statute to Transport that prohibited commodity and so in all publike and penall Acts not prohibiting malum in se Thus it appears that originally the Parliament consisted of the King calling to Him for their advice such as He thought fit But now by consent of former Kings as aforesaid no new Law can be made or the old altered or abrogated but by the King with the assent of the two Houses And so the King and the Members of these two Assemblies joyntly concurring at this day are the Parliament Upon which it consequently followeth that the King hath an absolute negative Voice in every Law to be propounded But in regard this is now not onely denied but a power usurped by those Members without the King to make Laws in the next place that point is more fully debated CHAP. III. That the Members of the two Houses have not power in any one particular to make a new Law or to change the old The King of England for the time being having an absolute negative Voice therein AGainst this I have seen a Treatise published by Order of the House of Commons in the name of William Pryn an utter Barrister of Lincolns Inne intituled thus viz. That the King hath no absolute negative Voice in passing Bils of common right and justice for the publike good And to make good his position proceeds to his proof in this manner The King saith he in most proceedings in Parliament as in reversing judgements damning Patents and the like hath no casting Voice 2. That Kings in ancient time have usually consented to Bils for the publicke good else gave such reasons of their deniall as satisfied both Houses 3. That Kingdomes were before Kings and then the people might have made Laws 4. That the King may die without heire and thereby the people may have such power againe 5. That the Lord Protectour in the infancy of a King may confirme Bils and so make Laws 6. That in Countries where Kings are elective and so an interregnum the people in the vacancy of their King may make Laws 7. That the two Houses have frequently denied to grant the King Aide by Subsidies 8. That the Kings of this Realme have been forced to give their Royall assent to Bils as in that of Magna Charta This is the substance of his objections and arguments against the Kings negative Voice in Parliament Answer M. Pryn hath spared no labour to make good his assertion fetching his arguments from a time supposed by him before Monarchy here began secondly upon accidents happening since this Monarchy And then imagineth a time to come that is when the King and all the bloud Royall of England shall be extinct for want of an heire at Law to inherit the Crowne First for his far fetched argument Kingdomes saith he were before Kings These words taken in their literall sense imply a grosse and absurd contradiction and he might as well say that servants were before Masters or the Son before the Father But doubtlesse Mr. Pryns meaning is that Countries and people were before they had Kings over them yet his words being so expounded make nothing to his purpose suppose that before Monarchy began in this Nation the people had been governed by a known Law to conclude thereupon That the Members of the two Houses at this day have power to make Laws without the King or that the King hath not a negative Voice in Parliament is to no more purpose then if he should say The Earth was made before it was peopled Ergo there is neither man woman nor child in the world or thus This Nation was peopled before they were governed by a Law Ergo the people neither had either Law or government The Jews upon the like ground may argue thus viz. our Religion was before Christ Ergo the people at this day ought not to professe Christian Religion But Mr. Pryns argument is more absurd he cannot shew that the people of this Nation before they were governed under Kings had either Literature known Law or Government However cleere it is This Nation hath been Monarchiall above 1200. years before the institution of the two Houses of Parliament And so Mr. Pryns argument that Kingdomes were before Kings is no weight at all to prove That the two Houses have power to make Laws without the King And much like unto it is his argument That the King may die without heire for if that should happen saith Mr. Pryn the people might make what Laws they should thinke fit Now thereupon he concludes thus Ergo the Members at this day have power without the King to make Laws With more reason the King might argue thus All the lands in England mediatly or immediatly are held of the King and if the owners die without heire by the Laws of the Realme Escheats to the Crown and so becomes at the Kings disposall but every man may die without heire Ergo all the lands in England at this present are the proper inheritance of the King No Lawyer can deny major or minor yet the conclution thereupon is absurd But in Mr. Pryns case admit the King should die without heire although it be granted that the people had thereby power to make Laws yet grosse it were to conclude upon it That the Members of the two Houses might so do For if the King and that Stem Royall were extinct without issue the two Houses would be extinct too By the Law of England if the King die during a Parliament ipso facto the Parliament is dissolved because the King who was head to advise with whom and by whose Writ and command the Members were summoned is dead Yet in that case the successour King if he please might call a new Parl. But when the King dies without heire there is no succeding King to summon it And so the constitution of Parliament and the whole Law and Government the fountaine of all which being stopped would be suspended if not ended and the people left without Law Then it might be granted Mr. Pryn That the strongest party concurring in that case would governe yet that is no proof that the Members had thereby power to make Laws And therefore more absurd it is to conclude upon Mr. Pryns reason That the two Houses at this day whilst the King and the blood Royall are in being have that power Then for his objections upon Authority or presidents happening since the beginning of the English Monarchy Kings saith he
