of the commons which committed those barbarous inhumanities was called Cappeluche the executioner or hangman of Paris Those comparteners of the house of Burgoigne not contented to suscitate such popular commotions stirs in France but brought also the English men into Fraunce which were like to have beene masters therof yet not herewith content they caused king Charles the sixt to war against his owne son who after was called Charles the seventh and one moietie of the kingdome against another And not to leave behind any kind of crueltie no not towards the dead they caused to bee spread and published all over Fraunce certaine Popes buls wherby they indicted and excommunicated all the house of Orleance and his partakers both quicke and dead insomuch as when there died any in the hands of the parteners of Bourgoigne either by ward prison or disease they buried them not in the earth but caused their bodies to be carried to dunghils like carrion to be devoured of wolves and savage beasts What could they have done more to the execution of all barbarousnesse and crueltie Behold what fruits civile warres doe bring wee see it even at this day with our eyes for there is no kind of crueltie barbarousnesse impietie and wickednesse which civile warres have not brought into use The prince then that is wise will leave nothing behind to appease civile warres under his owne governement but will spend all his care power and dilligence to hinder it after the example of that good and wise king Charles the seventh king Lewis the eleventh his sonne Charles the seventh being yet Daulphin the duke Iohn Monstr lib. 2. ca. 175. 180 181 182 183 186 187. of Bourgoigne a man very ambitious and vindicative after by secret practise hee had caused to be slaine Lewis duke of Orleance the onely brother of king Charles the sixt and after hee had filled the kingdome with warres both civile and strange contented not himselfe herewith but laid hold of the king who by a sickenesse was alienated of his wits and of the queene to make warre upon the Daulphin These occasions seemed sufficient to such as then governed the Daulphin and at last to the Daulphin himselfe being yet very yong to enterprise an hazardous blow He then sent to the said duke that hee would make a peace with him and prayed him they might appoint a place and day together to meet for that purpose The day was appointed the place assigned at Montean-fant-Yonne whither the said duke came under the trust of the word of the Daulphin his faith and assurance As soone as hee arrived making his reverence unto Monsieur le Daulphin he was compassed in and straight slaine and withall also certaine gentlemen of his traine Philip sonne and successor of this duke Iohn tooke greatly to heart this most villanous death of his father and sought all the meanes he could to be revenged which still continued the civile warres This meane while the English did what they could in France and conquered Normandie Paris the most part of Picardie and marched even unto Orleance which they besieged The abovesaid king Charles the sixt died so that Monsieur le Daulphin his son who was called Charles the seventh comming to the crown and finding himselfe despoiled of the most part of his kingdome insomuch as in mockerie he was generally called the king of Bourges This wise king well considered That if civile warres endured he was in the way to loose all one peece after another hee therefore laid all his care power and diligence to obtaine a peace and an accord with the duke of Bourgoigne Therefore he sent in embassage unto him his Constable Chancellor and others his cheefe Counsellors to say that he desired to have peace with him and that he well acknowledged that by wicked counsell he had caused his father duke Iohn to be slaine at Monterean and that if he had been then as advised and resolute as hee was at that present hee would never have committed such an act nor have permitted it to have beene done but hee was young and evill counselled and therefore in that regard hee offered to make him such amends and reparation thereof as he should be contented therewith yea that he would demand pardon althogh not in person yet by his embassadors which should have expresse charge thereof and prayed him to forgive that fault in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that betwixt them two there might be a good peace and love for hee confessed to have done evill being then a young man of little wit and lesse discretion by bad counsell so to sley his father And besides this he offred to give him many great lands seigniories as the Countie de Masconnois S. Iangon the Counrie de Auxerre Barsur Seima la Counte de Boloigne Surmer and divers other lands that during his life he would acquite him and his subjects of personall service which he ought him as vassale of Fraunce yet made many other faire offers unto him This duke Philip seeing his soveraign prince thus humiliate himself to him bowed his courage justly exasperated for his fathers death harkened unto peace which was made at Arras where there was held an assembly of the embassadors of all Christian princes of the counsell of Basil of the Pope insomuch as there were there above 4000 horses All or the most part of those embassadors came thither for the good of the king and his kingdome but there was not one there which found not the kings offers good and reasonable as also did all the great princes lords of the kingdome all the kings counsel so that his majesties embassadors which were the duke of Bourbon the countie of Richemont constable of France the archbishop of Rhemes chancellor the lord de Fayette marshall many other great lords in a full assembly in the king their masters name demanded pardon of the duke of Burgoigne for his fathers death confessing as abovesaid that the king their master had done evil as one yong and of litle wit following naughtie counsell therfore they praied the duke to let passe away all his evill wil so to be in a good peace love with the king their master And the duke of Burgoign declared that he pardoned the king for the honor reverence of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ for compassion of the poor people of the kingdome of France to obey the Counsels reasons the Pope other Christian princes which praied him Moreover besides the aforesaid things it was accorded to the said duke that justice punishment should be done upon all such asâ—ed slain his father of such as had given the Daulphin counsell to cause his slaughter that the king himself should make diligent search through all his realme to apprehend them Here may you see how king Charles 6 appeased the civile wars of his kingdome by humilitie and
On the other side Artabanus prepared himselfe and his retinue in as good order as was possible without any armie to goe meet his new sonne in law What did this perfidious Caracalla As soone as the two parties were joyned and that king Artabanus came nigh him to saluâ—e and embrace him he commanded his souldiers earnestly to charge upon the Parthians Then straight the Romanes embraced and entertained the unarmed Parthians with great blowes of swords and other armes as enemies and as if there had been an assigned battaile in so much as there was a great slaughter made of the Parthians but the king Artabanus with the help of a good horse escaped with great difficultie and danger So that this simuled and disguised marriage although pleasant to Caracalla and his friends yet were they sorrowfull to many poore Parthians Artabanus beeing saved determined well to revenge himselfe of that villanie and trecherie but Macrinus releeved him of that paine who within a little time after slew that monster Caracalla who was already descryed through all the world because of his perfidie Besides that perfidie and violation of Faith is the cause that none wil beleeve nor Perfidie is the cause of the ruine of the perfidous trust them which once have used it yet proceeds there another upon it which is That breach of Faith is ordinarily cause of the totall destruction ruine of the perfidious and disloyall person The example above alleadged of Anniball may well serve to prove it for his trecherie was first a cause that none would trust him secondly it was the cause that another perfidious person seeing him without friends or meanes enterprised to play another part of perfidie which forced him to poyson himselfe We have also in another place before recited the example of Virius and other Capuans to the number of seven and twentie which desperately slew themselves because they had broken their Faith with the Romanes But amongst other examples that of king Syphax of Numidia is most illustrious and memorable This king promised Scipio that he would aid and give him succours against the Carthaginians The Carthaginians knowing this found meanes to lay a bait for this king by Titus Livius lib. 9. 10. Dec. 3. a faire Carthaginian damosell called Sophonisba one of a great house who by her enticements so drew him into her nets that she caused him to breake his Faith with Scipio and made an alliance and confederation with the Carthaginians by the marriage of Sophonisba whereby they accorded that they would have alike friends and enemies Scipio beeing hereof advertised was much both astonished and greeved yet hee thought it good resolution not to attend whilest the two powers of king Syphax and of the Carthaginians were joined together Hee then so hasted that hee placed his armie before king Syphax who was going with thirtie thousand for the helpe of the Carthaginians and overcame all those succours insomuch as Syphax himselfe was taken prisoner his horse having been slaine under him was brought alive to Scipio who demaunded of him wherefore he had broken his Faith with the Romancs which he had so solemnely sworne betwixt his hands This poore captive king confessed that an enraged follie had drawne him unto it by the meanes of the Carthaginians which gave him that pestilent furie Sophonisba who by her flatteries and enticements had bereaved him of his understanding After this miserable king was in a triumph by Scipio led to Rome died miserably his kingdome brought under the obedience of the Romanes which gave a good part of it to Massinissa another king of Numidia who had ever been loyall and faithfull unto them in the observation of their Faith So that Syphax lost himself and his kingdome by his perfidie and breach of Faith and Massinissa acquired great reputation and honour and greatly amplified and enlarged his kingdome for rightly observing his Faith and loyaltie Charles the simple king of Fraunce in his time made strong warre upon Robert Annal. upon the year 916. duke of Aquitaine and vanquished him in a battaile nigh Soissons where duke Robert was slaine Heber countie de Vermandois brother in law of that Robert was so greeved and displeased at that overthrow that he enterprised a part of perfidie and villanie to catch the king his soveraigne lord therefore with a countenance of amitie he invited the king to a great feast in the town of Perone whither the king came with many other great princes and lords but the said countie caused them all to be taken prisoners and shut them within the castle of Perone Afterward hee enlarged all the said princes and lords upon condition of their promises never to bear armes against him but still retained the king prisoner in the said castle where he died within two yeares after Lewis the third of that name his sonne succeeded him in the crowne who at his first entry revenged not the death of his father upon countie Heber fearing some insurrection in his kingdome because of his great kindred and friends yet at the last he also made a great and solemne feast unto which he entreated the great lords and barons of his kingdome and even countie Heber and his friends and kinsfolkes As they were all assembled at that feast behold there arrived out of England a currier a thing fained by king Lewis who booted and spurred fell upon his knees before the king and presented letters unto him on the king of Englands part The king tooke those letters and caused them to be read low by his Chancellor the rather to deceive As soone as he had read them the king began to smile and say on high to the companie Truly men say true that the English are not wise My cousin of England sends me word that in his countrey a rusticall clownish man had summoned his lord whose subject hee is to a dinner at his house and as soone as he came there he tooke and detained him prisoner and after strangled him and villanously caused him to die Therfore he sends me word to have the opion of the princes barons and lords of Fraunce to know what justice should bee done upon that subject I must make him an answere and therefore my masters I pray you tell me your advices What thinke you said he to the countie de Blois the most auncient to this matter my good cousin The countie de Blois answered that his opinion was That the said rusticall fellow should die ignominiously and that according to his desert All the other princes and lords were of the same opinion yea even Heber countie de Vermandois Then tooke the king the word and said Countie de Vermandois I judge thee and condemne thee to death by thine owne word for thou knowest that in the shew of friendship and under the shaddow of a feast in thy house thou diddest invite my dead father and being come thou retainedst him and brought him most
