Lordships Legitimate Issue And the Publishers and Printers of them deserve to have an Action of Defamation brought against them by the State of Learning for Disgracing and Personating his Lordships Works As for this present Collection I doubt not but that it will verifie it self in the severall Parcells thereof And manifest to all understanding and unpartiall Readers who is the Authour of it By that Spirit of Perspicuity and Aptnesse and Concisenesse which runs through the whole Work And is ever an Annex of his Lordships Penne. There is required now And I have been moved by many Both from Forrein Nations and at Home who have held in Price and been Admirers of this Honourable Authours Conceits and Apprehensions That some Memorialls might be added concerning his Lordships Life Wherein I have been more Willing then sufficient to satisfie their Requests And to that End have endeavoured to contribute not my Talent but my Mite in the next following Discourse Though to give the true Value to his Lordships Worth There were more need of another Homer to be the Trumpet of Achilles Vertues WILLIAM RAWLEY THE LIFE OF THE HONOURABLE AUTHOR FRANCIS BACON the Glory of his Age and Nation The Adorner and Ornament of Learning Was born in York House or York Place in the Strand On the 22th Day of January In the Year of our Lord 1560. His Father was that Famous Counseller to Queen Elizabeth The Second Propp of the Kingdome in his Time Sir Nicholas Bacon Knight Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England A Lord of Known Prudence Sufficiency Moderation and Integrity His Mother was Ann Cook one of the Daughters of Sir Anthony Cook unto whom the Erudition of King Edward the Sixth had been committed A choyce Lady and Eminent for Piety Vertue and Learning Being exquisitely Skilled for a Woman in the Greek and Latin Tongues These being the Parents you may easily imagine what the Issue was like to be Having had whatsoever Nature or Breeding could put into Him His first and childish years were not without some Mark of Eminency At which Time he was endued with that Pregnancy and Towardness of Wit As they were Preâ—ages of that Deep and Universall Apprehension which was manifest in him afterward And caused him to be taken notice of by several Persons of Worth and Place And especially by the Queen who as I have been informed delighted much then to confer with him And to prove him with Questions unto whom he delivered Himself with that Gravity and Maturity above his years That her Majesty would often term Him The young Lord Keeper At the ordinary years of Ripeness for the university or rather something earlier He was sent by his Father to Trinity Colledge in Cambridge To be educated and bred under the Tuition of Doctor John White-Gift then Master of the Colledge Afterwards the Renowned Arch-Bishop of Canterbury A Prelate of the First Magnitude for Sanctity Learning Patience and Humility Vnder whom He was observed to have been more then an Ordinary Proficient in the severall Arts and Sciences Whilst he was commorant in the University about 16. years of Age As his Lordship hath been pleased to impart unto my Self he first fell into the Dislike of the Philosophy of Aristotle Not for the Worthlesnesse of the Authour to whom he would ever ascribe all High Attributes But for the Unfruitfulnesse of the way Being a Philosophy as his Lordship used to say onely strong for Disputations and Contentions But Barren of the Production of Works for the Benefit of the Life of Man In which Mind he continued to his Dying Day After he had passed the Circle of the Liberall Arts His Father thought fit to frame and mould him for the Arts of State And for that end sent him over into France with Sir Amyas Paulet then Employed Ambassadour Lieger into France By whom he was after a while held fit to be entrusted with some Message or Advertisement to the Queen which having performed with great Approbation he returned back into France again With Intention to continue for some years there In his absence in France his Father the Lord Keeper died Having collected as I have heard of Knowing Persons a considerable summe of Money which he had separated with Intention to have made a competent Purchase of Land for the Lively-hood of this his youngest Son who was onely unprovided for And though he was the youngest in years yet he was not the lowest in his Fathers Affection But the said Purchase being unaccomplished at his Fathers Death there came no greater share to him than his single Part and Portion of the Money dividable amongst 5. Brethren By which meanes he lived in some streits and Necessities in his younger years For as for that pleasant Scite and Mannour of Gorhambury he came not to it till many years after by the Death of his Dearest Brother Mr. Anthony Bacon A Gentleman equall to him in Heigth of Wit Though inferiour to him in the Endowments of Learning and Knowledge Vnto whom he was most nearly conjoyned in Affection They two being the sole Male Issue of a second Venter Being returned from Travaile he applyed himself to the study of the Common Law which he took upon him to be his Profession In which he obtained to great Excellency Though he made that as himself said but as an Accessary and not as his Principall study He wrote severall Tractates upon that Subject Wherein though some great Maisters of the Law did out-go him in Bulk and Particularities of Cases yet in the Science of the Groundsâ— and Mysteries of the Law he was exceeded by none In this way he was after a while sworn of the Queens Counsell Learned Extraordinary A Grace if I err not scarce known before He seated himself for the Commodity of his studies and Practise amongst the Honourable Society of Greyes Inn Of which House he was a Member where he Erected that Elegant Pile or Structure commonly known by the Name of the Lord Bacons Lodgings which he inhabited by Turns the most part of his Life some few years onely excepted unto his Dying Day In which House he carried himself with such Sweetnesse Comity and Generosity That he was much revered and loved by the Readers and Gentlemen of the House Notwithstanding that he professed the Law for his Livelyhood and Subsistence Yet his Heart and Affection was more carried after the Affaires and Places of Estate For which if the Majesty Royall then had been pleased he was most fit In his younger years he studied the Service and Fortunes as they call them of that Noble but unfortunate Earl the Earl of Esâ—ex unto whom he was in a sort a Private and free Counseller And gave him safe and Honourable Advice Till in the end the Earl inclined too much to the violent and precipitate Counsell of others his Adherents and Followers which was his Fate and Ruine His Birth and other Capacities qualified him above others of his Profession to have
