and Spaniards was as we may say a Throne upon which a King of England could decide without Appeal the Differences between France and Spain In short to crown all this King Charles found the most liberal People that ever was Now after this who will deny that England was then in a condition to restrain the French and oblige them to stand still tho' they had bin in a much better posture then they were For these Divisions were not altogether appeased and their Fleet at that time was so very inconsiderable that they made but a very little figure at Sea By what has bin said I hope it appears That if a Peace has not reigned in Europe since the Pyrenean Treaty it is not because there was not an Equilibrum set between France and the House of Austria but only because those whose gloriuos Province it was to maintain the publick Peace were corruptible Men and therefore I conclude that if that Treaty be restor'd if the Affairs of Eurpoe were reduc'd to the same Condition as they were then in we shall enjoy a lasting Peace For it is not to be supposed that any King of England for the future will be persuaded to sell Dunkirk to the Franch to teach them how to manage their Fleet to join with them against the Dutch our Confederates and in a word to suffer them to swallow Flanders or any other Country 'T is said indeed that Glory is the inseparable Companion of Princes but sure I am that the Prince we speak of must be excepted out of that Rule for had he felt any sting of that noble Passion is it to be believ'd that he would have divested himself of the most glorious Advantage and Title that ever any Christian Prince enjoy'd viz. of being the Vmpire of Europe and the Defender of the Peace as well as of the Faith Now since the Restitution of the Pyrenean Treaty is so absolutely necessary for the Peace of Christendom 't is plain That England aâ— well as other Nations now in Confederacy witâ— her must be engag'd to continue the War tiâ— we obtain it but besides we are engag'd by the Ties of Honour and Glory in thâ— Quarrel It hath been our ofrmer Princes Negligence or our own that hath made sâ— wide a Breach in Europe and are we noâ— bound in Honour as well as in Justice tâ— make it up We have lost the fairest Floweâ— of our Crown in parting with the Advantaâ— ges I have mention'd are we not bound therefore for the Glory of our Country tâ— strive to regain them Dunkirk I know waâ— not yielded to the English by the Pyreneaâ— Treaty but was it not then our own sinoâ— soon after King Chrales sold it How much the loss of Calais was bewail'd by our Fore-fathers I think needless to teâ— my Reader since it hastened the death oâ— Queen Mary her self but with what Tranquility we suffer'd the loss of Dunkirk is indeed a Subject of Wonder but I think it still a grerter to hear many People say that it is against our Interest to demand the Restitution of that Place unless they will say that Calais was of more advantage to England which I have no reason to believe as I could easily shew if I would break the Bounds which I have prescrib'd to my self I would conclude here and truly 't is high time but I think my self oblig'd to answer or at least to prevent an Objection which some People may possibly make If almost all the Princes of Europe in Confederacy together are scarce now able to resist France how is it possible that England along should keep the Balance even between that Kingdom and the House of Austria To this I answer that if France was supposed to be always as powerful as it is at this day or as it has been for many Years of late the Objection would then hold good and I should reckon my self something worse then a Fool to believe that England and Spain would be able to counterbalance it since as it is observ'd so many States in conjunction together find it a difficult matter to do it but if the French are once brought back to the Pyrenean Treaty and once shut up within these ancient Bounds then I dare say That England will be able to turn the Scale to what side soever she pleases and especially if Dunkirk be rrestor'd to us All the World knows that the French have made great Conquests and consequently that they must be stronger then they were formerly but the better to make this Truth sensible and to give at the same time a just Idea of their present Strength I 'll offer to the Reader a List of the principal Towns and Countries which they have acquir'd to use their own Phrase since the Pyrenean Treaty Dunkirk Bergue St. Vinox Ypres Menin Furnes Tournay Lille Douay St. Omer Valenciennes Conde Bouchain Cambray Aire St. Guilain Mons Charleroy Namur Huy Dinant Charlemont Maubeuge Luxemburgh with all its Dependencies The whole Dutchy of Lorrain The County of Burgundy in which are very Considerable Places as