Knights and thirtie thousand other people of warre the other victorie was at the journey of Poitiers which also the said K. Edward gained by the conduction of the Prince of Wales his sonne and lieutenant Generall against Iohn King of Fraunce who was there taken prisoner with a son of his called Philip after Duke of Bourgogne and many other Princes and great Lords all which were conducted into England there was made there a great discomfiture of people By these two battailes lost in Fraunce the one after the other in a small time the kingdome was so debilitated of his forces and goods as it could not stand yet for a further heape of mischeefes at Paris and in many other places of the realme at the same time arose there many broiles and civile dissentions But that good King Charles le Sage was so wise and prudent in the conduction and government of the affaires of the realme as well in the time that he was Dolphin and Regent of France his Father being prisoner as after when he was king that by little and little hee laid to sleepe all civile stirres and discords after hee did so much that he recovered upon the Englishmen almost all which they occupied and although he was not so brave a warriour as his father king Iohn nor as his grandfather King Philip yet was he wiser and better advised in his deliberations not hazarding his affaires as they did fearing to be reputed cowards nor did any thing rashly without due consideration Hee tooke not arms in hand but he knew well how and when to employ them to his good Insomuch that K. Edward of England seeing the wisdome of that king made his Armes rebound and become dull and his victories and conquests to be lost and annihilated Truly said he I neuer knew king that lesse useth Armes yet troubleth me so much he is all the day enditing letters and hurteth me more with his missives than ever did his Father or Grandfather with their great forces and Armes Behold the witnesse which king Edward gave of the wisdome of his enemie king Charles which was yet of so great efficacie that he brought his kingdome into a good peace by the meanes wherof his people became rich and wealthie where before they were as poore and miserable And not only the people became rich but the king also himselfe heaped up great treasures which hee left to his sonne after him insomuch that he was not onely surnamed the Wife but the Rich also I could to this purpose adde here many other examples but in a thing so cleare the example of these two kings Salomon and Charles shall suffice which two for their great wisdome have acquired the name of Wife they both were rich in great treasures both of them maintained their subjects in peace both left their kingdomes opulent and abundant and placed the estates of their Commonwealths in great felicitie It is a thing then plaine confessed That it is an exceeding great good to a people Prudence is more requisit in a Princes Counsell than in himselfe when they have a Prince that is wise of himselfe but thereupon to inferre and say as Machiavell doth That the government of Prince ought to depend vpon his owne proper wisdome and that he cannot be well counselled but by himselfe is evill concluded and such a conclusion is false and of pernitious consequence For a Prince how prudent soever he be ought not so much to esteeme of his owne wisedome as to despise the counsell of other wise men Salomon despised them not and Charles the wise alwaies conferred of his affaires with the wise men of his Counsell And so farre is it off that the Prince ought to despise anothers Counsell that even he ought to conform his opinion to that of the men of his Counsell which are wise and ought not stubbornely to resist their advise but to follow it and hold his owne for suspected And therefore that wise and cunning Emperour Marcus Antonius the Philosopher being in his privie Counsell house where was that great Lawyer Scaevola Maetianus Volusianus many other great persons excellent in knowledge and honestie after having well debated with them the matters they handled when sometimes he tooke in hand to sustaine opinions contrarie to theirs Well said he masters The thing then must be done according to your advise For it is much more reasonable that I alone follow the opinion of so good a number of my good and faithfull friends as you are than that so many wise men should follow the opinion of me alone Vnto this opinion of the Emperor Antonius agreeth also the common Proverbe That many eyes see clearer than one eye alone Experience also teacheth vs That things determined and resolved by many braines are alwayes wiser safer better ordered than the resolutions of one alone And we see also that the ancient Dionis Halic lib. 2. Romanes and all Commonweales well governed as well in times past as at this day have alwayes followed and observed that which by pluralitie of wise mens voices was concluded determined And truly so much the wiser a Prince is so much the more will he suspect his owne opinion For the same wisedome which is in him wil persuade him not to beleeve himselfe too much and to have his own judgement for suspected in his owne case as all publicke affaires may be said to be proper to the Prince and to permit him to be governed by his Counsell And contrarie because there are no people more presumptuous nor that thinke to know more than they which know little nor that thinkes to be more wise than they that have no wisdome if you learne a Prince that thinketh himselfe wise this principle of Machiavell That he ought to governe himselfe by his owne wisdome and Counsell and that he cannot be better counselled than by himselfe you shall streight find inconveniences For then shal you see that he will beleeve neither counsell nor advise but that comes out of his owne head and he will say to them that will give him any That he vnderstands well his owne matters and that he knoweth what he hath to doe and so will bring his estate and affaires into confusion and overthrow all upside downe And from whence comes this evill government and disorder Even from that goodly doctrine of Machiavell which willeth That a Prince should govern himselfe by his own wisedome and that maintaineth That a prince cannot be well counselled but by his owne wisedome The consequence then of this Maxime is not small seeing the publicke state of a countrey may stagger and be overthrowne thereby Better then it is that contrarie the Prince hold this resolution To govern himselfe by good counsell and beleeve it and have in suspition his owne wisedome For if the Prince bee wise and his opinion found to be founded upon Reason they of his Counsell will easily fall to his advise seeing also that
do often proceed when kings governe themselves by men of base hand as they call them for then are princes and great lords jealous And therefore to shun such jealousies and just complaints that great men may have to see themselves despised a prince ought so to advance meane men that hee recoile not great men and meane men ought alwaies to acknowledge the place from whence they came respecting great men according to their degrees without staggering in their dutie to their prince common-wealth And when they see that by some accident they are evill beloved of great men or of the common people and that for the good of peace it is requisit to extinguish the envie and jealousie conceived against them they ought voluntarily to forsake their estate For willingly to retaine it to the detriment and confusion of the common-wealth therein doe they evidently shew that they are not good servants of their prince King Charles the seventh had Counsellors both wise and loiall as M. Tanguy du Chastell M. Iohn Lowet president de Provence the Bishop of Cleremont Annal. upon An. 1426. and certaine others of meane qualitie which had done him great services in great affaires he had had as well when he was Dolphin as after he was king At that time this king had civile warre against the duke of Burgoigne whome secretly the duke of Bretaigne favoured which warre the king would gladly have had extinguished Therefore hee himselfe openly spoke to the said lords and dukes which made him answere That they were content to come to some good accord provided that hee would put from him such Counsellors as he had and take others These beforenamed Counsellors knowing this said to the king Since Sir it holds but thereon to quench civile warre which there is against the house of Burgoigne let them all goe home againe it shall not come of us that so good a thing shall bee hindered and they themselves desired and counselled the king to accord to that condition These were good and loyall Counsellors but they are dead and there are no more such to bee found But such there are now adaies which had rather see the commonwealth in combustion and ruine than they would suffer themselves to be removed from their places one pace Yet these good Counsellors abovesaid withdrew to their houses willingly and without constraint and soone after peace was accorded and finished betwixt the king and the duke of Burgoigne These good persons alledged not That men sought to take away the kings faithfull Counsellors to seduce and deceive him and that their dutie commaunded them then more than ever to keepe nigh his Majestie seeing the great troubles and affairs of the kingdome and that otherwise they might be accounted traitors and disloiall No no they alledged no such thing they looked right upon the white to keepe peace in the kingdome For they knew well that if they had used these reasons to the duke of Burgoigne that he could soone have answered replied that they were too presumptuous and proud to thinke that in all the kingdome of Fraunce there could not be found people as wise and faithfull to their prince as they For in all times the kingdome of Fraunce more than any other hath ever beene well furnished with wise and vertuous people of the Nobilitie Iustice Cleargie yea Marchants and of the third Estate To come againe to our purpose certaine it is That a prince which committeth the government of his affaires to one alone brings himselfe in great daunger and hardly can such governement bee without great mischeefes and disorders For this commonly men hold That being lifted up unto great honor and dignitie they cannot hold a moderation and mediocritie which is that which giveth taste and grace to all our actions The emperour Severus so high advaunced Plautianus that being great master of his houshold the people thought seeing his dealings in his office that hee was the emperour himselfe and that Severus was but his great master Hee Dion Spartian Severo slew robbed banished confiscated the goods of all such as hee would in the sight and knowledge of Severus who contradicted him in nothing So farre mounted this great and immoderate license that Plautianus durst well attempt to cause Severus to be slaine and his two sonnes But his wickednesse was disclosed by a captaine unto whom he had discovered it insomuch that Severus caused him to come before him and although by nature he were a cruell Prince yet was he so firmely affected to Plautianus that he never spoke sharpe or rigorous word unto him but onely uttered this remonstrance I am abashed Plautianus how it came in thine heart to enterprise this against me who have so much loved and exalted thee and against my children whereof Bassianus my eldest sonne hath married your daughter and so is your sonne in law Truly the condition of men is very miserable that cannot maintaine themselves in such honour and dignitie as I have placed you in I pray you tell me your reasons defences to purge you of this act The abovesaid Bassianus seeing that the emperour his father would receive Plautianus to his justification fearing he should have escaped caused one of his men to slay him in the presence of his father adding to the saying of Severus Certaine it is that great honors attributed to one man alone as to governe the affaires of a kingdome not only makes him go out of the bonds of reason but also subjects him unto great envies wherby great mischeefes happen unto him In the time of Philip le Bell king of Fraunce M. Enguerrant de Marigni Countie Annal. upon An. 1314 1326. de Longuevile a valiant and wise knight governed almost all the affaires of the king and his kingdome and especially of his common treasure which was distributed by his ordinance Amongst other things he caused to build that great Pallace at Paris where the court of parliament is held After the death of king Philip Charles Counte de Valois his brother begun criminally to pursue M. Enguerrant before certaine commissionaries of the said court delegated for that purpose And so farre did the said Countie de Valois being a great lord prince of the bloud and in great credit with king Lewis le Hutin his nephew and sonne of the said Philip pursue the cause against M. Enguerrant who was then out of credit after the death of king Philip his master that he was condemned to bee hanged and strangled on a gibbet at Paris as he was indeed This happened onely unto him by the envie he had procured by his great place and too great credit For true it is that he was accused of many things but he was not condemned of any punishable thing But our hystories say That he was not received unto his justifications and defences he was so fiercely pursued by the said Countie de Valois who after he had caused him to bee hanged and that