do acknowledge my Soveraign Liege Lord King James to be lawfull and undoubted King of all the Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland And I will bear true faith and Allegeance to his Highness during my life NOw my Lords upon these words I charge William Talbot to have committed a great Offence And such an one as if he had entred into a voluntary and malicious Publication of the like writing It would have been too great an Offence for the Capacity of this Court But because it grew from a Question askt by a Councell of â—state And so rather seemeth in a favourable Construction to proceed from a kind of Submission to answer then from any malicious or insolent Will it was fit according to the Clemency of these Times to proceed in this maner before your Lordships And yet let the Hearers take these things right For certainly if a Man be required by the Lords oâ— the Councell to deliver his Opinion whether King Iames be King or no And He deliver his Opinion that He is not This is High Treason But I do not say that these words amount to thatâ— And therefore let me open them truly to your Lordships And thereiâ— open also it may be the Eyes of the Offender Himself how far they reach My Lords a Mans Allegeance must be Independant not provisionall and conditionall Elizabeth Barton that was called the Holy Maid of Kent affirmed That if K. H. 8. Did not take Katherine of Spain again to his Wife within a twelve moneth he should be no King And this was judged Treason For though this Act be Contingent and Future yet Treason of compassing and imagining the Kings Destruction is present And in like manner if a Man should voluntarily publish or maintain That whensoever a Bull or Deprivation shall come forth against the King that from thenceforth he is no longer King This is of like Nature But with this I do not charge you neither But this is the true Latitude of your Words That if the Doctrine touching the Killing of Kings be Matter of Faith that you submit your self to the Judgement of the Catholick Roman Church So as now to do you right your Allegeance doth not depend simply upon a Sentence of the Popes Deprivation against the King But upon another point also If these Doctrines be already or shall be declared to be Matter of Faith But my Lords there is little won in this There may be some Difference to the guiltinesse of the Party But there is little to the Danger of the King For the same Pope of Rome may with the same breath declare boâ—h So as still upon the matter the King is made but Tennant at will of his Life and Kingdomes And the Allegiance of his Subjects is pinn'd upon the Popes Act. And Certainly it is Time to stop the Current of this Opinion of Acknowledgement of the Popes power in Temporalibus Or elâ—e it will supplant the Seat of Kings And let it not be mistaken that Mr. Talbots Offence should be no more then the Refusing the Oath of Allegiance For it is one thing to be silent and another thing to affiâ—m As for the Point of Matter of Faith or not of Faith To tell your Lordships plain it would astonish a Man to see the Gulf of this implyed â—eliefe Is nothing excepted from it If a Man should ask Mr. Talbot whether he do condemn Murther or Adultery or Rape or the Doctrine of Mahomet or of Arius in stead of Zuarius Must the Answer be with this exception that if the Question concern matter of Faith as no question it doth for the Moral Law is matter of Faith That therein he wil submit himself to what the Church shall determine And no doubt the Murther of Princes is more then Simple Murther But to conclude Talbot I will do you this Right and I will noâ— be reserved in this but to declare that that is true That you came afterwards to a better mind Wherein if you had been constant the King out of his great goodnesse was resolved not to have proceeded with you in Course of Justice But then again you Started aside like a Broken Bow So that by your Variety and Vacillation you lost the acceptable time of the first Grace which was Not to have convented you Nay I will go farther with you Your last Submission I conceive to be Satisfactory and Compleat But then it was too late The Kings Honour was upon it It was published and the Day appointed for Hearing Yet what preparation that may be to the Second Grace of Pardon that I know not But I know my Lords out of their accustomed favour will admit you not only to your Defence concerning that that hath been Charged But to extenuate your Fault by any Submission that now God shall put into your mind to make The Charge given by Sr. Francis Bacon his Majesties Atturney Generall against Mr. I.S. for Scandalizing and Traducing in the publick Sessions Letters sent from the Lords of the Councell touching the Benevolence MY Lords I shall inform you ore tenus against this Gentleman Mr. I. S. A Gentleman as it seems of an ancient House and Name But for the present I can think of him by no other Name then the Name of a great Offender The Nature and Qualityâ— of his Offence in sum is this This Gentleman hath upon advice not suddenly by his Pen Nor by the Slip of his Tongue Not privatly or in a Corner but publickly As it were to the face of the Kings Ministers and Iustices Slandered and Traduced The King our Soveraign The Law of the Land The Parliament And infinite Particulars of his Majesties worthy and loving Subjects Nay the Slander is of that Nature that it may seem to interest the People in Grief and Discontent against the State whence mought have ensued Matter of Murmur and Sedition So that it is not a Simple Slander but a Seditious Slander like to that the Poet speaketh of Calamosque armare Veneno A Venemous Dart that hath both Iron and Poysonâ— To open to your Lordships the true State of this Offence I will set before you First the Occasion whereupon Mr. I. S. wrought Thâ—n the Offence it self in his own words And lastly the Points of his Charge My Lords you may remember that there was the last Parliament an Expectation to have had the King supplied with Treasure although the Event failed Herein it is not fit for me to give opinion of an House of Parliament But I will give testimony of Truth in all places I served in the Lower House and I observed somewhat This I do affirm That I never could perceive but that there was in that House a generall Disposition to give And to give largely The Clocks in the House perchance might differ Some went too fast some went too slow But the Disposition to give was generall So that I think I may truly say Solo tempore lapsus Amor. This Accident happening
