the world knows to be true and what cannot be denied If we could contend with them for Virtue and Integrity for Honour and Gallantry for Civility and Loyalty for Glories that are truely manly 'T were for the Credit of our Nation And it were our own fault if we were inferiour to them in such Competitions But 't is Arrant Vanity to contend with them for Wealth or Strength or Multitude Now to bring this home to my purpose God had so ordered in his wife Providence that for many Ages before Scotland had not been so free of foreign influence as a little before and all the time our Church was a reforming The French were the only foreign Influences which were wont to find Entertainment in Scotland And in those times the French had treated us very basely and dishonourably I shall deduce the matter with all convenient brevity King Henry the Eighth of England had resolved upon a War with France Anno 1512. The French King perceiving this applyed to Iames the Fourth of Scotland his old Confederate to engage him in ane Alliance against Henry His Application was successful a private League was made betwixt them in November that year Two of the Articles were That if England should invade Scotland France should wage War with all its might against England Scotland should do the like if England invaded France And neither of the two should take Truce with England without the other gave his Consent and were comprehended therein if he pleased In pursuance of this League Iames raised a potent Army invaded England incurred the Popes Displeasure to the very Sentence of Excommunication fought the fatal Battle of Flowdon Sept. 9. 1513 Lost his Life and the Flower of all the Scottish Nobility and Gentry and left behind him Iames the Fifth ane Infant exposed with his whole State to the not very tender Mercies of King Henry Here was serving the French interests with a witness Well! How did Lewis requite this The next year he patcht up a Peace with Henry without comprehending Scotland without Respect to his Faith and Promise without Pity to those who were reduced to such Extremities on his account If this was not what can be called Disobliging But this was not all The Scots reduced to these difficulties and sensible that it was not possible for the Nation to subsist under ane infant King without a Regent became humble Suppliants to the French King that he would send them Iohn Duke of Albany then in the French Service a Man of great Abilities and next by Blood to the Scottish Crown that he might be their Governour during their Kings Minority But Henry's Threats for a long time prevailed more with the French King than Scotlands Necessities or his Obligations to it For Albany came not to Scotland till May 1515. so that for near two years thro the French Coldness and Indifferency towards Scottish affairs the Kingdom had no setled Government The War brake out again betwixt France and England Anno ..... and a new Peace was concluded Anno 1518. And Albany our Scottish Regent was present in person when it was concluded but the English Obstinacy not to comprehend Scotland was more effectual with Francis the First who had then got upon the Throne than all the Intercessions of Albany or the Merits of our Nation Nay if we may believe Herbert It was one of the main Articles of that Treaty that Albany should not return to Scotland Nor did he return till Octob. 1521. And returning then Henry reckoned it a Main Breach of Treaty nay and plain Perjury in Francis that he gave way to it Thus were we treated then by France Let us now consider if Henry was at any pains all this while to make ane Interest in Scotland And if we may believe the unanimous voice of our own Historians or my Lord Herbert in the History of his Life never was man more earnest for any thing than he in that pursuit and he had brave occasions for it For not only were the Scots highly and justly irritated by the degenerous and undervaluing slights France had put upon them as I have just now made appear But Henry had surprized them with ane Unexpected and Unaccustomed Generosity after the Battel of Flowdon He had not pursued his Victory but had listned gently to their Addresses for Peace and told them that tho he might yet he would not take advantage of their circumstances He would treat them frankly if they were for Peace so was he if for War they should have it A Response so full of true Honour and Gallantry as could not but work on their affections Besides His Sister Margaret the Queen of Scots a Lady of rare Endowments was all alongst working to his hand and making a Party for him Iames the 4 th by his Testament before he went to Flowdon had nominated her Governess of the Realm during her Widowhood This gave her once the principal hand in affairs 'T is true she was young and lively and married within a year after the King's Death and so lost her Title to the Regency But then she married the Earl of Angus the choice of all the Scottish Nobility and one who was in great Repute with all Ranks of People so that however her Marriage annulled her Title it did not so much weaken her Interest but that she had still a great Party in the Nation So great That tho Albany was advanced to the Regency she was for the most part able to over-ballance him in point of power and following In short Such was Henry's and his Sisters influence That all the time Albany was Regent the Nation was divided into two Factions The one French headed by Albany the other English headed by the Queen Dowager and hers was generally the more prevalent so much that tho Albany was perhaps one of the bravest Gentlemen that ever was honoured with the Scottish Regency he was never able to prosecute to purpose any project he undertook for the French Service Thus Anno 1522. He raised ane Army to invade England But with what success Why The Scottish Nobility waited upon him to the Border indeed but they would go no further They told him plainly they would hazard lives and fortunes in defence of their Country but it was another thing to invade England And Lesly plainly attributes all this Refractoriness in these Nobles to the Queens influence Nay 't is evident from the same Lesly that the Baseness and Ingratitude of the French in the forementioned Treaties was one of the principal Arguments that moved them to such Backwardness And Albany was sensible of it and therefore went to France and told the French King so much and asked a swinging Army of Frenchmen five thousand Horse and ten thousand Foot with such a force he promised to Act something against England but from the Scots by themselves nothing was
dated from Geneva Ianuary 12 Ann. 1559. Amongst many other Reformations He is for Reforming their Bishopricks indeed But how By abolishing them Nothing like it How then Take it in his own words Let no man be charged in preaching of Christ Iesus above that a man may do I mean That your Bishopricks be so Divided that of every one as they are nâ—w for the most part may be made ten And so in every City and Great Town there may be placed a Godly Learned Man with so many joined with him for preaching and instruction as shall be thought sufficient for the Bounds committed to their Charge So he And let our Parity-men if they can give this Testimony a Gloss favourable to their side of the Question without destroying the text The Truth is this Testimony is so very nicking that I am apt to apprehend it might have been for its sake That this whole Tractate was left out of the Folio-Edition of Knox's Works printed at London Anno 1641. However the Inquisition it seems has not been so strict at Edenburgh for there it escap'd the Index Expurgatorius And yet tho it had not the Good Cause had not been one whit the Securer For Knox's practice would have sufficiently determined the matter For Did not he compile the First Book of Discipline And is not Imparity fairly Established there Did not he write and bear the Letter sent by the Superintendents Ministers and Commissioners of the Church within the Realm of Scotland to their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors in England Anno 1566 Did not he in that same Title of that same Letter acknowledge that these Brethren Bishops and Pastors of England had renounced the Roman Antichrist and professed the Lord Iesus in sincerity And doth not the Letter all alongst allow of the Episcopal Power and Authority of these English Bishops Did not he publickly and solemnly admit Mr. Iohn Spotswood to the Superintendency of Lothian Anno 1561 Did not he Concur at the Coronation of King Iames the Sixth with a Bishop and two Superintendents Anno 1567 Was not he some time a Commissioner for Visitation as they were then called i. e. a Temporary Bishop And did not he then Act in a Degree of Superiority above the Rest of his Brethren within the bounds of his Commission Did not he sit and vote and concur in many General Assemblies where Acts were made for performing Canonical Obedience to Superintendents In fine doth not Spotswood tell us That he was far from the Dotages wherein some that would have been thought his followers did afterwards fall That never man was more obedient to Church Authority than be That he was always urging the Obedience of Ministers to their Superintendents for which he caused diverse Acts to be made in the Assemblies of the Church And That he shewed himself severe to the Transgressors I have insisted the longer on this instance of Knox because he made a Singular Figure amongst our Reformers Besides having so fully evinced that he whom our Brethren value so much was no Divine-Right-of-Parity-Man I think it may readily pass for credible that neither were any of the rest of our Reformers of that opinion And now to bring home all this to my main purpose if not so much as one of our Reformers no not Knox himself was for the Divine Right of Parity I think it may amount to an undeniable evidence at least to a strong Presumption That they were not of the present Presbyterian Principles and all this will appear still farther unquestionable when it is considered in the IV. place