also comes that vertuous people beeing angry and chafed to see themselves despised as also to see strangers preferred before them suffer themselves to be governed and guided by turbulent passions contrarie to their natures Moreover it seemeth well that the Poet Hesiodius and Aristotle shoot not farre from the white of truth when they say That by right of nature he ought to dominier and rule who hath the more able spirit to know how to command well and he that hath the lesseable ought to obey And although sovereign principalities are not ruled by that naturall law because of the difficultie which falleth ordinarily in the execution of their election yet for all that that law alwayes sticketh naturally in the spirits and minds of men insomuch as it seemes to them which feele themselves to have some sufficiencie that there is wrong done them when they are put by to bring into an office one lesse capable By the abovesaid reasons then I hope men may see and usually we reade how great disorders doe often come when princes have preferred strangers unto publicke charges offices and honours before them of that nation and countrey where such charges and honours are distributed and exercised The yeare 1158 William king of Sicilie by his originall was a Frenchman gave Annale 1168. the estate of the Chancellor of his kingdome to a person very capable and fit but he was not that countreyman but a Frenchman The lords of the kingdome greeved to see a stranger constituted in so high an estate within their countrey and that A strange Chancellor cause of a great massacre in Sicilie the greatest magistracie of justice must needs be exercised by strange hands a very cruell conspiration For not onely they conspired the death of that chancellor a Frenchman but also of all them of the French nation which were dispersed in the kingdome of Sicilie Calabria and Apuleia For that purpose sent they secret letters through all the townes and places of the said countries whereby they advertised their friends and adherents which were alreadie prepared all over that they should massacre and slay each one respectively the Frenchmen of their places and towns on the day and hour that they would assigne them Which was executed and there was made in the said countries an horrible butcherie and exceeding great effusion of French blood Behold the mischeefe that came in that kingdome for having a stranger for their chancellor True it is that some may say that this massacre of the Frenchmen in Sicilia and other countries of Italie happened not so much for that reason that there was a strange chancellor as for that the Italian race hath alwayes ben much enclined to shed the blood of our nation For that same race made also another like generall massacre in the year 1282 by a conspiration wherin it was concluded that every one of the country should slay or cause to be slaine his French guest at the first sound of their Evensong bell even upon Easter day Which conspiration was not only executed but also the rage of the massacrers was so great that they ripped the bodies of women of their owne nation alive which were never so little suspected to be gotten with child by Frenchmen to stifle the fruit they caried And this cruell and barbarous massacre was called the Sicilian Evensong By the SiciliaÌ„ EveÌ„song imitation hereof the same race complotted and executed not in Sicilie but in France it selfe and through all the best townes of the kingdome the horrible and generall massacre of the yeare 1572 which will ever bleed and whereof their hands and swords are yet bloodie Of which exploit they have since incessantly vaunted and braved calling it The Parisien Matines M. Martin du Bellay rehearseth also in Paritien Matinâ— his Memories how the same race murdered a great number of poore souldiers after the journey of Pavie comming towards France lame wounded and unarmed slaying them in their high waies But such is this peoples generositie of heart alwayes to be tenne or twentie against one and to brave such as are wounded or unarmed which have no meanes to resist This Messeresque generositie is at this day called in France Coyonnerie and Poltromerie But let us come to our purpose touching the disorders that come by strange magistrates By the peace of Bretaigne made betwixt Iohn king of Fraunce and Edward king Froissart lib. 1. cap. 216. 246 c. Pla. in Martin 4. of England the countrie of Aquitaine was acquited purely and in al soveraigntie by the sayd king Iohn to the said king Edward This king Edward from the first possession of the sayd countrie gave it to the prince of Wales his eldest sonne who came and lay in Bourdeaux and apart kept a court great and magnificall The gentlemen of Gascoigne and of other countries of Acquitaine which by the means of the sayd peace should become vassals to the king of England to the said prince of Wales his sonne came straight to find the prince at Bourdeaux first to sweare their faith and homage secondly to obtaine his favour and good countenance as is the custome of all nobilitie The prince of Wales very gently courteously benignly and familiarly entertained them but in the meane while he gave all the offices estates of the countrie as the captainships and governments of the towns and castles the offices of bayliffs and stewards the estates of his court unto English gentlemen where of he had alwaies great store about him These English gentlemen although they held no other goods but their estates spent prodigally and held as great a traine as the lords of the countrey and to maintaine that they committed great extortions upon the people Hereupon came it that the people feeling themselves oppressed by the English officers the nobilitie and vertuous people seeing themselves recoiled and kept from offices that the prince gave al to strangers which were not of that nation and that herewith he would needs impose a new tribute and impost upon the countrie in a little time all revolted from his obedience and so caused all the towns of Aquitaine to revolt one after another insomuch that the king of England and the sayd prince of Wales his sonne lost straight all the countrey having therewithall procured the evill will of their subjects by giving offices unto strangers Iohn duke of Bretaigne in regard that hee had taken a wife in England was marvellously Froiss lib. 1. cap 311 â—14 affected to the English partie yea against the king of Fraunce his soveraign lord The nobilitie of Bretaigne were much grieved therat insomuch that one day the three greatest lords of the countrie that is to say the lord de Clisson de Laval and de Rohan went to him and after salutations said to him in this manner Sir wee know not upon what thought you shew your selfe so enclinable and favourable unto the English you know that the
acknowledgement of his faults and from thence forward he prospered so well that after he had ended his civile wars he also overcame his forrain wars against the English And this came of God who ordinarily exalteth the humble overthroweth the insolent proud For assuredly it doth not evill become a great prince to temperat his majestie by a gracious humility softnes affabilitie but saith Plutarch it is a very harmonious consonant temperation yea so excellent as there cannot be a more perfect than this But if the said king had then had such Counselors as many kings now adaies have what counsell would they hereupon have given him they would have said That thus to humiliate himselfe to his vassall as to ask him forgivenes to confesse his fault to acquitehim and his subjects of personall service these were things unworthy of a king and that a king ought never to make peace unlesse it be to his honor but such articles were to his dishonor and disadvantage and that he ought to have endured all extremities before he had made any peace whereby he should not remain altogether master to dispose of persons goods at his pleasure For how would not they say thus seeing they say at this day That it is no honorable peace for the king to accord his subjects any assurances with the exercises of their religion a reformation of justice yet you see that all K. Charles 7 his Counsell all the princes of his blood all the great lords of his kingdome all strange princes embassadors compelled the K. to passe more hard uneasie articles to digest for the good of peace Should we say that in so great a number of great personages ther was not any so wise and cleare sighted as the counsellors at this day as these Mesiers Machiavelists nay contrary they were al wise men of great experience in wordly affairs they were also of great knowlege as the delegates of the counsel of the universitie of Paris of the parliaments wheras at this day men know litle more than their Machiavell Likewise king Lewis the eleventh as soone as hee came to the crowne removed De Com. lib. 1. cap. 3. 5. others from charges and offices many great lords and good servants of the dead king Charles the seventh his father which had vertuously emploied themselves in chasing the English out of the kingdome of France and in lieu of such persons he placed and advanced men of meane and base condition Heereupon straight arose civile discention against the king which was called the warres of the common weale and these men complained that the kingdome was not politikelie governed because the king had put from him good men and of high calling to advance such as were of small estimation and of no vertue It was not long before the king acknowledged his great fault and confessed it not onely in generall but also in particular to every of them which he had recoyled and disapointed and to repaire this fault he got againe to him all the said lords and ancient servants of the dead king his father delivering them againe their estates or much greater and in somme he granted to these common wealth people all that they demanded as well for the generall as for the particular good of all people and all to obtaine peace with extinguishment of civile wars If he had had of his Counsell the Machiavellists of these daies they would not have counselled him thus to doe but rather would have told him That it became not a king to capitulate with his subjects nor so to unable himselfe unto them and that a prince ought never to trust to such as once were his enemies but much lesse ought hee to advance them to estates and that hee should diligentlie take heede of a reconciled enemie yet notwithstanding hee did all this and it fell out well with him for he was very well served of the pretended reconciled enemies and to this purpose Messier de Commines his chamberlaine saith That his humilitie and the acknowledgment of his faults saved his kingdome which was in great danger to bee lost if hee had stayed upon such impertinent and foolish reasons as those Machiavelists alledge for all things may not bee judged by the finall cause What dishonour then can it bee to a prince to use pettie and base meanes if so bee thereby hee make his countrey peaceable his estate assured and his subjects contented and obedient what makes it matter for him that is to ascend into an high place whether he mount by degrees and staires of wood or of stone so that hee ascend But this is not all to say That a prince ought to bee vigilant and carefull to make peace in his countrey for hee must after it is made well observe it otherwise it is to Peace ought to be well observed no purpose made unles men will say that one ought to make peace for after in breaking it to trap and ensnare them which trust therein But they which hold this opinion are people which make no account of the observation of faith as are the Machiavelists of whom wee will speake upon this point in another Maxime But indeede that a peace may bee well observed it must bee profitable and commodious to them with whom it is made to the ende by that meanes it may bee agreeable unto them and that they may observe it with a good will and without constraint for if it be domageable and disadvantageous making the condition of them to whom it is given worse than of other subjects and neighbours certaine it is it cannot long endure for people that have either heart or spirit in them cannot long endure to be handled like slaves Heereunto serveth the advice of that noble and sage companie of the ancient Senators of Rome There was a neighbour unto the Romanes which were called the Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 1. Privernates upon which the Romanes made warre and many times vanquished them They seeing it was impossible any more to make head against the Romane forces sent embassadors to Rome for peace they were caused to enter into the place where the Senate did sit and because they had not well observed the precedent treatie of peace some Senators seemed hard to draw to give their cause any hearing thinking it a vaine thing to accord a peace unto such as would not keepe any notwithstanding some demanded of those embassadors what punishment they judged themselves to haue merited which had so often broken the precedent peace One of them speaking for all and remembring rather the condition of their birth than of their present estate answered That the Privernates merited the punishment that they deserve which esteeme themselves worthie of a free condition and which have a slavish condition This answere seemed to some Senators too hautie and unbeseeming vanquished people yet the president of the assembly who was a wise man benignly demanded
alive and hee shewed letters found in the house of Antistius written by Tarquin and sealed with his seale directed to Antistius which were found about him where Sextus had secretlie put them which he caused to be read before all the Gabinians as soone as they had heard them they were so angred and moved against good Antistius who knew not what to say of this thing he never thought that straight they stoned him and suffered Sextus himselfe to punish the compartners of Antistius Then Sextus having the bridle loose caused to be massacred in their houses all the greatest and noblest of the towne of Gabium and by that meanes he and his father proved masters of that poore desolate towne But this tyrannie and others they committed caused on the other side that they lost the kingdome and domination of Rome so that fishing for a frog they let goe out of their net a lamprey so happeneth it ordinarilie to such as will needes practise this detestable doctrine of Machiavell If wee looke into the manner of government practised by all great conquerors not such petie and tyrannous governours as Borgia and generous monarches which became the greatest and noblest of the world as Caesar Alexander the great Cyrus Charlemaine c. wee shall finde that they used most contrary meanes to Machiavells doctrine for they exercised no cruelties towards great or little as they made their conquests but so farre as the necessitie of warre carried them Yea they used conquered people with all kindnesse clemencie they embraced and entertained very well such as were great personages altered nothing in the publike state religion policie customes liberties but maintained them all contenting themselves onely with the soveraignite And this was the cause why many people desired not to resist them but to bee their subjects and they which resisted them yeelded againe easily without abiding any great batterie or assaults Therefore most generously and nobly dealt king Lewis to imitate the kindnes and gentlenes of those great Monarches when hee conquered Millan For although hee after againe lost it yet it followeth not that the fault proceeded heereof That hee would not bee so cruell as to exterminate the whole race of the Sforces but rather heere of proceeded that losse by the inconstancie of the Millanois and the machinations of pope Iulius the second with the Venetians which thought it not good to have so great a master so nigh them as the French and Italian hystories doe evidently demonstrate And whereas Machiavell maintaineth That it succeeds not well for a prince to imitate sometimes the vertuous actions of generous princes and that therefore he ought to follow the vicious actions of such as are of no account he shewed that he is together