Besancon Dole Salins c. Treves or Tryers with almost that Electorate Montroial Strasbourgh Philipsbourgh Landau Friburgh The whole Dutchy of Savoy Suse Cazal Nisse Ville Franche Roses and many others which for brevity-sake I shall omit All these Places are extraordinary well fortified and have large Dependencies and this makes France so powerful and almost impenetrable either in Flanders or Germany but it must be granted that if the French were once oblig'd to restore them to their right Owners they would cease to be so formidable from whence I conclude again that it is in the Pyrenean Treaty alone we can find that Equilibrium I have spoken of and which is so absolutely necessary to the Peace of Europe FINIS Books Printed for Richard Bladwin at the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane A Poem on the late Promotions of several Eminent Persons in Church and State by N. Tate Servant to their Majesties Pleasure with Profit Consisting of Recreations of divers kinds viz. Numerical Geometrical Mechanical Statical Astronomical Horometrical Cryptographical Magnetical Automatical Chymical and Historical Published to recreate Ingenious Spirits and to induce them to make farther scrutiny into these and the like Sublime Sciences And to divert them from following such Vices to which Youth in this Age are so much inclin'd By William Leybourn Philomathes To this Work is also annext a Treatise oâ— Algebra according to the late Improvements applied to Numerical Questions and Geometry with a New Series for the speedy Extraction of Roots as also a Converging Series for all manner of adsected Equations By R. Sault Master of the Mathematical School in Adam's Court in Broad-street near the Royal Exchange Letters of State written by Mr. John Milton to most of the Sovereign Princes and Republicks of Europe from the Year 1649. till the Year 1659. To which is added An Account of his Life together with several of his Poems and a Catalogue of his Works never before Printed Bibliotheca Politica Or an Enquiry into the Ancient Constitution of the English Government with respect both to the just Extent of Regal Power and to the Rights and Liberties of the Subject Wherein all the chief Arguments as well against as for the Late Revolution are impartially represented and considered in XIII Dialogues Collected out of the best Authors both Ancient and Modern To which is added An Alphabetical Index to the whole Work The Works of Francis Rabelais M. D. Or the Lives Heroick Deeds and Sayings of Gargantua and Pantagruel Done out of French by Sir Tho. Vrchard Kt. and others With a large account of the Life and Works of the Author particularly an Explanation of the most difficult Passages in them Never before publish'd in any Language Mercury or the Secret and Swift Messenger Shewing how a Man may with Privacy and Speed communicate his Thoughts to a Friend at any distance The Second Edition by the Right Reverend Father in God John Wilkins late Lord Bishop of Chester Printed for Richard Baldwin where are to be had The World in the Moon and Mathematical Magick An Essay concerning Obedience to the Supreme Powers and the Duty of Subjects in all Revolutions With some Considerations touching the present Juncture of Affairs A Collection of Speeches of the Right Honourable Henry lat Earl of Warrington viz. I. His Speech upon his being Sworn Mayor of Chester in November 1691. II. His Speech to the Grand-Jury at Chester April 13. 1692. III. His Charge to the Grand-Jury at the Quarter-Sessions held for the County of Chester on the 11th of October 1692. IV. His Charge to the Grand-Jury at the Quarter-Sessions held for the County of Chester on the 25th Day of April 1693. FINIS
THE Bounds set to FRANCE BY THE Pyrenean Treaty And the Interest of the CONFEDERATES Not to accept of the Offers of Peace Made at this Time by the FRENCH KING To which are added Some short Reflections shewing How far England is concern'd in the Restitution of that Treaty Together with a List of the Towns and Countries that the French have taken since that Time LONDON Printed for R. Baldwin at the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane 1694. THE BOUNDS OF France c. FOUR Things have contributed to render France so Potent and Formidable as we behold her at this day In the first Place the ill observance of her Word in reference to Treaties of Peace or Truces concluded with other Soveraign States and which she has violated in a little time after the Exchange of the Ratifications which has been the Original of all the terrible Misfortunes that have turmoil'd Europe for above these Thirty Years and which perhaps will hardly end but with the Princes Reign that first began the fatal Disturbance The second Cause of the Grandeur of