his Book Procure reverence to the King and the Law Inform my people truly of me which we know is hard to do according to the Excellency of his Merit but yet Endeavour it How zealous I am for Religion How I desire Law may be maintained and flourish That every Court should have his Iurisdiction That every Subject should submit himselâ— to the Law And of this you have had of lâ—te no small Occasion of Notice and Remembrance by the great and strait Charge that the King haâ—h given me as Keeper of his Seal for the Governing of the Chancery without Tumour or Excesse Again è re natae you at this present ought to make the People know and consider â—he Kings Blâ—ssed Care and Pâ—ovidence in goveâ—ning this Realm in his Absence So thâ—t sitting at the Helm of another Kingdom Nâ—t without gâ—eat Affairs and Business yet he governs all things here by his Letters and Directions as punctually and perfectly as if he were present I assure you my Lords of the Counsell and I do much admire the Extention and Latitude of his Care in all Things In the High Commission he did conceive a Sinnâ—w of Government was a little shrunk He recommended the care of it He hath called for the Accounts of the last Circuit from the Judges to be transmitted unto him into Scotland Touching the Infestation of Pyrates he hath been carefull and is and hath put things in way All things that concern the Reformation or the Plantation of Ireland He hath given in them punctuall and resolute Diâ—ections All this in Absence I give but a few Instances of a publique Nature The Secrets of Counsell I may not enter into Though his Dispatches into France Spain and the Low-Countries now in his absence are also Notorious as to the outward sending So that I must conclude that his Majesty wants but more Kingdomes For I see he could suffice to all As for the other Glasse I told you of Of representing to the King the Griefs of his People without doubt it is properly your Part For the King ought to be informed of any thing amisse in the state of his Countries from the Observations and Relations of the Iudges That indeed know the Pulse of the Country Rather then from Discourse But for this Glasse thanks be to God I do hear from you all That there was never greater Peace Obedience and Contentment in the Country Though the best Governments be alwayes like the fairest Crystals wherin every little Isicle or Grain is seen which in a Fouler Stone is never perceived Now to some Particulars and not Many Of all other things I must begin as the King begins That is with the Cause of Religion And especially the Hollow Church Papist Saint Aug. hath a good Comparison of such Men affirming That â—hey are like the Roots of Nettles which themselves sting not but yet â—hey bear all the Stinging Leaves Let me know of such Roots and I will root them out of the Country Next for the Matter of Religion In the principall place I recommend both to you and the Iustices the Countenancing of Godly and Zealous Preachers I mean not Sectaries or Novellists But those which are sound and conform But yet pious and Reverend For there will be a perpetuall Defection except you keep Men in by Preaching as well as Law doth by punishing And commonly Spirituall Diseases are not Cured but by Spirituall Remedies Next let me commend unto you the Repressing as much as may be of Faction in the Countrys of which ensue infinite Inconveniences and perturbations of all good Order And Crossing of all good Service in Court or Country or wheresoever Cicero when he was Consul had devised a fine Remedy A Milde one but an effectuall and an apt one For he saith Eos qui otium perturbant reddam otiosos Those that trouble others Quiet I will give them Quiet They shall have nothing to do Nor no Authority shall be put into their Hands If I may know from you of any who are in the Country that are Heads or Hands of Faction Or Men of turbulent Spirits I shall give them Cicero's Reward as much as in me is To conclude study the Kings Book And study your selves how you profit by it And all shall be well And you the Iustices of Peace in particular Let me say this to you Never King of this Realm did you so much Honour as the King hath done you in his Speeeh By being your immediâ—te Directors And by sorting you and your seâ—vice with the Service of Ambassadours and of his nearest Attendants Nay more it seems his Majesty is willing to do the state of Iustice of Peace Honour actively also By bringing in with time the like Form of Commission into the Government of Scotland As that Glorious King Edward the third did plant this Commission here in this Kingdome And therefore you are not fit to be Coppies except you be Fair Written without Blots or Blurs or any thing unworthy your Authority And so I will trouble you no longer for this time The Speech used by Sir Francis Bacon Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England to Sir William Jones upon his calling to be Lord Chief Justice of Ireland 1617. Sir WILLIAM IONES THe Kings most Excellent Majesty being duly informed of your sufficiency every way Hath called you by his Writ now returned to the State and Degree of a Serjeant at Law But not to stay there but being so qualified to serve him as his Chief Iustice of his Kings Bench in his Realm of Ireland And therefore that which I shall say to you must be applied not to your Sâ—rjeants place which you take but in passage But to that great place where you are to settle And because I will not spend Time to the Delay of the Businesse of Causes of the Court I will lead you the short Iourney by Examples and not the Long by Precepts The Place that you shall now serve in hath been fortunate to be well served in four successions before you Do but take unto you the Constancy and integrity of Sir Robert Gardiner The Gravity Temper and Direction of Sir Iames Lea The Quicknesâ—e Industry and Dispatch of Sir Humphry Winch The Care and Affection to the Common-wealth and the Prudent and Politick Administration of Sir Iohn Denham And you shall need no other Lessons They were all Lincolns Inn Men as you are You have known them as well in their Beginnings as in their Advancement But because you are to be there not only Chief Iustice but a Counseller of Estate I will put you in mind of the great Work now in hand that you may raise your thoughtes according unto it Ireland is the last Ex Filiis Europae which hath been reclaimed from Desolation and a Desert in many parts to Population and Plantation And from Savage and Barbarous Customes to Humanity and Civility This is the Kings Work in chief It is his Garland of Heroicall Vertue