both wicked and ignorant for what more wicked doctrine can be given to a prince than to say he ought to imitate wicked actions because sometimes they succeed well This is as much as to say that we must by the high waies cut merchants throats and be theeves because theeves gaine therby But if Machiavell and all his favourites would judge of the successe of all things by their end as they ought to judge they should find that those glorious goodly successes that happen to the wicked are but meanes wherewith God serves himselfe to bring them into ruin and utter overthrow which they merited as amply I have otherwhere shewed by many examples And as for the examples he alledgeth he shewes himselfe by the application he makes a very beast It succeeded not well saith hee to Commodus Caracalla Spartian Dion in Severo Caracalla and Maximinus in that they would imitate and resemble Severus ô bravely applied and to good purpose spoken for Pertinax succeeded Commodus and Severus Pertinax so that Commodus did never see nor know Severus who in his time was yet unknowne being a simple waged souldier of a base and unknowne race how should Capitol in Maximino then Commodus propose him for an example to imitate and as for Caracalla his sonne and Maximin they were never imitators of Severus but in his vices namely in crueltie and therefore we need not mervaile if it succeded not well unto them Lamprid. in Alexan. Herod lib. 6. Capitol in Marco The emperour Severus had very good vertues for he was very well learned and advanced to estates learned people he maintained a very good policie in the Roman empire he made good and holy lawes which are yet in use hee caused good justice to bee administred to the people and kept barbarous nations in a new obedience Caracalla his sonne had none of those vertues although Machiavell being very ignorant of histories saith he was endued with excellent vertues for histories attribute no vertue unto him but that from his youth hee was accustomed to live a la Souldarde like a souldier that hee was not delicate but patient of labour but otherwise the most wicked man in the world in all things And as for Maximin he in all things resembled Caracalla but that he was issued from a vile and base race and a barbarous nation and Caracalla was an emperours sonne and as for that which Machiavell sayth That it succeeded not well to Pertinax Alexander Severus by their imitation of the emperour Antonius the philosopher hee still shewes more his beastlinesse and that he hath not read the hystories of their lives For hystories shew that Pertinax was slaine of his souldiers because he appeared to them more covetous than he should have been So likewise was Alexander slaine for the covetousnesse of Mammea his mother towards the souldiers But we never reade that Marcus Antonius was ever spotted with that vice of covetousnesse but contrary that he was a very liberall prince nothing holding lesse than a covetous mind and that herein as in all other vertues he was a true philosopher that is to say loving good and hating evill And therefore Machiavell knowes not what he saith when he saith it succeeded not well with Pertinax and Alexander Severus to have a mind to imitate Marcus Antonius he had better have spoken onely of the jeasts and matters written in the registers of Florence whereof he was Secretarie than so with a foolish interpretation to inquinate and corrupt hystories he knowes not 5. Maxime To be revenged of a citie or a countrey without striking any blow they must be filled with wicked manners VAnquished cities or provinces saith this Florentine doe mervellously Discourse lib. 1. cap. 35. lib. 2. cap. 19. vvell revenge themselves of the vanquishers in receiving them gently and filling them with wicked manners for so doe they easily prepare and dispose them to be vanquished by vvhomsoever assaulteth them as it happened to Annibals souldiers at Capua For having a long time soiourned there at their ease in all delights and pleasures they became all so effeminate that they vvere never after good for any thing This corruption of manners comes
such people I know men had neede take heede for although for a time they dissemble their choller and their appetite to vengeance yet will they not faile to discover it as soone as they see a commodious time to bee revenged with advantage But all Princes resemble little the Tarquines or Pope Iulius whereof Machiavell speaketh For Tarquin who enterprised to sley king Servius Tullius his father in law to obtaine the kingdome of Rome shewed well by that act and many other that hee was a very tyrant His end was also such as commonly tyrants have for he was driven from his kingdome which hee had unduly and unjustly usurped and was compelled to passe the rest of his daies in great povertie as a private person banished from Rome with all his children And as for Pope Iulius hee was knowne for a true and disloyall tyrant who greatlie abused the bountie of king Lewis the twelfth For that good king tooke from the Bentivolians Boloigne and many other townes from such pettie lords as occupied them and delivered them into the popes hands because they were lands belonging to the Romane church Yet in recompence this good Pope by published bulls exposed the whole kingdome of Fraunce for a prey to whomsoever would take it together with all the countries and lands of the allies of Fraunce and so Iohn de Albert king of Navarre lost his kingdome and king Lewis lost Millaine and almost all that hee held beyond the mountaines as wee have said in another place And this was the recompence the king received for all his benefits of this disloyall and wicked Pope of whom in his time was made a Pasquil at Rome and registred in our annales which in this sort speakes to his holinesse Of Gennua thy father was from Greece thy mother came A child then borne upon the sea what good in thee can bee Genuais deceivers are Greekes huge lyers are by fame No faith in sea thou hold'st these points most fully all in thee 7. Maxime A Prince ought to propound unto himselfe to imitate Caesar Borgia the sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt IT is not possible for me saith M. Nicholas to give better Cap. 14. Of the Prince precepts to a new prince than to lay before his eyes for an example the acts of Caesar Borgia duke de Valentinois sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt And although his affaires little prospered yet it vvas not vvholly his fault but rather the malignitie of an extraordinarie Fortune First then by the meanes of the Pope his father he troubled all the Estates of Italie that he might the more assuredly seize upon part of them A thing he easily effected For at the instigation of the Pope his father and of the Venetians the king of Fraunce Lewis the twelfth passed into Italie and so soone as he arrived at Millaine hee gave succours to the Pope to subiugate Romania vvhich straight vvas reduced under the hands of Borgia for the reputation of the French puissance Secondly because at Rome there were two mightie factions the Colonoise and the Vrsine against whose enterprises he feared they would oppose themselves hee got on his side the Vrsine faction by faire vvords and promises by the meanes wherof hee beat downe the French forces and overthrew the Colonois This being done he gained the gentlemen as vvell of the one faction as of the other honestly according them retaining them in his house giving them governments of townes and other honorable charges after their merites and qualities insomuch as in a little time the Vrsine and Colonois faction remained vvithout cheefetaines After this by faire and sweet vvords accompanied vvith good presents he caused the Vrsines to come to him unto Synagyllia vvhich being once together in his hands he slew them all Having thus suppressed those two factions and seeing himselfe peaceable and all Romania and in the dutchie of Vrbin to make himselfe feared to represse the insolencies of the pettie lords of that countrey hee sent thither for governour Messiere Remiro Dorco a severe and cruell man unto vvhom he gave full power Who exercising his crueltie committed many executions by meanes vvhereof he vvith feare made all the countrey tremble and so as peaceable and obedient as might be What then did Borgia To make the vvorld beleeve that such cruell executions vvere not done by his command nor by his consent suddainly he caused publickely the head of Messier Romiro to be cut off after this being afraid of the Frenchmen he refused any more to be served with the French forces so he put them away and to assure himselfe against them he sought alliance vvith the Spaniards vvhich then made vvarre in the kingdome of Naples and so were farther off to hurt him than the French which abode at Millaine Besides all this he put to death all the lords which hee had wronged and all their generation and very few escaped least a new Pope after his father should take occasion to warre upon him to reestablish those lords or their posteritie in their heritage as for the Lords which hee had not offended hee drew them almost all on his side to help him to bridle a new Pope that hee might not enterprise any thing against him his purpose was to make himselfe lord of all Tuscane and after lord of all Italie And already hee had under his protection Pise and Sienna and Luca inclined unto him But Pope Alexander his father dyed and failed him at his neede so that his domination beeing yet as a thing hanging in the ayre which was nothing solide Pope Julius the eleventh easily dispoyled him Borgia seeing that fortune which before had shewed him so good a countenance turned her backe and prooved so maligne and contrary unto him fell sicke and dyed and upon his death bed hee said He had prevented and thought upon all inconveniences that might happen unto him but death which hee never supposed would so soone have come IS not heere a gallant life and a goodly hystorie to propose for princes to imitate or rather a marke of Gods just judgement Caesar Borgia an example of Gods judgement which wee see hee ordinarily exerciseth against such detestable tyrants which by all manner of cruelties and disloyalties seeke to dominier For God in the end brings all their desseignes and goodly enterprises into smoke and makes them die in languishment and confusion and in displeasure that they have ever lived to see themselves falne into a mockerie and reproch with all the world by their wicked enterprises Yet this is not all for dying full of all vices not grieved for the evils they have done but rather for that they had no meanes nor leisure to doe more mischiefe they depart from this languishing life to goe suffer eternall paines by the just judgement of God who yeeldeth to the wicked persevering in their vices the reward of their merit Is not this wicked Borgia a faire example to us who at his
villanously to his death therefore by thine owne confession thou doest merit a most ignominious death Straight after the king commaunded that he should be hanged and strangled which was done So this perfidious and disloyall Heber received the reward of his perfidie and breach of Faith as hee himselfe judged to have merited Edward king of England the second of that name was much governed by the Frois lib. 1. cap. 5. 13 14. house of the Spensers which took upon them the handling of all the affaires of the kingdome and despised farre greater lords than themselves The said king having lost a battaile at Esturmelin against the Scots all England imputed the evill lucke of that losse unto the evill government of the Spensers They beleeving that the great lords of England which envied their credit had caused this brute to bee sowne resolved to take vengeance thereof by a most perfidious disloiall meanes For they persuaded the king to convocate a generall assemblie of States to advise and provide as they gave to understand for the affaires of the kingdome The princes and lords of the kingdome not doubting any thing assembled at the kings commaund But incontinent as they were assembled king Edward whome the Spensers had persuaded that his princes and lords meant to get his kingdome from him commanded them to be taken arrested prisoners which was done and without any knowledge of cause he cut off the heads from two and twentie of the greatest lords and princes of the kingdome and amongst them there was beheaded Thomas duke of Lancaster the kings uncle who was a good and a sage prince and who after was cannonized and saincted This perfidie joyned with crueltie for commonly the one goeth with the other was the cause that the said king was deprived by all the States of England of his royaltie as unworthie to carrie the crowne and was confined to prison where he finished his daies And the Spensers authors of such disloialtie were executed and rigorously punished according to their merits For after they had ben drawne on hurdles through the streets all over the citie of Herford their privie parts were first cut away and cast into the fire then were their hearts taken out of their bellies and also cast into the fire after their heads were cut off and carried to London and the bodies of every of them were quartered and every quarter caried into other severall towns to be set on the tops of their great gates in detestation of their great perfidie and disloyaltie which they used towards the said lords It was also a great perfidie in Charles the last duke of Bourgoigne in that hee De Comines lib. 1. cap. 78. and Annal. 