pro quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud civitatem nostram West 1. Die Maii prox futur ' teneri ordinavimus ibidem vobiscum cum Prelatis magnatibus proceribus dicti regni nostri colloquium habere tractatum vobis sub fide ligeantiis quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes mandamus quòd personaliter c. So that to the institution of the Lords House and the power which the Members of that Assembly have to sit and Vote in Parliament the people are not at all consulted with in any particular And for the Commons House the institution thereof and the Commission which the Members of that Assembly have is derived from the King too That which the people act and do therein is only to elect the Knights of the Shires Citizens and Burgesses and therein too their authority is by the Kings Writ the direction whereof they are bound to pursue It is not in the power of the Inhabitants of any County or towne to adde unto or lessen the number of persons to be elected or to inlarge or limit the authority of those chosen But former Kings as before is shewed sometimes called more sometimes fewer and at their pleasure created new Corporations and gave them power to send Burgesses And every King had and at this day hath authority to enable and command every towne in England to send Burgesses to Parliament And when the Knights and Burgesses are elected the peoples power is ended then the persons chosen are to performe their duties wherein they must be guided by their Commission it is that which doth distinguish them from other men else every one in the Kingdome had equall power to sit and Vote in Parliament And they have no other Commission then the Kings Writ of summons which followeth in these words viz. Rex Vicecomiti salut ' Quia de avisamento assensu consilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis nos statum defensionem regni nostri Angliae Ecclesiae Anglicanae concern quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Civitatem nostram Westm ' tertio die Novembris prox ' futur ' teneri ordinavimus ibidem cum Praelatis Magnatibus proceribus dicti regni nostri colloquium habere tract ' tibi praecipimus firmiter injungentes quod facta proclam ' in prox Comitatu tuo post receptionem hujus brevis nostri tenend die loco predict ' duos milit ' gladiis cinctos magis idoneos discretos Comit ' praedicti de qualib ' civitate Com' illius duos cives de quolibet Burgo duos Burgenses de discretior ' magis sufficientibus libere indifferenter per illos qui proclam ' hujusmodi interfuer ' juxta formā statutorum inde edit ' provis eligi nomina eorundum milit ' Civium Burgensiū sic electorum in quibusdam Indentur ' inter te illos qui hujusmodi election ' interfuerint inde conficiend ' sive hujusmodi elect ' presentes fuerint vel absentes inter eosque ad dict' diem locum venire facias Ita quod iidem milites plenam sufficientem potestatē pro se cōmunitate Comit ' Civitatū Burgorū praedictorum divisim ab ipsis habeant ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tunc ibid ' de communi consilio dicti regis nostri favente Deo contigerint ordinari super negotiis ante dictis Ita quod pro defectu potestatis hujusmodi seu propter improvidam electionem militum Civium aut Burgensium predictorum dicta negotia infecta non remaneant quovis modo Nolumus autem quod tu nec aliquis alius Vicecomes dicti Regis nostri aliqualiter sit electus electionem illam in pleno Comitatu factam distincte aperte sub Sigillo tuo singulis corum qui electioni illi interfuerint nobis in Cancellar ' nostram ad dictum diem locum Certifices indilate remittens nobis alteram partem Indenturarum predictarum praesentibus consuet ' una cum hoc breve Teste meipso apud Westminster And the returne of the aforesaid Writs in these words viz. Virtute istius Brevis eligi feci duos milites gladiis cinctos magis idoneos discretos de Comitatu meo viz. A. B. qui plenam sufficientem potestatem pro se Communitate Comit ' predict ' habent ad faciendum consentiendum iis quae ad diem locum infra contentos de Communi Consilio regni Angliae ordinari contigerint Et predicti A. B. manucapti sunt per quatuor manucapt ' ad assulendū ad Parliamentū dom ' Regis apud Westminster ad diem infra contentum ad faciendum quod hoc breve in se exigit requirit I have here exactly set downe all those Commissions by authority whereof the Lords House and the Commons House sit and Vote in those Assemblies which is far short of giving them power to make Laws That of the Lords commands them to advise and consult with the King concerning the great affaires of the Realme both in Church and Common-wealth That of the Commons to doe and consent unto such things as the King and the Peeres shall agree upon And as the Members have their authority to sit and Vote in the House from the King so it is at His will to summon a Parliament when and as often as He thinkes fit And the Members being met together are kept there as long as he pleaseth and at every instant time when he seeth cause dissolved againe And whilst they are continued together their office is to enquire and informe themselves of the grievances of the Kingdome to consult how to reforme them and for that purpose if need be to compose Laws and present them to the King But all this is onely by way of advise it binds not untill the King hath taken their Councell and put life into those Laws by His Assent All which is not onely pursuing their Commission but is made good by the constant practise of the Kingdome For there was never any Law Statute Act of Parliament or Ordinance made in this Nation which bound the people whereunto the King did not give His Royall Assent And scarce one Parliament since the Institution of the two Houses but the Members of both those Assemblies have passed Bils for new Laws presented them to the King which He hath rejected whereupon every such Bill was instantly set aside acknowledged by the Members and judged by all men to be invalid neither binding King or people And for these words le Roy s'avisera the opinion of Justice Hutton and the words of King Richard the second nothing can be inferred thereupon against the Kings negative Voice but rather the contrary The Kings answer say they to Bils presented to Him by the two Houses which He rejects is thus le Roy