France was the easiness she met with to give her Ambition its full Swinge by pushing forward to the utmost of their Extent her Exorbitant Pretensions to the Territories and Dominions of her Neighbours with a Resolution to confine 'em within no other Bounds then those of all Europe unless a greater Force oppos'd her The third Cause of her Grandeur is the Arbitrary Power and the Soveraign Authority which the Reigning Price has made himself Master of by degrees by encroaching upon the Liberties of the People and the Authority of Parlaments And the fourth is the extraordinary Means she makes use of to encrease her Teasury and the good use she makes of it through the good Conduct of those who are entrusted with the management of it As to the first of these Causes which is The Violation of Treaties and which we have made choice of for the Subject of this Discourse All the World knows the Condition to which France was reduc'd before the Conclusion of the Pyrenean Peace or to descend a little lower during the King's Minority She could hardly then bring an Army of above thirty thousand Men into the Field and â—ind Mony proportionable to pay ' em For proof of which the Queen Mother has been often heard to say talking Face to Face with her prime Minister Mazarin Good God! where shall we find Men to continue the War and Mony to supply so many pressing Necessities And a little while after did we not see M. de Turenne reduc'd to melt down his Plate and as it were strip himself to the last Farthing to keep his Army from Perishing So hard a thing it was to get Mony from the Court for that many times the Chequer was quire drain'd and utterly unable to pay the Soldiers It may be said that the French Monarchy was supported then by the Cunning and Policy of her Ministers rather then by her own Forces Witness what Mazarin said one day to the King Sir said he in respect of the Treasure Your Majesties Conquests in your Cabinet are without all Contradiction far the greater Number then those of your Armies In a word the Negotiations and Alliances which were made during Mazarin's Ministry and afterwards under the Marquiss of Louvais contributed more to the Aggrandizing France and extending her Limits then the Force of her Arms. France then having extreamly suffer'd during the space of several Years that the War with Spain lasted she was reduced to a lamentable condition by reason of her Teasure's being exhausted and the oppression of her Subjects and it may be said that notwithstanding all the Polities of Mazarin the King was fain to put a good Face upon a bad Matter which is a thing frequently practis'd among the French Tho' at the same time she made a bouncing shew of nothing less then of being inclin'd to Peace a Conduct quite opposite to what she observes at this day And yet the Proceedings of Mazarin made it plainly appear that France had a greater Inclination to it then Spain In a word that Minister had hardly time to bid the Queen adieu so earnest he was to be upon the Frontiers of the Kingdom But some will object against this the Pains that Don Antonio Piemontel took at Paris to perswade Mazarin to hearken to the Propositions of Peace The great number of Conferences which the Cardinal had with Don Lewis de Haro the Delays and Difficulties that occurr'd before the Points of that Peace could be agreed to all which things manifestly prove the contrary and that France was not so low as I represent her to be But I answer that this was only a Master-piece of Mazarin's fine-spun Politicks who made use of all the Shifts and cunning Artifices imaginable to incline Don Lewis and Don Piemontel the Spanish Plenipotentiaries to grant him all those Advantages which he look'd for In a word Experience shews us that he was not deceiv'd since the Project which he had drawn up at Court was follow'd point by point and every way to the Advantage of France The greatest Fault that Spain at that time committed was that she did not make choice of a Plenipotentiary more sharp-sighted and more nimble-witted then Lewis de Haro who was mifinform'd of the Rights which the Princes had who were most remarkably concern'd in that Peace Don Lewis made a World of Oversights in that Negotiation and had committed many more but for the Assistance of M. d' Aigremont whom the Prince of Conde sent away Post out of Flanders to instruct him in many things of which he was ignorant It was to have bin wish'd that for the good and repose of all Europe and for the particular Interests of the House of Austria that Spain had been more circumspect in an Affair of that great Importance wherein the high Dispute was not only about concluding a solid and lasting Peace but the Marriage of the Infanta And I am persuaded that if the King of Spain had