1475. gave safe conduct to the contie of S. Pol constable of France to come to him with good assurance and then tooke him prisoner and delivered him to king Lewis the seventh who making his processe at Paris his head was cut off in the place de Greve True it is that the said countie had committed great faults as well against the king as against the duke hee had also alwaies studied to nourish warre betwixt the said two princes yet notwithstanding it was a very dishonorable and infamous thing for the duke to take him prisoner after hee had given him his faith and assurance by the safe conduct which hee graunted him For if hee had not beene hee had according to his determination with his silver fled into Almaigne from thence in time he might have made his peace and againe have come into the kings favour But he was deceived as before and the said perfidie was so much the more infamous and dishonest because it was perpetrated by this duke of Bourgoigne for the covetousnesse to gaine the townes of S. Quinten Han and Bohain which belonged to the said countie which the king gave to the said duke to the end hee would deliver and betray him But behold the just judgement of God who permitted that this duke of Bourgoigne was in the end beaten with the same rods wherewith hee had beaten the countie of S. Pol for being twice overthrowne at Granson and Morat by the Suissers the siege of Nus succeeding evill unto him and also having lost the dutchie of Lorraine which before he had unjustly occupied upon the duke of Lorraine who conquered it all these traverses and troubles engendred such greefe sadnesse and confusion in his spirit and great indisposition in his person that hee was never after whole either in bodie or mind His wits thus comming into decay there came into his braine a distrust of his owne subjects and therefore thought good to serve himselfe with strangers and to chuse a loyall and faithfull nation he addressed himselfe to a countie de Campobache an Italian and gave him charge to bring with him many Italians to his service as hee did This was the last act of the Tragedie of his life For this countie de Campobache ceased not till he had betrayed him unto the duke of Lorraine before Nancy which the said duke of Bourgoigne held besieged and there was slaine in an assault which the duke of Lorraine gave him to constrain him to raise the siege And so in like sort as by perfidie and violating of his faith he had caused the constable of S. Pol to leese both life and goods so by the treason and perfidie of Campobache hee both lost his life and his house was ruinated and â—ent in pieces which was the greatest house in Christendome next unto that of Fraunce He should never have done that would set downe all the calamities mischiefes proceeding of perfidie and breach of publicke Faith It caused the ruine of Carthage the great in Affrica which for a long time was one of the greatest and most flourishing commonweales that ever was in the world It was the onely ruine of Corinth of Thebes of Calchis which were three of the greatest fairest and richest cities of Greece It was the cause of Ierusalems destruction and of all the countrey of Iudea yea breefely there never happened any great subversion and desolation in the world were it of citties commonweales kingdomes empires great captaines great monarchs or of strong and flourishing nations but it came upon perfidie and the breach of Faith True it is that it draweth at the taile with her crueltie avarice and other like companions but yet perfidie is the mistresse and governesse of all She breaketh peace she renueth civile and strange warres she troubleth people nations which are quiet she destroyeth and impoverisheth them she overthroweth right and equitie she prophaneth and defileth holy and sacred things she banisheth and chaseth away all pietie justice and the feare of God she bringeth in Atheisme and contempt of all religion she defaceth all amitie and naturall affection towards parents our countrey and nation she confoundeth all politicke order shee abrogateth good lawes and customes Finally what mischeefes hath there ever beene in the
called with these gracious names Subsidies Subventitions Aydes Grants not with these tearmes Tailles Imposts Tributes Impositions which were tearmes more hard and odious Examples appeare of the first cause when the generall Estates assembled at Paris after the death of king Charles le Sage to provide for the government as well of king Charles the sixt being under Annal. upon An 1380 and Fross li 2. cap. 58. 60. age as of the kingdome which government they gave unto three of the kings uncles namely to the Duke of Berry Languedoc to the Duke of Bourgoigne Picardie and Normandie and to the Duke de Aniou the remainder of all the realme and the rule of the young kings person was committed to the said Dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne So was there ordained during the said kings life another ordinance In like manner the generall Estates were held at Tours after the decease of king Lewis the eleventh to purvey for the government of king Charles the eighth under Annal. upon An. 148. and Coâ—â—n â—ib 1. ca. 109. age and of the kingdome And by the same Estates was established a Counsell of twelve persons good men and of good calling to dispatch the affaires of the kingdome yet in the kings name and under his authoritie And the rule of the young kings person was committed unto Madame de Beavien his sister When king Charles the sixt le bien aime was come to the age of one and twentie yeares his uncles were discharged from the government of the kingdome by the Froiss lib 1. cap. 134. lib. 4. cap. 44. advise and deliberation of the kings great Counsell But this good prince by an accident of sicknesse fell a certaine time after into a frenzie which sometimes bereaved him of his sences insomuch that the Estates assembled at Paris gave the government of the kingdome during the kings indisposition to his two uncles the dukes of Berrie and Burgoigne The yeare 1356. that king Iohn was taken prisoner nie Poictres at the journey of Annal. upon An. 1356 and Fross li. 1. cap. 170. 171. Maupertins with his sonne Philip after Duke of Burgoigne and that they were led into England there remained in France three of the said king Iohns children namely Charles Dauphin and duke of Normandie Lewis duke de Aniou and Iohn duke of Berrie There was a question about the providing for the government of the kingdome because of the kings captiuitie but none of them would enterprise the mannaging thereof of himselfe insomuch that the generall Estates were assembled at Paris whereby were elected thirtie six persons some say fiftie to governe the affaires of the kingdome with Monsieur le Dauphin who at the beginning called himselfe the Lieutenant of the king his father but afterward he named himselfe Regent The yeare 1409. during the raigne of Charles the sixt king of France were held Monstrelet lib. 1. ca. 59. the generall Estates at Paris for the reformation of abuses in the kingdome And there it was ordained that all accountants for the kings revenues and rents should make their accounts By the meanes of which reformation great summes of money were recovered upon the same accountants and there were also made some good lawes and ordinances In other conventions of Estates the money and coine hath been reformed from weake and light unto thicke and of good waight and goodnesse Also of late at the generall Estates held at Orleans were made manie goodly ordinances for the good and comfort of the poore people reformation of justice and for the cutting off of manie abuses which were committed in plaies at Cardes and Dise in superfluitie of apparell and in matter of benefices But commonly commeth such euill hap that all good things which are introducted and ordained vpon good reason and to a good end incontinent vanish away and wicked examples are alwaies drawne into consequence As for the last cause for which we haue said the generall Estates in old time were called namely for the graunt of Helps Subsidies ther are manie examples in our Histories As in the time of king Iohn wherein the Estates accorded great subventions Froiss lib. 1. cap. 155. Annal. upon An 1354 58. 59. or subsidies to make warre against the English men which then held a great part of the kingdome And after he was taken prisoner and led into England the said Estates agreed to give vnto Monsieur le Dauphin his soune great summes of money to pay for the said kings raunsome and for Philip his sonne being also a prisoner And well to be marked it is that our histories doe witnesse that all the people of France generally were meruailously anguished grieved with the prisonment captivitie which they saw their king suffer but especially the people of the countrey of Languedoc For the Estates of the said countrey ordained that if the king were not delivered within a yeare that every one both men and women should lay by all coloured garments such also as were jagged and cut and such as were enriched with gold silver or other strange and costly fashion Likewise to make cease all stage-plaies morrisdauncings piping yea and plaies pastimes and daunces in signe and token of their mourning and lamentation for their princes captivitie A thing whereby appeared the great and cordiall affection of this people towards their king As truely the Frenchmen have alwaies been of great love and affection towards their kings unlesse they were altogither tyrants But to make an end of this point Certaine it is that before king Charles the seventh called le Victorieux no Subsidies were imposed without assembling the generall Estates And that our kings used thus to do was not because they had power by an absolute authoritie to impose tallages and subsidies without calling the Estates but it is to the end they may be better obeyed with a voluntarie and unconstrained obedience and to shunne all uprores and rebellions which often happen upon that occasion And truly the French people have alwaies been so good and obedient unto their kings that they never refused him any thing if there were but any appearance of reason to demand it Yea often the Estates have granted their king more than he would demand or durst looke for as is seene by that which our histories write of the Estates held for Subsidies But because Aydes and Subsidies were customably granted for the making of De Com. lib. 5. cap. 18. warres M. Philip de Comin saith That kings should also communicat and consult with their Estates whether the causes of such warres be just and reasonable and that the Prince cannot nor ought not otherwise to enterprise a warre For it is reason that they which defray the charges and expenses should know something But yet he passeth further and saith There is no Prince in the world which hath power to lay one pennie upon his subjects without their grant and consent unlesse he will use tyrannie and
Anno 140â— Monstre lib. 1 cap. 22. and Reporters a great enmitie arose betwixt Lewis duke of Orleans the kings brother and Iohn duke of Burgoigne conte of Flanders of Artois and lord of many other lands and territories Our hystories name not these Marmosets but simply say that their houshold servants incited them to band one against another the duke of Orleans his servants and favourits said and said truly That he was the chiefe prince of the blood the kings only brother also more aged and of riper and more staied wit than the duke of Burgoigne and that therefore he should not set his foot before him in the handling of the kings affairs For at this time the king having not perfect sences his affairs were handled with the princes of the blood and the privie Counsell but contrarie the duke of Burgoigne his Marmosets said That he was the chiefe peere of France and as they cal it le Doy en des Pairs that he was more mightie and more rich than the duke of Orleans and although he was not so neere of the blood Roiall as he yet was he more neere by alliance for the Dauphin who was yet very young had espoused his daughter and therefore he ought in nothing to give place unto the duke of Orleans but that hee ought to maintaine and hold the same ranke that Philip duke of Burgoigne his deceassed father did who whilest his father liued governed the king and the kingdome at his wil. Briefly these tatlers and reporters caused this duke of Burgoigne so to mount into ambition and covetousnesse to raigne that he enterprised to cause the duke of Orleans to bee slaine who hindered his deseignes and purposes and indeed he caused him to be most villanously massacred and slaine at Paris nie the gate Barbette by a sort of murthering theeves which he had hired as the duke of Orleans went to see the queene who had lately bene brought to rest of a child Great domage there was for that good prince for he was valiant and wise as possible one might be Of him descended king Henry the second now raigning both by father and mother For king Francis his father was sonne of Charles duke of Angolesme who was son also of Iohn duke of Angolesme who was sonne of the duke of that Orleance and Madame Claude queene of Fraunce mother of the said king Henry was daughter of king Lewis the twelfth who was son of Charles duke of Orleance who was the sonne of this duke Lewis whereof wee speake I would to God princes his descendants would well marke the example of this massacre most horrible which was committed upon the person of that good duke their great grandfather and the great evill haps and calamities which came thereof to shun the like miseries which ordinarily happen when such murders goe unpunished For because the duke Iohn of Burgoine was not punished for this fault but found people which sustained and maintained it to have been well done as we shall say more at the full in another place and that followed his part stirring up civile warres which endured two generations and caused the death of infinit persons in France and that the English got a great part of the kingdome and that the poore people of Fraunce fell into extreame miserie povertie and desolation there were many causes and meanes of so many evils for injustice ambition covetousnesse desire of vengeance and other like things might goe in the ranke of causes of so many mischeefes But the Marmosets of duke Iohn of Burgoigne were they which stroke the yron against the flint out of which came that sparke of fire a device fatally taken by the duke of Burgoigne which brought into combustion and into a burning fire all the kingdome for so long time and at last ruinated the house of Burgoigne Francis duke of Bretaigne a prince that was a good Frenchman and affectionate Monstre lib. 3. cap. 4 33. to the king of France his soveraigne had a brother called Gills who gave himselfe to the English in the time that they made warre in France and accepted of the king of England the order of the Garter and the office of high Constable of England The duke and his brother much greeved hereat found meanes to take him prisoner and put him in a strong castle whereunto he would never goe to heare or see him he so much disdained him But yet he sent men unto him which hee trusted which indeed proved very Marmosets and false reporters for after Giles of Bretaigne had remained within the castle a certaine time and that he had considered well his doings that he was borne the kings vassale of France and that he ought never to have disunited himselfe from his brother he then praied his brothers people that came to see him to tell him from him that he greatly repented what hee had done and that if it pleased him to pardon him that from thence forward he would follow with a good heart the part of the king of France and his and that if it pleased them hee would streight send to the king of England his Order and Constables sword What do his Marmosets then They report to the duke that Giles his brother was still obstinate and so perfect English that no reasons they could make could turne him unto that side The duke sent still many times the same men unto him but alwaies they made the like or worse report of him insomuch that this good duke fearing that his brother was invincible in his obstination fearing also that if hee should let him loose he would cause the English to come into Bretaigne to avenge himselfe commanded the same reporters to strangle him in prison which they did Afterward as God when he seeth his time brings the most hid things to light these murdering reporters could not hold but discover the truth of the matter and that Giles of Bretaigne would have done any thing that the duke his brother would have had him to doe which comming to the dukes eares he was nigh out of his wits for his brothers death and caused the reporters to be hanged and to die with great and rigorous paines and executions Behold the end of Giles of Bretaign and the reward which such Marmosets received which were cause of his death Hereof Princes may note a rule Not to beleeve too easily reports made of men without hearing them but especially when it toucheth life One day before the emperour Adrian there was one Alexander which accused I. 3. 