is none either to umpire or mediate between the Members and the people And so the Members by this have assumed an arbitrary power Nor doth this power of a negative Voice in the King take away or lessen the authority of any Court of Justice Every Court of Judicature pursuing its Commission hath power to determine the interest both of King and people and that without assent either of King or Member The knowne Law is their ground to judge by not the opinion of the King or of either or both Houses Nor can the King in this be said to Judge out of his Courts or against the two Houses of Parliament for the King and the two Houses have herein equall power that is every one of them a negative Voice they are all together joyntly Judge of that high Court of Parliament but no one or two of these bodies is Judge thereof So that by the Kings and either Houses having a negative Voice it cannot be said they Judge each other out of that or any other Court of Justice But some object that if the refusall of the King shall hinder the making of Laws the Common-wealth is in danger to suffer for say they the King may be refractory and deny to passe good Laws Answer No humane Law can preserve a Common-wealth from every mischief That Law which avoideth the most inconveniencies is the best Law It is granted that the will of the King or of either House by refusing to passe a Law propounded may prove mischievous But upon pretence of necessity to give power to the King and either House or both Houses without the King to alter the Law or to make new Laws were more dangerous If that rule serve them to make good Laws it enables them to make bad ones too If they be Judge when to make one Law they are Judge to make as many and what Laws they please they who have this power may declare what they list to concerne the safety of the Kingdome Once breake this rule That no new Law can be made with consent of the King and the two Houses and there is no end of the distraction Upon the same ground that the Lords and Commons in the case of the Militia pretending a necessity and that the King was refractory assumed power to make Laws without Him the Lords House may exclude both King and Commons the Commons House Lords and King or the King both Houses When there ariseth a difference between the King and the two Houses if it be of necessity that the King or the two Houses must so far Judge the businesse as to make a Law without the other by the same reason when a difference happens between the two Houses one of them must be Judge against the other and make a Law without the others consent for such a difference between the two Houses may as well happen to concerne the safety of the Kingdome as when the difference fals out between the King and both Houses And if either House obtaine the sole power to make Laws still there is no period for if reason or reall necessity require it and should be Judge when and what Laws are to be made the lesser number of one of those Assemblies peradventure may be in the right But whether right or wrong the zelots may chance to side with the little flock rise up and in tumults call it Justice And so consequently the good Law of the Land destroyed and club-law introduced and the very being of Parliaments taken away whereas by observing the constitutions of the Realme in submitting this power of making Laws to the Judge thereof that is the King without the assent of the two Houses all these absurdities and inconveniences are avoided Which constitution being rightly understood is grounded upon great reason and is most equall between King and people for the Commons House upon just grounds for any thing to them appears may passe a Bill which the Lords upon as just reasons may reject the Members of that Assembly being persons who for the most part have a greater deeper reach insight in State affaires And both Houses may passe a Bill conceiving it necessary for the preservation of the Kingdome to have it made a Law and thereupon desire the Kings consent which the King may as justly reject And for such reasons they may be matters of that nature as not convenient and most unfit to be imparted and revealed to such a multitude as the seven hundred Members or more of both Houses But when all that is when the King and the two Houses concur the Common-wealth may as safely depend upon it as upon any humane institution Upon these grounds it is that when a dispute happeneth concerning the making of a Law the King being of one opinion the Lords of another and the Commons of a third or when any one of the three bodies dissent from the other two there is no umpire but themselves to end that controversie nor can they decide the question by any other way but by a joint agreement or quitting the dispute for untill a joint concurrence of all three their proceedings are but conferences and their results what they would have to be Lawes but no Laws indeed untill by consent of all three they be reduced to Acts of Parliament No Order Ordinance or what ever it is or shall be called made by consent of any one or two of these bodies alone hath the strength or force of a Law our Law takes no notice thereof like a verdict for life lands or goods in which case the major part of the Jury determineth not the question all twelve must agree else it is no verdict for the question being fact some one of the Jury may have better knowledge thereof then all the rest So in this case by the constitutions of the Realme no new Law can be made or the old altered without a joint concurrence of the King and the two Houses It is that united body which at this day as to the Legislative power represent the whole Kingdome The Members of the Commons House alone do not in that manner represent the Commons of England the Lords the Peers and the King for Himself but all together do represent the whole Kingdom no one or two of these bodies can herein be said to represent only any part every common person doth herein by the Laws of England asmuch depend upon the judgement of the King and the Lords as upon the Members of the Commons House And so do the King and the Lords upon those Members for the King the Lords and Commons as now by consent of former Kings it is setled are herewith joyntly trusted As if three Lords authorize three severall persons to sell their Lands if two of them sell it binds not therefore in judging that sale void no man is injured the Lords are seized of their Lands as before and the persons trusted have the same power that is