and Felicity Denied to his Progenitors and Reserved to his Times The Work is not yet conducted to perfection but is in fair Advance And this I will say confidently that if God blesse this Kingdom with Peace and Justice No Usurer is so sure in seven years space to double his Prâ—ncipall with Interest And Interest upon Interest As that Kingdom is within the same time to double the stock both of Wealth and People So as that Kingdom which once within these Twenty years Wise men were wont to doubt whether they should wish it to be in a Poole Is like now to become almost a Garden And younger Sister to Great Britain And therefore you must set down with your self to be not only a just Governer and a good Chief Iustice as if it were in England But under the King and the Deputy you are to be a Master Builder and a Master Planter and Reducer of Ireland To which end I will trouble you at this time but with Three Directions The First is that you have speciall care of the Three Plantations That of the North which is in part acted That of Weshford which is now in Distribution And that of Longford and Letrim which is now in survey And take this from me That the Bane of a Plantation is when the Vndertakers or Planters make such hast to a little Mechanicall present profit as disturbeth the whole Frame and noblenesse of the work for Times to come Therefore hold them to their Covenants and the strict Ordinances of Plantation The Second is that you be carefull of the Kings Revenew And by little and little constitute him a good Demeasn if it may be Which hitherto is little or none For the Kings Case is hard when every Mans Land shall be improved in value with increase manifold And the King shall be tied to his Dry Rent My last Direction though first in weight is that you do all good Endeavours to proceed resolutely and constantly and yet with due Temparance and Equality in Matters of Religion least Ireland Civill become more dangerous to us then Ireland Savage So God give you Comfort of your Place After Sir William Iones Speech I had forgotten one Thing which was this You may take exceeding great Comfort that you shall serve with such a Deputy One that I think is a Man ordain'd of God to do great Good to that Kingdome And this I think good to say to you That the true Temper of a Chief Iustice towards a Deputy is Neither servilly to second him nor factiously to oppose him The Lord Keepers Speech in the Exchecquer to Sir John Denham when he was called to be one of the Barons of the Exchecquer SIR Iohn Denham the King of his grace and favour hath made choice of you to be one of the Barons of the Exchecquer To succeed to one of the gravest and most Reverend Iudges of this Kingdome For so I hold Baron Altham was The King takes you not upon Credit but Proof and great Proof of your former Service And that in both those kinds wherein you are now to serve For as you have shewed your self a good Iudge beween party and party so you have shewed your self a good Administer of the Revenue Both when you were Chief Baron And since as Counseller of Estate there in Ireland where the Counsell as you know doth in great part mannage and messuage the Revenew And to both these Parts I will apply some Admonitions But not vulgar or discursive But apt for the Times and in few words For they are best remembred First therefore above all you ought to maintain the Kings Prerogative And to set down with your self that the Kings Prerogative and the Law are not two Things But the Kings Prerogative is Law And the Principall Part of the Law The First-Born or Pars Prima of the Law And therefore in conserving or maintaining that you conserve and maintain the Law There is not in the Body of Man one Law of the Head and another of the Body but all is one Entire Law The next Point that I would now advise you is that you acquaint your self diligently with the Revenew And also with the Ancient Recordâ— and Presidents of this Court. When the famous Case of the Copper Mines was argued in this Court And judged for the King It was not upon the fine Reasons of Witt As that the Kings Prerogative drew to it the chief in quaque specie The Lion is the chief of Beasts The Eagle the chief of Birds The Whale the chief of Fishes And so Copper the chief of Minerals For these are but Dalliances of Law Ornaments But it was the grave Records and Presidents that grounded the Iudgement of that Cause And therefore I would have you both guide and arm your self with them against these Vapours and Fumes of Law which are extracted out of Mens Inventions and Conceits The third Advice I will give you hath a large Extent It is that you do your Endeavour in your place so to mannage the Kings Iustice and Revenue as the King may have most Profit and the Subject least vexation For when there is much vexation to the Subject and little Benefit to the King then the Exchecquer is Sick And when there is Much Benefit to the King with lesse Trouble and vexation to the Subject then the Exchecquer is sound As for Example If there shall be much Racking for the Kings old Debts And the more Fresh and Late Debts shall be either more negligently called upon or over easily discharged or over indulgently stalled Or if the Number of Informations be many and the Kings Part or Fines for Compositions a Trifle Or if there be much ado to get the King new Land upon Concealments and that which he hath already be not well known and surveyed Nor the woods preserved I could put you many other Cases this fals within that which I term the sick Estate of the Exchecquer And this is that which makes every Man ready with their Undertakings and their Projects to disturb the ancient Frame of the Exchecquer Then the which I am perswaded there is not a better This being the Burthen of the Song That much goeth out of the Subjects Purse And little commeth to the Kings Purse Therefore give them not that Advantage so to say Sure I am that besides your own Associates the Barons you serve with two superiour Great Officers that have Honourable and true Ends And desire to serve the King and right the Subject There resteth that I deliver you your Patent His Lordships Speech in the Common Pleas to Justice Hutton when he was called to be one of the Judges of the Common Pleas. Mr. Serjeant Hutton THe Kings most Excellent Majesty being duly enformed of your Learning Integrity Discretion Experience Meanes and Reputation in your Countrey Hath thought fit not to leave you these Talents to be employed upon your self onely But to call you to serve Himself and his