How much reason there is to believe That our Reformers proceeded generally on the same principles with the Reformers of England where the Government of the Church by imparity was continued without the least opposition This is a Consideration which I am afraid may not relish well with the Inclinations of my Presbyterian Brethren yet withal may be of considerable weight with unprejudiced people and bring light to several things about our Reformation which even those who have read our Histories and Monuments may have passed over inadvertently And therefore I shall take leave to insist upon it somewhat fully And I shall proceed by these steps 1. I shall endeavour to represent how our Reformation under God was principally Cherished and Encouraged by English influences 2. I shall endeavour to represent how in Correspondence to these Influences our Reformers were generally of the same mind with the Church of England in several momentous instances relating to Constitution and Communion the Government and Polity of the Church wherein our present Presbyterian Principles stand in direct opposition and contradiction to her If I can make these two things appear I think I shall make a Considerable Advance towards the Determination of the Second Enquiry 1. I say our Reformation under God was Cherished and Encouraged principally by English influences That Scotland barring foreign influences is Naturally dispos'd for receiving English impressions cannot but be obvious to common sense We not only live in the same Island separated from all other Neighbourhood we not only breath the same air and speak the same language and observe the same customs and have all the opportunities of Reciprocating all the Offices which can result from daily Commerces and familiar acquaintances and easy Correspondences and Matrimonial Conjunctions and innumerable other such Endearing Relations and Allectives to Mutual Kindness but also Scotland is the lesser England the larger Scotland the more barren England the more fertile Scotland the poorer England the richer Scotland the more penurious of people England the more populous Scotland every way the weaker England every way the stronger Kingdom and by consequence Scotland every way the more apt to receive and England every way the more apt to give impressions And Nature in this is fully justified by Experience For what Scottish man knows not that when the late Revolution was a carrying on as England cast the Copy to Scotland so it was used and prest as one of the most popular and influential Topicks to perswade the Scots to follow the Copy That England had done it and why should Scotland follow a separate Course Was not England a powerful and a wise Nation what Defence could Scotland make for it self if England should invade it And how was it to be imagined that England would not invade Scotland if Scotland did not follow England's Measures So that to stand by K. I. when England had rejected him what was it else than to expose the Nation to unavoidable Ruine Who knows not I say that this was one of the most prest because one of the most plausible Arguments in the beginning of the late Revolution And who sees not that the Force of the Argument lay in Scotland's obnoxiousness to England's impressions Let no true hearted Scottish man imagine 'T is in my thought to dishonour my Native Country I have said no more than all
calls them 50000 out of their Benefices besides a vast sum which might arise out of the confiscated Estates of Hereticks 50000 Crowns was a good round summ in those days in Scotland Further How were they alarm'd what fears were they under what shapes did they turn themselves in what tricks did they play when the Match betwixt Edward and Mary spoken of before was in Agitation The Cardinal forged a Will in the Kings Name nominating himself the principal of four Conjunct Regents for managing the Government during the Queen's Minority intending thereby to secure the Popish interests and prevent the coming of the Nobility from England who he knew would lay out themselves with all their Might to oppose him being his Enemies upon the account of Religion and advance the Designs of England This not succeeding for the forgery was manifest His next Care was that all the Popish Party should tumultuate bawl and clamour confound and disturb the Parliament all they could which indeed was done so successfully that nothing could be done to purpose till he was committed to Custody Neither did this put an end to these practices of the Party but so soon as the Parliament having concluded the Match was over and he set at Liberty with the Queen Dowagers advice who was all over French and Papist He convenes the Clergy represents to them the impossibility of their standing the certain Ruine of the Catholick Religion every thing that could be frightful to them unless that Confederacy with England were broken obliges them therefore to tax themselves and raise great Sums of Money for Bribing some of the Nobility that were not proof against its Charms and Beauties And to use all their Rhetorick with others to the same purpose And lastly it was concluded in that Religious Meeting That the Match and Alliance should be preacht against from the Pulpits and that all possible pains should be taken to excite the Populace to Tumults and Rabbles and treat the English Ambassador with all affronting Tricks and Rudenesses In short the Faction never gave over till they had cajol'd the weak Regent into ane Abjuration of Protestancy as was told before and reconciled him to the French which then in Scotland was all one with the Popish Interest Nay His Holiness himself again interrested himself in this juncture as Lesly tells us sending Petrus Franciscus Contarenus Patriarch of Venice his Legate into Scotland to treat with the Regent and the Nobility in the Popes Name and promise them large assistances against the English if they would break the Contract of Marriage betwixt Edward and Mary which had so fatal ane aspect towards the Catholick Religion By this Taste 't is easy to discern how much the Popish Party were perswaded of the great influence England had on Scotland in order to a Reformation of Religion And laying all together that hath been said 't is as easy to perceive they wanted not reason for such a perswasion Having thus given a brief Deduction of the State of our Reformation in King Henry's time and made it apparent that it was much encouraged and quickened by English Influences then I think I need not insist much on the succeeding Reigns Briefly then 7. As Edward the Sixth had the same reasons for interesting himself in our Scottish affairs which his Father Henry had before him so we find his Counsels were suited accordingly No sooner was Henry dead and Somerset warm'd in his Protectoral Chair than the Demands about the Match were renewed And being rejected by the Popish Party here who had our weak Regent at their Beck and were then the governing Party the Matter ended in a Bloody War Somerset raised a great Army and entered Scotland But before it came to fighting he sent a Letter to the Scots written in such ane obliging stile and containing so kind and so fair so equitable propositions That the Regent advis'd by some Papists about him thought fit not to publish it to his Army but to give out that it tended to quite contrary purposes than it really contained That it contain'd Threats that the English were come to carry off the Queen by force and Ruine and Enslave the Nation c. Dreading no doubt that if he had dealt candidly and shewed the Letter to such men of interest in the Nation as were there it would have taken so with them that they would have laid aside thoughts of Fighting Indeed this was no groundless jealousie the matter was above-board For as Buchanan tells us In the next Convention of Estates which was holden shortly after that fatal Battel of Pinkie those who were for the Reformation being of the same Religion with England were zealous for the English Alliance and against sending the Queen into France and that they were the Papists only who were for sending her thither 8. When Edward died and his Sister Mary ascended the Throne a heavy Cloud indeed did hang over both Nations and threatned a dreadful storm to the Reformation of Religion Mary according to her surly humour fell to downright Persecution in England And our Q. Dowager having shouldered out Arran and possest herself of the Scottish Regency in her subtle way was as zealous to maintain the Superstitions of Popery using less Cruelty indeed than Mary but more policy and to the same purposes And now the purgation of Christianity seem'd to be brought to a lamentable stand in both Kingdoms and the hopes of those to be quite dasht who were breathing for the profession of that Holy Religion in its purity Yet God in his kind providence did otherwise dispose of things and made that a means to advance Religion amongst us which men thought should have utterly extinguisht it For some of those who fled from Mary's persecution in England taking their Refuge into this Kingdom did not only help to keep the light which had begun to shine but made the Sun to break up more clear than before as Spotswood hath it from Knox. For then came into Scotland William Harlaw Iohn Willock Iohn Knox c. of whom more hereafter Thus we were still deriving more light and heat from England 9. Mary died and Elizabeth succeeded in November 1588. our Queen was then in France It was morally impossible to recover her thence The English influences which in Henry and Edwards time had cherished our Reformation except so far as God sent us Harlaw Willock and Knox by his special providence as I told just now were quite cut off all the time of Mary's Government Our Reformers therefore to make the best of a bad hand were earnest to be amongst the foremost Courtiers with the Queen Regent They were ready to serve her design with all possible frankness particularly they were amongst the most forward for carrying on the Match with the Dauphine of France and voted chearfully that he should have the Matrimonial Crown conferred upon him after the solemnization of the Marriage In