not consonant to the rules of Law or reason it were without any disparagement to their Lordships all one if not better when the question is whether the Iudges of the Court of Kings Bench erred in judgement to have it determined by casting of lots for whether right or wrong judgment were given if the Lords determine it it is but chance whether they pursue the Law or not And if by lot expence of money is saved Therefore cleare it is to examine a judgement given in the Exchequer Chamber by a writ of error brought in the Lords House is in effect for the same persons to judge whether themselves erred or not and so whether the Lords have or have not this power the Iudges of the Realme are still depended upon And in case the King and the two Houses make an Act of Parliament concerning the same thing when that Act is passed from them as before appears an appeale lieth by an action or suite at Law unto the Judges who have power to determine whether that Statute be binding or void and therefore clear and manifest it is that in matters of Law the last and finall sentence is the Iudges of the Realme But me thinks for a Nation which hath been governed so many hundreds of years by a known Law and under it so flourishing a people as the Subjects of England have been and yet not to be agreed who are the finall Judges of the Law is so grosse a thing as that all forraigne Nations hearing of it cannot but accompt us men to have lost our wits In every constitution it is oftentimes difficult even amongst the learned in the profession in some particular questions arising to determine what the Law is But not to know what persons have Authority to decide those questions is most ridiculous The Judges of the Law ought to be so conspicuous as that all persons even from the most learned unto the most ignorant may equally alike discerne the men Which considered I conceive it necessary not only for the information of the vulgar people of England which have herein been grosly deceived but for the Vindication and Honour of our own Nation and the Law established so farre to digresse as in a word to shew how this fond question was raised and controverted in this Kingdome which was thus This Nation is governed by a known Law that Law â—â—dgeth the King to be our onely Supream Governour gives power to the King with the assent of the two Houses and no other to alter that Law and to make new Lawes And to the Judges of the Realme it ascribes the power finally to declare the Law Now such whose aime is to usurp Soveraignty or to swallow the wealth of the Nation cannot hope to effect their ends by submitting to the known Law That were to commit a crime immediately submit themselves to the block Therefore they must either deceive the people by mis-informing them what the Law is else by strong hand to enforce upon them a new Law for their own purpose Now that the Members aime was at no lesse then all is too too apparent But at the beginning of these distractions they were not in a condition to force the people Therefore their Iudgements must be deceived Hereupon the Plot was that the Members in the opinion of the people should gaine the reputation of being the finall Judge of the Law which was effected thus The people by reason of some good Lawes obtained of the King by the Members procurement were inclinable to believe whatever they propounded Then the Members Voted Thus viz. That when the Lords and Commons declare what the Law of the Land is it is a high breach of Priviledge of Parliament to question it This being published and the people by Incendiaries spread throughout the Kingdome for that purpose by false Calumnies cast upon the King being grosly abused the Members work was in a manner finished Then they took upon them the power of the Militia declared that the Soveraigne power was not in the Kings Person but virtually in them And from thence what made for their advantage how grosse soever did but the Members declare it for Law and good enough Thus the Iustice seate even by a sleight became both disputed and usurped But now the Scales are turned The peoples understandings are enlightned they see how grosly they were misled They finde that whilst the Judges of the Realme declared the Law both King and Subject were preserved in their Persons lives and fortunes That by this usurpation the known Law is subverted and consequently that protection vanished But as the people have changed their opinions so have the Members framed a new Argument They have left the Word and betaken themselves to the Sword They having Armies to back them their will is now the Law and resolve whilst they can by force to hold it Thus we are fallen into a gulf of misery whereas had the people been but half so carefull to have found out the Truth as they were industrious to effect their owne destruction these calamities had been prevented When the difference first hapned between the King and the Members had not the people leaped into their own ruine but taken the least consideration thereof had they bethought themselves how they were to be rightly informed what the Law was they must have resolved that as we had a Law consequently there must so long have been a Judge of that Law But the Members neither exercised or pretended any such power one minute beyond the foresaid Vote And for Authority to make their pretence good none can be produced but that their own testimony in this their own case and in a thing of no lesse concernment then the gaining of the wealth of the whole Kingdome to their own use and enslaving the people to their owne pleasure Hereupon doubtlesse the people would have concluded that not the Members the Judges of the Realme were the men unto whom all persons were Obliged to submit for matter of Law But it is objected That this is too great a power for the Judges for say they those persons may and doe erre in Judgement and are subject to corruption as in that case of Ship-money Answer It is true the Iudges have erred and it being granted that in the case of Ship-mony they did erre and were corrupt too and that it cannot be expected but they shall againe and againe erre be corrupt yet until we have other Creatures then Men to make choise of for Iudges this Objection ought to be disallowed We finde the Members to be no Gods And for the weight of the businesse concluded to be too great for the Iudges I Answer that that power must be in some To have a Law without a Judge finally to end controversies were worse then to have no Law at all And to have a Law and a Judge of that Law who understands not the profession were a degree worse then