protest That in Case this Realm should be invaded with a Forrain Army by the Popes Authority for the Catholick Cause as they term it they would take part with her Majesty and not adhere to her enemies And whereas he saith no Priest dealt in matter of State Ballard onely excepted it appeareth by the Records of the Confession of the said Ballard and sundry other Priests That all Priests at that time generally were made acquainted with the Invasion then intended and afterwards put in Act And had received Instructions not onely to move an Expectation in the People of a Change But also to take their Vows and Promises in Shrift to adhere to the Forrainer Insomuch that one of their Principall Heads vaunted himself in a Letter of the Devise sayingâ— That it was a Point the Counsell of England would never dream of Who would imagine that they should practise with some Noble-Man to make him Head of their Faction whereas they took a Course onely to deal with the People And them so severally as any One apprehended should be able to appeal no more then Himself except the Priests who he knew would reveal nothing that was uâ—tered in Confession So Innocent was this Princely Priestly Function which thiâ— Man taketh to be but a matter of Conscience and thinketh it Reason it should have free Exercise throughout the Land 4. Of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christendom And to what Causes it may be justly assigned IT is indeed a Question which those that look into Matters of State do well know to fall out very often though this Libeller seemeth to be more ignorant thereof whether the Ambition of the more Mighty State or the Iealousie of the Lesse Mighty State be to be charged with Breach of Amity Hereof as there be many Examples so there is one so proper unto the present Matter As though it were many years since yet it seemeth to be a Parable of these Times and namely of the Proceedings of Spain and England The States Then which answered to these two Now were Macedon and Athens Consider therefore the Resemblance between the two Philips of Macedon and Spain He of Macedon aspired to the Monarchy of Greece as He of Spain doth of Europe But more apparently then the First Because that Design was discovered in his Father Charles the fifth and so left him by Descent whereas Philip of Macedon was the first of the Kings of that Nation which fixed so great Conceits in his Breast The Course which this King of Macedon held was not so much by great Armies and Invasions Though these wanted not when the Case required But by Practise By sowing of Factions in States and by Obliging sundry particular persons of Greatnesse The State of Opposition against his Ambitious procedings was onely the State of Athens as now is the State of England against Spain For Lacedemon and Thebes were both low as France is now And the rest of the States of Greece were in Power and Territories far inferiour The People of Athens were exceedingly affected to Peace And weary of Expence But the Point which I chiefly make the Compaâ—ison was that of the Oratours which were as Counsellours to a Popular State Such as were sharpest fighted and looked deepest into the Projects and and spreading of the Macedonians doubting still that the Fire after it licked up the Neighbour States and made it self Opportunity to passe would at last take hold of the Dominions of Athâ—ns with so great Advantages as they should not be able to remedy it were ever charged both by the Declarations of the King of Macedon and by the Imputation of such Athenians as were corrupted to be of his Faction as the Kindlers of Troubles and Disturbers of the Peace and Leagues But as that Party was in Athenâ— too Mighty so as it discountenaâ—ced the true Counsels of the Oratours And so bred the Ruine of that Stâ—te And accomplishedâ— the Ends of that Philip So it is to be hoped that iâ— a Monarâ—hy where there are commonly better Intelligences and Resolutions then in a popular State those Plots as they are dâ—tected already So they will be resisted and made Frustrate But to follow the Libeller in his own Câ—urse the Sum of that which he delivereth concerning the Imputation As well of the Interruption of the Amity between the Crowns of England and of Spain As the Disturbance of the generall Peace of Christendome Unto the English Proceedings and not to the Ambitiâ—us Appetites of Spain may be reduced into Three Points 1. Touching the Pâ—oceeding of Spain and England towards their Neighbour States 2. Touching the Proceeding of Spain and England beâ—wâ—en themselves 3. Touching the Articles and Conditions which it pleaseth him as it were in the behalf of England to Pen and propose for the treating and Concluding oâ— an Vniversall Peace In the First he discovereth how the King of Spain nâ—â—er offered Molestation Neither unto the States of Italy upon which he confineth by Naples and Millaine Neither unto the States of â—ermany unto whom â—e confineth by a part of â—urgundy and the Low-Countries Nor unto Portugall till it was devolved to him in Title upon which he confineâ—h by Spain But contrariwise as one that had in precious regaâ—d the Peace of Christendom he designed from the beginning to turn his whole Forces upon the Turk Oâ—ely he confesseth that agreeable to his Devotion which apprehended as well the purging of Christendom from Heresies as the Enlarging thereof upon the Infidels He was ever ready to give Succours unto the French Kingâ— agâ—inst the Huguonotts especially being their own Subjects Whereas on the other side England as he affirmeth hath not only sowed Tâ—oubles and Dissentions in France and Scotland The one their Neighbour upon the Continent The other divided onely by the Narrow Seas But also hath actually invaded both Kingdomes For as for the Matters of the Low-Countries they belong to the Dealings which have passed by Spain In Answer whereof it is worthy the Consideration how it pleased God in thâ—t King to cross one Passion by another And namely that Passion which mought have proved dangerous unto all â—urope which was his Ambition by another which was only hurtfull to himself and his own Which was Wrath and Indignation towards his Subjects the Netherlands For after that he was setled in his Kingdom and freed from some Fear of the Turk Revolving his Fathers design in aspiring to a Monarchy of â—urope casting his Eye principally upon the two Potent Kingdomes of France and England And remembring how his Father had once promised unto himself the Conquest of the one And how himself by Marriage had lately had some Possession of the other And seeing that Diversity of Religion was entered into both these Realmes And that France was fallen unto Princes weak and in Minority And England unto the Government of a Lady In whom he did not expect that Pollicy of Government Magnanimity Felicity which since he