THE Fundamental Charter OF Presbytery As it hath been lately Established IN THE Kingdom of SCOTLAND Examin'd and Disprov'd By the History Records and Publick Transactions of our Nation Together with a PREFACE Wherein the Vindicator of the Kirk is freely put in mind of his Habitual Infirmities LONDON Printed for C. Brome at the Gun at the West End of St. Paul's Church-yard 1695. THE PREFACE THis Article which I have now examined was no sooner Established in our Scottish Claim of Right than I turn'd serious to satisfy my self about it I thought it concern'd me as a Scottish man to understand as well as I could That which made such a Figure in the Original Contract between King and People I thought I was no less concern'd as a Christian to be Resolv'd about its Merits I perceiv'd it might readily affect my practice And tho I abhor as heartily as any man all breaking of the Churches peace for Rattles or Nutshels Yet I could not but reckon of it as a matter of Conscience to me to Endeavour to be sure that I built neither my Faith nor my Obedience in a matter of such Consequence as I take the Government of the Church to be on a Deceitful bottom Perhaps I was bound to be inquisitive by some other Reduplications not needful to be Named I had not spent much Application about it when I was satisfied and thought I had Ground to hope the Wisdom of the Nation after more Deliberate Researches might find it Reasonable either to Restore to the Church Her Ancient and Iust Government or settle the New One on some at least more Specious Basis. But I was Disappointed For Three Sessions of Parliament are now over And the Article is so far from being either Retracted or Corrected that on the Contrary It hath been still insisted on and Deem'd sufficient to support very weighty Superstructures Each Session hath Erected some new thing or other upon it This with the importunity of some Friends at last Determin'd me to Enquire more fully and minutely into the value of the Article And the Work hath swell'd to such a bulk as you see I confess I cannot Apologize sufficiently for my adventuring to Expose such ane ill Composure to the publick view Especially Considering how Nice and Critical if not Picq't and Humorsome an Age we live in I ever thought that much of the Beauty as well as of the Vtility of Books lay in Good Method and a distinct Range of Thoughts And I cannot promise that I have observed That so punctually as Clearer Heads might have done I have less Reason to be Confident of the Stile 'T is hard for most Scottish men to arrive at any tolerable Degree of English Purity Our greatest Caution cannot prevent the Stealing of our own Words and Idioms into our Pens and their dropping thence into our writings All things considered I have as little Reason to think I have Guarded or could Guard against them as any Scottish man For not only have mine opportunities all my life been none of the best But for finding Materials for the following Papers I was obliged to Read so many Books written in Right Broad Scotch and take so many Citations from them that 't is little to be wondered if my Book abounds with Scotticisms I thought my self bound to be faithful in my Citations and I can promise I have been that I could not Reason from the Authority of these Citations without using the Terms and Phrases which are in them This no doubt makes the Scotticisms Numerous And I shall not deny that my familiar acquaintance with these Books together with the prejudices of Education Custom and Constant Converse in the plain Scottish Dialect may have occasioned many more Neither shall I be over Confident that where I have adventured to Reason any point I have done it to every mans Conviction I may have been as other men apt to impose on my self and think I have advanced just propositions and drawn fair Consequences when I have not done it No doubt most men have such a Kindness for themselves as too commonly inclines them to applaud their own thoughts and judge their own Reasonings Just and Solid when they are but Coarse enough And others may very easily discover where the mistake lies Yet this I can say for my self I have done what I could to Guard against all such prejudice and partial Byass Sensible of these infirmities I intreat the Readers favourable and benign Censures This I can tell him ingenuously If I could have done better I should not have Grudgâ—d him the pleasure of it But perchance that which I am more concern'd to account for is what Assistances I had for what I have advanced in the following Sheets And here I must Confess I had not all the Advantages I could have wished Such are my present Circumstances That I could not Rationally propose to my self to have Access to the publick Records either of Church or State And no doubt in this I was at a Considerable loss For he who Transcribes from Authentick Records Doth it more Securely than he who has things only from Second hands Yet I don't think this Disadvantage was such as should have intirely Discouraged me from the Attempt I have made For some of my Authors had Access to the publick Registers And I am apt to believe there was not much to be found there Relating to the Controversies I have managed which they have not published So that tho 't is possible I might have been better yet I cannot think I was ill provided of Helps I cannot think any of my Presbyterian Brethren can be provided much better The principal Authors from which I have collected my Materials are these Buchanan's History published at Frankfort Anno 1594 Ieslie's History at Edenburgh 1675. King Iames the Sixth's Works in English at London 1616. Archbishop Spotswood's History of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland at London Anno 1655. His Refutatio Libelli c. Lond. An. 1620. The True History of the Church of Scotland c. said to be written by Mr. David Calderwood published An. 1678. Mr. Petrie's History of the Catholick Church c. Tom. 2. printed at the Hague Anno 1â—62 Sir Iames Melvil's Memoirs The Old Scottish Liturgy The Lord Herbert's History of the Life of King Henry 8. Doctor Heylin and Doctor Burnet's Histories of the Reformation of the Church of England Calvin's Epistles printed at Geneva Anno 1617. Beza's Epistles till the year 1573. Acts and Monuments by Fox c. I have likewise considered our printed Acts of Parliaments The printed Acts of the General Assemblies from the year 1638. And as many Pamphlets as I could find Relating to the Matters on which I insist 'T is needless to Name them here You may find them named as Occasion required in my Book There are two Books which I must insist on a little One is A Manuscript Copy of the Acts of our Scottish Assemblies from
Britain as our Presbyterian Brethren are earnest to have the present Generation believe Again Pag. 449 The Author Narrating how Henry Queen Mary's Husband c was buried Adds in Confirmation of his own Veracity Thus. If there had been any Solemn Burial Buchanan had wanted Wit to Relate otherwise Seeing there would have been so many Witnesses to testify the Contrary Therefore the Contriver of the late History of Queen Mary wanted Policy here to convey a Lie Thus I say the Author vouches Buchanans Authority And it must be Buchanans History that he Refers to For there 's not a Syllable about Henry's Burial to be found in any of his other writings Now Not to insist on the incredibleness of Knox's running for Shelter to Buchanans Authority concerning a matter of Fact so remarkable in its self and which happened in his own time in that very City in which he lived and was Minister Not to insist on this I say Buchanan himself in his Dedication of his History to King Iames 6th Clearly decides the matter He tells his Majesty there were two Considerations which chiefly put him upon writing his History First He perceived his Majesty had Read and Understood the Histories of almost all other Nations And it was incongruous and unaccountable that he who was so well acquainted with Foreign Affairs should be a Stranger to the History of his own Kingdom Secondly He was intrusted with the Kings Education He could not attend his Majesty in that important Office by Reason of his Old Age and Multiplying infirmities He applyed himself therefore to write his History thereby to Compense the Defects of his Non-Attendance c. And from both Reasons it is evident that Knox was Dead before Buchannan applyed himself to the writing of his History For Knox dyed Anno 1572. K. Iames was then but Six years of Age And is it Credible that at that Age he had Read and got by heart the Histories of almost all other Nations Indeed Buchanan survived Knox by ten years And for a good many of them was able to wait and actually waited on the King So that 't is clear 't was towards the end of his days and after Knox's Death that he applyed himself to his History And 't is very well known it was never published till the year 1582. But this is not all The Author of that which is called Knox's History adduces Buchanan's Authority for Convelling the Credit of the Contriver of the Late History of Queen Mary which was written I cannot tell how long after Buchanan was Dead as well as Knox. Further Pag. 306. The Author discourses thus The Books of Discipline have been of late so often published that we shall forbear to print them at this time Now there were never more than two Books of Discipline and the Second was not so much as projected till the year 1576 i. e. 4 years after Knox had departed this life Once more Pag. 286. We read thus Some in France after the sudden Death of Francis the Second and calling to mind the Death of Charles the Ninth in Blood and the Slaughter of Henry the Second did Remark the Tragical ends of these three Princes who had persecuted Gods Servants so cruelly And indeed the following Kings of France unto this day have found this true by their unfortunate and unexpected Ends. Now Charles the Ninth died not till the 30th of May Anno 