that Suppose it granted that the Iudges in that case of Ship-mony gave Sentence by corruption whereby about 200000. l. per annum was drawn from the people To conclude hereupon that we must from henceforth have no more learned men chosen Iudges is extreame harsh It might as well be argued thus The Members of the two Houses have erred in Iudgement and have been corrupt ergo we ought to have no more Parliaments For as before appeares the Members of former Parliaments have most grosly erred And for these present Members they have not only erred but have been in the highest nature corrupt too First They erred in Iudgement by assuming the Iustice seat the Soveraign power of Government and so in infinite other particulars Then for corruption since these Authorities were by them arrogated twice twenty times 200000. l. per annum illegally and barbarously drawn from the people doth not stint them They have corruptly by one Vote not onely given themselves the wealth of the whole Nation but have likewise enslaved both King and People for their lives and fortunes to their owne will But clear it is no constitution can avoid every mischiefe it is the best Law which prevents the most inconveniencies therefore in this case that which can be done is to have persons who are learned in the profession made Iudges of the Law and all possible care taken that they doe Iustice and for that by our Law no man is capable of a Iudges place unlesse he have ability to execute the same And although he be sufficient for learning yet being advanced for bribes or rewards he is by Law likewise disabled to performe the office They are sworne to do right to all persons and although error in judgement is no crime yet corruption in the Iudge be it for bribes affection malice desire of preferment fear or any other cause is by our Law an offence of an high nature and and most severely punished Now if in stead of exalting themselves the Members had as they made some shew for a while made inquiry how and by whom the Judges were drawne as the Members alleadge to give that corrupt sentence and had presented the same to the King to the end not onely exemplary punishment might have been inflicted upon them but they put out of their places and new Iudges elected the Members had done like Parliament men that had pursued their Commission And so whilst the King the Parliament the Judges every Court and Assembly retaine their owne proper authority without clashing with or encroaching each upon other As by the Laws of England they ought to do both King and Subject are preserved in their just rights And this ought to be exactly observed notwithstanding the superiority or inferiority of any Court power person or Assembly because one Court in some respect is superiour to another that takes not away nor lesseneth the proper jurisdiction of the inferior Court Scarce any inferior Court but it hath some powers which the superior Court hath not For example The Court of CommonPleas hath power between party and party to determine reall actions which the Kings Bench hath not The Assembly of the Commons House cannot give an oath yet the meanest Court of Justice even a Court of Pipowders hath that power So that if it were admitted that the two Houses of Parliament were a Court of Justice as it is not And that it were the highest Court of that nature in this Kingdome that would not at all make good their pretence to be the finall Judge of the Law from whom no appeale should lie But by this Vote and practise of the Members all Courts of justice and rightfull powers in the Kingdome are put downe the Law totally subverted and all things reduced to their arbitrary power Upon the whole matter clear it is that the Judges of the aforesaid three Courts are the Judges of the Realme and the persons unto whom all the people of this Nation are bound lastly and finally to submit themselves for matter of Law But notwithstanding all this the same necessity which made the Members exclude the King from His negative Voice and so to usurpe a boundlesse power to make Laws enforceth them to arrogate the Justice seate too For it were to little purpose for them to declare it Treason for a Subject to speake to His King and infinite such like grosse contradictions both to reason and the knowne Law and yet permit the rightfull Judges to determine the same questions that were both to exalt themselves up and at the same instant to cast themselves downe againe But they tell us they are no such babies So long as the people will be fooled nothing is more certaine but Tyrants they will be to us their slaves In the next place it is shewed who ought to nominate and authorize the Judges of the Realme CHAP. VI. That the Judges of the Realme ought to be elected and authorized by the King of England for the time being and by none else THe legall authorizing of the Judges of the Law is of that importance as upon it depends the preservation of the people for no Law no government no Judge no Law and if authorized by an illegall Commission no Judge It appears before that when the Iudge extends beyond the bounds of his Commission his proceedings are void as done coram non Judice Upon the same grounds be the words of the Commission never so large if the authority be derived from such as have not power to grant it the whole Commission is voide Yet Mr. Pryn by the authority of the Commons House hath published a Treatise intituled thus The Parliaments right to elect Privy Councellors great Officers and Judges Wherein he endeavours to prove the two Houses by the Laws of England ought to elect the Iudges And proceeds thus Kings saith he were first elected by the people and as he beleeves the people at the first elected the Judges and great Officers and bound them by publike Laws which appears saith he by infinite Acts of Parliament regulating both the power of the King and His Officers That in ancient time Lieutenant Generals and Sheriffs were elected by the Parliament and people That the Coroners Majors Aldermen of Corporations Constables and other such like officers at this day are elected by the people Knights of Shires and Burgesses are elected by the Commons of the Realme That the King can neither elect a Commoner nor exclude a Member of either House to sit or Vote That the Parliament consists of Honourable wise grave and discreet persons That although the Kings have usually had the election of great officers and Judges it hath rather been by the Parliaments permission then Concession That the Judges and Officers of State are as well the Kingdomes as the Kings And saith that Mr. Bodin a grave Politician declares That it is not the right of electing great officers which prove the right of Soveraignty because it oft
