pragmatica Sanctio So also Theodosius and Arcadius when they make a Law for dispatch of Suites begin thus Nemo deinceps tardiores affatus nostrae Perennitatis expectet And Iustinian in the inscription of one of his owne Lawes insâ—rts amongst his owne Tiâ—les Sâ—mper Adorandus Augustus And in a Lawe of Monasteriall and Matrimoniall causes which are now onely of spirituall Iurisdiction he threatens that if any Bishop infringe that Law Quam nostra sanxit Aeternitas Capitis supplicio ferietur In which stile also Theodosius and Arcadius ioyne Adoraturus aeternitatâ—m vestrâ—m diâ—igatur And an other proceedes somewhat further Beneficio numinis nostri And Theodosius and Valentinian deliuer it more plainely Vt sciant omnes quantum nostra Diuinitas auersatur Nestorium and so in fauour of the puritie and integritie of Christian Religion in contemplation whereof it seemes they were Religiously exercised euen at that time when hee assum'd these high stâ—les they proceede in the same Law We anathematize all Nestorius followers according to those things which are already constituted A Diuinitate nostra And Constantius and Irene write themselues Diâ—os and theâ—r owne Acts Diualiaâ— And this Pope Adrian to whom they writ râ—prehended not but the Emperour Charles did and another phrase of as much exorbitance which was Deus qui nobis conregnat 39 The highest that I haue obserâ—ed any of our Kings to haue vsed is in Edward the fourth who in his creation of Marques Dorâ—eâ— speakes thus of himselfe Cum nâ—stra Maiestas ad Regium Culmen sublâ—â—ata existat and after Tantum spâ—endoris nostri nomen But a little before his time Baldus gaue as much to the king of France as euer any had for he said he was in his kingdome Quidam Corporalis Deus And in our present age a Roman Author in a Dedication of his booke thus salutes our Queene Mary because your Highnesse is the strongest bul-warke of the Faith Tua Nâ—mina supplex posco which is also atâ—ributed to the Emperour in a late Oration to him and to other Princes And in some Funerall Monuments of Queene Maries time I haue read this inscription Diâ—is Philippo Maria Regibus which word Diâ—us Bellarmine values at so high a rate that he repents to haue bestowed it vpon any of the Saints and therefoâ—e in his laâ—e Recognition blots it out which tendernesse in him another Iesâ—ite since disallowes and iustifies the vse of the worde against Bellarmines squeamish abstinence because the worde saies Seâ—arius may be vsed aswel as temple or as fortune which are also Ethnique wordes But by his leaue he is too hasty with the Cardinall who doâ—h not refuse the word because the Ethniques vsed it but because they appointed it onely to their Gods Bellarmine insimulates al them which allow that worde to Saints of making Saints Gods 40 And though in some of these Tiâ—les of great excesse which these Empâ—rous assâ—â—â—'d to themselues we may easily discerne some impressions of Gentilisme which they retain'd sometimes after Christian Religion had receiued roote amongst them as they did also their Gladiatorie spectacles and other wastefull prodigalities of mens liues and Bondage and seruility and some other such yet neither in them nor in other Princes is the danger so great if they should continue in them as it is in the Bishoppes of Rome For Princes by assuming these Titles do but draw men to a iust reuerence and estimation of that power which subiects naturally know to be in them but the other by these Titles seeke to build vp and establish a power which was euer litigious and controuerted either by other Patriarchs or by the Emperours for Bellarmine hauing vndertaken to proue the Pope to be Peters successor in the Ecclesiastique Monarchy which Monarchy it selfe is denyed and not onely the popes right to it labors to proue this assumption by the fifteene great names which are attributed to the Popes 41 And the farthest mischiefe which by this excesse Princes could stray into or subiects suffer is a deuiation into Tyranny and an ordinary vse of an extraordinary power and prerogatiue and so making subiects slaues and as the Lawyers say Personas Res. But by the magniâ—ying of the Bishoppe of Rome with these Titles our religion degenerates into superstition which is a worse danger and besides our temporall fortunes suffer as much danger and detriment as in the other for Pâ—inces by their lawes worke onely vpon the faculties and powers of the soule and by reward and punishment they encline or auert our dispositions to a loue or feare But those Bishopps pretend a power vpon the substance of our soules which must be in their disposition for her condition and state in the next life And therefore to such as claime such a power it is more dangerous to allow and countenance any such Titles as participate in any significaâ—ion of Diuinity 42 For since they make their Tribunall and Consistory the same with Christ since they say It is Heresie and Treason to decline the Popes iudgement per ludibria friuolarum Appellationum ad futurum Concilium as one Pope saies since they teach that one may not appeale from the Pope to God himselfe since they direct vs to bow at the name of Iesus and at the name of the Pope but not at the name of Christ for that being the name of Annointed it might induce a reuerence to Princes who partake that name if they should bow to that name since they esteeme their lawes Diuine not as Princes doe by reason of the power of God inherent in all iust lawes and by reason of the common matter and subiect of all such lawes which is publique vtility and generall good but because their lawes are in particular dictated by the holy Ghost and therefore it is Blaspemy and sinne against the holy Ghost to violate any of them since themselues make this difference betweene the name of God as it is giuen to Princes and as it is giuen to them that Princes are called Dij laicorum and they Dij principum since to proue this they assume a power aboue God to put a new sense into his word which they doe when they proue this assertion out of these words in Exodus Dijs non detraâ—es principi populi non maledices for by the first they say the popes are vnderstood and by the second princes when as Saint Paul himselfe applies the latter part to the high priest and their expositor Lyra and the Iesuite Sâ interpret the first part of this Scripture of Iudges Since I say they entend worse ends then Princes doe in accepting or assuming like Titles and since they worke vpon a more dangerous and corruptible subiect which is the Conscience and Religion since they require a stronger assurance in vs by faith since they threaten greater penalties in any which doubt thereof