is contained in two Words Praemium and Poena And I am perswaded if a Penny in the Pound which hath been spent i◠Poenâ For this kinde of Warr is but poena a chastisement of Rebells without Fruit or Emolument to this State had been spent in praemio that is in Rewarding Things had never grown to this Extremity But to speak forwards The keeping of the Principal Irish persons in Terms of Contentment and without Cause of particular Complaint And generally the Carrying of an even Course between the English and the Irish Whether it be in Competition or whether it be in Controversie as if they were one Nation without that same partial Course which hath been held by the Governers and Counsellers there that some have favoured the Irish and some contrary Is one of the best Medicines of State And as for other Points of Contentment As the Countenancing of their Nobility as well in this Court as there The Imparting of Knighthood The Care of Education of their Children And the like points of Comfort They are Things which fall into every Mans Consideration For the Extirping of the Seeds of Troubles I suppose the main Roots are but three The first the Ambition and Absolutenesse of the Chief of the Families and Septs The second the licentious Idlenesse of their Kernes and Souldiers that lie upon the Country by Sesses and such like Oppressions And the Third the barbarous Laws Customs their Brehen Laws Habits of Apparel their Poets or Heralds that enchaunt them in Savage Manners and sundry other such Dreggs of Barbarism and Rebellion Which by a Number of Politick Statutes of Ireland meet to be pu◠in Execution are already forbidden Unto which such Additions may be made as the present Time requireth But the Deducing of this Branch requireth a more particular Notice of the State and Manners there than fall's within my Compasse For Plantations and Buildings I doe find it strange that in the last Plot for the Population of Munster there were Limitations how much in Demesn and how much in Farm and how much in Tenancy Again how many Buildings should be erected How many Irish in Mixture should be admitted And other things foreseen almost to Curiosity But no Restraint that they might uot build sparsim at their pleasure Nor any Condition that they should make place◠Fortified and Defensible Which Omission was a strange Neglect and Securenesse to my understanding So as for this last Point of Plantations and Buildings there be two Considerations which I hold most material The one for Quickning And the other for Assuring The first is that choice be made of such Persons for the Government of Towns and Places And such Vndertakers be procured as be Men gracious and well beloved and are like to be well followed Wherein for Munster it may be because it is not Res integra but that the former Vndertakers stand interessed there will be some Difficulty But surely in mine Opinion either by Agreeing with them or by Over-ruling them with a Parliament in Ireland which in this Course of a Politick Proceeding infinite Occasions will require speedily to be held It will be fit to supply fit qualified Persons of Vndertakers The other that it be not left as heretofore to the Pleasure of the Vndertakers and Adventurers where and how to build and plant But that they doe according to a Prescript or Formulary For first the Places both Maritime and Inland which are fittest for Colonies or Garrisons As well for doubt of the Foreiner as for the Keeping the Countrey in Bridle would be found surveyed and resolved upon And that the Patentees be tyed to build in those places onely and to fortify as shall be thought convenient And lastly it followeth of Course in Countries of new Populations to invite and provoke Inhabitants by ample Liberties and Charters A Letter of Recommendation of his Service to the Earl of Northumberland a few dayes before Queen Elizabeths death It may please your good Lordship AS the Time of Sowing a Seed is known but the Time of Comming up and Disclosing is casual or according to the Season So I am a Witnesse to my Self that there hath been covered in my mind a long time a Seed of Affection and Zeal towards your Lordship sown by the Estimation of your Vertues and your particular Honours and Favours to my Brother Deceased and my Self Which Seed still springing now bursteth forth into this Profession And to be plain with your Lordship it is very true And no Winds or Noyses of Civil Matters can blow this out of my Head or Heart That your great Capacity and Love towards Studies and Contemplations of an higher and worthier Nature than Popular A Nature rare in the World and in a person of your Lordships Quality almost singular is to me a great and chief Motive to draw my Affection and Admiration towards you And therefore good my Lord if I may be of any use to your Lordship by my Head Tongue or Penn Means or Friends I humbly pray you to hold me your own And herewithall not to doe so much Disadvantage to my good Mind nor Partly to your own VVorth as to conceive that this Commendation of my humble Service proceedeth out of any Streights of my Occasions but meerly out of an Election and indeed the Fulnesse of my Heart And so wishing your Lordship all prosperity I continue A Letter of Offer of his Service to his Majesty upon his firs◠Comming in It may please your most excellent Majesty IT is observed upon a place in the Canticles by some Ego sum Flos Campi et Lilium Convallium that à Dispari it is not said Ego sum Flos Horti et Lilium Montium because the Majesty of that Person is not enclosed for a Few nor appropriate to the Great And yet notwithstanding this Royal Vertue of Accesse which Nature and Judgement hath planted in your Majesties Minde as the Portal of all the rest could not of it Self my Imperfections considered have animated me to have made Oblation of my Self immediately to your Majesty had it not been joyned with an Habit of the like Liberty which I enjoyed with my late dear Soveraign Mistris A Princesse happy in all things else but most happy in such a Successor And yet further and more nearly I was not a little encouraged not only upon a Supposal that unto your Majesties Sacred Ear open to the Air of all Vertues there might come some small Breath of the good Memory of my Father so long a Principal Counsellor in your Kingdom But also by the particular Knowledge of the infinite Devotion and incessant Endeavours beyond the strength of his Body and the nature of the Times which appeared in my good Brother towards your Majesties Service And were on your Majesties part through your singular Benignity by many most gracious and lively Significations and Favours accepted and acknowledged beyond the merit of any thing he could effect Which Endeavours