9. idem Diu. D. de Testi 6. of certaine crimes one Aper and for proofe of those crimes he produced certaine informations in writing against Aper which he had caused to be taken in Macedon Adrian mocked at it and said to Alexander the accuser that these informations were but paper and inke and it might be made at pleasure but in criminall causes we must not beleeve witnesses in writing but witnesses themselves
lib. 15. cap. 9. li. 16. cap. 3 4 13. lib. 17. and Idumia for the favour of Marcus Antonine a Romane capitaine and by decree of the Romane Senate he espoused a noble Ladie who was of the kings race of that countrie called Mariamme by whom he had two children Alexander and Aristobulus but Herodes had a sister called Salome who was a very Tisiphone and served for nothing but to kindle and light fires in the kings court by false reports which she invented and this infernall furie did so much as she perswaded the king her brother that Mariamme sought to poison him by his cup-bearer and brought out certaine false witnesses to proue it so that the king beleeved it and put to death his wife one of the fairest princes of the world and of whose death there was after infinit griefes and repentances But as one sinne draweth after it another Salome fearing that those two aforesaid children would feele afterward the outragious death of their mother she machinated and resolved in hir spirit that they must also dye So began she straight to forge false reports false tokens and false accusations insomuch as she perswaded Herodes the father that these two children Alexander and Aristobulus spake alreadie of revenging the death of their mother and by the same meanes to vsurpe the kingdome Herodes suffering himselfe to be persuaded by the calumniations and slaunders of his sister Salomē tooke his iourney to Rome having his two children with him where he accused them to have fought his death before Augustus Caesar he began to descipher his accusatorie oration and to deduct set out the means whereby he pretended that his two children should go about his death When it came to their turne to speake for their defence they began to weepe and lament Caesar knew well thereby that the poore children were full of innocencie So he exhorted them from thence forward to carry themselues in such sort towards their father that not only they should not doe against him any thing vnworthy or greevous but also should doe so much as to bring themselves farre from all suspition He exhorted also Herodes to use his sonnes well and to keepe them in his favor Then fell the children on their knees before their father with great effusion of teares crying him mercy by which meanes they were reconciled unto their father But after the returne of Herodes and his children this furie Salome not contented with this reconciliation which Caesar had made began to lay new ambushes by false reports that she made to Herodes wherein she mixed some truth to give the better taste Herodes who was very credulous in such matters made Augustus understand that his children had againe conspired his death Augustus answered him That if his children had done against him the thing which merited punishment that he should chastice them as he thought good and that he himselfe gave him power and permission so to do The abovesaid Herodes joyful to have received this power being led with an irreconcileable rage by the meanes of Salome caused the two poore children Alexander and Aristobulus to be strangled Salome ayded her selfe in all this businesse with one other sonne of Herodes borne of another woman called Antipater God would that Herode should discover that the accusations against his two dead children were but slaunders and that Antipater who had aided to forge them had himselfe conspired to poison his father Whereupon he caused him to be called before Guintius Varius the governor of Syria for the emperour The cause being long pleaded and debated Antipater could not purge himselfe of the sayings and proofs against him and did no other thing but make great exclamations nothing appertaining to the matter holding on that God knew all unto whom he recommended his innocencie Varus seeing that he could not wel justifie himselfe wished Herodes to imprison him and so he did Certaine dayes after Herodes fell sicke which comming to the notice of Antipater in prison he rejoyced greatly Herodes advertised that Antipater wished his death and rejoyced at his sicknesse sent one of his guard into prison to slay him which he did Five daies after Herodes died like a mad man for the evill haps he had in his children and this rage lighted a fire in his entrailes which rotted him by little and little wherupon engendred worms which eat him alive with horrible languishments before his death And who was the cause that Herodes thus contaminated his hands and all his house with the bloud of his owne children Even that most wicked reporter Salome who devised false accusations and slaunders which she blew in the king her brothers eares Besides those kind of flatterers whereof we have spoken above which are janglers Coūsellors flatterers and Marmosets there is yet a third kind which under the name and title of principall Counsellors and under the pretext and colour of conducting the affaires by good counsel they abuse the princes authoritie who are greatly to be feared To shun the mischeefe that may come therupon there is nothing better than to follow the precept of Comines namely That the king have many Counsellors and that hee Comines lib. 1. cap. 27. lib. 2. cap. 44. never commit the conducting of his affaires to one alone and that he hold as nigh as he can well his Counsellors equall For if hee commit much more to one than to another he wil be master and the others dare not reason against him freely or els knowing his inclination dare not contradict him Therefore in a criminall cause handled before the Senate of Rome against a gentlewoman of a great house called Lepida accused of treason the emperour Tiberius although he were very rude in Cornel. Tacitus annal lib. 3. li. 5. such cases would not suffer his adoptive sonne Drusus to reason first least sayth Tacitus thereby had been laied and imposed a necessitie for others to have consented unto his opinion And in another cause of like matter where Granius Marcellus was accused in a certaine place to have set his owne image above the emperors When the cause came to handling Piso whose opinion the Emperour desired first began thus to say And you Sir in what place will you reason for if you reason last I feare that by imprudencie I shall not dissent from you For that cause Tiberius declared that he would not reason at all indeed the accuser was absolved although the Emperour had shewed a countenance to be angry against him as he heard the accusation rehearsed And there is no doubt but that the counsell of one alone is Counsell of one alone dangerous perillous to the prince because naturally men are divers waies passionate and that which shall be governed by one alone is often by passion guided Also the indisposition of mens persons causeth that every one hath not alwaies his head well made as they say nor are wise at all seasons and
answeres devised at the pleasure of priests to deceive men in the Temples of Apollo of Iupiter Ammon or of any other of the Paynim gods he sheweth himselfe to be very ignorant and to have read little yet I will not deny but sometimes the priests entermedled somewhat of their owne many times but it is certaine that the said Oracles were diabolicall answeres which the devill made himselfe or caused to bee made by some hee or shee priest which he brought into extasies and out of their sences and so caused them to say what hee would and most often hee answered in verses but commonly ambiguous in two sences For how could those hee or shee priests which commonly were unlearned and knew nothing give an answere in verse It was also impossible that they could have advertisements from Religions so farre off as men came to consult of those Oracles yea especially of such particularities whereof ordinarily answeres were demanded of those Oracles to bee able to give answeres to any good purpose But I will not stay more amply to proove this point for they which have read very little of ancient writings know well how certain it is that these Oracles were voices proceeding from devils which the Painims served under these names of Apollo of Iupiter and other like gods Plutarke in a treatise he made of the defect of Oracles sheweth That the Oracles were not things invented by priests but concerning the failing of Oracles he is found very much distracted and troubled not knowing how to resolve that question For there must be presupposed that in his time which was during the kingdome of the emperor Traianus and before a good while there were no more Oracles insomuch that that good philosopher was much abashed and perplexed from whence it should come But because that point is well woorth the knowledge and dooth come well for our purpose in this place I will handle the same more at large You must then understand that Plutarke who was a great Paynim philosopher Of the defailance of Oracles to finde out the cause of the failing and decay of Oracles entreth into a question whereof he like a Paynim resolves himselfe but to prove his opinion he useth certaine narrations which may well bring us to the truth of the cause of the defailancie and ceasing of Oracles He then entreth into disputation of the nature of the gods and after many discourses hee resolveth that there are but one sort of gods which the Elders called Demi-gods which are mortall although they lived long as five hundred or a thousand years and he thinketh that these demi-gods are they which the gods have engendred with mortall women For the auncient superstition wherwith certaine philosophers have beene led beleeved that the gods sometimes descended below to cohabitate with women and this served to keepe the honours of great Ladies which sometimes forgot their duties Plutarke then would hereof inferre that it might be those gods which answered at Delphos and Delos and other places were but halfe gods and so might be dead and that therefore might happen the said ceasing of Oracles Yet hee held not this opinion nor any other very resolutely but he propoundeth it for such as would like it and it seemes to be the opinion which he himselfe best approveth But I doe not thinke that any at this day will be of this opinion for in truth it tasteth of his Paganisme being ignorant and far straying from the true knowledge of God of Religion yet to prove that the said demigods are mortal he makes a discourse very notable and worthy the knowledge An hystorie of the death of the god Pan. He saith then that in the time of the emperour Tiberius one Epitherses a schoole-master in a towne of Greece embarked himselfe upon the sea to saile into Italie and placed himselfe in a ship charged with marchandize and wherein there were many people Making their way they passed one day at night nigh unto the Islands called Echinades and there the sea was so calme that they could perceive no wind insomuch that the ship floating upon the water brought them by little and little nigh unto Paxo Where being arrived as some supped and other did other things behold an high and intelligible voice which cried Thamus Thamus This Thamus was the master of the ship whose name the most part of the passengers knew not This voice cried twice before the master would answere At the third time hee answered unto which the voice yet cried with an higher sound That as soone as hee should be come against the Palodes he should make knowne unto the inhabitants there that the great Pan was dead Epitherses said That at that word all the companie which were within the ship were exceedingly afraid and astonished So it came into a consultation amongst that people if the shipmaster Thamus should doe that which was commanded him by that voice And this resolution was taken That if when they came against the Palodes the winds were strong and good for them they should passe on without stay or saying any thing but if the sea were calme and had no winde that then Thamus should signifie unto the inhabitants of Palodes that which the voice had commaunded him Beeing then there arrived and having the sea calme without wind Thamus got him into the hind-decke or sterne of the ship and turning his face towards land right against Palodes hee begun to crie with an high voice The great Pan is dead He had no sooner atchieved ended this speech but all the whole companie in the ship heard a great crying and lamentation of many mixed with a great admiration Finally when they were arrived at Rome each of them within the ship spread abroad the fame of this thing insomuch that it came to the notice of Tiberius the emperour who sent for the captaine or master of the ship Thamus who told him al at length Tiberius beleeving it was true that the great god Pan was dead desired to know what god that was Some learned people which he had about him told him That that Pan was the sonne of god Mercurie and of Penelope Behold here the account which Plutarke makes of god Pan his death and further sayth That in his time many heard this hystorie rehearsed by one Aemilianus sonne of the said Epitherses But if we consider the circumstances of this hystorie we shall find That this voice was a signification of the death of Christ which caused Oracles to faile and overthrew the power of the devill And it is credible that those lamentations which were heard at Palodes were the complaints of evill spirits to which were delivered the signification of their kingdomes destruction And to prove that this hystorie should bee so understood First wee must consider that it is reported to be in the time of Tiberius under whom our Lord Iesus suffered death and passion Certaine also it is That Tiberius enquired of Iesus