1574. i. e. 18 Months after Knox. The following Kings of France who made the Vnfortunate and unexpected Ends were Henry the Third and Henry the Fourth Henry the Third was not Murthered till the year 1589. Henry the Fourth not till May 1610. The former 17 the latter 38 years after the Death of Knox. From this Taste it is clear that that History at least as we now have it was not written by Knox. All that can be said with any Shadow of probability is that Knox provided some Materials for it But Granting this how shall we be able to separate that which is Spurious in it from that which is Genuine All I can say is this 'T is plain to every one that Reads it That he has been a thorough-paced Presbyterian who framed it as we have it By Consequence its Authority is stark naught for any thing in it that favours Presbytery or bespatters Prelacy And if it ought to have any credit at all it is only where the Controversies about Church Government are no ways interested or where it mentions any thing that may be improven to the Advantages of Episcopacy just as the Testimonies of Adversaries are useful for the interests of the opposite party and not an Aâ—e farther So that I had reason if any Man can have it to insist on its Authority as I have frequently done But no Presbyterian can in equity either plead or be allowed the same priviledge I could give the Reader a surfeit of instances which cannot but appear to any considering person to be plain and notorious Presbyterian corruptions in it But I shall only represent One as being of considerable importance in the Controversie which I have managed in my Second Enquiry and by that the Reader may make a Judgment of the Authors Candor and Integrity in other things The English Non-conformists zealous to be rid of the Vestments and some other Forms and Ceremonies retained by the Church of England which they reckoned to be scandalous impositions wrote earnestly as is known to several Reformed Churches and Protestant Divines beseeching them to interpose with the Church of England for an ease of these burdens It seems they wrote to some in Scotland also probably to Mr. Knox He was of their acquaintance and they could not but be secure enough of his inclinations considering how warm he had been about these matters at Francfort However it was the Church of Scotland did actually interpose The General Assembly met at Edenburgh Decem. 27. Anno 1566 ordered Iohn Knox to draw a Letter to the English Clergy in favour of those Non-conformists This Letter was subscribed and sent Now consider the Tricks of the Author of the History attributed to Knox. The Inscription of the Letter as it is in Spotswood Petrie and the Manuscript Copy of the Acts of the General Assembly's is this The Superintendents Ministers and Commissioners of the Church within the Realm of Scotland To their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors of England who have renounced the Roman Antichrist and do profess with them the Lord Iesus in sincerity wish the increase of the Holy Spirit Thus I say Spotswoâ—d hath it pag. 198. And the MS. and Petrie Tom. 2. p. 348. have it in the same words only where Spotswood hath wish they have desire which makes no material Difference But the spurious Knox has it thus pag. 445. The Superintendents with other Ministers and Commissioners of the Church of God in the Kingdom of Scotland To their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors of Gods Church in England who profess with us
concern'd for is this that If they kept a Correspondence there at that time if they got encouragement or Advice thence to comply with the Toleration If they were instructed to comply with it in subserviency to the ensuing Revolution If these things were I say then what a villany was it in them to Address to K. I. in such a manner If they had known nothing of any Designs for setting him beside his Throne If they had been privy to no intriques against him If it had been nothing but a surprize occasioned by such ane unexpected Liberty that prevailed with them to Address to him in such Terms as they did on that occasion something might have been pleaded to extenuate their guilt at least tho' they had complyed with the Designs of the Revolution afterwards when they saw it prevailing Their Ignorance of Intrigues and the Politick Designs were then on foot and the possibility of their having been sincere when they Addressed so to him might have been pleaded in Alleviation of the Dishonesty of their not performing what they promised in their Address And it might have passed on with the common croud of infirmities which usually surprize men of weak resolution in such Critical junctures But to be on Plots and Intrigues against him To snatch at his Concessions that they might be in a condition to ruine him and in the mean time to make such protestations to him to flatter and cajole him at such a rate meerly of Design to wheedle him into a deep security that they might the more expeditely and effectually supplant and ruine him was such ane instance of iniquity of Antichristian craft of rank and vile cheatry as can scarcely be parallell'd in History And so I leave it Thus I have given half a dozen of instances which might be sufficient in all reason for exposing our Authors goodly Impudence And yet they may be reckoned amongst the most innocent of many scores that might be collected in his writings But 't is not my present purpose to pursue him in all his wild careers I shall therefore insist only on three or four things more which as I take it may be sufficient to give the world a surfeit of him The things I am to to take notice of are some Impudent shifts he has betaken himself to for extricating himself when at any time he or his Cause was put to it by any present difficulty In such Cases no Rule obliges him no Law binds him no Equity bounds him no Shame bridles him no sense of Reputation over-aws him Thus e. g. 7. Before he shall be forced to yield in his Argument or seem to be non-plus't he shall not fail to furbish his Talent and make it keen enough for combating the Common sense of the whole Nation It were ane endless work to trace him thro' all instances he has of this Nature What possessions have any of the Episcopal Clergy been deprived of unless for Crimes against the State 2 Vind. p. 6. now who knows not that more than 300 who were outed by the Rabble were deprived of their Possessions and that by ane Act of Parliament without so much as being Charged with any Crime or tryed by any Court Again The Author of the Second Letter had called it K. I.'s Retirement when he left England and went to France So he Termeth says G. R. 2 Vind. p. 23 that which the Parliament called King James's abdicating the Government Now his Author was a Scottish man and writing upon Scottish Hypotheses and about Scottish affairs so that if G. R. spake sense he spake of the Scottish Parliament But I am satisfied that the world reckon me as Impudent as G. R. is really if there is so much as one syllable or any thing that looks like ane intimation of King I.'s either Abdicating or Deserting the Government in any Scottish Declaration or Law or Claim of Right In any publick Deed done by the Nation Again 2 Vind. p. 36. He says That most of them who were thrust out by the Rabble were put out by their own Consciences But after this what might he not have said To trace him thro' all such instances I say would be ane endless work I shall therefore confine my self to two One a Matter of Fact Another a Matter of Right or rather a mixt matter in which both Right and Fact are concerned The Matter of Fact shall be that story he so frequently insists on about my Lord Dundee's 2000 men c. in his Second Vindication About the time the Convention of Estates was to sit down a Design was discovered framed by the Viscount of Dundee and others to surprize and seize the Convention and for this end had secretly got together of K. J. 's disbanded Souldiers and others about 2000 strangers in Edenburgh p. 11 This Plot did our Author a great many services It occasioned those of the West to gather as many into Edenburgh to oppose them and secure the Convention ibid. Mark here they were those of the West who Gathered the Rabble into Edenburgh and this Gathering was only occasional and of their own proper motion Mark these things I say and compare them with what follows Again That there was a Design to fall on the Ministers of Edenburgh is affirmed on no ground and without any Truth Or that the Colledge of Justice Arm'd in their Defence It was rather on the same Design on which the Viscount of Dundee had gathered forces into the Town and it was for opposing of them and not for Assaulting the Ministers of Edenburgh ibid. 39 And p. 40 The thanks the Rabble got was for their zeal in Defending the Convention from that opposite Rabble viz. the 2000 men Dundee and others had gathered into Edenburgh to have seized the Convention Again p. 96 That the Western Rabble which came to Edenburgh in the time of the Convention were in Arms against Law says he is false for they were called by the Authority of the Estates as their Guard when their Enemies had gathered a formidable party into Edenburgh And tho' they were together before the Earl of Levin got the command yet not before they were called together by the Estates ibid. And p. 110 He Dundee had gathered a formidable party to destroy the Convention of Estates and they gathered a force for their own security Now One who is a meer stranger to Scottish affairs finding this Plot of Dundee's so confidently asserted so frequently insisted on made use of to serve so many turns would seem to have Reason to believe that there was really such a Plot and that all this was uncontrovertible Matter of Fact For how is it to be imagined that one who undertook to be the Vindicator of the Kingdom of Scotland should talk so boldly of such a Recent Matter of Fact if there was no such thing really And yet The whole Nation knows this whole Matter is as Notorious Figment as Arrant Poesie as is in all