not onely be enwrapp'd in the bands of ExcoÌ„munication but cast into hell Vinculis Anathemaâ—is And this Iohn the eight at the same time when he alowes him all due attributes desires him to incline his sacredeares to him threatens Charles himself that if he restore not certain things taken from a Nunnerie by a certaine day He should bee Excommunicate till restitution and if being thus lightly touchâ—d he repented not Durioribus verberibus erudieâ—dus erat 73 So that whether this farther punishment were no other then that which is now called excommunicatio Maior or that which is called in the Canons Anathema maranatha the denouncing of which and the absoluing from it was acted with many â—ormalities and solemnities and had many ingredients of burning tapers and diuers others to which none could be subiected without the knowledge of the Arch-Bishoppe it appeares that it now here extends to temporall punishment or forfaitures and confiscations 74 Of which there appeares to me no euidence no discernable impression no iust suspition till Gregory the seuenths time And then as it may well be said of Phalaris his letters that they were al writ for execution and of Brutus his letters that they were all Priuy Seales for money so may wee â—ay of Gregories iudging by the frequency thereoâ— that they were all cholerique excommunications and that with Postscripts worse then the body of the letter which were Confiscations neuer found in his predecessors which should haue beene his precedents 75 And for this large and new addition of Eradication hee first threatned it to the Fench King and then practised it effectually vpon the Emperour To the Bishoppes of France he writes That their King Philip is not to be called King but a Tyrant which by perswasion of the Diuel is become the cause and the head of all mischiefe Therefore saies he all you must endeauour to bow him And thus farre his Pastorall care might binde him And to shew him that he cannot escape the sword of Apostolique animaduâ—rsion and thus farre his iealousie of his spiritual Primacy might excuse him But when he adds Depart from communion with him and obedience to him forbid Diuine Seruice throughout all France and if he repent not we will attempt to take the Kingdome from his possession they are wordes of Babel which no man at that time vnderstood yet he writes in the same tenour to the Earle of Poicton That if the king perseuere both he and all which giue any obedience to him shall be sequestred from the communion of the Church by a Councell to be held at Rome So assuredly and confidently could hee pronounce before hand of a future determination in a Councell there 76 And of his owne seuerity vsed towards the Emperour whom vpon seuere penances hee had resumed â—nto the Church he blushes not to mâ—ke an Historical Narration to the Bishops and Princes of Germany thus He stood three daies before the gate despoiled of all Kingly ornaments miserable and barefooâ—e till all men wondred at the vnaccustomed hardnesse of our minds And some cryed out that this was not the grauity of Apostolique seuerity but almost the cruelty of Tyrannique sauagenesse 77 And when Rodulphus whom he had set vp against the Emperour was dead seeing now as himselfe confesses almost all the Italians enclin'd to admit the Emperour Henry euen they whom he trusted most for so he saies â—ene omnes nostri fideles he protesteth that Rodolphus was made without his consent Ab vltramontâ—nis and that he went to depose him and to call those Bishops to account which adhered to himâ— And then he writes to certaine Prelates to slacken the Election of a new Emperour and giues instruction what kind of person hee would haue to bee elected One which should be obedient humbly deuout and profitable to the Church and that would take an oath to doe any thing which the Pope would commaund him in these wordes Per veram obedientiam and that hee would be made a Knight of Saint Peter and of the Pope 78 But although many watchfull and curious men of our Church and many ingenious of the Romane haue obseâ—ued many enormous vsurpations and odious intemperances in this tempestuous Pope Gregory the seuenth and amongst them almost anatomiz'd euery limme of his Story yet it may bee lawfull for mee to draw into obseruation and short discourse two points thereof perchance not altogether for their vnworthines pretermitted by others Of which the first shall be the forme of the excommunication against Henry because by that it will appeare what authority hee claimed ouer Princes And the other â—haâ—â— be â—is letteâ—â—o a Bishop wâ—o desired to draw from him some reaâ—ons by which he might defend that which the Pope hâ—d done because by that it will appeare vpon what foundations he grounded thâ—s preteâ—ce and authorâ—ty 79 The excoÌ„municaâ—ion is thus deliuered Conâ—tradico ei I denie him the gouernment of al the kingdom of Germany of Italy and I absolue all Christians froÌ„ the band of the oth which they haue made to him or shall make and I forbid any man to serue him as his king for it is fit that he which endeuors to diminish the honor of the Churchâ— should loose his owne honour And because he hath contemned to obey as a Christian participating with excommunicated persons and despising my admonitions and seperating himselfe from the Church I tie him in vinculo Anathematis By which we see that he beginnes with Confiscation And because it had neuer beene heard that the Popes authority extended beyond Excommunication therefore hee makes Deposition a lesse punishment then that and naturally to precede it for he makes this to bee reason enough why he should forfait his dignity because he attempted to dimâ—nish the Dignity of the Church But for his Disobedience to the Chuâ—ch and him he inflicts Excommunication as the greater and gâ—eatest punishment which he could lay vpon him And it is of dangerous câ—nsequence if Excommunication bâ— of so high a nature and of so vast an exâ—ent that wheresoeuer it is iustly inflicted that presupposes Confiscation and Deposition 80 And another dangerous preiudice to the safetâ—e of all Princes ariseth out of this pâ—ecedent which is that hee absolues the Subiects of all Oathes of Alleageance which they shall make after that Denunciation For if his successor that now gouernes shall be pleased to doe the same in England at this time and so giue his partie here such leaue to take the Oath of Alleageance doth he not thereby vtteâ—ly frustrate and annihilate all that which the indulgence of a mercifull Prince and the watchfulnesse of a diligent Parliament haue done for the Princes safety and for distinction betweene trayterous and obedient subiects Yet both this Deposition and this Absolution of subiects and this Interdiction were all heaped and amass'd vpon a Catholique Prince before the excommunication it selfe or any