they did to be virtually in themselves And if so it only differs in words from that Vote whereby they resolved to have no King In substance it is one and the same And if the Members mean as the words seeme to import that the power of Government shall be in the King Lords and Commons joyntly and that this Vote be so far binding as to settle that government for ever which is in it selfe inconsistent with that arbitrary power they now even by this very Vote assume it is likewise in it selfe most absurd It is true that we having a knowne Law whereby we are protected in our persons lives and estates to have this Law unalterable otherwise then by the joynt concurrence of the King and two Houses is a constitution beneficiall for the Kingdome but in point of Government it is a Composier not onely improper but destructive to the whole Nation In every Common-wealth accidents frequently happen which of necessity require things to be done yet if not acted with secrecy hazards the ruine of the people For example The King hath intelligence that a forraigne Nation is prepared and resolved to invade this Kingdome Hereupon with great care and secrecy a designe is laid to surprize the enemy In this case for the King at the same time to proclaime his plot not onely frustrates his designe but endangers the destruction of the whole Kingdome Now admit the King Lords and Commons jointly to have the power of Government and it is impossible whatever the designe be although the publishing thereof unavoidably destroy both Nation and people to keep it secret First for the Lords The Members sit and Vote in that House of what capacity or disposition soever by descent and experience shewes that wise men although Lords too sometimes beget fooles Honest men knaves and Loyall men Traytors And for the Commons House he who examines his owne Country be it in any part of the Realme I am confident will find the greater number of those elected Knights and Burgesses unfit for Statesmen or Privy Councellors Nor is it possible that the multitude if they had authority to make such elections which they have not should make choice of apt persons to governe the Kingdome Then adding hereunto the number of those Members amounting unto seven hundred or more and doubtlesse in point of secrecy to proclaime it at the market Crosse and to advise with them is one and the same thing But admit every Member a perfect Statesman the composier of that Body consisting of the King Lords and Commons is such as not onely renders them incapable to governe the Realme but is in it selfe so pernitious to the Common-wealth as that it is impossible for the Divel himselfe to invent unlesse it be that the two Houses without the King a plat-forme more apt to introduce confusion both to Church and State When a Capitall or Criminall offender is convict the knowne Law in point of punishment doth not distinguish of persons The Judge whether the offender be capable of pardon or not must give sentence according to the nature and quality of the offence upon every one alike He hath not power either to pardon or mitigate the punishment That is the office of the Supreame Magistrate Then what a Tyrannicall constitution it were that the King shall not have power to distribute mercy untill the major part of the two Houses have Voted it common experience makes it easie to judge And on the other side if the King without that joynt consent hath not authority to punish offenders It will be very difficult to bring the most horrid malefactors to triall be the offence Treason Murder Sacriledge or any other crime how execrable soever whilst either House doth omit or refuse to Vote it so no punishment An infallible way I confesse it is to embolden themselves and all others their adherents to perpetrate all wickednesse under the Sun If a dispute happen whether to make War or to proclaime Peace to fight or not to fight an enemy and the like it cannot be expected but that those three bodies shall even to the ruine of the Nation irreconcileably differ in opinion But it were endlesse to insist upon particulars of this nature the calamities which have befallen us by the Members arrogating the Soveraigne power of Government and which daily must ensue whilst they either continue that usurpation or shall be suffered in point of Government to share with the King words cannot expresse Suppose three single persons had jointly the Soveraigne power of government no man can imagine but that they would even in matters of greatest weight and perill sterne severall wayes But in point of Government to adde unto the King the Members of the two Houses make it a composier far more preposterous and absurd And consequently to submit to that Vote to be governed by King Lords and Commons although it be admitted the Members intend it a joynt power were no other then to introduce contradictions distractions and confusion Besides by setling the government in King Lords and Commons ipso facto the knowne Law is subverted and an arbitrary power introduced for as before appears they who have the Government and also power to make new and change the old Law cannot be guided but by their owne will Whereas by observing the constitutions of the Realme in submitting to the King alone for matter of Government unto the King and the two Houses joyntlie for making new Laws or altering the old and unto the lawfull Judges of the Realme to expound and declare the Law all arbitrary power is avoided And the King for his assistance in matters of Government hath by the Laws of England three sorts of Councellors viz. His Great Councell His Privy Councell and His Learned Councell The first is properly the Prelates and Peeres of the Realme which besides infinite other testimonies is proved by the Writ of Summons to every Parliament The words are these viz. Rex Vicecomiti c. Quia de advisamento assensu Concilii nostri c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud c. 1. die c. teneri ordinavimus ibidem cum Prelatis Magnatibus Proceribus dicti Regni nostri colloquium habere tract Tibi precipimus c. duos Milites c. venire facias ita quod iidem Milites plenam sufficientem potestatem proâ—se CoÌ„munitate Commitat predict ' c. habeant ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem de communâ— concilio dicti Regni nostri favente Deo contigerint ordinari suantedictis And the Sheriffs returne is thus viz. Virtute istius brevis eligi feci duos Milites viz. A. B. qui plenam sufficientem potestatem c. habent ad faciendum consentiendum iis quae c. de communi concilio Regni Angliae ordinari contigerint Thus it is manifest that it is the Prelates and Peeres who have assistants unto them the Judges and others