Coronations For I think none other can do it but the King and if so he must do it as King otherwise another might do it But then Tho' I have granted our Author this much that the Rightful Successor is King before he takes the Oath I think no Reason can oblige me to grant what followeth viz. That the same may be said of ONE CHOSEN and Proclaimed by the Supreme Authority of the Nation which is the CASE NOW IN HAND For not to insist on the Liberty our Author hath taken here to call their Majesties Elective Soveraigns in opposition to such as are Hereditary tho' I think it was pretty bold in him to talk so I think this is one of the most notable differences between ane Hereditary and ane Elective Monarchy that in the Hereditary the King never dies i. e. In that same instant that the Regnant Kings breath goeth out the Rightful Successor is King Whereas in the Elective Monarchy the King dies with the Man and there is no King till there is a New Creation This I think makes the Cases pretty wide And I think they are wider yet when he that is to be the Elected King is not to be King at all till he Agrees to such and such Conditions Who sees not a vast difference between the Hereditary and the Elective King in this Case But not to press our Author farther and once for all to end this Controversie about Strachan's Defence take what follows for undoubted Truth Upon that same very eleventh of April 1689 on which the Estates gave out their Proclamation importing that they had Resolved that W. and M. should be K. and Q. of Scotland they enacted their Declaration containing the Claim of Right and their Resolution to Offer the Crown only on the Terms of that Claim and not only so but they made this following Act word for word Forasmuch as the Estates of this Kingdom by their former Acts Declared that they would continue undissolved until the Government Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom should be settled and secured and they having now proceeded to Resolve that W. and M. K. and Q. of England be and be Declared K. and Q. of Scotland And considering that the Nation cannot be without Government until the said K. and Q. of England accept the Offer of the Crown according to the Instrument of Government and take the Oath required before they enter to the Exercise of the Regal Power Therefore the said Estates do hereby Declare and Enact that they will continue in the Government as formerly until their Majesties acceptance of the Crown and their taking of the said Oath be made known to them If this Act doth not make it evident that there was no Material Mistake of the words of the Claim of Right in Dr. Strachan's Defence But that the Doctor pleaded and Reason'd upon the Manifest Principles of the Meeting of Estates If it doth not Demonstrate that the Doctors Plea was Solid and Irrefragable and if it follows not by necessary consequence that it was ane unaccoutable proceeding of the Committee of Estates to deprive the Doctor and near to thirty more for not praying for W. and M. as K. and Q. of Scotland before they were or could be K and Q. of Scotland let the intelligent Reader judge But if these inferences are notoriously just then let him judge again if G. R. by offering to invalidate the Dr. 's Defence was not guilty of a palpable indiscretion in refreshing the memory of such an unaccountable proceeding of the Meeting of the Committee of Estates which had been far better buried in perpetual oblivion and lastly let him judge if it argued not more than ane ordinary Impudence in G. R. to have attempted the Defence of that Procedure And if such ane attempt was not with a Fetch of his Talent peculiar to himself to offer violence to Reason and Law to Iustice and Equity to the Light of Nature and the Common sense of Mankind One would think 't was Impudence enough in all Conscience to have made so bold with common Humanity and particularly with the Universal Convictions of ones Native Country as to a plain Matter of Fact But such is our Authors share of that Daring Talent that assisted by it he could even flee in the face of his Dearer Relations and leave them in the Lurch rather than appear to have been worsted in his Argument Thus e. g. 8. When he was put to it and could not otherwise make his escape he never made scruple to flee in the face of the present Civil Government He tells you indeed in his Preface to 2 Vind. § 6. That one of his Designs in writing his Book was to Vindicate and Justify the Actings of the Civil Government Believe him on many occasions and he is a most dutiful Subject there cannot be a greater Reverencer of Authority He tells you 'T is a sawcy boldness for private persons to meddle with the Designs of Legislators 2 Vind. p. 112 And God knows how frequently he exposes his Adversaries to the Resentments of the Civil Government How zealous is he for stretching necks c. And yet for all this as much as he is obliged to it as great a veneration as he pretends for it it must not only shift for it self but he must run through its sides if he has not another hole to escape by I shall only take notice of two instances of his behaviour this way The first is in his 2 Vind. p. 22 His Adversary had laught at the Presbyterian Address and their protestation of Loyalty to K J. But I would fain know says G. R. by what Topick either of these can be Condemned I think I have hinted at least at Topick enough about that Go we on now with our Author They gave thanks for restoring them to their just Right Neither is this the Matter They Professed and practised Loyalty towards their LAWFUL Soveraign tho' of a different Religion from them Here it is For don't you hear him plainly affirming that K. I. was a LAWFUL SOVERAIGN Now what was this less than striking at the very root of the present Establishment Is it not a direct Contradicting of the Claim of Right which Declares that K. J. had forfeited the Right to the Crown by assuming the Regal Power and Acting as King without ever taking the Oath required by Law i. e. Manifestly for not being a LAWFUL SOVERAIGN If thus to Contradict its very foundation strikes not at the root of the present Constitution let the world judge But so it was that our Author could not otherwise justify the Presbyterian Address c. Again One of his Adversaries had Argued that Episcopacy was abolished by the Parliament as being contrary to the Inclinations of the People and therefore if the People should alter their Inclinations it might be restored by another Parliament One would think there was Reason here and it seems G. R. was sensible of it And
100. His first Collection is of Accounts that he hath had from his Complices a company of Men avowed and malicious Enemies of all Presbyterians and all this attested by themselves Nay Tho they were not Episcopal Ministers but Laicks who attested if it was done in favour of Episcopal Ministers that was enough to prove them Friends to Episcopacy and so they were no more Boni Legales Homines as he calls his Vnexceptionable Witnesses p. 111. Thus The Account which was sent to London immediately after the Second Tumult at Glasgow which happened on the 17th of Feb. Anno 1688 â— was subscribed by Iames Gibson then One of the Magistrates of the City Iohn Gillhagie who had been a Magistrate the year before and Patrick Bell Son to Sir Iohn Bell a discreet young Gentleman and Merchant in the City These three subscribed it that it might make Faith it was directed to Doctor Fall Principal of the Colledge of Glasgow that he might shew it to the then P. of O. and crave that now that he had taken upon him the Government of the Kingdom of Scotland he would interpose his Authority for discharging such Tumults for the future c. Doctor Fall actually addressed to his Highness and shewed the Account All this was done before the Scottish Estates met in March Now consider G. R.'s Discussion of this Account p. 94. Iohn he should have called him Iames Gibson was a Party and made a Bailie by the Archbishop and all know the Prelates Inclinations towards the present Civil Government Have ye not here a goodly Specimen of both our Authors Law and his Logick Iohn Gillhagie is lookt on by all as a Foolish and Rash Man who little considereth what he doth Now what was his Testimony worth after our Author had given him such a Character Patrick Bell and his Brother were soon after seized for Treasonable Practices were long in Prison and are now under Bail And is not G. R. now a potent Author How easily and readily he can reject Testimonies And these three once thus rejected There was never such a thing as that Presbyterian Tumult at Glasgow No not tho there are Hundreds in Glasgow who can attest that every syllable of the Account was true Again Pag. 109. in Mr. Gellies Case How easily could he reject all the Testimonies that were adduced Why They that testify for him are of his own party And then let them testify that they saw a Nose on G. R.'s own Face and for any thing I know he should cut off his own Nose to have them Liers And now Let the World judge of this way of disproving Historical Relations and Attestations of Matters of Fact Is it not plain that according to this Standard it is impossible to Attest any thing For as I take it the whole Nation is so divided between Prelalatists and Presbyterians or those who favour One of the sides that you shall not find many Neutrals Now who is obliged to take the Testimonies of Presbyterians in Matters of Fact more than the Testimonies of Prelatists Have they any Divine Natural or Municipal Law for the Validity of their Testimonies beyond other Men If they have not as I shall still be apt to believe till G R. produces the Law then I would fain know how G. R. by his own Standard can allow That Presbyterian Witnesses should appear before any Court Ecclesiastical or Civil against Episcopal Ministers Nay may not the Presbyterians themselves reject even G. R. s Testimony Nay I say they ought to do it Why He stands nearly related to Episcopacy How Let it be enquired into and I 'le hold him two to one if he was Baptized at all he was