is in vain to tell you with what wonderfull Still and Calm this Wheel is turned round Which whether it be a Remnant of her Felicity that is gone or a Fruit of his Reputation that is comming I will not determine For I cannot but divide my Self between her Memory and his Name Yet we account it but a fair Morn before Sun-rising before his Majesties Presence Though for my part I see not whence any VVeather should arise The Papists are contained with Fear enough and Hope too much The French is thought to turn his Practice upon procuring some Disturbance in Scotland where Crowns may doe wonders But this Day is so welcom to the Nation and the time so short as I doe not fear the Effect My Lord of Southampton expecteth Release by the next Dispatch and is already much visited and much well wished There is continual poasting by Men of good Quality towards the King The rather I think because this Spring time it is but a kinde of Sport It is hoped that as the State here hath performed the part of good Atturneys to deliver the King quiet Possession of his Kingdoms So the King will re-deliver them quiet Possession of their Places Rather filling Places void than removing Men placed So c. A Letter to my Lord of Northumberland mentioning a Proclamation drawn for the King at his Entrance It may please your Lordship I Doe hold it a Thing formal and necessary for the King to fore-runn his Comming be it never so speedy with some Gracious Declaration for the Cherishing Entertaining and preparing of Mens Affections For which purpose I have conceived a Draught it being a thing familiar in my Mistris her times to have my Penn used in Publick Writings of Satisfaction The Use of this may be in two sorts First properly if your Lâ—rdshipâ—hink â—hink it convenient to shew the King any such Drâ—â—ght because the Veins and Pulses of this Stâ—te cannot bin beâ— beâ—â— known here which if your Lordship should doe then I would desire you to withdraw my Name and onely signifieâ— that you â—ave some Heads of Direction of such a Matter to one oâ— whose Stile and Penn you had some Opinion The other Collateralâ— Theâ— though your Lordship make no other use of it yet it is a Kinâ—e oâ— Portraicture of that which I think worthy to be advised by your Lordship to the King And perhaps more compendious and significant than if I had set them down in Articles I would have attended your Lordship but for some little Physick I took To morrow morning I will wait on you So I ever c. A Letter to the Earl of Southampton upon the Kings Comming in It may please your Lordship I Would have been very glad to have presented my humble Service to your Lordship by my attendance if I could have foreseen that it should not have been unpleasing unto you And therefore because I would commit no Error I chose to write Assuring your Lordship how credible soever it may seem to you at first yet it is as true as a Thing that God knoweth That this great Change hath wrought in me no other Change towards your Lordship than this That I may safely be now that which I was truly before And so craving no other pardon than for troubling you with my Letter I doe not now begin to be but continue to be Your Lordships humble and much devoted A Letter to the Earl of Northumberland after he had been with the King It may please your good Lordship I Would not have lost this Journey and yet I have not that I went for For I have had no private Conference to purpoâ—eâ— with the King No more hath almost any other English For the Speach his Majesty admitteth with some Noblemen is rather Matter of Grace than Matter of Business With the Atturney he spake urged by the Treasurer of Scotland but no more than needs must After I had received his Majesties first Welcom and was promised private Access yet not knowing what matter of Service your Lordships Letter carried for I saw it not And well knowing that Primeness in Advertisement is much I chose rather to deliver it to Sir Tho. Heskins than to cool it in mine own Hands upon Expectation of Access Your Lordship shall finde a Prince the furthest from Vain-Glory that may be And rather like a Prince of the auncient Form than of the latter Time His Speech is swift and Cursory and in the full Dialect of his Country And in Speech of Business short in Speech of Discourse large He affecteth Popularity by gracing such as he hath heard to be Popular and not by any Fashions of his own He is thought somewhat general in his Favours And his Vertue of Access is rather because he is much abroad and in Press than that he giveth easie Audience He hastneth to a mixture of both Kingdâ—ms and Occasions faster perhaps than Policy will well bear I told your Lordship once before that methought his Majesty rather asked Counsel of the time past than of the time to come But it is yet early to ground any Setled Opinion For the particulars I referr to conference having in these generals gone further in so tender an Argument than I would have done were not the Bearer hereof so assured So I continue c. A Letter to Mr. Pierce Secretary to the Deputy of IRELAND Mr. Pierce I Am glad to hear of you as I doe And for my part you shall find me ready to take any Occasion to further your credit and preferment And I dare assure you though I am no Undertaker to prepare your way with my Lord of Salisbury for any good Fortune which may befall you You teach me to complain of Business whereby I write the more briefly And yet I am so unjust as that which I allege for mine own Excuse I cannot admit for yours For I must by Expecting exact yoâ—r Letters with this Fruit of your Sufficiency as to understand how things pass in that Kingdom And therefore having begun I pray you continue This is not meerly Curiosity for I have ever I know not by what Instinct wish'd well to that impollish'd part of this Crown And so with my very loving Commendations I remain A Letter to the King upon presenting the Discourse touching the Plantation of Ireland It may please your excellent Majesty I Know not better how to express my good wishes of a New Year to your Majesty than by this little Book whichâ— in all humbleness I send you The Stile is a Stile of Business rather than Curious or Elaborate And herein I was encouraged by my Experience of your Majesties former grace in accepting of the like poor Field-Fruits touching the Vnion And certainly I reckon this Action as a Second Brother to the Vnion For I assure my Self that England Scotland and Ireland well united is such a Trifoile as no Prince except your Self who are the worthiest weareth in his Crown Si