place Hoc in aeternum nunquam fiet that all Laymen will come vnder them they haue prouided that all Clergie men which be vnder them shall be safe enough as welll by way of Counsell for so Mariana modefies his Doctrine that the Prince should not execute any Clergy man though hee deserue it as by positiue way of Aphorismes as Emanuel Sâ doth That they are not subiects nor can doe treason and by way of Fact and publique troubling the peace of al Christendome as appeared by their late attempt vppon Venice for this Exemption 30 And as the immensnesse of this power auerts me from beleeuing it to bee iust so doeth this also decline me that they will not bee brought to tell vs How he hath it nor How hee got it For as yet they doe but stammer and the Word stickes in their iawes and wee know not whether when it comes it wil be Directly or Indirectly And they are as yet but surueying their Euidence they haue ioyn'd no issue nor know we whether they will pleade Diuine Law that is places of Scripture or Sub diuine Law which is interpretation of Fathers or super diuine law which is Decretals of Popes But Kings insist confidently and openly and constantly vpon the law of Nature and of nations of God by all which they are appointed what to do and enabled to do it 31 Lastly this infames and makes this Iurisdiction suspicious to me to obserue what vse in their Doctrine and Practise they make of this power For when they haue proceeded to the execution of this Temporall power it hath beene either for their owne reall and direct profit and aduantage as in their proceeding with the Easterne Emperours And drawing the French Armies into Italy and promouing and strengthning the change of the family and race of the Kings in France or else the benefit hath come to them by whose aduancement that Church growes and encreases as in the disposing of the Kingdome of Nauarre Or at least the example and terrour thereof magnifies the dignitie and reputation of that Church and facilitates her other enterprises for a good time after as a Shippe that hath made good way before a strong winde and vnder a full Sayle will runne a great while of her selfe after shee hath stricken saile 32 VVhen any of these reasons inuite them how small causes are sufficient to awake and call vp this temporall Authoritie The cause why Childerique was deposed was not sayes the Canon for his Iniquities but because he was Inutilis And this was not sayes the Glosse because hee was Insufficient for then hee should haue an assistant and coadiutor but because hee was Effeminate So that the Pope may depose vpon lesse cause then hee can giue an assistant For to bee Insuficient for the Gouernement is more directly against the office of a King then to bee subiect to an infirmitie which concernes his humanitie not his office 33 And when the officers and Commissioners of the Romane Court come to Syndicate Kings they haue already declar'd what they will call Enormities and Excesses by inuoluing almost all faults whether by Committing or Omitting in generall words As When he doeth not that for which he is instituted when he vseth his prerogatiue without iust cause when he vexes his Subiects when he permits Priests to kisse his hands when he proceeds indiscreetly and without iust reason And lastly For any such hunting as they will call intemperate To which purpose they cite against Kings generally those Canons which limit certaine men and times and maners And which as the Glosse sayes of some of them are meant De venatione arenaria When men out of vaine-glorie or for gaine fought in the Theaters with wild beasts And least any small errour in a King might escape them they make account that they haue enwrapp'd and pack'd vp all in this That it is all one whether a King bee a Tyrant or a Foole or Sacrilegious or Excommunicate or an Hereticke 34 This obedience therfore which we neither find written in the tables of our Hearts nor in the Scriptures nor in any other such Record as either our aduersary wil be tried by or can bind vs must not destroy nor shake that obedience which is Naturall and Certaine Cyril hath made this sentence his owne by saying it with such allowance It is wisely said That hee is an impious man which sayes to the King thou dost vniustly Much more may wee say it of any that affirmes a King to bee naturally impotent to doe those things for which he is instituted as he is if he cannot preserue his Subiects in Peace and Religion which the Heathen kings could doe whose Subiects had a Religion and Ministers thereof who wrought vpon men to incline them to Morall goodnesse here and to the expectation of future blessednesse after death though not by so cleare nor so direct waies as Christian Religion doth 35 The king therefore defends the Liberties of the Church as the nature of his office which he hath acknowledged and Declar'd and seal'd to his Subiects by an Oath binds him to do if he defend the Church of England from foraine vsurpation And a most learned and equall man hath obserued well That sidesâ— And since a Iesuite hath affoorded vs this confession That the Prince hath this Authoritie ouer Bishops that hee may call them as Peeres of â—is Realme And since their Clementines or the Glosser yeeldes to vs That a Church Prelate may bee a Traytor because hee holdes some temporalities how can they escape from being â—ubiect in all other cases since their naturall and nâ—tiue obedience is of a stronger obligation then the accepting or possessing of these Temporalities for if â—ure Diuino the Character of Order did obliterate and wash out the Character of ciuill Obedience and subiection the conferring of any temporall dignity or possession could not restore it for vnder color of a benefit it should endammage and diminish them when a little Temporall honour or profit shall draw their spirituall estate and person to secular â—uâ—iâ—dâ—ction â—or as Azorius will proue to vs the king may call a Bishoppe as a Baron to the Parliament and as the Canonist will prooue to vs he may call him to the Barre as a Traytor 36 To recollect therefore now and to determine end this point the title which the Prince hath to vs by Generation and which the Church hath by Regeneration is all one now For we aâ—e not onely Subiects to a Prinâ—e but Christian Subiects to a Christian Prince and members as well of the Church as of the Common-wealth in which the Church is And as by being borne in his Dominions and of parents in his alleageance we haue by birth-right interest in his lawes and protection So by the Couenant of Almighty God to the faithful and their Seede by being born of Christian Parents we haue title to