Baptized either by a Bishop or by a Presbyter that submitted to Bishops But if so then good morrow to his Testimony For thus the Argument runs G. R. was Baptized by a Prelate or a Prelatist and all know the Prelates inclinations c. Why this Reasoning should not hold in G. R.'s Case as well as in Iames Gibson's Case I desire to learn of G. R. when he is at Leisure But this is not all As he rejected all the Attestations in that Book without any shew of Reason so he did some in Despight of the Common Sense of Mankind For setting this in its due Light it is to be Remembred that in that Book there are Accounts of the Insolencies committed by the Rabble upon such and such Ministers in the Presbyteries of Glasgow Hamilton Irwing Air Paisley Dumbarton c. Now these Accounts were occasioned thus When the Rabble was in its fury and making Havock of all the Clergy in the Western Diocess of Glasgow some of them met at Glasgow upon the 22 of Ianuary 1688 9. to consider what might be proper for them to do for their own Preservation and Protection against the Rage of their Persecutors And the best Expedient they could then fall upon was to send Doctor Scot Dean of Glasgow to London to represent their Condition to his Highness the P. of O. who had then assumed the Government of the Nation and crave protection according to Law And that the Doctor might be the better instructed it was resolved that particular Accounts of the Violences had been done to the Clergy within the abovenamed Presbyteries should be digested by such Ministers as lived within these Presbyteries respectively This was done The Account of the Violences done to those who lived within the Presbytery of Air was digested and signed by Mr. Alexander Gregory Mr. William Irwine and Mr. Francis Fordyce that for Paisley by Mr. Fullerton and Mr. Taylour Ministers at Paisley that for Glasgow by Mr. George and Mr. Sage c. And that the Truth of these Accounts might be the more unquestâ—onable the Subscribers in some of them at least undertook to make all the particulars appear to be true upon the greatest peril if they should get a fair Hearing What greater Evidence of Truth and Ingenuity could have been expected or required of People in such Circumstances Yet Even these accounts G. R. rejected as readily and conâ—idently as he did any other he rejected them I say indiscriminately and without taking notice of any difference between them and such as were not written upon any such Occasion such as were only vouched Teste Meipso Was this like either the Sense or the Discretion that were proper for the Vindicator of a Church I do not incline so much as in the least to insinuate that any of the Accounts contained in The Case of the afflicted Clergy were false I am satisfied they were all very true All I intend is to represent G. R.'s impudent Rashness in rejecting all Accounts with the same facility And certainly whosoever considers this seriously cannot but reckon of his Book as written with as little Wit or Discretion as Truth or Ingenuity And all this will appear more evident still if it be considered that All this did not content him but he
of England e. g. Friar Alexander Seaton when he was forced to flee in King Iames the 5th's time went to England and became the Duke of Suffolk's Chaplain and died in that service Alexander Aless was in great favour with King Henry and called the King's Schollar He was a Member of the English Convocation and disputed against Stokesly Bishop of London and maintain'd there were but two Sacraments Baptism and the Eucharist Anno 1536 or 37 And he it was that first turn'd the English Liturgy into Latin for Bucer's use Anno 1549 as both Heylin and Burnet in their Histories of the English Reformation tell us Iohn Fife and one M' Dowdal stayed as long in England as Aless did And 't is not to be doubted that they were of the same principles Iohn M' Bee during his abode in England was liberally entertained by Nicol. Saxton Bishop of Salisbury who made much account of him which is no argument I think that he was a Presbyterian Sir Iohn Borthwick was charged with Heresie Anno 1640 for maintaining That the Heresies commonly called the Heresies of England and their New Liturgy was Commendable and to be embraced of all Christians And That the Church of Scotland ought to be govern'd after the manner of the Church of England i. e. under the King and not the Pope as Supreme Governor Friar Thomas Guillam the first publick Preacher of the Reformed Religion in Scotland He by whose Sermons Iohn Knox got the first lively impressions of the Truth This Guillam I say after Arran the Regent Apostatized withdrew and went into England and we hear no more of him From which 't is reasonable to conclude That he kept the Common Course with the other Reformers there Iohn Rough was the Regents other Chaplain while he was Protestant He likewise fled to England tho sometime after Guillam He preached some years in the Towns of Carlisle Berwick and Newcastle and was afterwards provided to a Benefice by the Archbishop of York where he lived till the Death of King Edward When Mary's Persecution turn'd warm he fled and lived some time in Freesland He came to London about some business Anno 1557. was apprehended and brought before Bonner Questioned if he had preached any since he came to England Answered he had preached none But in some places where godly people were Assembled He had read the Prayers of the Communion Book set forth in the Reign of King Ed. VI. Question'd again what his Judgment was of that Book Answered He approved it as agreeing in all points with the word of God And so suffered Martyrdom I think this man was neither for Parity nor against Liturgies But to proceed The excellent Mr. Wishart as he had spent some time in England as was told before so it seems he returned to Scotland of English I am confident not of Presbyterian Principles For he was not only for the Lawfulness of Private Communion as appeared by his practice but Knox gives us fair intimations that he ministred it by a Set-form I know King Edward's Liturgy was not then composed But it is not to be imagined That the Reformers in England in Wishart's time administred the Sacrament without a Set-form The Extemporary Spirit was not then in vogue And why else could Sir Iohn Borthwick have been charged with the Great Heresy of Commending the English Liturgy However I shall not be peremptory because I have not the opportunity of enquiring at present what Forms the English Reformers had then All I shall say is if they had a Liturgy 't is very probable Wishart used it For as Knox tells us when he celebrated the Eucharist before his Execution After he had blessed the Bread and Wine he took the Bread and Brake it and gave to every one of it bidding each of them Remember that Christ had died for them and feed on it spiritually so taking the Cup he bade them Remember that Christs Blood was shed for them c. So Knox word for word which account I think seems fairly to intimate that Wishart used a Form but if he did what other could it be than such as he had learned in England I have accounted already how Iohn Willock and William Harlaw had served in the English Church before they came to Scotland I might perhaps make a fuller Collection But what needs more Even Knox himself lived in Communion with the Church of England all the time he was in that Kingdom He went not there to keep Conventicles to erect Altar against Altar to gather Churches out of the Church of England to set up separate and schismatical Churches as some of our present Parity-men have sometimes done No he preached in the publick Churches and in subordination to the Bishops and he preached before King Edward himself as he himself tell us in his Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in England which it is very improbable he would have been allowed to have done if he had Condemned the Communion of the Church of England as it was then established For who knows not that in King Edwards time all Schism and Non-Conformity were sufficiently discouraged And through that whole Admonition he still speaks of himself as One of the Ministers of the Church of England Nay If it be Reasonable to Collect mens Sentiments from their Reasonings I am sure in that same Admonition I have enough for my purpose For he reasons upon suppositions and from Principles which clearly condemned Separation from the Church of England as then established For when he gives his thoughts of that fatal Discord which happened between the two great men Somerset and the Admiral as I take it He discourses thus God compelled my tongue says he openly to declare That the Devil and his Ministers the Papists Intended only the Subversion of Gods true Religion by that Mortal Hatred amongst those who ought to have been most assuredly Knit together by Christian Charity And especially that the wicked and envious Papists by that ungodly Breach of Charity diligently minded the overthrow of him Somerset that to his own Destruction procured the Death of his innocent friend and Brother All this trouble was devised by the Devil and his instruments to stop and lett Christ's Disciples and their poor Boat i. e. the Church What can be more plain I say than that Knox here proceeds on suppositions and reasons from Principles which condemned Separation from the Church of England as then established Doth he not suppose that the Church of England as then established was Christ's Boat his Church And that the Sons of the Church of England were Christ's Disciples Doth he not suppose that these two Brothers as Sons of the Church of England ought to have been assuredly knit together by Christian Charity That the Breach between them was ane ungodly Breach of that Charity by which Members of that same Church ought to have been assuredly knit together And