his sepulcher and another Amphitheater at Rome and many other goodly houses and publike buildings most sumptuous to behold he also caused to bee repaired bridges gates waies to furnish many townes with store of money as well to make new buildings in them as to renew the old heerein imitating the example of the emperour Trajan his predecessor who immortalized his name by his publike works and buildings which hee made even in building new townes and ioyning rivers one to another or to the sea by great and deepe channels to aide and make easie the commerce of all countries also in drying up great fennes and marrishes and in laying plaine rocks and mountaines to make fit waies for travailers and in doing other notable workes Such actions as these are meet workes for peaceable times and are honourable and proper to immortalize the name of a prince as to make warre to have victories and triumphs We see that the restauration of good letters which king Francis the first of that name of happie memorie brought into France in his time did more celebrate and make it immortall in the memorie of all Christian nations than all the great warres and victories which his predecessors had And truly princes which love and advance letters doe well merit that learned people should send their honourable memorie to all posterity and such as dispise them and hold them under feete are not worthie that hystoriographers and men of learning should bring their woords and victories into honour and reputation much lesse to immortalize them in the memorie of men For as lawyers say that they ought not to enjoy the benefite of lawes which offend and despise them so the prince which makes no account of learning ought not to enjoy the benefit thereof which is to make immortall generous and vertuous men But if we make comparison of the magnificence and Estate that a prince should Froisar lib. 7 cap. 353. 4. hold in the time of peace and prosperitie with that he should hold during war and povertie there is such difference as betwixt the day and the night for proofe hereof I will alledge but the time of Philip de Valois For wee reade that in that time which was a time of long peace that king had almost ordinarie in his court foure or five kings wich resided with him in regard of his magnificence as the king of Boheme the king of Scotland the king of Arragon the king of Navarre the king of Maiorque many great dukes counties barons prelates the greatest part of whose charges hee defraied that it might appeare that the king of Fraunce was a king of kings It is certaine to maintaine this magnificall and great Estate there must needs follow exceeding great expences but hee might well doe it for his people being ritch and full of peace they had better meanes to furnish and provide for him a crowne than in the time of warre to give him a three halfe pence At that time a king of England passed into France to doe homage unto king Philip for the dutchie of Guienne which the English had long time held of the crowne of France when the English king saw the traine of the court of France hee was ravished in admiration to see so many kings dukes counties barons princes peeres of France constable admirall chancelor marshall and many other great lords which reputed themselves happie to obtaine the good grace of king Philip. This moved the king of England far more easily and in other meanes to doe his homage than he thought to have done and at his returne into England he said on high That he supposed there was neither king nor emperor in the world that held so magnificent and triumphant an Estate as the king of France did Should not we desire to see such a time againe but we are farre from it and take no course thereunto for civile warres cannot bring us unto it but onely a good and holy peace well and inviolably observed by a good reformation of justice and of all estates which was corrupted in France For without it the people can never prosper but shall alwaies bee gnawne and eaten even to the bones and the people beeing poore the king cannot be ritch no neither his nobilitie nor clergie for all the kings revenewes all tallages all the nobilities and clergies rents proceede from the poore people By this which wee have above handled this Maxime of warre is sufficiently understoode I will add no more therunto but that Machiavell shewes himselfe a man of very good grace when he saith That the Italians are a people of nimble light spirits and bodies for hee cannot more properly note them of inconstancie and infidelitie and when afterward he saith That willingly they never go to battails he can not they any better taxe them of cowardise and pusillanimitie but the reason wherby he would seeme to couer this fault is more to be accounted of than the rest For saith he this proceedeth of the little heart cowardise of the captaines as if he said That all Italian captaines are faint hearted cowards which rather discourage than add heart unto their souldiers to fight And heerein I beleeve he saieth truth for so many Italian captaines as wee have seene in France this fifteene yeeres there hath not been one found that hath done any one memorable exploit they can indeede make many vaine and brave shewes and in many subtile stratagems there are found no better warriors but in battailes and assaultes of townes they never by their wills will come as their owne Machiavell beareth them witnesse 2. Maxime To cause a Prince to withdraw his mind altogether from peace and agreement with his adversarie he must commit and use some notable and outragious iniurie against him BEcause sayth Machiavell men are naturally vindicative and desirous Discourse lib. 3. cap. 32. to take vengeance of such as offend them it consequently fals out that they vvhich have outraged or iniured any but especially if the iniurie be great they can never trust him they have so iniured For every man feares and distrusteth his reconciled enemie And therefore to find meanes that a prince may never set his heart and mind upon peace nor reconcile himselfe to any adversarie hee must be persuaded to practise some outragious act upon his said adversarie So by that meanes he will never trust him nor be reconciled with him BEhold heere the very counsell that Achitophel gave to Absalon to make him irreconcilable with David his father and to place a division Samuel lib. 2. cap. 26. and perdurable confusion in all his kingdome For hee advised Absalon to cohabitate and dwell even with his father Davids wives which was the greatest and most villanous injurie that he could have done unto him and to this end he did it that Absalon and all they which followed him might bee utterlie out of hope to make peace with David and by that meanes
But if any demand how diviners and astrologers could so justly foretell the death of the emperour Domitian I answere that we must beleeve that this said prediction was not by art or science but the evill spirit would give boldnesse of enterprising unto Domitians enemies in making them know by frivolous divinations his fatall houre that they might beleeve the starres and heaven to aid their enterprise And God above who serves himselfe with such meanes as pleaseth him to exercise his justice gives efficacie to the spirit of error The same effect came of the divination of Caracalla for it was the cause that Macrinus enterprised to sley him although he never before thought of it till the astrologers declared their divination nay he would never have done that enterprise if that divination had not constrained and drawne him unto it Master Philip de Comines reciteth to this purpose a very memorable hystorie that happened in his time He saith there was at Naples a king called Alphonsus a bastard of the house of Arragon who was marvellous cruell a traitour and dangerous for none could know when he was angry he could so well manage his countenance yea and often betray men as he made them good cheare and he was a man wherein there was neither grace nor mercie neither had hee any compassion of the poore people This king Alphonsus had a sonne also as wicked as he called Ferrand who had found means to bring before him under his fathers assurance many princes and barons of the countrey to the number of foure and twentie and amongst them the prince de Rosane his brother in law having married his sister all which hee caused to be imprisoned notwithstanding the faith and assurance which he had given them insomuch as some remained foure or five and twentie yeares prisoners As soone as the king Alphonsus was dead and Ferrand his sonne was king the first thing hee did at his comming to the crowne was to massacre all those said great princes and barons which he himselfe had imprisoned during his fathers life by a Moorean slave of Affrica which he rewarded and straight after the execution sent him into his countrey This king Ferrand or Ferdinand having newes of the said murder as the king of Fraunce Charles the eight enterprised the conquest of Naples judging himselfe unworthie to be king because of his great and abhominable cruelties sent embassadors to the king to agree and to be at an accord with him offering to yeeld himselfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce to hold the kingdome of Naples of him and to pay him 50000 crownes yearely But the king who knew there was no fidelitie in the Arragonian race of Naples would enter into no treatie with the king Ferdinand who being in dispaire to be ever able to hold that kingdome against the king of Fraunce having his owne subjects his enemies died for sorrow and dispaire and left his sonne Alphonsus his successor This Alphonsus the new king was as wicked as his father and had alwayes shewed himselfe pittilesse and cruell without faith without religion and without all humanitie insomuch as perceiving that king Charles approched Rome his conscience also judging himselfe to be an unworthy king he resolved to flie into Spain and to professe himselfe a monke in some monasterie But before hee fled hee caused to be crowned king at Naples a young sonne of his called Ferdinand who was not yet hated in the countrey his nailes beeing not yet either strong or long ynough to doe evill This done hee fled into Sicilie and from thence to Valence in Spaine where he tooke the habite of a monke and in a little time after died of an excoriation of gravell But it was marvellous that this cruel tyrant should be so seized of feare as he should go in no good order away but left all his moveable goods and almost all his gold and silver in his castle at Naples And this feare proceeded to him from a faintnesse of heart for as Comines saith never cruell man was hardie And when one desired him onely to stay three dayes to packe up his goods No no said he let us quickly depart from hence heare you not all the world crie Fraunce Fraunce Men may see how an evill conscience leaves a man never in quiet This wicked man knowing that by his crueltie hee had procured the hatred of his subjects the wrath of God and the enmitie of all the world was tormented in his conscience as of an infernall furie which ever after fretted his languishing soule in the poore infected and wasted bodie And to end this tragoedie straight after he had saved himselfe the king of Fraunce obtained the kingdome of Naples And a little while after the said young Ferdinand sonne of the said Alphonsus died of a feaver and a flux So that within the space of two yeares God did justice on foure kings of Naples two Alfonses and two Ferdinands because of their strange cruelties which were accompained with disloyall impietie and oppression of subjects for alwaies those keepe company together A like punishment happened by the conduction and judgement of God to that Comines lib. 1 cap. 132. 133. and Bellay lib. 1. of his memories cruell king Richard of England king Edward the fourth his brother This king Edward deceasing left two sonnes and two daughters all yong and in the tutelage and goverment of Richard duke of Glocester his brother This duke desiring for himselfe the crowne of England caused his two nephewes cruelly to be slaine and made a report to goe that by chance they fell of a bridge and so were slaine His two nieces he put into a religion of Nunnes saying they were bastards because saith hee the dead king Edvard their father could not lawfullie espouse their mother for that before hee had promised to espouse a gentlewoman which hee named and the bishop of Bath beeing present protested it was so and the promises of marriage were made betwixt his hands The duke of Glocester having thus dispatched both his nephewes and nieces caused himselfe to be crowned king of England and because many great lords of England murmured at this crueltie this new tyrant king which named himselfe king Richard the third made to die of sundrie deaths all such as hee knew had murmured against him or his tyrannie After all this when hee thought hee had a sure estate in the kingdome it was not long before God raised him up for enemie the earle of Richmond of the house of Lancaster who was but a pettie lord in power without silver and without force who but a little before was detained prisoner in Bretaigne To whom certaine lords of England sent secretly that if he could come into England but with two or three thousand men all the people would come to him make him king of England The earle of Richmond hasted to king Charles the eight then raigning in France by whose permission hee levied people in