was created without Forms The Second the Interim of Perfection of every Dayes Work Tâ—e Third by the Curse which notwithstanding was no new Creation And the Last at the End of the World the Manner whereof is not yet fully revealed So as the Lawes of Nature which now remain and govern inviolably till the end of the World began to be in force when God first rested from his Works and ceased to create But received a Revocation in part by the Curse Since which Time they change not That notwithstanding God hath rested and ceased from Creating since the first Sabbath yet neverthelesse he doth accomplish and fulfill his Divine VVill in all Things great and small singular and generall as fully and exactly by Providence as he could by Miracle and new Creation Though his working be not immediate and direct but by compass Not violating Nature which is his own Law upon the Creature That at the first the Soul of Man was not produced by Heaven or Earth but was breathed immediately from God So that the Wayes and proceedings of God with Spirits are not included in Nature That is in the Lawes of Heaven and Earth But are reserved to the Law of his secret Will and Grace wherein God worketh still and resteth not from the Work of Redemption as he resteth from the Work of Creation But continueth working till the end of the VVorld What time that Work also shall be accomplished and an eternal Sabbath shall ensue Likewise that whensoever God doth transcend the Law of Nature by Miracles which may ever seem as new Creations He never commeth to that point or pass but in regard of the work of Redemption which is the greater and whereto all Gods Signes and Miracles doe referr That God created Man in his own Image in a Reasonable Soul in Innocency in Free-will and in Soveraignty That he gave him a Law and Commandement which was in his power to keep but he kept it not That Man made a total Defection from God presuming to imagine that the Commandements and Prohibitions of God were not the Rules of Good and Evil But that Good and Evil had their own principles and beginnings And lusted after the Knowledge of those imagined Beginnings To the end to depend no more upon Gods will revealed but upon himself and his own Light as a God Than the which there could not be a Sinne more opposite to the whole Law of God That yet neverthelesse this great Sinne was not originally moved by the Malice of Man but was insinuated by the Suggestion and Instigation of the Devil who was the First Defected Creature and fell of Malice and not by Temptation That upon tâ—e Fall of Man Death and Vanity enter'd by the Iustice of God And the Image of God in Man was defaced And Heaven and Earth which were made for Mans use were subdued to Corruption by his Fall But then that instantly and without Intâ—rmission of Time after the Word of Gods Law became through the Fall of Man frustrate as to obedience there succeeded tâ—e greater Word of the Promise that the Righteousness of God mought be wrought by Faith That as well the Law of God as the Word of his Promise endure the sameâ—for ever But that they have been râ—vealed in several mannâ—rs according to the Diâ—pensation of Times For the Law was â—irst imprinted in that Remnant of Light of Nature which was left after the Fall being sufficient to accuse Then it was more manifestly expressed in the written Law And was yet more opened by the Prophets And lastly expounâ—ed in the true perfection by the Son of God the great Prophet and perfect Interpreter as also Fulfiller of the Law That likewise the Word of the Promise was manifested and revealed First by immediate Revelation and Inspiration After by Figures which were of two Natures The one the Rites and Ceremonies of the Law The other the Continual History of the Old World and Church of the Iewes which though it be literally True yet is it pregnant of a perpetual Allegory and shadow of the Work of the Redemption to follow The same Promise or Euangile was more clearly revealed and declared by tâ—e Prophets And then by the Son himself And lastly by the Holy Ghost which illuminateth the Church to the end of the World That in the Fulness of Time according to the Promise and Oath of a chosen Lignage deâ—cended the blessed Seed of the Woman Iesus Christ tâ—e onely begotten Son oâ— God and Saviour of the World who was conceived by the Power and Overshadowing of the Ghoâ—tâ— And took Flesh of the Virgin Mary That the Word did not onely take Flesh or was joyned to Flesh but was made Flesh though without Confusion of Substance or Nature So as the Eternal Son of God and the ever-blessed Son of Mary was one Person So one as the Blessed Virgin may be truly and Catholiquely called Deipara the Mother of God So one as there is no Unity in Universal Nature not that of the Soul and Body of Man so perfect For the three Heavenly Vnities wherâ—of that is the second exceed all Natural Vâ—iâ—ies That is to say The Vnity of the three Persons in Godhead The Vnity of â—od and Man in Christ And the Vnity of Christ and the Church the Hoâ—y Ghost being the Worker of both these latter Vnities For by the Holy Ghost was Christ Incarnate and quickned in Flesh And by the Holy Ghost is Man regenerate and quickned in Spirit That Iesus the Lord became in the Flesh a Sacrificer and Sacriâ—ice for Sin A Satisfaction and Price to the Iustice of God A Meriter of Glory and the Kingdom A Pattern of all Righteousness A Preacher of the Word which Himself was A Finisher of the Ceremony A Corner-Stone to remove the Separation between Iew and Gentile An Intercessour for the Church A Lord of Nature in his Miracles A Conquerer of Death and the Power of Darkness in his Resurrection And that he fulfilled the whole Counsel of God Performed all his Sacred Offices and Annoynting on Earth Accomplished the whole Work of the Redemption and Restitution of Man to a State Superiour to the Angels whereas the State of Man by Creation was Inferiour And reconciled and established all Things according to the Eternal VVill of the Father That in time Iesus the Lord was born in the dayes of Herod And suffered under the Government of Pontius Pilate being Deputy of the Romans And under the High Priesthood of Caiphas And was betrayed by Iudas one of the twelve Apostles And was crucified at Hierusalem And after a true and naturall Death and his Body layed in the Sepulchre the third day He raised Himself from the Bonds of Death and arose and shewed Himself to many chosen VVitnesses by the space of divers dayes And at the end of those dayes in the sight of many ascended into Heaven where he continueth his Intercession And shall from thence at the day appointed come in greatest