two Breues of Paulus the fift cannot giue this assurance to this Conscience First for the generall infirmities to which all Rescripts of Popes are obnoxious And then for certaine insufficiencies in these CHAP. XII That nothing requir'd in this Oath violates the Popes spirituall Iurisdiction And that the clauses of swearing that Doctrine to bee Hereticall is no vsurping vpon his spirituall right either by preiudicating his future definition or offending any former Decree CHAP. XIII That all which his Maiesty requires by this Oath is exhibited to the Kings of Fraunce And not by vertue of any Indult or Concordate but by the inhaerent right of the Crowne CHAP. XIIII Lastly That no pretence eyther of Conuersion at first Assistance in the Conquest or Acceptation of any Surrender from any of our Kings can giue the Pope any more right ouer the Kingdome of England then ouer any other free State whatsoeuer AN ADVERTISEMENT TO the Reader THough I purposed not to speake any thing to the Reader otherwise then by way of Epilogue in the end of the Booke both because I esteemed that to be the fittest place to giue my Reasons why I respited the handling of the two last Chapters till another time and also because I thought not that any man might well and properly be called a Reader till he were come to the end of the Booke yet because both he and I may suffer some disaduantages if he should not be fore-possessed and warned in some things I haue changed my purpose in that point For his owne good therefore in which I am also interessed I must first intreat him that he will be pleased before hee reade to amend with his pen some of the most important errors which are hereafter noted to haue passed in the printing Because in the Reading he will not perchance suspect nor spy them and so he may runne a danger of being either deceiued or scandalized And for my selfe because I haue already receiued some light that some of the Romane profession hauing onely seene the Heads and Grounds handled in this Booke haue traduced me as an impious and profane vnder-valewer of Martyrdome I most humbly beseech him till the reading of the Booke may guide his Reason to beleeue that I haue a iust and Christianly estimation and reuerence of that deuout and acceptable Sacrifice of our lifes for the glory of our blessed Sauiour For as my fortune hath neuer beene so flattering nor abundant as should make this present life sweet and precious to me as I am a Moral man so as I am a Christian I haue beene euer kept awake in a meditation of Martyrdome by being deriued from such a stocke and race as I beleeue no family which is not of farre larger extent and greater branches hath endured and suffered more in their persons and fortunes for obeying the Teachers of Romane Doctrine then it hath done I did not therefore enter into this as a carnall or ouer-indulgent fauourer of this life but out of such reasons as may arise to his knowledge who shall be pleased to read the whole worke In which I haue abstained from handling the two last Chapters vpon diuers reasons whereof one is that these Heads hauing beene caried about many moneths and thereby quarrelled by some and desired by others I was willing to giue the Booke a hasty dispatch that it might cost no man much time either in expecting before it came or in reading when it was come But a more principall reason was that since the two last Chapters depend vpon one another and haue a mutuall Relation I was not willing to vndertake one till I might perseuere through both And from the last chapter it became me to abstaine till I might vnderstand their purposes who were formerly engaged in the same businesse For the first Discouerie giues some title to the place and secludes others without the Discouerers permission And in men tender and iealous of their Honour it is sometimes accounted as much iniurie to assist as to assault When therefore I considered that the most Reuerend and learned Sir Edward Coke Lord chiefe Iustice of the coÌ„mon Pleas whom they which are too narrow to comprehend him may finde arguments enow to loue and admire out of the measure and proportion of his malice who hath written againsâ— him since wee ought to loue hâ—m so much as such men hate him had in this point of Iurisdiction laid so solid foundations raised so strong walls perfited his house vpon so sure a Rocke as the lawes of this Kingdome are And when I saw that as the diuell himselfe is busiest to attempt them who abound in strength of Grace not forbearing our Sauiour himselfe so an ordinary Instrument of his whose continuall libels and Incitatorie bookes haue occasioned more afflictions and drawne more of that bloud which they call Catholique in this Kingdome then all our Acts of Parliament haue done had oppugned his Lordships Booke and iterated and inconculcated those his oppositions I could not know whether his Lordship reserued any farther consideration of that matter to his owne leasures or had honoured any other man with his commandement or allowance to pursue it Till therefore I might know whether any such were embarqued therein as would either accept my Notes and dignifie them with their stile or submit their Notes to my method and the poore apparell of my language or vndertake it entirely or quit it absolutely as a body perfit already by that forme which his Lordship hath giuen it I chose to forbeare the handling thereof at this time One thing more I was willing the Reader should be forewarned of which is that when he findes in the printing of this Booke oftentimes a change of the Character hee must not thinke that all those words or sentences so distinguished are cited from other Authors for I haue done it sometimes onely to draw his eye and vnderstanding more intensly vpon that place and so make deeper impressions thereof And in those places which are cited from other Authors which hee shall know by the Margine I doe not alwayes precisely and superstitiously binde my selfe to the words of the Authors which was impossible to me both because sometimes I collect their sense and expresse their Arguments or their opinions and the Resultance of a whole leafe in two or three lines and some few times I cite some of their Catholique Authors out of their owne fellowes who had vsed the same fashion of collecting their sense without precise binding themselues to All or onely their words This is the comfort which my conscience hath and the assurance which I can giue the Reader that I haue no where made any Author speake more or lesse in sense then hee intended to that purpose for which I cite him If any of their owne fellowes from whom I cite them haue dealt otherwise I cannot be wounded but through their sides So that I hope either mine Innocence or their own fellowes guiltinesse