came there was much beloved of the souldiors as well because he resembled his father Amilcar as for his militarie vertues Not many yeares after he was chosen captaine generall of the Carthaginian armie But as soone as he was setled in that estate he accomplished the prophesie of Hanno for hee lighted the great fire of the Punicke warres against the Romanes whereby in the end the Carthaginians were utterly ruined All this proceeded but from the Partialitie which was at Carthage for as soone as the Hannonians reasoned one way the Barchinians must needs reason to the contrarie and they studied for nothing but that by the pluralitie of their voices their opinion might obtaine the upper hand without any care or consideration what opinion was the best And thus ordinarily happeneth it where there is any Partialitie For then men give themselves more to contradiction than to judge after an wholesome sentence and without passion of that which is profitable and expedient The Partialities of the houses of Orleance and Burgoigne in our grandfathers memorie were they not cause of infinit miseries and calamities wherewith France was afflicted by the space of more than threescore yeares and of the entier ruine of the Bourgonianne house Lewis duke of Orleance the alone brother of king Charles the sixt tooke for his devise Mitto Duke Iohn de Bourgoigne tooke for his Accipio challenging as it were thereby an egalitie with the only brother of the king under colour that he was richer than hee This commencement of contrarie devices which they caused to paint in their banners of their launces and on their servants liverie coats erected a great Partialitie insomuch as the duke of Bourgoigne enterprised to cause the duke of Orleance to bee slaine as hee did The children of the duke of Orleance because justice was not executed on their fathers massacre levied armes Duke Iohn also by armes resisted them insomuch as all the realme was partialized about the quarrell of these two great houses After duke Iohn was slaine at Monterean-fante-Yonne in a strange manner whereupon his sonne Philip willing to revenge himselfe sent for the Englishmen which he caused to passe through Fraunce and occupied at least the third part of the kingdome of France This duke Philip made peace with the king but he had a son Charles his successour who would never put trust in the king of Fraunce fearing himselfe because of the warres which his father and grandfather had raised in the kingdome but would needs graple with king Lewis the eleventh This king who was too good for him raised him up so many enemies on all sides that the house of that duke came to ruine Behold the fruits of partialities which Machiavell recommendeth so much to a prince And hereupon should well be noted the saying of master Philip de Comines That Divisions and partialities are very easie to sowe and are a sure token of ruine and destruction in a countrey when they take root therein as hath happened to many monarchies and commonweales De Comines to prove his alledged saying setteth down other examples The Partialitie of the houses of Lancaster and Yorke in England whereby the house of Lancaster was altogether ruined and brought downe and the one house delivered to the other seven or eight battailes betwixt three and fourscore princes of the royall blood of England and an infinit number of people This here is no small thing but it is rather an example which should make us abhorre all Partialities Hee further saith That by the meanes of the said Partialitie betwixt these two houses many great princes and lords were banished and chased from England and amongst others that he saw a duke of the house of Lancaster the cheefe of the league of that house and brother in law of king Edward the fourth who saved himselfe in Bourgoigne yet in so poore estate that hee went bare foot and without hose after the traine of duke Charles of Bourgoigne demaunding his almes from house to house Hee after reciteth the tragicall acts of the duke of Warwicke of the kings Edward and Henry of the prince of Wales of the dukes of Glocester and Somerset which are strange hystories that cannot be heard or read without great horror and cannot but make men detest all Partialities and divisions In the time that Anniball made warre upon the Romanes there were created Titus Livius lib. 1. 7. Dec. 3. lib 4. 5. Dec. 1 Consuls together at Rome Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero which bore great enmitie one towards another and of long time The Senate fearing that these enmities betwixt those two Consuls should cause some Partialities in the administration of their estate which might turne to the domage of the publicke good admonished them both to be reconciled together Marcus Livius made answere That it was not needfull and that their enmities and Partialities should cause them with envie to seeke one to doe better than another but the Senate was not of that advice For they remembred that in the time of the Proconsulship of Quintius Paenus Caius Furius Marcus Posthumius and Cornelius Cossus the Romane armie had been vanquished and chased by the Veians because of the Partialities of the cheefetaines which could not accord in their counsels and deseignes but tended alwayes to contrarie ends The like also happened in the Proconsulship of Publius Virginius and Marcus Sergius But the most memorable and latest example which the Senate had before their eyes was the losse of the battaile at Cannes where the Romans lost fiftie thousand men which losse happened by the discord Partialitie of two cheefetaines Paulus Aemylius and Terentius Varro These examples mooved the Senate to exhort these two Consuls Livius and Nero to a reconciliation not beleeving that their Partialitie could serve them for any thing but evill to conduct the affaires of the commonweale insomuch as being constrained by the Senates authoritie they accorded and reconciled themselves together and very well acquited themselves in their charge and overthrew together a succour of fiftie thousand men which Asdruball conducted and brought over into Italie to Anniball his brother In this defeat also Asdruball himselfe was slaine and his head secretly carried and cast into Annibals campe who yet knew no newes of that journey When Anniball saw the head of his brother he then deplored his fortune and despaired of his affaires knowing that the Roman vertue would never bow nor stoope for either misfortune or calamitie The reconciliation then and concord of Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero were the cause of a great good and utilitie to the commonwealth and remounted the affaires Concord very profitable to the common-wealth thereof into a great hope and abated the pride that Anniball had taken of the battaile at Cannes as also by the contrarie the Partialitie of Paulus Aemylius who was a wise captaine and of Terentius Varro who was very rash and headie was the cause that the Romane
his father made good profit of these excellent commands and maintained the kingdome in good peace and great prosperitie during his raigne For an end heereof I doe note in this good king Lewis That it is very true which the scripture witnesseth unto us That the lust shall spring up and receive of God the blessing of a good and long generation For there were more than three hundreth yeeres that the race of this good king held the crowne of France yea there was no more any other race of the blood royall but his For the house of Valois and the house of Burbon have issued from this good king God by his mercie graunt grace to princes of this time which are discended from so good a roote that they may engrave in their hearts the godly commandements of this king whose meaning verily was not onely to prescribe to the said king Philip his sonne but generally to all his posteritie 36. Maxime Gentlemen which hould Castles and Jurisdictions are very great enemies of commonweales THe Leages and Cantons of Almaigne saith Machiavell live very peaceably and at their ease because they observe Discourse lib. 1. cap. an equalitie amongst themselves and suffer no gentlemen in their country and those fevv they have they so hate them that vvhen by adventure any of them fall into their hands they put them to death and take none to mercie saying they are they vvhich destroy all and hould schooles of wickednesse I call saith hee them gentlemen vvhich live of their revenew without giving themselves to any trade These in a countrey are very dangerous and above all high Iusticers vvhich hould Castles and fortresses and which have a great number of vassailes and subiects which owe them faith and homage The kingdome of Naples the land of Rome Romaigne Lombardie are full of such manner of men and they are the cause that hitherto no good estate politicke can bee constituted in those places for they are formall and capitall enemies of the civile estate of common-weales THey which have frequented the countries of Almaigne and of Suises may well give Machiavell the lie for that he saith in this Maxime for in those countries may bee found many gentlemen great Iusticers having under them men jurisdictions and castles which were not onely maintained in their nobilitie and authoritie but also are there greatly respected and imployed in publike affaires And so much there wanteth that there they hould a schoole of wickednesse that contrary onely they hould the countries in peace every one in his owne countrey and doe see justice administred to their subjects I will not denie but there are gentlemen in Alemaigne in the countrey of Suisses in France and other where which are bad inough and which are violent and vitious yet for some few wee must not condemne all in generall as Machiavell doth heere who saith they bee dangerous people in a countrie and that they are enemies to an estate politicke I know not if those hee named bee such namely the gentlemen of Naples of Romania of Lumbardie and of Rome and I am content to confesse unto him because I will not contest and strive against him upon a fact which hath some appearance of truth But I deny unto him that on this side the mounts they are such but contrary wee see that it is onely the Nobilitie of France and other neighbour countries which authorize protect justice and which make it to bee obeyed Yet will I also confesse that the gentlemen on this side the mounts are very dangerous and great enemies unto such a politicke estate as Machiavell hath builded by his writings that is a Tyrannicall For hystories tell us that our ancestors especially the barons lords gentlemen have vigorouslie alwaies opposed themselves against tyrannies and would never suffer them long to grow up or take roote which is a naturall thing in the French Nobilitie good though evill for the Machiavellistes strangers which are come into France to practise their tyrannies for by Gods grace they shall with much a doe take any deepe roote there 37. Maxime The Nobility of France would overthrow the estates of that kingdome if their Parliaments did not punish them and hould them in feare THe kingdome of France saith Nicholas is a kingdome more living under lawes than any other whereof their Parliaments Discourse lib. 1. cap. 1. are the gardiants and maintainers especially that of Paris And hitherto that kingdome is maintained because the Parliaments have alwaies beene obstinate executors and resisters against the Nobilitie without which the kingdome of France had come to ruine MAchiavell had done much better to have medled onely with the estate of Florence for hee shewes well his ignorance and that hee never knew the estate of France nor how it hath beene governed by our ancestors For I pray you where hath hee found this that the kingdome of France would dissolve and come to ruine but that the Parliaments are executors against the Nobilitie Is not this as much to say as the French Nobilitie will ruinate the kingdome if it bee not brideled and held short by Parliaments and that it were better there were none I doubt not but that Machiavell thus though For wee see it by the practise of the Machiavellists which never shot at other marke than to ruinate in France all the Nobilitie the better to establish their tyrannie at ease without contradiction And for this effect have they cassed violated and overthrowne all the good lawes of the kingdome by the meanes of which it hath alwaies hitherto been maintained and Machiavell confesseth and said true which his disciples having well marked and desiring to ruinate the said kingdome have not fayled to beginne by the lawes thereof knowing well Since what time Parliaments of France were instituted Before Parliaments the kingdome was no lesse florishing in peace and good iustice than since that having ruinated her foundations she will be easily dissolved and overthrowne But to confute this Maxime I will alledge no other thing but that wee see in our French hystories That our kingdome was as much or more flourishing and better governed before there were any Parliaments in France than since For the Parliament of Paris which is the ancientest was established and constituted in the time of king Philip le Bel Anno 1294. That of Tholouse during the raigne of Charles the seventh Anno 1444. That of Bourdeaux in the time of the same king Anno 1451. That of Daulphin in the time also of the same king but by the authoritie of king Lewis the eleventh his sonne then Daulphin and then inhabiting in Dauphine in Anno 1453. The Parliaments of Dijon and of Provence in the time of the said king Lewis the eleventh That of Rovan in the time of king Lewis the twelfth in Anno 1499. And that of Bretaigne was erected onely in the time of king Henry the second in Anno 1553 But before there was any