had any Idea of good Policy he would have taken juster Measures then he did since it was impossible but he must have foreseen that by that Alliance he went about to lay the foundation of the utter Ruin of the House of Austria Nor did he want any other Example then that of Lewis XIII to teach him that the Matches of the Infanta's of Spain with the Kings of France had bin always fatal to the Spaniards It must be acknowldg'd that the Spanish Court at that time labour'd under a most terrible Blindness that while they were moyling at the Negotiation of Peace and the Marriage of the Infanta one of the two young Infant Princes happening to die there remain'd no more then the Reigning Price to suceed to the Crown and he so young and so sickly that 't was much question'd whether he would out-live the third Year of his Age. Nevertheless the Tidings of that young Prince's death which ought to
Peace For as to what remains said he I should make no scruple to acknowledge the seeking after Peace when the Progress and Reputation of the King's Arms in the next Campain shall have advanced his Majesties Renown to the highest pitch it can arrive at c. These were the Sentiments of the most Subtle and Crafty Minister that ever France had who decides the Question in few words The Most Christian King has so well profited by the Maxims of that great Politician that 't is with him an inviolable Law not to swerve from the Practice thereof to this day Nor was Mazarin alone of this Opinion The Marquess of Louvois jumps with him in the same Sentiments And tho' he were not of so â—ublime a Genius as Mazarin the Reputation he acquir'd during his Ministry renders â—im Authentic enough to be quoted for a good Author You shall hear what he said to Colbert Croissi when he gave him his last Instructions how to carry himself at the Negotiation of Nimeguen whither he was sent with the Character of a Plenipotentiary I know very well said he that the Confederate Princes will make a Judgment to the Prejudice of his Majesty of his Conduct in inviting 'em to a Peace but it matters not the Advantages he will receive thereby will amply recompence the Wrong which his Honour will suffer besides that we shall come off well enough by giving out that his Majesty vouchsaf'd to afford Peace to Europe Thus you see what has been all along the Temper of France this is no Maxim of Yesterday as being practis'd by several of his Majesty's Ancestors Witness what Comines reports of Lewis XI That that same Prince to get himself out of the Bryars at a time when Paris the Capital City of his Kingdom was within a very little of being Besieg'd by the Burgundians deem'd it the only way in the World he could take to Temporize He thought it by no means proper to venture his Kingdom upon the Hazard of a Battle and therefore labour'd under-hand to Dis-unite the Princes and Lords of the Confederacy which succeeded very luckily and by that means he got the better of his Enemies Henry IV. and Lewis XIII took the same Course And still when France has been overwhelm'd with the great number of her Enemies it has been always her way to ruin their Union with fair and plausible Proposals of Peace But if it may be said that the French Monarchy had always Great Masters in this Scienice Lewis XIV has out-done 'em all His Reign has been a continued Series of deceitful Promises violated Faith and Treaties broken In a word this Prince observing himself Attack'd by the most Potent Confederacy that ever was entred into against France can never take a better opportunity to propose Peace then when her Triumphant Arms may seem to boast of some Advantages The same Arms are fickle and uncertain and Fortune that has favour'd him hitherto may forsake him and reduce his Affairs to the most Pitiful Condition in the World It looks then if we may judge of Events by the disposal and management of things as if France affraid of strange Revolutions sufficient to ravish from him in an instant all the Honour and Glories he has hitherto enjoy'd and despoil her Conquests gain'd by breach of Treaties sought to effect by Policy what she cannot compass by Force There are four things that urge the Crown of France to press the Confederates so earnestly for a Treaty of Peace The First is the â—ondition of her Affairs which at present is savourable enough in regard of the Progresses which her Arms have made The Second is her Apprehensions lest the Confederates considerably augmenting their Forces and redoubling their Efforts should weaken her in such a manner as to disable her for the future from making a further Progress upon her Neighbours if they permit her to keep her own The Third is the hopes that she has of luckily obtaining her ends by the same Artifices which she made use of at