these imputations but an appeale to our blessed Sauiour and a protestation before his face that my principall and direct scope and purpose herein is the vnity and peace of his Church For as when the roofe of the Temple rent asunder not long after followed the ruine of the foundation it selfe So if these two principall beames and Toppe-rafters the Prince and the Priest rent asunder the whole frame and Foundation of Christian Religion will be shaked And if we distinguish not between Articles of faith iurisdiction but account all those super-edifications and furnitures and ornaments which God hath affoorded to his Church for exteriour gouernment to be equally the Foundation it selfe there can bee no Church as there could be no body of a man if it were all eye 4 They who haue descended so lowe as to take knowledge of me and to admit me into their consideration know well that I vsed no inordinate hast nor precipitation in binding my conscience to any locall Religion I had a longer worke to doe then many other men for I was first to blot out certaine impressions of the Romane religion and to wrastle both against the examples and against the reasons by which some hold was taken and some anticipations early layde vpon my conscience both by Persons who by nature had a power and superiority ouer my will and others who by their learning and good life seem'd to me iustly to claime an interest for the guiding and rectifying of mine vnderstanding in these matters And although I apprehended well enough that this irresolution not onely retarded my fortune but also bred some scandall and endangered my spirituall reâ—putation by laying me open to many mis-interpretations yet all these respects did not transport me to any violent and sudden determination till I had to the measure of my poore wit and iudgement suruayed and digested the whole body of Diuinity controuerted betweene ours and the Romane Church In which search and disquisition that God which awakened me then and hath neuer forsaken me in that industry as he is the Authour of that purpose so is he a witnes of this protestation that I behaued my selfe and proceeded therin with humility and diffidence in my selfe and by that which by his grace I tooke to be the ordinary meanes which is frequent praierâ— and equall and indifferent affections 5 And this course held in rectifying and reducing mine vnderstanding and iudgment might iustifie excuse my forwardnes if I shold seeme to any to haue intruded and vsurped the office of others in writing of Diuinity and spirituall points hauing no ordinary calling to that function For to haue alwaies abstained from this declaration of my selfe had beene to betray and to abandon and prostitute my good name to their misconceiuings and imputations who thinke presently that hee hath no Religion which dares not call his Religion by some newer name then Christian. And then for my writing in Diuinity though no professed Diuine all Ages all Nations all Religions euen yours which is the most couetous and lothest to diuide or communicate with the Layety any of the honours reserued to the Clergie affoord me abundantly examples and authorities for such an vndertaking 6 But for this poore worke of mine I need no such Aduocates nor Apologizers for it is not of Diuinity but meerely of temporall matters that I write And you may as iustly accuse Vitrâ—uius who writ of the fashion of building Churches or those Authors which haue written of the nature of Bees and vse of Waxe or of Painting or of Musique to haue vsurped vpon the office of Diuines and to haue written of Diuinity because all these are ingredients into your propitiatory medicine the Masse and conduce to spirituall and diuine worship as you may impute to any which writes of ciuil obedience to the Prince that he meddles with Diuinity not that this obedience is not safely grounded in Diuinity or that it is not an act of Religion but that it is so well engrau'd in our hearts and naturally obuious to euery vnderstanding that men of all conditions haue a sense and apprehension and assurednes of that obligation 7 The cause therefore is reduced to a narrow issue and contracted to a strict point when the differences betweene vs are brought to this Whether a Subiect may not obey his Prince if the Turk or any other man forbid it And as his Maiestie in his Kingdomes is Religiously and prudently watchfull to preserue that Crowne which his Predecessors had redeemed from the rust and drosse wherewith forraine vsurpation had infected it so is it easie to be obserued that all the other Princes of Christendome beginne to shake off those fetters which insensibly and drowsily they had admitted and labour by all waies which are as yet possible to them to returne to their naturall Supremacy and Iurisdiction which besides many other pregnant euidences appeares by Baâ—ronius his often complayning thereof both in his Annals when he sayes That the Princes of this age do exercise so much Iurisdiction ouer the Clergie that the Church suffers some scandall thereby And in his Apologie of his owne writings against the Cardinall Columna where he notes That the Cardinals deputed for the hearing of those causes at Rome are tired and oppressed in these later times with the Messengers and Appeales of Bishoppes which in euery Countrey complaine how much the secular Princes iniure them And this must of necessity be vnderstood of Countries which professe the Romane Religion because such as are Apostoliquely reformed or are in that way haue shut vp all waies of Appellations to Rome or remedies from thence 8 And not to speake of the Kingdome of France at this time because I haue sepos'd and destin'd a particular Chapter for that consideration nor of the fresh Historie of the Venetians maintaining their iust Lawes for this temporall Iurisdiction which lawes Parsons without any colour of truth or escape from malitious and grosse deceiuing saies they haue recalled when as not to affright you with any of those Authours which write on the Venetian part you may see an excellent relation of that negotiation and vpon what conditions the Pope withdrew his censures in that letter of Cardinall Peron to his Master the French King about Cardinal Ioyeuse his instructions when the Pope sent him to Venice for that purpose nor to looke so farre backe as to consider what the other States of Italy and of Rome it selfe haue done herein which as an Author which liued in profession of that Religion informes vs durst alwaies brauely and boldly defend it selfe against the Popes vsurpations though he protested that if they would but admit him to enter againe into the towne hee would deale no more with temporall matters and this at that time when England vnder Henry the second and the remoter parts trembled at him who trembled at his owne neighbours and Subiects as he pretended To omit all these the Kingdome