dayly look for our final Deliverance by the coming again of our Lord Iesus c. Thus it was prayed I say in great Solemnity at that time and every Petition is a Confirmation of Buchanan's Fidelity and my Assertion Further yet 3. In the Old Scottish Liturgy compiled in these times and afterwards used publickly in all the Churches There is a Thanksgiving unto God after our Deliverance from the Tyranny of the Frenchmen with Prayers made for the Continuance of the Peace betwixt the Realms of Scotland and England wherein we have these Petitions offered Grant unto us O Lord that with such Reverence we may remember thy Benefits received that after this in our Default we never enter into Hostility against the Realm and Nation of England Suffer us never O Lord to fall to that Ingratitude and detestable Vnthankfulness that we should seek the Destruction and Death of those whom thou hast made instruments to Deliver us from the Tyranny of Merciless Strangers Dissipate thou the Counsels of such as Deceitfully travel to stir the hearts of the inhabitants of either Realm against the other Let their malicious practices be their own confusion and grant thou of thy Mercy that Love Concord and Tranquillity may continue and increase amongst the Inhabitants of this Isle even to the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ by whose glorious Gospel thou of thy Mercy dost CALL US BOTH TO UNITY PEACE AND CHRISTIAN CONCORD the full PERFECTION whereof we shall possess in the fullness of thy Kingdom c. Here is a set of Demonstrations to the same purpose also And now let any man lay all these things together The Letter to Cecil The Confederacy betwixt Scotland and England Buchanan's Testimony and these Thanksgivings and Prayers and then let him judge impartially whither or not there is reason to believe that in those days there was a good Agreement between the Scottish and English Protestants as to Religion and Church Matters Thus I think I have sufficiently cleared that our Reformers Generally if not Vnanimously lookt upon the Church of England as so well constituted that they acknowledged her Communion to be a Lawful Communion But before I proceed to other things I must try if I can make any more advantage of what has been said And I reason thus Was there not here truely and really a Confederacy ane Oath A Solemn League and Covenant betwixt the Scottish and the English Protestants Were not these English Protestants then united in that Society which at that time was and ever since hath been called The Church of England And was not the Church of England of that same very constitution then that it was of in King Charles the First his time for example Anno 1642 But if so then I ask again was not this Solemn League and Covenant made thus by our Reformers with their Brethren in England as much designed for the Security the Defence the Maintainance of the Church of England as then by Law established as for the Establishment of our Reformation Did not our Reformers promise Mutual Faith to the English as well as the English promised to them Would it have been consistent with the mutual bonds and obligations of this Confederacy this Solemn League and Covenant for the Scottish Reformers to have raised ane Army at that time against Queen Elizabeth to invade her Dominions in order to ruine the Church of England I cannot imagine any sober person can grudge to grant me this much also But if this be granted then I ask in the third place Did not that Solemn League and Covenant made by our Reformers with those of the Church of England run in a direct opposition to the Solemn League and Covenant made by our Scottish Presbyterians with a Factious Party in England for destroying the Church of England in King Charles the First 's time Nay did not our Scottish Presbyterians in that King's time by entering into that Solemn League and Covenant directly and effrontedly break through the Charge and Commandment which our Reformers left to their Posterity That the Amity betwixt the Nations in God contracted and begun might by them be kept inviolate for ever Nay further yet did not our Reformers solemnly pray against those who made the Solemn League and Covenant in the days of King Charles the First Did they not address to God that he would dissipate their Counsels and let their Malicious Practices be their own Confusion And now let the world judge what rational pretences these Presbyterians in that Holy Martyrs time and by consequence our present Presbyterians can make for their being the only true and genuine Successors of our First Reformers Expecting solid and serious Answers to these Questions I shall now advance in the prosecution of my main undertaking on this Head which was to shew how our Reformers agreed with the Church of England in several momentous matters Relative to the Constitution and Communion the Government and Polity of the Church c. But because I have insisted so long on this general one which I have just now taken leave of I shall only instance in two or three more and dispatch them as speedily as I can 2. Then it is evident and undeniable that our Scottish Protestants for some years used the Liturgy of the Church of England in their publick Devotions Indeed The very first publick step towards our Reformation made by the Lords of the Congregation was to appoint this Liturgy to be used It was ordered upon the third day of December 1557. as both Knox and Calderwood have it Take the Ordinance in Knox his words The Lords and Barons professing Christ Iesus conveened frequently in Councel in the which these Heads were concluded First It is thought expedient advised and ordained That in all Parishes of this Realm the Common Prayer be read weekly on Sunday and other Festival days publickly in the Parish Churches with the Lessons of the Old and New Testament conformable to the Book of Common Prayers And if the Curates of the Parishes be qualified that they read the same And if they be not or if they refuse that the most qualified in the Parish use and read the same c. Spotswood and Petrie give the same account But such is the Genius of Mr. Calderwood that you are to expect few things which may make against the Presbyterian Interest candidly and sincerely represented by him For instance in his overly account of this matter he quite omits the mention of other Holy days besides Sundays These consistent Testimonies of all those four Historians are so full and plain a Demonstration of the Matter of Fact that I cannot foresee so much as one Objection that can be made or one Evasion that can be thought on unless it be That it is not said by any of them that it was the Book of the Common Prayers of the Church of England But this difficulty is soon removed For 1. It was either the Book
Spotswood has done him before me A Man he was who thought no Shame to acknowledge his Error when he was convinced of it For so it was that when after many years Experience he had satisfied himself that Parity had truly proved the Parent of Confusion and disappointed all his Expectations and when through Age and Sickness he was not able in person to attend the General Assembly Anno 1600. he gave Commission to some Brethren to tell them as from him That there was a Necessity of restoring the Ancient Government of the Church c. Such was the Man I say to whose share it fell to be the first who publickly questioned the Lawfulness of Prelacy in Scotland which was not done till the Sixth day of August 1575. as I said before no less than full fifteen years after the first legal Establishment of our Scottish Reformation And so I come to my purpose On this Sixth of August 1575. the Gen. Ass. met at Edenburgh according to the Order then observed in General Assemblies the First thing done after the Assembly was constituted was the Tryal of the Doctrine Diligence Lives c. of the Bishops and other constant Members So while this was a doing Iohn Durie stood up and protested That the Tryal of the Bishops might not prejudge the Opinions and Reasons which he and other Brethren of his Mind had to propose against the Office and Name of a Bishop Thus was the fatal Controversie set on foot which since hath brought such Miseries and Calamities on the Church and Kingdom of Scotland The Hare thus started Melvil the Original Huntsman strait pursued her He presently began a long and no doubt premeditated Harangue commended Durie's Zeal enlarged upon the flourishing State of the Church of Geneva insisted on the Sentiments of Calvin and Beza concerning Church Government and at last affirmed That none ought to be Office-bearers in the Church whose Titles were not found in the Book of God That the the Title of Bishops was found in Scripture yet it was not to be understood in the Sense then current That Iesus Christ the only Lord of his Church allowed no Superiority amongst the Ministers but had instituted them all in the same Degree and had endued them with equal power Concluding That the Corruptions which had crept into the Estate of Bishops were so great as unless the same were removed it could not go well with the Church nor could Religion be long preserved in Purity The Controversie thus plainly stated Mr. David Lindesay Master George Hay and Master Iohn Row three Episcopalians were appointed to confer and reason upon the Question proponed with Mr. Andrew Melvil Mr. Iames Lawson and Mr. Iohn Craig two Presbyterians and one much indifferent for both sides After diverse Meetings and long Disceptation saith Spotswood after two days saith Petrie they presented these Conclusions to the Assembly which at that time they had agreed upon 1. They think it not expedient presently to answer directly to the First Question But if any Bishop shall be chosen who hath not such Qualities as the word of God requires let him be tryed by the General Assembly De Novo and so deposed 2. The Name Bishop is common to all them who have particular Flocks over which they have particular Charges to preach the Word administer the Sacraments c. 3. Out of this Number may be chosen some to have power to Oversee and Visit such reasonable Bounds beside his own Flock as the General Kirk shall appoint and in these bounds to appoint Ministers with Consent of the Ministers of that Province and of the Flock to whom they shall be appointed Also to appoint Elders and Deacons in every principal Congregation where there are none with Consent of the People thereof and to suspend Ministers for reasonable Causes with Consent of the Ministers aforesaid So the Mss. Spot Pet. Cald. 