the Peace of Nimiguen And the Fourth is the low ebb of her Exchequer and the deplorable condition of the People reduc'd to utmost Misery by Famin and want of Corn. As to the condition of her Affairs most certain it is that France is well advis'd in taking this time to make her Proposals of Peace She was never so happy nor so much caress'd by Fortune as now For five Years together that the War has bin declar'd excepting the First Campaign wherein the Confederates triumph'd upon the reducing of Mayence Keiserwart Bon c. to which we may add that famous Atchievment at the Boyn the memorable Victory with which it was attended the Engagement by Sea and the Duke of Savoy's Irruption into the Dauphinate all other things may be said to have been prosperous for France So that if she could inveagle the Confederate Princes into a Negotiation at a time when every thing smiles upoâ— her she may have just reason to expect thaâ— such a Negotiation will be attended with 〈◊〉 Peace no less glorious and advantagious foâ— her then that of the Pyreneans Aix la Chapelle or Nimeguen For proof of which then needs no more but to reflect upon the Offer of the Envoys of Denmark to the Court oâ— England and the States of the United Provinces which we have already recited Which Offers are so inconsiderable That 't is a meeâ— Insulting and an Affront put upon the Honour of so many Princes to presume that they would ever listen to such Proposals As to the Apprehensions of France lest the Confederates should redouble their Efforts and constrain the most Christian King to confine himself within much narrower Limits 't is as certain That her Fears are not groundless and that 't is but good Counsel given to the most Christian King to advise him to bid his Generals and his Souldiers whet their Swords betimes and have their Arms in a readiness because that in all Likelihood we shall have a warm Campaign of it The most Christian King perhaps did ne're expect that England turmoil'd as she had been with Factions and Dissentions that harrass'd the Peace and Tranquility of the Kingdom would have taken a Resolution to conclude the War by Efforts of Puissance and constant Opposition by granting the Men â—nd Mony which King William desir'd Nor 〈◊〉 England the only Confederate so well inâ—in'd to the common Cause The United â—rovinces and the rest of the Princes and â—tates that compose the League unanimously â—onclude to sacrifice the whole toward the â—btaining a lasting and durable Peace And â—ence it is that we behold such numerous Armies such prodigious Forces muster'd together on the Confederates side amounting â—â—s they say to no less then 400000 Men Which if it be true France will find it a difficult Task to fend off the Blows on every side And I am persuaded that Marshal Luxemburgh as much pufft up as he is with the Advantages that he
But â—f the Treasures of this Monarch were more â—mmense his Ambition was also proportionâ—ble and if they have bin so far from being sufficient to satisfie it that he has bin also fain â—o sacrifize the Estates of the Church and â—he Spoils of the Altars after he has laid Imâ—osts upon all things else imaginable he must â—e forc'd at length to lay a swinging Tex upon Urine as formerly Vespasian did An unfortunate Gamester after he has lost all endeavours to recover himself by all the ways he can imagin and managing the Cards or the Dice by himself in his own Hand beâ—hinks himself at length of playing soul Thus the King of France having ruin'd himself his People and his Kingdoms by imprudently engaging himself in a burthensoâ— War and which having been prosperous aâ— the beginning has prov'd fatal to him in thâ— end endeavours to get himself out of thâ— Bryars as well as he can To which purpose he offers Peace to the Princes of the Confederacy and sets all Springs at work to breaâ— the Union He makes 'em Proposals ambiguous and full of Delusion what he offer to day he revokes to morrow He order Cardinal Fourbin to tell the Court of Rome That he is ready to lay down Arms and tâ— enter into a Negotiation with the Confederate Princes but first there must be a settlement for King James agreed upon To the Northern Crowns his Embassadorâ— talk another sort of Language and tell ' emâ— That as to the Affairs of England in regard that Royal Majesty appears to be wounded in the Person of King James he makes no question but the King of Sweden and the Emperor will take it upon 'em to propose some Expedient to determin that Difference As to the Court of Vienna 't is about ten Months since that he made Proposals of Peace to his Imperial Majesty quite different from those that appear'd in his Manifesto publish'd upon the Rhine There is not any one of the Confederate Princes or States to whom he