Supernumerary vow of sustaining the Papacy by obeying the Popes will seeme to haue gone further herein then the rest yet the last Order erected by Philip Nerius which was saide to haue beene purposed to eneruate the Iesuites and by a continual preaching the liues of Saints and the Ecclesiastique story to counterpoise with deuotion the Iesuites secular and actiue learning though they set out late haue aemulously endeuoured to ouertake the Iesuites themselues in this doctâ—ine of auiling Princes For Bozius hath made all Princes Tributary or Feudatary to the Pope if not of worse condition And Gallonius seemes to haue vndertaken the History of the persecutions in the Primitiue Church onely to haue occasion by comparison thereof to defame and reproach the lawes and Gouernement of our late Queene 52 But Baronius more then any other exceeds in this point for obeying his owne scope and first purpose to aduance the Sea of Rome he spares not the most obedient childe of that mother the Catholique King of Spaine for speaking of the Title which that King hath to the Kingdome of Sicily he imputes thus much to Charles the fift that being possessed with employments of the fielde hee gaue way to an Edict by which Grande piaculum perpetratur against the Apostolique authority and al Ecclesiastqiue lawes were vtterly dissipated And that hee ioyned together temporall and spirituall iurisdictionâ— and pretended a power to excommunicate and to absolue euen Cardinals and the Popâ—s Nuncioes and so saies he hath raised another Head of the Church pro monstro ostento He addes with extreame intemperance that this claime to that Kingdome was buried a while but reuiued againe by Tyrannicall force by violent grassation and by the robbery of Princes who commaunded that to be obeyed as reasonable which they had extorted by Tyranny And least hee should not seeme to extend his bitternes to the present time he saies those Princes which hold Sicily by the same reasons doe imitate those tyrants And so he imputes vppon all the later kings of Spaine as much vsupation of Ecclesiastique Iurisdiction and as monstrous a Title of head of the Church as euer their malice degorged vppon our king Henrie the eight 53 And though in some passages of that history he hath left some wayes to escape by laying those imputations rather vpon the kings officers then vpon â—he king yet that Cardinall who hath censured that part of his worke espies his workemanshippe and arte of deceiuing and therefore tels him that he hath inuayd against Monarchy it selfe and all defenders thereof and that himâ— Nor doth Baronius repent that which hee hath spoken of those kings but in his answere to this Cardinall he saies that if the King were impeccable if he were an Angell if he were God himselfe yet he is subiect to iust reproofe And in his Epistle to Phil. 3. in excuse of himselfe though hee seeme to spare the present king yet it is as he professes because he hopes that he will relinguish that Iurisdiction in Sicily els he is subiect to all those reproofs reproches which Baro. hath laid vpon his father and Grandfather 54 And though this were a great excesse in Baronius to lay such aspersions vpon those Princes yet his malice appeares to bee more generall for the reason why he makes this pretence so intollerable is because thereby saies he that King becomes a Monarch and there can be no other Monarch in the world then the Pope and therefore that name must be cutte off least by this example it should propagate and a whole wood of monarchs should grow vp to the perpetuall infamy of the Primacy of the Church And so this care of his that no Monarches be admitted implies his confession that they which are Monarches haue right in their Dominions to all that which those kings claime in Sicily which is as much as our kings exercise in England if Baronius do not exceede in his imputation 55 But because there is nothing more tender then honour which as God will giue to none from himselfe being a iealous God so neither ought his Vicâ—gerents to doe it shall not be an vnseasonable and impertinent at most an excuseable and pardonable diuersion to obserue onely by such impressions as remaine in the letters betweene the Emperours and Popes at what times and vpon what occasions the Clergie of that Sea insulted vpon secular Magistacy and by what either dilatory circumuentions or violent irruptions they are arriued to this enormous contempt of Principality as of a subordinate instrument of theirs 56 Before they had much to doe with Emperours for they were a long time religiously and victoriously exercised with suffering we may obseâ—ue in Cyprians time that he durst speake brotherly and fellowly to that Sea and intimate the resoluâ—ions of his Church to that without asking approbation and strength from thence for to Pope Stephen he writes Stephano fratri and then Nos qui gubernandae Ecclesiae libram tenemus and after Hoc facere te oportet with many like impressions of equality But in Firâ—ilianus his Epistle to Cyprian written in opposition to Stephanus his Epistle who was growne into some bitternesse against Cyprian there appeares more liberty for thus he saies Though by the inhumanity of Stephen we haue the better tryall of Cyprians wisedome we are no more beholden to him for that then we are to Iudas for our saluation He addes after That that Church doth in vaine pretend the authority of the Apostles since in many sacraments Diuinae rei it differs from the beginning and from the Church of Hierusalem and defames Peter and Paul as Authors thereof And therefore â—aies he I doe iustâ—y disdaine the open and manifest â—oolishnesse of Stephen by whom the truth of the Christian Rocke is abolished So roundly and constantly were their first attempts and intrusions resisted and this not onely by this Aduocate of Cyprian but euen by himselfe also in as sharpe words as these in his Epistle to Pompeius 57 And for their behauiour to the Emperoâ—s as long as Zeale and Pouertie restrain'd them it cannot be doubted but that they were respectiue enough The preambulatorie Letters before the Councell of Chalcedon testifie it well Where the Letters of the Emperours yea of their Wiues are accepted by the name of Diuales and Sacrae literae and Diuinae syllabae And about the same time Leo the Pope writing to Leo the Emperour he sayes Hanc Paginam necessariae supplicationis adieci And in the next Epistle but one Literas Clementiae tuae veneranter accepi quibus cuperem obedire So also Felix the third to Zeno the Emperour cals himselfe Famulum vestrum and such demissions as these Liceat venerabilis Imperator exponere And Per mei Ordinis paruitatem audias are frequent in him And in Iustinians time which was presently after that Church sensible of the vse and