can be expected Thirdly the Composier of these Members being two distinct bodies considered it is as prepostrous for them to command the Militia as to have the Soveraigne power of Government or to judge the Law It may fall out even in the time of greatest danger that one House shall Vote to fight the other not to fight the enemy And this difference may happen to be unreconciled untill the Nation be conquered or destroyed Thus it appears that the Members have no power over the Militia It now rests to prove that it is the Kings right which is made good by authority and reason First for authority it is proved by constant practise which is not onely the strongest proof in our Law but it is the Law it selfe We have no formall Institution of the Common Law it is no other but common Ancient and frequent use For example it is felony to steale it is not felony of death unlesse the thing stolen exceede the value of twelve pence These are things so certainly knowne and so generally received for Law as that any man to dispute them renders himself ridiculous yet being denied none can shew when the Law began how or by what authority it was made there is no other proof to make it good but custome and use So for the Militia of the Kingdome it was never estated upon the King by Act of Parliament or by any other constitution It is His right by the Common Law of England which is made good by custome and use and authorities of bookes And first for custome and use Any man of what quality or ranke soever he be reflecting upon his owne memory and observation must acknowledge that in all his time no Souldiers were impressed armed arrayed or mustered no Forts strong-holds or â—â—rrisons held or commanded no Commanders Officers or Souldiers Imployed by Land or Sea no Commissions concerning War either Forraigne or Domestick or concerning the administration of Justice but by authority derived from the King alone And such as search the Records in former times will finde the like practise in all ages And with this agrees all Histories and stories from this day upward unto the Roman Conquest Then for authorities and to begin with Acts of Parliament Magna Charta granted about 440. years since not onely being the first Statute but beyond it there is scarce an authentick record of Law at this day to be found In which Act it is thus declared by King Hen. 3. viz. And if We do lead or send him who is by tenure to defend a Castle in an Army he shall be free from Castle-guard from the time that he shall be with us in fee in our Host for the which he hath done service in our Wars Thus even in that Instrument whereby the King confirmed unto the people their Liberties It appears that by the Laws of the Land the power of War was the Kings sole right By an other Statute made 7. of King Ed. 1. being the son and next succeeding King to H. 3. The Prelates the Earles the Barons and the Comonalty of the Realme Assembled in Parliament declared that to the King it belongeth and His part is through His Royall Signiorie straightly to defend force of armour other force against the Kings peace at all times when it shall please Him And to punish them which shall do contrary according to the Laws and usages of the Realme And that they the Subjects are hereunto bound to aid their Soveraigne Lord the King at all seasons when need shall be After this by severall Acts of Parliament viz. 13. of the same King 1 Ed. 3. 25 Ed. 3. 4 H. 4. 5 H. 4. and other Statutes it is declared how and in what manner the Subject shall be charged with armes mustered arraied and forced to serve in War In all which Acts without dispute the whole power and command therein is admitted to be in the King By a Statute made 11 H. 7. The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament declare it to be the duty and Allegeance of the Subjects of England not onely to serve their Prince and Soveraigne Lord for the time being in Wars but to enter and abide in service in battaile and that both in defence of the King and the Land against every Rebellion power and might reared against him By a Statute made 2 Edw. 6. in the Raigne of a child King The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament declare that it is the bounden duty of the Subjects to serve their Prince in War By a Statute made 4 and 5 P. M. In the Raigne of a Woman the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament declare thus viz. That whereas heretofore commandement hath been given by the Queen and her Progenitors Kings of England to diverse persons to muster their Subjects and to levy them for the service of their Majesty and this Realme in their Wars which service saith the Statute hath been hindred by persons absenting themselves from Musters and by being released for rewards And then provides remedy therein when the Queen her Heirs or successors shall authorize any to muster the people And by that late unanimous and voluntary recognition made by the Lords and Commons in Parliament unto King James they declared thus viz. We being bound thereunto both by the Lawes of God and Man doe recognize and acknowledge and thereby expresse our unspeakable Joyes That immediately upon the death of Queen Elizabeth the imperiall Crowne of the Realme of England did by inherent birth-right and lawfull and undoubted succession descend and come to your most Excellent Maj. that by the goodnesse of Almighty God your Maj. is more able to Governe us your Subjects in Peace and plenty then any of your Progenitors And thereunto we most humbly and faithfully submit and oblige our heires and posterities for ever untill the last drop of our blouds be spent Now every man of sense will agree that the opinion of the Members of this Parliament is no more authentique then the opinions of the Lords and Commons Assembled in former Parliaments And that being granted it followeth that any one of the aforementioned Statutes whereby the Lords and Commons declare That by the Law of the Land the power of the Militia is in the King is so much the more weighty and so much more to be relyed upon in this point of the Militia then the opinion of these Members by how much more persons are competent to determine a question concerning another then to judge their own case or when they resolve for or against themselves But these Members setting aside their owne Votes in this their own case for their own advantage cannot make their pretence to the Militia good by any one Authority Opinion Practise or President But this not all These Westminster men themselves even this Parliament have both in their Ordinances as they call them and Petitions acknowledged the Militia to be the