has not offer'd Proposals altogether different from those which he now propounds Witness his Temptations to the Duke of Savoy first by Chanlais then by Catinat and then by other Ministers As to the States General of the United Provinces France made 'em Proposals first by Oxesterne formerly the Swedish Embassaâ—or who had two Audiences to that purpose â—esides the Proposals made 'em by M. Lenthe the Danish Envoy She has observ'd the same conduct at the Court of England where M. Scheel now talks at another rate Several other Projects have been presented at the Courts of all the rest of the Confederate Prinâ—es wherein there is nothing solid or constant shich is a convincing Proof that the most Christian King seeks only to draw the Confederates into a Negotiation to obtain a Cessation of Arms on purpose to amuse 'em while he on the other side assays by more powerful efforts to ruin their Union And this is Lewis XIV's foul Play and the compass which he fetches to â—attain his Ends and disintangle himself out of the Noose that hampers him by saving if possible the best part of his Conquests and delivering his Impoverish'd Dominions from the ponderous Burthens which they groan under And now 't is for the Confederate Princes to consider what they have to do and not to suffer themselves to be deluded by the false and deceitful shifts of France and seriously to reflect upon the fatal Misfortunes that will infallibly attend the conclusion of a disadvantagiou Peace if lending their Ears to the Offers oâ— France they neglect the fairest opportunitâ— that ever was to humble that haughty and perfidious Potentate at a time when he beg for Peace and when there needs no more theâ— two Campaigns to obtain all the Advantageâ— which they can expect to reap from theiâ— Perseverance Which is so much the moâ—â— Important as being the reason that has arm'â— all Europe against him and occasion'd thaâ— august and potent Confederacy of so many justly incens'd Princes and who are equally interested therein But what Assurances shall they have thaâ— the Peace which the most Christian King now proposes shall not be violated like thâ— Pyrenean Peace and the Treaties of Aix 〈◊〉 Chapelle and Nimeguen How can they rely upon the Oath of a Prince who acknowledges no other Law then that of his Ambition and Will At the Peace of Arras lip the Good Duke of Burgundy not being willing to trust Charles VII who had brok'n his word in several other Treaties was desirous that the last Article of the Treaty should run in these words That the King for assurance of the observation and full performance of the said Treaty should deliver it seal'd by the Princes of his Blood the Grandees of the Kingdom and the principal Men of the chief Cities and that in case of any Breach those Princes and Lords should be absolv'd from their Oaths of Fidelity toward the King and be oblig'd to serve the Duke against him The Precautions of the Duke of Burgundy upon that occasion might in some measure serve as a Garranty to secure the observance of Charles VII's Word and Oath But it is â—o be consider'd That the condition of the Grandees of the Kingdom was not then the same as now it is Charles VII wanted a great deal of being so well belov'd and so much fear'd by the People and Nobility of France as Lewis XIV at this day The ways which he has taken to gain the Affection of his Subjects are quite different Formerly a little thing would have open'd a wide Gate to Faction and Revolt and incens'd the Grandees and Lords of the Kingdom to take Arms But now the Case is alter'd The King has reduc'd 'em all equally to such a dependance upon him that no Body dares stir and it would be in vain for the Confederate Princes to think of laying the foundation of a solid and lasting Peace upon any such Article in imitation of the Duke of Burgundy For proof of this we may observe that since the beginning of this Reign looking backward as far as the King's Minority France has no longer car'd to be sensible or take notice of the Troubles that had lacerated her very Bowels So that notwithstanding all the Efforts that were usd to re-kindle the same Sparks it was impossible to bring it to pass To which it may be said that Mazarin and the Ministers that succeeded him as also the King himself who is sharp-sighted enough did not contribute a little by means of their good management at the beginning And in regard the People are ignorant in Polities and for that it is impossible for 'em to dive into the secrets of the Cabinet 't was an easie thing for that Monarch being so good a Matchiavilian as he is to reduce his Subjects under that Bondage wherein we now behold ' em He easily brought it to pass by depriving 'em of all the means that might prove a Bait to Insurrection