neede which it had of his fauour so hee would be content to extend to their benefit prescription which before was limited in thirâ—ie yeares to a hundred neuer grudged at tâ—e phrase and language of his Law by which he affoorded the Church that priuiledge though it were very high Being willing to illustrate Rome Lege specialj nostri Numinis That that Church may eternally by this remember the prouidence of our Gouernement we graunt c. 58 And Gregorie the first was out of his wisedome at least if not Deuotion as temperate as the rest when he wâ—it to the Emperour Maurice to sweeten and modifie that Law which forbaâ— some persons to enter into Monasteries For there he cals himselfe Famulum and Seruum And addes this Whiles I speake thus with my Lords What am I but dust and wormes And though Binius is loth to pardon him this duetifulnesse and respect to his Princes and thereâ—ore sayes That he protested in the begining of that Letter that hee spoke not as a Bishop but Iure priuato And so out of Baronius he sayes That he plaide another part as vpon a stage Yet if he wore this maske and disguise cleane through the Epistle then he spoke personately and dissemblingly as well with Christ as with the Emperour when he sayes I the meanest of Christs sâ—ruants and yours Nor do I thinke that Binius or Baronius would say that he spoke personately of the Execution of the Emperours Law but that hee had truely done as he said I haue done all which I ought to doeâ— for I haue both performed my obedience to the Emperor and I haue vttered that which I thought fit concerning God And he was wisely careful that his Letter to the Emperour concerning his opnion of the iniquitie of that Law should not come to the Emperours inopportunely nor as from a person of equall ranke to him and therefore he forbids his own Responsall for the dignitie of a Nuncio was not yet in vse to deliuer it but sends it to the Emperours Phisitian because saith he Vestra Gloria may secretly at some conueniet time offer him this suggestion And that this Phisitian might be confident in this employment he assures him of his affection and Allegeance to his Prince by this Confession God hath appointed the Emperour to rule not onely Souldiours which were the persons forbid in that Law but also Priests whose priuileges seem'd to be impayr'd thereby 59 With like respect doth one of his successors Vitalian write to Vaanus who was Cubiâ—ularius et Chartularius Imperialis to mediate prouide that a Bishoppe vniustly deposed might be restored And to him the Pope affoords this stile Celsitudo vestra and addresses the depos'd Bishop Ad vestra ambulaturum vestigia and promises that they both shall all the daies of their liues pray to God for the prosperity and long liuing Suae excellentissimae Charitatis 60 And in all this course of time the Popes some out of a iust contemplation of their duety some out of the neede which they had of the Emperours from whom they receiued daily some additions to their immunities and exemptions were agreeable and appliable enough to them And when Italy suffered a dereliction by the absence of the Emperours in the East and thereby was prostituted and exposed to barbarous Inuaders the Bishoppes of this Citie which was the fairest marke to inuite the Lumbards and the rest solicited those Easterne Emperours to their succour with all sweetnesse and humility but at last desperate of such reliefe casting their eyes vppon the mightiest kingdome of the West they inuited the French to their succour 61 And at this time came from them those lamentable supplications which Stephen the third sent to Pipin and Carloman In the first whereof he vrges them with their promise of certaine lands by them vowed to the Church And hauing called them Dominos excellentissimos and spiritualem Compatrem and prepared them with wordes of much sweetenesse Mellifluam bonitatem Mellifluos obtutus and such hee comes to the point That which you haue offered to Peter by promise you ought to deliuer him in profession least when the Porter of heauen the Prince of the Apostles at the daie of iudgement shall shew your hand-writing you be put to make a more strict account with him So therefore he felt and lamented their slackenes in endowing the Church yet at that time he would not vndertake to be the Iudge nor make the Camera Apostolica the Court but he referres it to Saint Peter and to the last day and onely remembers them That Dominus per meam humilitatem mediante B. Petro vos vnxit in reges 62 The next letter written in the person of the Pope and all the Romane people and Romane armie et omnium in afflictione positorum is an earnest and violent coniuration per Deum viuum vos coniuro Saue vs most Christian Princes before we perish the soules of all the Romans hang vpon you and so forth And when all this did not effectually stirre them to come as the letter solicited Cum nimia festinatione then came a third letter in the name and person of Saint Peter himselfe in this stile I Peter the Apostle and by me all the Catholique Romane Church Head of all the Churches of God vobis viris excellentissimis I Peter exhort you my adopted Sonnes to defend that house where I rest in my flesh and with me Marie with great Obligations Aduises and Protests and so forth And whatsoeuer you shall aske of me I will giue you If you doe not performe this know ye that by the authoritie of the Apostleshippe giuen me by Christ you are alienated from the Kingdome of God and from life euerlasting 63 And when Stephen the fourth came to that Sea and thaâ— the sonnes of these Princes beganne to incline to ally themselues by marriage with the Lombards the Pope seeing then his whole temporal â—ortune at the stake neglects no way of withdrawing them from that inclination hee saies therefore Saint Peter by our vnhappines beseecheth your Excellence and then vouchsafe to bend your eares inspired by God to our Petition and to him whom we haue sent ad Regale vestrum Culmen And then in an inconstant distemper he threatens and he promises in St. Peters name as bitterly and as liberally as his predecessor had bid S. Peter himselfe to doe in the former Epistle 64 And when these Princes after much entreaty had deliuered Italy from the infestation of the Lombards and deuided the profite and spoile with the Church and that that Sea had recoâ—ered some breath and heart then their Bishopps began to reprehend with some bitternesse the Easterne Emperours And then came that notorious letter of Nicholas to Michael the Emperour In which though he stile him Superatorem Gentium prâ—ssimum filium Dulcissimum Tranquillissimum for as yet hee doubted that he might be necessary to