Kings right Besides it is resolved in our books of Law that if all the people of England should break a League with a forraign Prince without the Kings consent the League were not broken And consequently by the Judgement of the Law the sole power of the Militia is in the King And with this agrees all the Authorities both of our Books of Law and History It was never for the space of 1700. yeares past questioned or disputed untill now by these Vsurpers injuriously wrested from the Crowne But the Members in the name of the Lords and Commons upon serious consideration have lately Voted to this effect That the Militia hath been long debated in black and red letters and that God hath now given his Verdict on their sides That however the English men please themselves with their Magna Charta and because their Lives and Estates are not at the Kings Will and for that He cannot make Lawes or raise money without consent in Parliament All this say they signifies nothing if the Militia be in the King for by that say the Members He may destroy the People For say the Members if there be a true intention to leave unto the People their knowne rights that no Law be made or Money levied to maintaine the Militia without their consent in Parliament It cannot inable Him to do the Kingdom effectually any good alone But may serve to make Him capable alone to do them hurt Answer Every man may be satisfied these men have spoke what they can to maintaine this their pretended Right yet these their Votes being duely examined every indifferent person will thereby rather think that the Devill himself who hath long owed them a shame hath now paid that debt then by these Votes be drawn to believe the Members Doctrine First for their supposed Verdict to be given by God himself Their Argument therein is sutable to that of the Jewes and Turks whose examples and presidents I presume they follow The Jewes even to this day audaciously scoffe and taunt us Christians for receiving Christ Jesus for our Messias because upon the Crosse he being required by them to manifest his authority by saving himself and thereupon then offering to believe his Doctrine which he did not Therefore the wicked Jewes concluded they could not And the Turkes for the space of 1000. yeares past to make good their Doctrine of Mahomet and their claime to be the only Monarch of the World much insult upon the Christians for their Victories obtained against them whereby we cannot deny but they doe possesse amongst infinite other Kingdomes and Countries wrested from Christian Kings the places both of the Birth and Passion of our Saviour And upon this the Turks infer that God hath Judged the cause for them against the Christians Now that difference which is to be found between the Arguments of the Jews and Turks and these of the Zelots at Westminster renders the latter to be the greater Blasphemous They althoughly wickedly protesting against Christ pursued their Conscience Neither Turk nor Jew for any thing appeares did know or believe Christ to be the Saviour of the World These hypocritically make use of the name of God himself and to establish themselves in their usurped possessions with insolent boldnesse call him to testifie nay affirme that God in this point of the Militia hath given his Verdict for them and against the King which themselves doe not only know but have acknowledged to be the Kings Right And having with this semblance of sanctity prepared the People with this forged Verdict Then they Vote reasons to perswade the vulgar That for the King to have the Militia tends to their destruction but that Authority being placed in the Members the people are if we may believe them secured from harme But of their owne shewing the expresse contrary Appeares First they tell us as the truth is that by the Laws of England the King hath not power by himself alone to tax or impose payments of money upon the Subject therefore say they mark this consequence so long as the Law is therein observed the Kings having of the Militia is not effectuall to the Kingdome Hence it followeth by the Members own Argument that if the King had an Arbitrary power then the Militia were his own So that by the Members Doctrine none but Tyrants have title to the power of the Sword which I confesse is a foundation aptly laid for their own structure All the world will witnesse for them that in point of Tyranny the malice of man with the advise and assistance of all the devils in hell cannot out-strip them Let the Members search Histories and Stories Presidents and Examples from the first Creation untill this Parliament and not onely of this Nation but throughout the face of the whole Earth and I defie the most vigilant amongst them to finde one Tyrannicall act which these Members since their usurpation upon the King have not done or audatiously claimed by the Law of the Land to have power to execute Thus appeares the different condition of the people concerning the Militia under the Kings Government and this under the Members By that under the King whilst the people submit unto their lawfull Superiors and obey the just Sentence of Law there is no need of the power of the Sword for the King neither hath nor claimes Authority by the Militia to force his Subjects to make payment of money or to doe any one thing more or otherwise then the known Law commands We are not Governed by the Will of the King but under Him according as the Law of the Land directs And the use of the Militia is no other then to preserve the Law And therefore in case of disobedience to compell submission thereunto wherein the power of the Sword that is the Militia is as necessary as the Law it self for as the people cannot be protected in their persons lives or estates without the Law so that Law is fruitlesse where there wants power to put it in execution Hence it followeth even by reason it selfe that he who hath the Soveraign power of Government hath as an incident inseperable unto it the power of the Sword And by our Law the King hath the Soveraignty From him as before appeares is due to the people protection of their persons and Estates That by the Lawes of England is implyed in the word King And so the word Subject implies a duty in the people to assist their King And as this duty is reciprocall between King and Subject so the performance thereof is equally beneficiall to both And if either faile in their duty both King and People are destroyed Therefore to deny our King the Militia of the Realme is no lesse an absurdity then to appoint a Generall of an Army with commands to fight an approaching Enemy and to deny that Generall use of Armes and power to command his Souldiers But on the other side to give