'T is true here are some things which perhaps when thoroughly examined will not be found so exactly agreeable to the Sentiments and Practice of the Primitive Church However 't is evident for this Bout the Imparity-men carried the day and it seems the Parity-men have not yet been so well fixed for the Divine and indispensible Right of it as our Modern Parity-men would think needful otherwise how came they to consent to such Conclusions How came they to yield that it was not expedient at that time to answer directly to the first Question which was concerning the Lawfulness of Episcopacy Were they of the Modern Principles G. R's Principles Did they think that Divine institutions might be dispensed with crossed according to the Exigencies of Expediency or Inexpediency What ane Honour is it to the Party if their first Hero's were such Casuists Besides is not the Lawfulness of imparity clearly imported in the Third Conclusion Indeed both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge so much Calderwood saith It seemeth that by Reason of the Regents Authority who was bent upon the Course i. e. Episcopacy whereof he was the chief Instrument that they answered not directly at this time to the Question Here you see he owns that nothing at this time was concluded against the Course as he calls it whither he had reason to say It seemed to be upon such ane account shall be considered afterward Petrie acknowledges it too but in such a passion it seems as quite mastered his Prudence when he did it for these are his words Howbeit in these Conclusions they express not the Negative because they would not plainly oppose the particular interest of the Council seeking security of the Possessions by the Title of Bishops yet these Affirmatives take away the pretended Office Now let the world consider the Wisdom of this Author in advancing this fine period They did not express the Negative they did not condemn Episcopacy because they would not plainly oppose the particular interest of the Council seeking Security of the Possessions c. Now let us enquire who were these They who would not for this reason condemn Episcopacy at that time It must either belong to the Six Collocutors who drew the Concusions or to the whole Assembly If to the Collocutors 't is plain Three of them viz. Row Hay and Lindesay were innocent they were perswaded in their Minds of the Expediency to say no further as well as the Lawfulness of Episcopacy and I think that was reason enough for them not to condemn it The Presbyterian Brethren then if any were the persons who were moved not to condemn it because they would not plainly oppose the particular interest of the Council c. But if so hath not Master Petrie made them very brave fellows Hath he not fairly made them such friends to Sacrilege that they would rather baulk a divine Institution than interrupt its Course and offend its Votaries If by the word They he meant the General Assembly if the whole Assembly were they who would not express the
separated They could not collect it from any Covetous disposition they could reasonably imagine was in the Generality of the People to make themselves Rich by possessing themselves of the Revenues of Bishopricks They could not but know that 6 or 7000 l. ster was a sorry morsel for so many appetites and they could not but know that when Prelacy should be abolished few and but a very few could find advantage that way They could not collect it from any suspicions the People could possibly entertain that the Bishops or the Episcopal Clergy were inclining to turn Papists They could not but know that such had very far outdone the Presbyterian Preachers in their appearances against Popery The Members of that Meeting of Estates had received no instructions from their Respective Electors either in Counties or Burghs to turn down Prelacy and set up Presbytery I could name more than one or two who if they did not break their trust did at least very much disappoint their Electors by doing so There were no Petitions no Addresses presented to the Meeting by the People craving the Eversion of Prelacy or the Erection of Presbytery They never so much as once offered at Polling the People about it Shall I add further After it was done they never received thanks from the Generality of the People for doing it There was never yet any thing like ane Vniversal Rejoycing amongst the People that it was done They durst never yet adventure to require from the Generality of the People their Approbation of it And now If the Article was thus Established at first intirely upon the foot of Rabbling the Episcopal Clergy in the West I think I might reasonably superceed all further labour about this Controversie For not to mention that they were but the Rascally scum of these Counties where the Rabbling was who perform'd it and that even in these Counties there are great numbers of People who never reckoned Prelacy a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble but lived and could have still lived peaceably and contentedly under it particularly the most part of the Gentry Not to insist on these things I say but granting that all the People in these Counties had been inclined as is affirmed in the Article yet what were they to the whole Nation Is it reasonable to judge of a whole Kingdom by a corner of it To call these the sentiments of all the Kingdom which were only the sentiments of four or five Counties But lest I have mistaken in fixing on the Performances of the Western Rabble as the true foot of this part of the Article I shall proceed further as I promised The Article however founded thus fram'd and published surprized the Generality of the People It was thought very odd not only that Prelacy should have been Abolished upon such weak Reasons But that the Inclinations of the Generality of the People should have been pretended at all against it Considering how sensible all People were that they had never been so much as once asked how they stood inclined in the matter It came therefore to be very much the subject of common discourse if it really was so And many who pretended to know the Nation pretty well were very confident it was not so And began to admire the wisdom of the Meeting of Estates that they should have asserted a proposition so very Positively which was so very Questionable In short the noise turn'd so great about it that it could not be confined within the Kingdom but it passed the Borders and spread it self in England particularly at London This being perceived one of the Presbyterian Agents there I know not who he was fell presently on writing a Book which he Entituled Plain Dealing or A Moderate General Review of the Scottish Prelatical Clergy's Proceedings in the Latter Reigns Which was published in August I think or September 1689 wherein having said what he pleased sense or nonsense truth or falshood as he found it most expedient for coming at his Conclusion toward the end he gave his Arguments for his side of our present Controversie They were these two Take them in his own words 1. There being 32 Shires or Counties and two Stewartries comprehending the whole body of the Nation that send their Commissioners or Representatives to Parliaments and all General Meetings of the Estates or Conventions Of these 34 Districts or Divisions of the Kingdom there are 17 intirely Presbyterians So that where you will find one there Episcopally inclined you 'll find 150 Presbyterians And the other 17 Divisions where there is one Episcopally inclined there are two Presbyterians 2. Make but a calculation of the valued Rent of Scotland computing it to be less or more or computed argumentandi gratia to be three Millions and you will find the Presbyterian Heritors whither of the Nobility or Gentry to be proprietors and possessors of two Millions and more so that those that are Episcopally inclined cannot have a third of that Kingdom And as for the Citizens or Burgesses and Commonalty of Scotland they are all Generally inclined to the Presbyterian Government except Papists and some Remote wild and Barbarous Highlanders c. And all this he saith is so true that it can be made appear to a Demonstration I am not at leisure to take so much impudent trash to task Only he himself if he knew any thing of Scotland could not but know that with the same Moderation he might have asserted that all Scottish Men were Monsters and all Scottish Women at every Birth produced Soutrikins And indeed as he had the hap to stumble on two such Demonstrations so I believe to this minute he may have the happiness to claim them as his property For I have never heard that any other of his Party no not G. R. himself had the hardiness to use them after him However so far as I have learned He was the first Author who published any thing about this Controversie The Presbyterian party having this adventured to Exercise the Press with it one who intended to undeceive the world concerning some Controversies between the Episcopalians and the Presbyterians in Scotland digested his Book into ten Questions and made the tenth concerning our present subject viz. Whither Scottish Presbytery was agreeable to the General Inclinations of the People Arguing to this purpose for the Negative That the Nobility of the Kingdom a very few not above a dozen excepted had all sworn the Oath commonly called the Test wherein all Fanatical principles and Covenant Obligations were renounced and abjured That not one of 40 of the Gentry but had sworn it also And not 50 in all Scotland out of the West did upon the Indulgence granted by King Iames Anno 1687. forsake their Parish Churches to frequent Meeting-houses That the Generality of the Commons live in Cities and Marcat Towns That all who could be of the Common Council in such Corporations or were able to follow any ingenious trade were obliged