proue that Conclusion So that as if it pleased him to haue said so definitiuely without arguing the case the Decretall had beene as perfit and binding as it is after all his reasons and argumentation so doe not his Reasons bind our reason or our faith being no part of the Definition but leaue to vs our liberty for all but the Definition it selfe 46 And a Catholique which beleeues by force of this Decretall That he cannot be saued except he obay the Pope is not bound to beleeue thereâ—fore that these words of S. Iohn There shall be one sheepe-folde and one sheepheard are meant of a Subiection of all Christian Princes to the Pope as this Decretall by way of Argument sayes but he may be bold for all this to beleeue an elder Pope that this is spoken of ioyning Iewes and Gentiles in one faith or Theophilact That this proues one God to be the sheepheard of the olde and new Testament against the Maniches Nor is he bound because this Decretall saies it by the way to beleeue that the words in Saint Luke Behold here are two swords to which Christ did not answere It is too much but it is enough doe proue the spirituall and temporall swords to bee in the disposition of the Church but he is at liberty for all this to bâ—leeue Chrysostome That Christ by mentioning two swords in that place did not meane that they should possesse swords for what good sayes he could two swords doe but he forwarned them of such persecutions as in humane iudgement would neede the defence of swords Or he may beleeue Ambrose That these two swords are the sword of the Worde and the sword of Martyrdome of which there is mention in S. Luke A sword shall passe thorow my soule So that these swords arme them to seeke the truth and to defend it with their liues or hee may beleeue S. Basil who saies That Christ spoke Prophetically that they would encline to vse swordes though indeede they should not doe so Both which expositions of Chrysostome and Basil a Iesuite remembers and addes for his owne opinion That Christ did not confirme two Swords to the Church by Saying It is enough but onely because they could not vnderstand him he broke off further talke with them as we vse when we are troubled with one who vnderstands vs not to say T is well T is enough 47 For Bellarmine is our warrant in this case who saies That those wordes intimate no more but that the Apostles when persecution came would be in as much feare as they who would sell all to buy swords and that Pope Boniface did but mystically interprete this place 48 And as the exposition of other places there cited by Boniface and his diuers reasons scattered in the Decretall â—al not within the Definition therof noâ— binde our faith so doth it not that those wordes spoken by God to Ieremy I haue set thee ouer the nations and ouer the Kingdomes and to plucke vp and roote out to destroy and to throw downe to build and to plant are veâ—ifiâ—d of the Ecclesiastique power though he say it But any Catholique may boldly beleeue that they were spokeÌ„ only to Ieremy who had no further Commission by them but to denounce and not to inflict those punishments For it were hard if this Popes Mysticall expositions should binde any man contrary to his oath appointed by the Trent Councell to leaue the vnanime consent of the Fathers in expounding these Scriptures and so an obedience to one Pope should make him periured to another The last Dâ—finition therefore of this Decretall which was first and principally in the purpose and intention of this Pope which is Subiection to him is maâ—ter of faith to all them in whom the Popes Decreâ—s beget faiâ—h but temporall Iurisdiction is not hereby imposed vpon the conscience as matter of faith 49 But because this Canon was suspiciously penn'd and perchance misinterpretable and bent against the kingdome of France betweene which state and the Pope there was then much contention so that therefore it kept a iealous watch vppon the proceeding of that Church Clement the fifâ— who came to be pope within foure yeares after the making of this Canon made another Decree That by this Definition or Declaration of Boniface that Kingdome was not preiudiced nor any more subiect to Rome then it was before the making of that Decree And though it was not Clements pleasure to deale cleerely but to leaue the Canon of Boniface as a stumbling blocke still to others yet out of the whole History this will result to vs that if this temporall Iurisdiction which some gather out of this Canon were in the Pope Iure Diuino hee could not exempt the kingdome of Fraunce and if it were not so no Canons can create it But euen this exemption of Clement proues Bonifaces acte to be Introductory and new for what benefite hath any man by being exempted from a Declaratorie law when for all that exemption â—ee remaines still vnder the former law which that declares So that nothing concerning temporall Iurisdiction is defined in that Canon but it is newly thereby made an Article of faith that all men must vpon paine of damnation be subiect to the Church in spirituall causes from which Article it was necessary to exempt France because that kingdome was neuer brought to be of that opinion 50 And in the last Volume of the Canon law lately set out in the Title De Rescrip Mand. Apost there is one Canon of Leo the tenth and another of Clement the seuenth which annull all Statutes and ciuill constitutions which stoppe Appeales to Rome or hinder the execution of the Popes bulles and inflicts Excommunication and Interdicts the Dominions of any which shall make or fauor such Statutes But because these Canons doe not define thisâ— as matter of faith I doubt not but the Catholiques of England would bee loath to aduenture the daungers which our Lawes inflict vpon such as seeke Iustice at Rome which may be had here And they doe though contrarie to these Canons in continuall practise bring all their causes into the Courtes of Iustice here which if the Canons might preuaile belong'd to Rome 51 And these be all the Canons which I haue mark'd either in mine owne reading of them or from other Authors which write of these questions to bee cited to this purpose Those which concerne Ecclesiasticke immunitie or the Popes spirituall power I omitted purposelyâ— And of this kind which I haue dealt withall I doubt not but some haue escaped me But I may rather be ashamed of hauing read so much of this learning then not to haue read all 52 Heere therefore I will conclude that though to the whole body of the Canon Law there belong'd as much faith and reuerence as to the Canons of the old Councels yet out of them you can finde nothing to